filename,text
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030637.txt,"From: Linda Ston cn

Sent: 9/25/2016 7:46:45 PM
To: Jeffrey Epstein [jeevacation@gmail.com]
Subject: Re:

Importance: — High

“Psychically” and that puts me way out on the edge, that’s what it looks like. People are blinded by him. He
has a hypnotic effect.

You asked about power a long time ago. And - he seems to have an effect on masses (that troubles me) that
hypnotizes. Add to this that Clinton is charisma-compromised.

I don’t want him to win. I find this troubling.

On Sep 25, 2016, at 12:15 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:
do you think he can win?

On Sun, Sep 25, 2016 at 9:10 PM, Linda Stone <> wrote:
Moving (small places in Raleigh and Bellevue), wrapping up taxes, wrapping up fire claim, trying to figure out
if technologies that soothe the nervous system (that offer the positive effects that meditation or massage might
offer) are worth working on....

And wondering if the fact that so many people are on anti-depressant, adhd, and other drugs, is what makes
trump appealing and his flaws invisible...

Will you have a cabinet position?
How are you?
Co-authored with iPhone auto-correct

On Sep 25, 2016, at 12:01 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:

bring me up to speed.

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030637
"
IMAGES-012-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033186.txt,"The information contained in this communication is

confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may

constitute inside information, and is intended only for

the use of the addressee. It is the property of

JEE

Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this

communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited

and may be unlawful. If you have received this

communication in error, please notify us immediately by

return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and

destroy this communication and all copies thereof,

including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

Disclaimer This email and any attachments to it may be confidential and are intended solely for the use of the individual to
whom it is addressed. Any views or opinions expressed are solely those of the author and do not necessarily represent those
of Global Counsel LLP and Global Counsel Advisory Limited . If you are not the intended recipient of this email, you must
neither take any action based upon its contents, nor copy or show it to anyone. Please contact the sender if you believe you
have received this email in error. Global Counsel LLP is a limited liability partnership registered in England with number
0C359787, registered office New Bridge Street House, 30-34 New Bridge Street, London, United Kingdom EC4V 6B).
Disclaimer This email and any attachments to it may be confidential and are intended solely for the use of the individual to
whom it is addressed. Any views or opinions expressed are solely those of the author and do not necessarily represent those
of Global Counsel LLP and Global Counsel Advisory Limited . If you are not the intended recipient of this email, you must
neither take any action based upon its contents, nor copy or show it to anyone. Please contact the sender if you believe you
have received this email in error. Global Counsel LLP is a limited liability partnership registered in England with number
0C359787, registered office New Bridge Street House, 30-34 New Bridge Street, London, United Kingdom EC4V 6B).

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033186
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027829.txt,"Flags: 1060865
Is Read: Yes
Is Invitation: No

GUID: O9BFFF44-44F1-469C-9B96-S51A35F960951

Message: Dangerous

Time: 06/28/19 10:44:33 AM (583436673)
Flags: 1060865
Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: O0998ERA6E-41CF-4C93-8A96-EA7D40032F4B

Message: Did u ever send dan your footage on Noam ???

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 06/28/19 11:58:34 AM (583441114)
Flags: 1150981

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

T,

GUID: 26F65865-A36F-46BE-B373-73BC47D9DF92

Message: https://www.nytimes.com/2019/06/27/us/politics/tillerson-mattis-kushner-
bannon-foreign-policy.html

Time: 06/28/19 12:04:08 PM (583441448)

Flags: 1060865
Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: E1LE6C300-2C39-48A7-8256-1257D91C96F8

Message: check the date of the dinner

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 06/28/19 02:04:41 PM (583448681)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 8574FD7/9-E5E9-4FE0-928E-E4BE2A301A8C

Message: ?

Sender: ay

Time: 06/28/19 02:05:14 PM (583448714)
Flags: 1126401

Is Read: Yes

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027829
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017186.txt,"4.2.12
WC: 191694

JUDGE ALDRICH: He’s looking after my grandmother who went to see Sur Les Toits
De Paris.

MR. DERSHOWITZ: The only valid basis for punishing obscenity ...is to protect people
[like Judge Aldrich’s grandmother] from being offended, from having something thrust on
them in an unwilling manner and also to protect youngsters.

When I then advised the court that under my theory, the judges would not have to view the film.
Judge Aldrich immediately interjected: “Are you trying to bribe us to decide the case so we don’t
have to see the film?...I will admit that’s the best bribe I have ever been offered.”

Judge Julian did not seem to understand my argument. He kept asking me whether I wanted the
court to assume that I Am Curious Yellow was not “pornographic.”

I tried to explain:

“Tt’s exactly the opposite. We do not ask you to decide whether or not the film is
pornographic. We are asking you to decide that the film shown in a nonobtrusive way,
advertised in the way that it’s been advertised right from the beginning, with no hint, no
suggestion of obscenity or prurience, played, if you wish, with the warning being given,
although there have been no complaints by a single viewer of the film that he’s been
offended—because your Honor is of course right: everybody knows what they’re going
to see—exhibited in that manner, the film is protected by the First Amendment without
regard to its contents.”

Judge Julian then questioned me about whether this case was really about money, rather than
freedom of speech, because Grove Press was a commercial distributor of films for profit:

JUDGE JULIAN. These people are exhibiting this film for the box office
receipts, are they not as a fact?
Mr. DERSHOWITZ. The New York Times is selling its papers for the box office
receipts as well.

JUDGE JULIAN. Let’s talk about this film not the New York Times.
Isn’t this film being exhibited for the primary purpose and perhaps...for the only
purpose of getting money at the box office? Isn’t that the actual fact?
Mr. DERSHOWITZ. Your Honors, that fact is utterly irrelevant, I would submit.
JUDGE JULIAN. But is it the fact though?
Mr. DERSHOWITZ. I don’t know. I can’t probe Mr. Rosset’s mind, who is the
president of Grove Press...I think he probably has very mixed motives.

JUDGE JULIAN. That’s what troubled me immensely, to see the First
Amendment used for the sole and obvious purpose of making a profit and for no
other purpose.

99

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017186
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014851.txt,"Case 9:0&aé807E5-d0A07 4 oA nilkxeinteniteréd-49 FES@0 DGCkét104/7dQ616 ofPidge 5 of 10

Jeffrey Epstein, and (2) the Government violated their CVRA rights by concealing the non-
prosecution agreement with them. (DE 280 at 3; see id. at 7-8). However, the bulk of the Rule
21 Motion consists of copious factual details that Jane Doe 3 and Jane Doe 4 “would prove” “[i]f
allowed to join this action.” (Id. at 3, 7). Specifically, Jane Doe 3 proffers that she could prove
the circumstances under which a non-party introduced her to Mr. Epstein, and how Mr. Epstein
sexually trafficked her to several high-profile non-party individuals, “including numerous
prominent American politicians, powerful business executives, foreign presidents, a well-known
Prime Minister, and other world leaders.” (Id. at 3-6). She names several individuals, and she
offers details about the type of sex acts performed and where they took place. (See id. at 5).’

At this juncture in the proceedings, these lurid details are unnecessary to the
determination of whether Jane Doe 3 and Jane Doe 4 should be permitted to join Petitioners’
claim that the Government violated their rights under the CVRA. The factual details regarding
with whom and where the Jane Does engaged in sexual activities are immaterial and impertinent
to this central claim (i.e., that they were known victims of Mr. Epstein and the Government owed
them CVRA duties), especially considering that these details involve non-parties who are not
related to the respondent Government. These unnecessary details shall be stricken.

The original Rule 21 Motion (DE 279) shall be stricken in its entirety, as it is wholly
superseded by the “corrected” version of the Rule 21 Motion (DE 280). From the corrected Rule
21 Motion, the Court shall strike all factual details regarding Jane Doe 3 between the following

sentences: “The Government then concealed from Jane Doe #3 the existence of its NPA from

* Jane Doe 4’s proffer is limited to sexual acts between Mr. Epstein and herself. (See DE
280 at 7-8).

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014851
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015597.txt,"CERTIFICATE OF SERVICE
I HEREBY CERTIFY that a copy of the foregoing has been electronically filed through
the Clerk of Broward County by using the Florida Courts eFiling Portal and thus served by

electronic mail: jsx@searcylaw.com, mep@searcylaw.com, scarolateam@searcylaw.com to:

Jack Scarola, Esq, Searcy Denney Scarola Barnhart & Shipley, P.A., Counsel for Plaintiff, 2139

Palm Beach Lakes Blvd., West Palm Beach, Florida 33409; jonijones@utah.gov to: Joni J.

Jones, Esq., Assistant Utah Attorney General, Counsel for Plaintiff Cassell, 160 East 300 South,

Salt Lake City, Utah 84114; brad@pathtojustice.com to: Bradley J. Edwards, Esq, Farmer,

Jaffe et al, 425 North Andrews Avenue, Suite 2, Ft. Lauderdale, FL 33301;

cassellp@law.utah.edu, to: Paul G. Cassell,  Esq.,; smccawley@bsfllp.com,

sperkins@bsfllp.com, to: Sigrid S. McCawley, Esq., Boies Schiller & Flexner, LLP, 401 E. Las

Olas Blvd, Suite 1200, Ft. Lauderdale, FL 33301, this 3rd day of February, 2016.

By:  s/Ihomas E. Scott
Thomas E. Scott
FBN: 149100
Steven R. Safra
FBN: 057028

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015597
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012409.txt,"oo,

10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25

—_

(o> en «°° ©? ©) 0

~0929104. TXT
MR. TEIN: Not taking a break unless the

witness needs a break.

You're obstructing this deposition, Ted.

MR. LEOPOLD: Come on,

You all want to continue in this
demeanor --

MR. TEIN: You're obstructing the
deposition. Stop making speeches. We're not
discussing this with you. The questions are to
your client. Go take your five-minute break.

MR. LEOPOLD: Fine. We need to make sure
the record's clear and clean.

And | want to make sure as I've already
asked you -- | know that you're one of the best in
town -- that this audio -- this needs to be
preserved. Okay?

MR. TEIN: Go take your five-minute break,

7
Mr. Leopold, now.

You were supposed to be here at nine a.m.;
it's now after two. Take your break and come
back.

MR. LEOPOLD: Okay. If the demeanor keeps
up, we will not be here beyond those five minutes.

MR. TEIN: Take your break and come back.

MR. LEOPOLD: Okay. So [ suggest that you
relax.

MR. TEIN: | suggest that you take your
break.

MR. GOLDBERGER: Let them take that

five-minute break.
Page 14

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012409
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014689.txt,"Case 1:15-cv-07433-RWS Document 539-7 Filed 01/06/17 Page 1 of 1

REDACTED
EXHIBITS G-KK

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014689
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027197.txt,"Time: 03/03/17 08:24:46 AM (510251086)

Flags: 1060865

Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: DD9BBF55-27B8-45F7-83A0-D48D038EB3E1
Message: Yes you are right

Sender: ii

Time: 03/03/17 08:24:54 AM (510251094)

Flags: 1060865

Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 649D9F9D-7D2F-4F83-A495-2 13C869A0624
Message: ||

Sender:

Time: 03/03/17 08:25:01 AM (510251101)

Flags: 1060865

Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 735D2137-9CCA-45A9-AF37-47B34BBDD8EB
Message: Usually always you are right

Sender

Time: 03/03/17 08:25:06 AM (510251106)

Flags: 1060865

Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: D6BE3672-F6E3-46E3-BBA8-B2F6A6BDA651
Message: Ok always

Sender:

Time: 03/03/17 02:40:56 PM (510273656)

Flags: 1060865

Is Read: Yes ;

Is Invitation: No

GUID: E425A8F2-8656-481F-BA7F-A6DADA9C1A21
Message: Larry keeps sending me these vicious text messages

Sender:

Time: 03/03/17 02:41:42 PM (510273702)

Flags: 1060865

Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 63F4D04C-844A-4EF7-8EB3-F4671F68E004

Message: Time to just keep him and bill on the same email. No games. At least, no games from me.

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com
Time: 03/03/17 02:43:32 PM (510273812)
Flags: 1085445

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027197
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012869.txt,"When Lorena Bobbitt cut off her husband John Bobbitt’s penis, she fulfilled her desire to harm
another. She carried out this gruesome act despite the moral and legal sanctions against it. But she did
not plan this act in advance, and nor did it occur in the heat of the moment, triggered by finding her
husband in bed with a lover. It followed in the wake of his repeated philandering, attempted rape and
psychological abuse. As an act, it fell between the cracks of a long-term plan and a reflexive response —
it was hatched on the night of the fatal attack, triggered by seeing a carving knife in the kitchen. Lorena
either lost self-control for that fatal moment or she was in complete control, aware of what she was about
to do and justified by her own moral convictions, believing that harming John was just deserts. John was
most definitely not innocent. The jury delivered a “not guilty” decision, appealing to a crime of passion
defense. This decision effectively excused Lorena’s harmful act as normal and justified given the
mitigating circumstances.

When we consider the nature of evil, we must pause to consider our own biases and prejudices
about what’s normal. We must ask about the human potential, about our evolved capacities and our
ability to behave in novel ways in novel environments. When we say that a person, group or nation is evil,
we are saying something important about human nature, about our capability as a species. We are saying

something important about the relationship between nature and nurture.

Evil eggs and corrosive coops
How much do career criminals cost? Estimates from the United States suggest that if you can prevent a
high risk child from entering this career, you save $1.5-2 million in costs of education, mental health, and
criminal fees. Educational facilities such as the Penikese Island School in Massachusetts, where I have
had the privilege of working, spend about $100,000 per student per year to keep high-risk teens off the
streets and out of jail. Based on statistics collected by the Federal Bureau of Investigation, approximately
100,000 individuals under the age of 18 years were arrested in 2007 for violent crimes — murder, forcible
rape, and aggravated assault. If we had nurtured and educated these teenagers before they committed
such crimes, we would have saved close to $100,000,000,000. Violent crime prevention pays. How does a
career of violent crime start? Are there early warning signs? How early? How much starts with the egg
and how much with the coop in which it was raised?

Early scientific interests in this chicken and egg problem can be traced to the efforts of the Italian
physician and psychologist Cesare Lombroso. In 1876, he published his magnum opus 7he Criminal
Man. This was a serious, scholarly book aimed at understanding “whether there is a force in nature that

causes crime.” Based on measurements of both anatomical and psychological characteristics, Lombroso

Hauser Chapter 4. Wicked in waiting 123

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012869
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018824.txt,"Area Analysis 14

USVI Visitor Expenditures

$1,000.0 ——___—___—__—_—— 4,000.0

$900.0 4 : = : - 7 a ~ 3,800.0

- 3,600.0
$300.0 ~——____—_—— —
3,400.0

$700.0

3,200.0

$600.0 | —--— : —$_________| 3,000.0

ww
""i
&
2
=

$500.0 = 2,800.0
r 2,600.0

isitors (Thousands)

$400.0 - =
- 2,400.0

$300.0 |—

2,200.0

$200.0 2,000.0
2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014

=== From Stopover Tourists (Mills) From Cruise Visitors (Mills) == Number of Total Visitors

It is apparent, however, that the amount of visitor expenditures from cruise ship passengers has not
increased linearly with arrivals since 2009; whereby the ratio was more linear in prior years. Cruise
passenger arrivals grew 4.94% to over 2.08 million in 2014 following growth of 5.37% in the prior year.
Total expenditures from cruise ship visitors grew 3.73% to over $345 million in 2013, following growth
of 6.7% in 2012.

Cruise Ship Passenger Arrivals

2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014
St. Thomas / St. John 1,909,984 1,901,275 1,917,371 1,754,557 1,507,623 1,751,328 1,887,096 1,790,550 1,886,647 1,979,926
Growth -0.46% 0.85% -8.49% -14.07% 16.16% 7.15% -5.12% 5.37% 4.94%
St. Croix 54,502 35,191 7,146 2,510 105,093 149,418 158,186 117,165 116,436 138,055
Growth -35.43% -79.69% ~64.88% 4086.97% 42.18% 5.87% -25.93% 0.62% 18.57%
Total 1,912,539 1,903,533. 1,917,878 1,757,067 1,582,264 1,858,946 2,008,991 1,904,468 1,998,579 2,083,890
Growth -0.47% 0.75% -8.38% -9.95% 17.49% 8.07% -5.20% 4.94% 4.27%
Cruise Visitor Expenditures (Millions) $540.6 $558.8 $555.2 $441.0 $305.3 $306.3 $311.8 $332.7 $345.1
3.37% -0.64% -20.57% -30.77% 0.33% 1.80% 6.70% 3.73%

Source: Vi Bureau of Economic Research
Totals for each island include 1st and 2nd ports of call; totals for USVI include only 1st port ofcall

irr.
IGY American Yacht Harbor Marina fice)

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018824
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029049.txt,"Now, with that, we are strong capitalists. And we believe in the benefits of capitalism.
And, particularly, the harder-nosed the capitalism, the better. However, like I said, there’s
two strands of capitalism that we’re quite concerned about.

One is crony capitalism, or what we call state-controlled capitalism, and that’s the big
thing the tea party is fighting in the United States, and really the tea party’s biggest fight
is not with the left, because we're not there yet. The biggest fight the tea party has today is
just like UKIP. UKIP’s biggest fight is with the Conservative Party.

The tea party in the United States’ biggest fight is with the the Republican establishment,
which is really a collection of crony capitalists that feel that they have a different set of
rules of how they’re going to comport themselves and how they’re going to run things.
And, quite frankly, it’s the reason that the United States’ financial situation is so dire,
particularly our balance sheet. We have virtually a hundred trillion dollars of unfunded
liabilities. That is all because you’ve had this kind of crony capitalism in Washington, DC.
The rise of Breitbart is directly tied to being the voice of that center-right opposition. And,
quite frankly, we’re winning many, many victories.

On the social conservative side, we’re the voice of the anti-abortion movement, the voice
of the traditional marriage movement, and I can tell you we’re winning victory after
victory after victory. Things are turning around as people have a voice and have a

platform of which they can use.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029049
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011100.txt,"clientele in place. They can spin off their lending operations as separate ventures to

find funds from investors rather than depositors.

If there were no FDIC, there would be no deposits and no commercial banks. People
can read the newspapers. Anyone old enough has lived through periodic bailouts.
I’m a free market fan who dislikes FDIC. But we would be rash to yank the rug from
under banks by repealing it. We shouldn’t even hint that we might. The world we
know is build around banks, and banks are built on FDIC. Let it stand. How can
anyone know for sure that omnibus funds and independent lending banks will do

better? I think omnibus funds figure to win despite that advantage for banks.

Lending Banks

This is the area least clear to me. Banks as we know them begin with expertise,
systems and clientele in the loans business as well as the deposit and payment
processing business. That could position them to take the lead in both if spun off
separately. Lending can stand alone. There are many lending firms other than banks.
They raise funds from investors seeking returns, rather than depositors seeking
liquidity, and somehow mange to compete with banks today. Lending banks

divorced from depositors could do whatever they do.

If interest rates must rise because investors demand competitive returns, some
traditional borrowers will be motivated to attract equity investment instead.
Corporations and other firms could phase out structural (long-term) debt, and float
new stock issues in its place. The effect would be to lower leverage, risk and return
together. Investors could then tailor risk and return more flexibly by hedging or

leveraging their individual holdings through professional services.

If the same rise in interest rates makes it impractical for newlyweds to buy homes,
they can rent until their means improve. In ten or fifteen years their incomes will
double. They will know if they are still married, how much house they need if so,

and where their careers have taken them. Meanwhile they might rent the same

Chapter 8 Banks, Money and Macroeconomics 2/8/16 11

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011100
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020363.txt,"211

operations, he could have done the entire operation at Dell. He even could have sent Poitras
documents anonymously over his own TOR software and server. And he could have remained in
his self-described “paradise” in Hawaii with his girl friend.

Yet he chose to move to Booz Allen he also greatly increased the risk of exposure because the
auditing system at Booz Allen could trace back unauthorized copying (though not in real time.)
Presumably he knew, as he later told Greenwald and Poitras, that stealing documents at the Booz
Allen job meant that he would either go to prison or escape from America. He didn’t want to
face prison time, so the job change required an escape plan. In keeping with the latter option,
only about a week after he started work at the Booz Allen-managed facility, he submitted a
request for a medical leave of absence.

We can safely assume that the reason for him to make this risky switch in employment was
because he wanted something beyond the whistle-blowing documents. He wanted now to get
documents that were not available at the Dell job. One such document he took was the top-secret
Congressional Budget Justification Book for Fiscal Year 2013. This “black budget,” as it is
called in Congress, contained the entire Intelligence Community’s priorities for, among other
things, monitoring the activities of potential adversaries and terrorist organizations. It specified
the money requested by not only the NSA, but the CIA, DIA, National Reconnaissance Office and
other intelligence services. Snowden could not have considered the budget illegitimate, since is
duly approved by both houses of Congress and the President. Nor could he objected to its
secrecy since he himself had sworn oaths to protect all classified documents to which he was privy
for the past eight years. If it was not for purposes of whistle-blowing, presumably he had another
purpose for taking such a document. It certainly held value to other actors. “For our enemies,
having it is like having the playbook of the opposing NFL team,” said CIA Deputy Director
Morell in 2015. “I guarantee you that the SVR, the Russian foreign intelligence service, would
have paid millions of dollars for such a document.” Unlike Ames, Hanssen and Pelton, Snowden
was not after money. He sought documents that enhanced his power and importance.

He made no secret of this part of his motive after he got safely to Hong Kong. As will be
recalled in answer to a question from the journalist Lana Lam about his motive for changing jobs,
he answered that he took the Booz Allen job to get access to secret lists that were not available to
him by working for Dell. These documents certainly increases his value to other nations since
they included Level 3 lists revealing the NSA’s sources in Russia, China and other foreign
countries.

Snowden also wanted more than NSA secrets. He used his new position, and widened access
at Booz Allen, to go after secret documents from the intelligence services of Britain, Australia.
New Zealand and Israel He revealed this operation only after receiving sanctuary in Russia. He
told an interviewer that by moving to his new Booz Allen job as an infrastructure analyst he
gained the ability to pry secrets out of the allied of the NSA. “I had a special level of clearance,
called ‘Priv Ac’,” he said. This “priv ac” status, he further explained, allowed him to request files
from other services cooperating with U.S. intelligence. By way of example, he described one file
from the British GCHQ cipher service that he copied, stole and provided to other parties. It
exposed a legally-authorized British operation to collect electronic data on terrorist matters in
Pakistan by tapping into Cisco routers used by telecom companies in Asia. This GCHQ
operation, as he himself recognized, violated neither British nor American law. He told a BBC
interviewer in regard to that file:’ What's scariest is not what the government is doing that's
unlawful, but what they're doing that is completely lawful.” So his criteria for taking such

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020363
"
TEXT-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033228.txt,"From: Tonja Haddad Coleman 
Sent: 3/14/2017 12:31:06 PM 
To: Darren Indyke 
CC: Fred Haddad 
Subject: The article 
Importance: High 
; Jeffrey Epstein 
http://www.floridabulldog.org/2017/03/trump-on-witness-list-lawsuit-pedophile/ 
Tonja Haddad Coleman, Esq. 
TONJA HADDAD, P.A. 
Advocate Building 
315 SE 7th Street, Suite 301 
Fort Lauderdale, FL 33301 
www.TonjaHaddad.com 
The information contained in this transmission may contain privileged and confidential information. It is 
intended only for the use of the person(s) named above. If you are not the intended recipient, you are hereby 
notified that any review, dissemination, distribution or duplication of this communication is strictly prohibited. If 
you are not the intended recipient, please contact the sender by reply email and destroy all copies of the 
original message. 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 033228 
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014879.txt,"Table 1: Notional multi-phase development at Guyana: about $22/sh to Hess

Gross Barrels Full Project NPV Hess 30% Interest NPV net to
(mmboe) $MM NPV Hess
(mmboe) $mm $mm $/sh
Liza
Early Production
System 425 4258 1,277 $3.9
Phase 1 600 4,932 1,480 $4.6
Phase 2 600 3,821 1,146 $3.5
Liza Total 1,625 13,010 3,903 $12.0
Payara (spec)
Early Production
System 425 3,392 1,018 $3.1
Phase 1 600 3,668 1,100 $3.4
Phase 2 600 2,682 805 $2.5
Payara spec Total 1,625 9,742 2,923 $9.0
Guyana Total 3,250 22,753 6,826 $21.1

Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research estimates; Hess shares fully dluted 324.2mm shares after prefernce convert

Note that at current strip oil prices of ~$55 Brent, this is closer to $14.4/sh of which
Payara is ~$6/sh or $2.0bn. On a ‘risked’ basis, we believe this is a reasonable
development scenario representative of any incremental discovery that resembles Liza
recalling that the partners have identified over 20 additional drilling prospects. On the
assumption of a ‘plus three year’ development scenario after Liza, the potential impact
on incremental production and cash flow is significant for Hess while the cumulative
impact also becomes significant for XOM.

The charts below show our latest assessment of how a compound timeline for a Liza /
Payara development could look, if Payara as a project does indeed prove to be a look

alike to Liza.
Exhibit 9: Hess theoretical production profile for Liza / Payara Exhibit 10: Hess net production profile (by phase)
300 60 -
2a0) 50 4
200 40 4
150 30 +
100 20 4
50 10 4
; 2016 A018 2020 2022 2024 2016 2021 2026 2031 |
MlizaEardyPS omLizaPhase? wm Liza Phase} ——LizaEalyPS m—LizaPhase2 ——LizaPhase3
@ Payera Early PS @ Payera Phase ? § Payera Phase 3 —— Payara Early PS ——=Payara Phase 2 —=Payara Phase 3
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research estimates Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research estimates

Critically, Guyana is now being described as a ‘DHI play’ meaning seismic and core have
been sufficiently calibrated as to provide direct hydrocarbon indicators and hence de-
risking future exploration tests. This appears confirmed again by the latest ‘Snoek’
SUCCESS.

XOM’s development plan calls for an FPSO (floating production and storage offloading
vessel} with production capacity of about 150,000 boepd for every 450mm barrels of
recoverable reserves, with plateau production extending up to 10 years. We suggest
management’s commentary supports gross production capacity from current discovered
resource of at least 600,000 boepd.

Bankof America

Merrill Lynch Hess Corp. | 11 April 2017 7

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014879
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012421.txt,"potty

~0929104 . TXT

31
A. No.

Q. All right. Let me ask you two fina! areas
of questioning about this and we'!! move onto something

else. Okay?

A. Uh-huh. Yes. I'm sorry.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012421
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031267.txt,"° You also make regular public appearances across the world, often at gatherings of skeptics and
atheists.

° At CSICon in Las Vegas in October, a few dozen fans paid $500 per head to attend a VIP luncheon
with you and Dawkins.

° Many more lined up to get you to sign their copy of your latest book, The Greatest Story Ever Told —
So Far.

° Online, people can buy T-shirts emblazoned “Lawrence Krauss for President.”

° In talks and interviews, you have argued that our universe arose without divine intervention, that

religion drives xenophobia, and that our brains are hardwired to believe.

° You have stated that science provides answers to many of life’s biggest questions, and can even fix
great societal injustices.

° Earlier this year, at a Q&A event to promote your new book, the conversation came around to the
dearth of women and minorities in science. “Science itself overcomes misogyny and prejudice and bias,” you
said. “It’s built in: Questioning yourself, always questioning results, questioning others, relying on empirical
evidence.”

° You have clashed with some skeptics over your defense of Jeffrey Epstein, a billionaire financier who in
2008 was convicted for soliciting prostitution from underage girls, and spent 13 months in a Florida jail.

° Through his private foundation, Epstein has funded the work of several prominent scientists. He has
provided funding for your Origins Project, supporting lectureship and scholarship programs, most recently
pledging $100,000 in 2014.

° In April 2011, you told the Daily Beast: “As a scientist | always judge things on empirical evidence and
he always has women ages 19 to 23 around him, but I’ve never seen anything else, so as a scientist, my
presumption is that whatever the problems were | would believe him over other people.”

° In a blog comment about the Epstein controversy, you wrote: “I remain skeptical, and | support a man
whose character | believe I know...If you want to condemn me for that, so be it.”

° You were made an honorary member of CFI’s board of directors in December 2011.

° A blog post published in August 2013 described incidents #1 and #4, naming you. Another post,

published at around the same time, described incident #5.

° The first post was edited to remove your name after you had commented that the allegations of assault
were “potentially illegal.” The second post was quickly taken down.

Again, if you wish to comment on or clarify any of these points, please get in touch with us as soon as possible.
If |do not respond immediately it is because | am on another call, so please leave the best phone number to
reach you.

Thanks,
Peter Aldhous

Peter Aldhous, PhD

Science reporter | BuzzFeed News
tel:
cl: iii
pl
@paldhous

www.peteraldhous.com

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031267
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029061.txt,"I’m not justifying Vladimir Putin and the kleptocracy that he represents, because he
eventually is the state capitalist of kleptocracy. However, we the Judeo-Christian West
really have to look at what he’s talking about as far as traditionalism goes — particularly
the sense of where it supports the underpinnings of nationalism — and I happen to think
that the individual sovereignty of a country is a good thing and a strong thing. I think
strong countries and strong nationalist movements in countries make strong neighbors,
and that is really the building blocks that built Western Europe and the United States,
and I think it’s what can see us forward.

You know, Putin’s been quite an interesting character. He’s also very, very, very
intelligent. I can see this in the United States where he’s playing very strongly to social
conservatives about his message about more traditional values, so I think it’s something
that we have to be very much on guard of. Because at the end of the day, I think that Putin
and his cronies are really a kleptocracy, that are really an imperialist power that want to
expand. However, I really believe that in this current environment, where you're facing a
potential new caliphate that is very aggressive that is really a situation — I’m not saying
we can put it on a back burner — but I think we have to deal with first things first.
Questioner: One of my questions has to do with how the West should be responding to
radical Islam. How, specifically, should we as the West respond to Jihadism without
losing our own soul? Because we can win the war and lose ourselves at the same time.
How should the West respond to radical Islam and not lose itself in the process?
Bannon: From a perspective — this may be a little more militant than others. I think
definitely you’re going to need an aspect that is [unintelligible]. I believe you should take
a very, very, very aggressive stance against radical Islam. And I realize there are other
aspects that are not as militant and not as aggressive and that’s fine.

If you look back at the long history of the Judeo-Christian West struggle against Islam, I
believe that our forefathers kept their stance, and I think they did the right thing. I think
they kept it out of the world, whether it was at Vienna, or Tours, or other places... It
bequeathed to use the great institution that is the church of the West.

And I would ask everybody in the audience today, because you really are the movers and
drivers and shakers and thought leaders in the Catholic Church today, is to think, when
people 500 years from now are going to think about today, think about the actions you’ve

taken — and I believe everyone associated with the church and associated with the Judeo-

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029061
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012841.txt,"At birth, newborns preferentially listen to their native language over a non-native language. Soon
thereafter, infants prefer to listen to their native dialect over a non-native dialect, and look longer at their
own race than another race. This shows that they can discriminate between different languages, dialects,
and racial groups. But do they form social preferences based on these distinctions? Would a young baby
or child prefer to take a toy from an unfamiliar person who speaks the same or different language, from
the same or different race? To answer these questions, the American psychologist Katharine Kinzler put 5
months old babies to a test.

Babies born into mono-racial and mono-lingual families sat on their mother’s lap in front of two
monitors, each presenting short video clips of different people. After watching the videos, Kinzler
created a bit of magic. The people in the monitor appeared to emerge from the 2D image and offer the
baby a toy. The trick: a real person, hidden beneath the monitor, synchronized her reach with the reach in
the monitor. Who would the baby choose given that both people offered the same toy? Babies preferred
people speaking the native over non-native language, and native-accent over the non-native accent. At
this young age, however, they showed no preference for native over non-native race. Thus, early in life
the connection between discrimination and social preference is well established for language, but not race.
When do things change for race?

Kinzler carried out another series of experiments on race with one group of 2.5 year old children
and a second group of 5-year olds. Though the methods were somewhat different, they both focused on
the child’s preferences, including who they would share toys with and who they would prefer as friends.
The 2.5 year olds showed no preferences, whereas the 5 year olds preferred their own race. Race is
therefore a slowly developing category, at least in terms of its impact on social preferences, and especially
when contrasted with both language and accent.

Kinzler took these studies one step further to explore whether there is anything like a hierarchy
among these social categories and the features that define them. What’s more important to a young child
building an inner sanctum of trusted others —race, language, or dialect? Would they rather interact with
someone of the same race who speaks a foreign language or someone of a different race who speaks the
native language? Using similar procedures, Kinzler showed that by 4-5 years of age, language trumps
race. Children would rather interact with someone from a different race speaking the same language than
someone of the same race speaking a foreign language.

Why would language trump race? Kinzler's answer relies on an idea developed by the American
evolutionary psychologist Robert Kurzban. Imagine a hunter-gatherer in South Africa, living during the
earliest stages of our evolutionary history. As individuals searched for food to eat, areas to sleep, water to
drink, and places to avoid, they came across other individuals. These individuals were always members

of the same race. Racial differences did not emerge until relatively late in human evolution, well after our

Hauser Chapter 3. Ravages of denial 95

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012841
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013587.txt,"CHAPTER 5:

SOME ENTHEOGENIC ENTROPIES

In the spring of 1968, members of my laboratory team were looking for new
brain metabolic pathways of the essential amino acid tryptophan, the dietary
precursor of the human mood, sleep and libidinal neurotransmitter, serotonin. After
struggling for several months to identify an apparently new compound, which turned
out not to be new but only new in the brain, we collected evidence for a human
brain enzyme that could catalyze the production of an LSD-like hallucinogen,
dimethyltryptamine, DMT. Tracing its metabolic origins, we found that DMT was
derived from tryptamine, a common metabolite of the essential and omnipresent
amino acid, tryptophan. This enzyme and its metabolic product were located in
highest concentrations in brain stem systems that influence the neural regulation of
the heart, blood pressure, temperature, breathing, vomiting and primitive approach-
avoidance behavior. It was also found in limbic brain nuclei thought to modulate the
emotional coloring of perception and thought. Richard Wyatt, working at the
National Institutes of Mental Health found DMT in the urine of schizophrenic
humans. He also showed that DMT increased significantly if tryptamine’s normal

pathway for degradation was blocked by monoamine oxidase inhibitors, such as

87

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013587
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012699.txt,"10

The best and the brightest talent in town arrive at 9pm. They are Justin
Bieber and his date Selena Gomez, Andrew Garfield, Jude Law, Vera
Farmiga, Armie Hammer, Jennifer Lawrence, Kevin Spacey, Charlize Theron,
Anne Hathaway, Hailee Steinfield, Taylor Hackford and Helen Mirren,
Scarlett Johansson, Michelle Williams, Isla Fischer and Sasha Baron
Cohen, Jane Fonda after her play, “33 Variations”, Melania and Donald
Trump whom I introduce to David O. Russell as The Trumpster gushes about
“The Fighter”. Donald offers me a ride home on his plane. He is leaving
in ten minutes. Too bad James Franco didn’t know because he is presently
sitting on a commercial flight back to school, skipping his own after
party. Social standings of the rest of the guests are determined by half
hour increments. Every other person previously mentioned in the story is
here. VF’s Beth Kseniak and Matt Ullian tell me the list is cut down to
800 this year.

At 11:3@pm there is another celebrity migration up the hill to Madonna
manager Guy Oseary’s house. One should note that earlier in the evening
Madonna came down the hill to pose in a risqué outfit with daughter
Lourdes in front of the green hedge. Madonna and co-host Demi Moore are
able to lure the creme de la créme with the promise of fabulous music,
dancing and no cameras. Those reported on their dance floor include Ryan
Phillippe with Amanda Syedfried, who were making out all night and
Phillippe’s ex-wife Reese Witherspoon and new fiancé Jim Toth. They
pregnant Natalie Portman and choreographer Benjamin Millepied, Mick
Jagger, Tom Hanks, Sean Penn, Ralph Feinnes, Mila Kunis, Cameron Diaz,
Gwyneth Paltrow and Renee Zellweger and Bradley Cooper boogie til dawn.

A winner’s work is never done. Colin Firth, Tom Hooper and David Seidler
show up at 4:3@am at The Four Seasons Hotel for a live broadcast on The
Today Show with Meredith Vieira. Functioning on an adrenalin rush, they
are back at the Kodak Theater with Geoffrey Rush to appear on Oprah’s
live broadcast. Leave it to Oprah to get the king’s last words.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012699
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011128.txt,"pure consumption. Why? Output in itself means creation of economic value.
Mathematically, that could include what I called “output exhaust”, meaning value
exhausted as soon as created. | ruled that out as “free goods”, which happen every
day but are neglected in economics as unable to influence behavior either before or
after. That’s why “equals” cannot mean “is” in (A1.3). And neither does it in (A1.5).
Rather both state that output provides cash flow offset plus total capital growth.

This distinction helps everywhere in economics. We know for example that transfer
out may be drawn either from capital in place or from concurrent output. The
source of first kind is decaptialization D. But decaptialization also includes other
components than transfer out. In Chapter 3, and again just now, I excluded output

exhaust as free goods possible in math but neglected in economics. That makes

decapitalization D the only source of pure consumption C, . And not all

decapitalization is transfer or exhaust. Some is deadweight loss, defined in (A1.1) as

any negative sum of capital growth K,, and cash flow F. That can show in

D=D\+D, and D,=D_+C,. (A1.4)

Here D, is recovered or realized decapitalization, D, is “transfer depreciation” net

of plowback into the same asset, and D, is deadweight loss. A is lambda. At the

collective scale, where transfers cancel internally, (A1.4) becomes

D=C., (A1.4a)

The dispositions of transfer out may be reinvestment in other assets of the same
owner, or may be gift to donees. Reinvestment can be interfactor as shown in

Chapter 5. Transfer out from total capital of any individual, net of internal transfers,

APPENDIX A: The Argument in Notation 3/7/16 2

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011128
"
TEXT-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033200.txt,"From: Kathy Ruemmler 
Sent: 12/1/2016 3:46:53 AM 
To: jeeyacation@gmail.com 
Subject: NYTimes: Trump's Economic Cabinet Picks Signal Embrace of Wall St. Elite 
Importance: High 
Wow. This is truly moronic. 
http://www.nytimes.com/2016/11/30/business/dealbook/trumps-economic-cabinet-picks-signal-embrace-of-wall-
st-elite.html?smprod=nytcore-ipad&smid=nytcore-ipad-share 
Steven mnuchin, the financier who has been tapped to run Treasury, joins other wealthy investors chosen 
by Mr. Trump, a sign of possible tax cuts and deregulation ahead. 
Sent from my iPad 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 033200 
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030256.txt,"like were involved, the unsavory facts were carefully assessed by experienced state prosecutors who
aggressively enforce state criminal laws. No one turned a blind eye to potential offenses to the public

order. To the contrary, the Palm Beach State Attorney's Office conducted an extensive 15-month
investigation, led by the chief of the Sex Crimes Division. Mr. Epstein was then indicted by a state grand jury
on a single felony count of solicitation of prostitution.

During that intense investigation, the state prosecutors extensively gathered and analyzed the evidence, met
face-to-face with many of the asserted victims, considered their credibility -- or lack thereof -- and considered
the extent of exculpatory evidence. Then, after months of elaborate negotiations, the state prosecutors believed
they had reached a reasoned resolution of the matter that vindicated the public interest -- a resolution entirely
consistent with that of cases involving other similarly-situated defendants.

Then, in came the feds. The United States Attorney's Office tried, to no avail, to fit Mr. Epstein's situation into
its vision of what it viewed as a commercial trafficking ring targeting minors. This was anything but. At long
last, the federal authorities acknowledged that stark reality and grudgingly agreed to defer prosecution to the
state. But there was a huge catch. In the face of our arguments sharply condemning their overreach, the
federal prosecutors insisted on many unorthodox requirements that tugged at fundamental values of due
process. For example, the agreement required Mr. Epstein to pay an undisclosed list of asserted victims
$150,000 each. Even more, the feds insisted that Jeffrey pay for an attorney to represent such unidentified
victims if any chose to filed civil litigation against him. When asked what possible legal authority supported
this extravagant exercise of national power, the feds lamely cited a wildly inapposite case from Alaska
involving cocaine and forced on-the-street prostitution. Apples and oranges.

Under the federally-forced deal, Jeffrey was sentenced to jail. That would not have been the case under the
agreed-upon state disposition of this non-violent, consensual commercial arrangement. Jeffrey complied,
served that sentence, and in the process was treated exactly the same as other state-incarcerated

individuals. His conduct was exemplary, and so characterized by the state custodial authorities. He continued
his work, including his many philanthropic efforts.

Our friend Jeffrey Epstein has paid his debt to society. He has also paid out millions of dollars to the asserted
victims and their highly-creative lawyers. For over ten years, he has lived an exemplary life, including
carrying on his wide-ranging philanthropies. Those of us who represented him in the Florida proceedings -- for
customary professional fees -- now count him as a trusted friend.

Our nation faces vitally important challenges, many involving the treatment of women and basic human
dignity. Voices are rightly being raised speaking truth to power, especially about women in the

workplace. But Jeffrey, an exemplary employer, has long since been called to account by the criminal justice
system for his misdeeds of yesteryear. In the spirit of the bedrock American belief in second chances, that
unhappy chapter in Jeffrey's otherwise-magnificent life should be allowed to close once and for all.

On Thu, Dec 13, 2018 at 4:24 PM J <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:
ken ,would take a stab at the article for the law journal. ? thx

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030256
"
TEXT-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033566.txt,"From: Dangene and Jennie Enterprise 
Sent: 3/15/2018 9:54:45 PM 
To: Jeffrey Epstein [jeevacation@gmail.com] 
Subject: NY Post: Vanessa Trump files for divorce from Donald Trump Jr. 
I thought you'd be interested in this story: 
Vanessa Trump files for divorce from Donald Trump Jr. 
EXCLUSIVE 
https://pagesix.com/2018/03/15/vanessa-trump-files-for-divorce-from-donald-trump-
jr/?utm_campaign=iosapp&utm_source=mail_app 
Sent from the New York Post app. For more from the Post, visit http://nypost.com. To download our apps, 
visit http://nypost.com/mobile-apps. 
CORE: Jennie Enterprise I 
@dandjenter rise I Founder & Chairman 1 66 East 55th Street New York NY 10022 1 Main: 
Mobile: 
www.coreaccess.net I 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 033566 
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022082.txt,"TERSON

ht, and a Long Island mansion
‘an apartment. He'd also briefly
ie New York Post.

rg had been taking money from
vious investors. It was a classic
st in history —and Hoffenberg

rs in a federal prison.
ited in the case? All that Hoffen-

< Robert Gold.”
t Gold, the former federal prose-
recover Ana Obreg6n'’s money,
| Epstein until there were only a
-of limitations ran out.
would always deny any wrong:
Hoffenberg, he managed to avoid

| CHAPTER 28

Robert Meister: 1985

obert Meister, the vice chairman of a giant insurance bro-
kerage and consulting firm called Aon, met Jeffrey Epstein
in the mid-eighties, aboard a flight from New York to
Palm Beach. Both men were flying first class. Each one thought
___ the other looked familiar. They talked in the course of that flight,
""and Meister filed the conversation away, only to recall it in 1989.
At that time, Les Wexner, who was Meister’s friend and a client
| of Meister’s insurance company, was complaining to him about

c the people managing his money.

Wexner was a billionaire, but for all his wealth, his finances
q wete in a tangle. Maybe Epstein could help. And perhaps Epstein
""would also be grateful for the introduction. Hard as it is to believe,
“there’s evidence to suggest that Epstein really had spent the last of
his last Bear Stearns bonus—along with his share of the money he'd
Recovered for Ana Obregon —and was broke, again, at the time.

113

Pe
i

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022082

"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032008.txt,"Chuck Pfieffer plants a ""Page Six"" item and the next day socialites begin calling me to get into the film.

Thursday, November 5, Shun Lee Restaurant, West 65 Street

Oliver shoots a crowded tight interior scene with Michael, Carrie and Shia, who are having an intimate
Chinese dinner. Spontaneously, Oliver decides this is the perfect scene for Graydon Carter. After a flurry of
calls, Graydon arrives on set, and playing himself, sashays by the table. Gekko jumps up to say hello and
Graydon brushes him off with a few dismissive lines.

Monday, November 9, 25 Broadway

One hundred swells show up at the former Canard Shipping building, a massive Italianate hall, at the crack of
dawn for the Alzheimer’s Ball, a grand charity event.

Susan Hess and I are chauffeured downtown with our Vera Wang gowns and report to the VIP extra holding
area where we join Prince Dimitri of Yugoslavia in a bespoke dinner jacket, journalist Christopher Mason,
songstress Yanna Avis, photographer Kelly Klein, art dealer Larry Gagosian's girl friend Shala Monroque in
see-through Rodarte, beauty executive Olivia Chantecaille, producer Lawrence Robins, author Jackie Weld
Drake, Vogue film critic Joan Juliet Buck, fashion consultant Jill Fairchild, CNN’s Felicia Taylor and Italian
newsman Mario Calvo-Platero.

Ellen Mirojnick and her costume department have assembled racks of the most expensive elaborate designer
gowns and work at break neck speed styling while we wildly strip to our undies in a makeshift dressing area.
Ellen pours me into a black tulle Marchesa with a enormous wired silver bow. Twenty hairdressers and make-
up artists systematically work on 250 extras. A mile of tables are alternately filled with steaming coffee,
fattening breakfast foods, hair sprays, mirrors, shoes and jewelry. It’s a madhouse of excitement.

We are led to the part of the set used for the cocktail reception and placed around Michael Douglas and Charlie
Sheen stand-ins. Charlie has been flown in from LA for half a day's work to reprise his original character. He
is now the highest paid television actor commanding two million dollars an episode of “Two and a Half Men.”

Oliver arrives on the set greeting, examining, tweaking the shot and always pulling the prettiest girls closest to
the camera. Michael and Charlie arrive from their trailers and run their lines as socials drift into their sight
lines challenging their concentration on pages of dialogue. Oliver yells, ""Action"" as the extras aggressively
jockey for face time. Charlie is not having an easy day and they do take after take. My corporate husband
Chuck Pfieffer has gotten his real girlfriend Lisa Crosby in the film and my marriage has become a threesome.

Sensing our concern of not making it onto the silver screen Oliver tells his first assistant director to seat a
dinner table with Susan Hess, Jill Fairchild, Prince Dimitri, Chuck Pfieffer, Grace Meigher and Mario Calvo-
Platero. He directs us to chat with each other turning left and right as the camera closely pans past our faces.

Elsewhere on the set are John Buffalo Mailer, as Shia's character's best friend, Austin Pendleton, 94-year-old
Eli Wallach and Natalie Morales. Also in this film are: the magnificent Frank Langella, as Shia’s boss, who
throws himself in front of a train early in the film, Susan Sarandon as Shia’s real-estate broker mother, Sylvia
Miles, who reprises her hilarious cameo as another real-estate agent and Jean Pigozzi as an international
banker.

Lunch is called at 4 p.m. and Michael Douglas takes seven heavily made-up and bejeweled women including

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032008
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010550.txt,"JAMES PATTERSON

the outcome may have been different. But they were not
known to us at the time.

A prosecution decision must be based on admissible
facts known at the time. In cases of this type, those are
unusually difficult because victims are frightened and
often decline to testify or if they do speak, they give con-
tradictory statements. Our judgment in this case, based
on the evidence known at the time, was that it was better
to have a billionaire serve time in jail, register as a sex
offender, and pay his victims restitution than risk a trial
with a reduced likelihood of success. I supported that
judgment then, and based on the state law as it then stood
and the evidence known at the time, I would support that
judgment again.

Epstein’s treatment, while in state custody, likewise
may encourage the view that the office should have been
tougher. Although the terms of confinement in a state
prison are a matter appropriately left to the State of Flor-
ida, and not federal authorities, without doubt, the treat-
ment that he received while in state custody undermined
the purpose of a jail sentence.

Some may also believe that the prosecution should
have been tougher in retaliation for the defense’s tactics.
The defense, arguably, often failed to negotiate in good
faith. They would obtain concessions as part of a negotia-
tion and agree to proceed, only to change their minds,
and appeal the office’s position to Washington. The inves-
tigations into the family lives of individual prosecutors

were, in my opinion, uncalled for, as were the accusations
of bias and/or misconduct against individual prosecutors:

210

y

At times, some prosecut
trial, and at times I felt t
right in the first meetin
spective of defense tacti
tional right to a defense
right should not be puni:
sel’s exercise of their ri;
Washington D.C. Prosect
frustration and anger wi
their judgment.

After the-plea, I reca
One was from the FBI Spx
to offer congratulations.
meetings regarding this c
of the defense, and he cal
holding firm against the 1
itz, Lefkowitz and Starr.
received calls or commun
itz, Lefkowitz and Starr. |
als previously, from my
Kirkland & Ellis in the m
peace. | agreed to talk ani
Epstein pled guilty, as I tk
tors battle defense attorne)

have tried, yet I confess tk
fully in this case.

The bottom line is this:
served time in jail and is m
He has been required to pay

restitution clearly cannot c

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010550
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029707.txt,"These two settlements, which have
become flagships of the settlement
movement, were the start of Jewish
colonization in Samaria, the northern part
of the West Bank. The previous year, as
a young reporter, I interviewed Peres,
after he and his political ally Moshe
Dayan had refused “on principle” to join
the government of Golda Merr. “If a
single child can learn that politics is not
just intrigues,” Peres told me, “I will be
satisfied that we have done our bit.” Just
one week later, when he and Dayan had
reversed their position for no discernable
reason, and were seated snugly around
the cabinet table, I asked Peres what he
had to say to the “single child.” His aides
sniggered, but Peres didn’t bat an eyelid:
“Just what my mentor, David Ben-Gurion
(Israel’s first Prime Minister) told me:
when the security of Israel is laid on one
side of the scales, and everything else on
the other side, security tips the

balance.” Peres subsequently used that
self-same argument to join every
government that would have him. The
late Menachem Begin lost nine elections
before finally becoming Israel’s Prime
Minister in 1977. He served as a
pugnacious and dedicated leader of the
opposition. Peres almost never headed
the opposition, always preferring a
ministerial appointment, once even
designing a grotesque system of

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029707
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011896.txt,"/ BARAK / 139

worth noting that the conflict remained conventional. Iran was different. Only the
most naive observer would exclude the possibility that if the Iranians did get a
nuclear weapon, they might use it. And even if they didn’t, the entire strategic
picture would change, with the need to find a response not just to a nuclear Iran,
but potentially a nuclear Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Turkey.

I was not about to lecture President Obama on this. While Bibi liked to portray
him variously as weak, naive or tone-deaf to interests and security of Israel, I knew
from our previous meetings that he was none of these things. Yet I did, ina
deliberately non-didactic way, raise the issue of our different perspectives on the
Iranians’ getting nuclear arms. “You see it in the context of the whole world,” I
told the President. “If Iran, in spite of all our efforts, gets a nuclear weapon, yes, it
will be bad. But for you, it’s just one more nuclear state. It won’t dramatically
change the situation for America. For us, it can turn into a real, existential threat.”

He agreed that we inevitably looked at the situation differently. But after
pausing a few seconds, he said: “Ehud, think of it this way. You get to school in
the morning and there’s this big, nasty bully. You can take him on, maybe give
him a black eye. But you have this bigger, stronger friend, who can knock him out
cold. The only problem is that your friend won’t be there until the afternoon.”

I would have liked nothing more than to wait for our “bigger, stronger” friend,
especially since I knew through my contacts in the American military and
intelligence establishment how much bigger and stronger an American attack
would be. During the first couple of years that Israel was working on acquiring the
capability for a military strike, the Americans had been no more ready than we
were. They did have the tanker aircraft and the heavy bombs. But their plan —a
kind of Iraq-style shock and awe — was so obviously prone to lead to a wider
conflict that it would never have received the go-ahead from President Obama, or
probably any president. I used to joke with colleagues in the Pentagon that while
Israel’s idea of a “surgical operation” was the equivalent of a scalpel, they seemed
to favor a chisel and a ten-pound hammer. By the time I met the President in 2012,
that had changed. Under Gates and then Panetta, an intensive research-and-
development effort and enormously improved planning and training had yielded
results. The Americans now had high-precision heavy munitions we couldn’t
dream of, and stealth air-attack capabilities we also lacked. They had an
operational plan which, within a period of hours, could push the Iranian nuclear

425
HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011896
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024799.txt,"ACKRELL
CAPITAL
Web Joint ¢.4webdjoint

Los Angeles, California
www.webjoint.com

Web Joint is an online technology software-
as-a-service company. The company provides
software for dispensaries to manage point-of-
sale transactions, online ordering and delivery
management. The software integrates with a
dispensary’s website for a white-labeled software
solution.

weedmaps

Weedmaps

Orange County, California
www.weedmaps.com

Weedmaps is a digital media company that
operates an online networking and content
directory site. The company allows users to
locate and view reviews of local cannabis dispen-
saries, as well as user-generated strain reviews.

© 2017 Ackrell Capital, LLC | Member FINRA/SIPC

CHAPTER VIII Top 100 Private Cannabis Companies 2018

Weedguide

San Diego, California
www.weedguide.com

Weedguide is a digital media company that
operates a cannabis-centric search engine and
an informational website about recreational and
medical cannabis. The site offers a collection of
articles, videos, products, dispensary locations,
recipes and strain information.

—__@__
WELLNESS

""COnmectio® .

Wellness
Connection of Maine

Portland, Maine
www.mainewellness.org

Wellness Connection of Maine is an operator
of medical cannabis dispensaries in Maine. The
company offers a selection of cannabis flower,
concentrates, edibles and recipes.

163

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024799
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017810.txt,"Even from jail, Jeffrey Epstein manipulated the system | Miami Herald Page 10 of 17
Case 1:19-cv-03377 Document 1-1 Filed 04/16/19 Page 11 of 18

After he pleaded guilty in state court, Jeffrey Epstein was assigned to a private section of the Palm Beach County stockade. Soon, however, he was allowed to leave the
compound six days a week, 12 hours a day, for what was termed work release. Emily Michot E//CHOT@MIAMIHERALD.COM

“We just decided that was the best way to accomplish what needed to be done here and the parties agreed that that sentence satisfied everyone’s
requirements,” Goldberger replied.

Said Judge Pucillo: “The taxpayers of Palm Beach County are going to pay 18 months to house this guy instead of DOC [the Department of Corrections]?”
Belohlavek: “Right.”
Pucillo did not respond to a request for comment on the case.

Villafafia, the lead federal prosecutor in Epstein’s case, was in the courtroom, but there’s no indication she objected to Epstein’s cozier jail
accommodations.

When he entered jail in July 2008, Epstein was arguably the most well-known inmate there. Records also show that Epstein hired Palm Beach sheriff's
deputies for his security details, paying them for the hours they spent monitoring him on work release at his West Palm Beach office, where he often
stayed until 10 p.m., jail logs show.

The Herald reviewed their time sheets, showing that the deputies logged visitors coming and going to and from his office throughout the day. A record log
of his visitors was kept in a safe, but the log no longer exists, according to a spokeswoman for the Palm Beach County Sheriff’s Office.

One deputy who often worked Epstein’s detail said that his assignment was to stay in a front reception room of Epstein’s office. Epstein was in a separate
office — with the door closed — most of the day as he accepted visitors, both male and female, the deputies’ logs show.

“Tt was not our job to monitor what he was doing in that office,” the deputy,
now retired, told the Herald.

In their early reports in July 2008, the deputies referred to Epstein as
“Gnmate”’ but within a few weeks the language had changed and he was
called a “client.” He was occasionally allowed to take a break for lunch by
sitting outside in a park, the records show, and they also gave him
permission to scout for a new office. While on work release, he was required
to wear an ankle bracelet to monitor his whereabouts.

https://www.miamiherald.com/news/local/article2 19494920 html 4/3/2019
HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017810
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031501.txt,"From: Thomas Jr., Landon [is |

Sent: 10/19/2016 1:47:35 PM
To: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com]
Subject: Re: Saudi money

Importance: — High
what is your back of the envelope guess as to much saudi money tied up in such funds?
On Wed, Oct 19, 2016 at 9:43 AM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:

most of the saudi money is tied up in pe funds. no withdrawals allowed . and im not seeing much in the
secondary market. . blackrock is more money market , more like custodian than investor .

On Wed, Oct 19, 2016 at 9:41 AM, Thomas Jr., Landon {> wrote:
Interesting. CEO of big finance form told me that Saudis (SAMA) have withdrawn $200 billion that
has been parked with usual suspects over past year or so. That number seem in line with what you
know?

On Tue, Oct 18, 2016 at 7:04 AM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:
words that you to refer to one thing, USA. the stock market / the Royal family, . are no longer very
useful. In politics the USA meant the white house. now there is pentagon. cia, state, and congress in
addition, each feels empowered to act more independantly. stock market even intech, needs bio
tech, consuner tech. infrastrucrue tech. etc. same with Royal family, there are 20k members of a
tribe. called the royal family, the words are misleading. if your article is focused on bin salman, or the
very top. no one is wondering where they can find the local costco... _ but they are aware that a message
needs to be sent to their population , regarding the next 20 years,
social media, and the selfie crowds post the best of everything, their cutest pictures the amazing

food , the luxury resorts. the masses see these things and as the difference between expectations and
reality widen, the anger grows. trump has tapped in.

with the passage of the 9 11 saudi bill, unlike the french revolution where it was the people of france that
revolted against their own aristocracty, with the internet and globalization of discontect it is now the
americans that can revolt against the saudi leadership. _it is the americans that are demanding women
drive. not the saudis

On Mon, Oct 17, 2016 at 5:57 PM, Thomas Jr., Landon qq wrote:
I have been called in to help on a big NYT investigation into how low oil prices have been effecting
the personal finances of royal family in Saudi Arabia. Obviously they called in much of their cash
from the likes of BlackRock and others but I thought you might have some ideas. Maybe some
people to talk to?

I would think its more than cutting down on yachts and private planes or selling real estate in
Paris, Istanbul, London.

Any thoughts?
PS: does my story on Abraaj get me a meeting with Gates next time he is in town:)
Landon Thomas, Jr.

Financial Reporter
New York Times

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031501
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012347.txt,"] (Thereupon, the following interview was had:)

2 DETECTIVE RECAREY: -- December 13th, 2005.
4 This ts 1D number -- Detective Joe Recarey with

4 the Town of Palm Beach Police Department. Present
& is Detective Dawson with the Palm Beach Police

fi Department.

vy BY DEFECTIVE RECAREY:

ts Q Can you state your name tor the recard, please.
38 A

1 Q _ Spell it. please.

Q Your date of birth?

14 A
15 Q How eld are you?

i€ A Seventeen.

7 Q. Okay. You saw J just spoke to your mom and she
78 has given me authorizanon ro speak to you. Lam

Inveshg@aling 4 case invelying a gendeman by the name of
Jeffrey. You may know him as Jeff cr Jefirey lives mm the

72 Town of Palm Beach. We believe that you may have some

7? information pertaining to his residence and/or a visit at

“7 his house. I'm going to ask you in your own werds tell ine

441 exactly what bappened fram the bevinning. [ may interrupt

22 you to ask you some more questions dul belore we b

2a

zaise your right hand fer me. Do you solemnly swear zo tell
the truth. the whole truth and nothing bet the truth su help

= you Ged?

4 Addo.

ie ra

i (inaudible) not really friends. IE
3 that she found a way of making mene

And then she sand that if Lever told anybody she'd
bo beat my ass and so | didn’t even know what she was talki

12 before we got im there she’s like oh, he might ask you to
Li: like take off your shirt or something. But J didn't -- it
didn't matier so J saicl okay. And Pwent in his house. A
lady escorted ne up to his roum. Hada bed on it.

Q0 Okay. det ime back you up fora second

A Uh buh.

Q Yau said this was right befive Christmas.
Christmas of last vear or the year besore?

Last year

QO Last year,

A Uh-huh.
Sa tls is December of 2004. nghi?

I

czm. cup

oT ke 4a? Pd =

Fanny

A Uh-huh.

(2 Okay. How old were you then?
A lthink 14.

QQ Okay.

A And then i went up there. He was on the phone and
he just told me to massage his feet so J went over there and
did it. (inaudible} and everything and then --

Q Ilold en fora second. Hold on, Take me from when
you got to the housc in Palm Beach. First of all, do you
remember the name of the street?

A You said it before but | just can't remember.

1) Okay. Da you remember any specifics of the house?

A know where itis if] were te go back. 1] could
find it.

{? Okay.

A twas at the end on the lefi side.

OQ The end on the leti side? Okay. Do you remember
the calor of dhe house?

A Oh. It was too long ago.

Q Okay. I know it's been some time and we did speak
ance before

A) Uh-huh.

J Allright. So you were watking in with a:

A Uh-huh.

Do vou go Lhrough the garage’?

A No. Yeni eo to the side vate. Yor have to knack
an the back door kind of.

4} Uh-huh.

A And a lady wall ask you ltke what's your name and
why you're there.
Q Okay. What's the lady's namie? Do you know?
A No. Lihink she was the inaid because she was like

fold-ng. up towels and she was bringing them upstairs

Q Do you know -- can you deseribe her to me?

A She might be a Spanish lady. T can't remember so
weil.

{) Okay.

A And when you walked in, there was food on the
table. They offered you food. And I waited a couple of
Minutes, | guess he was in another session. I don't know.
Because like a pirl walked out before | walked in and this
really pretty lady. he walked in with two ladies and they
were hike. they looked Jike models or something and one had
blond long hair and one of them came down and told me I
could go upstairs, That's probably her. And as we were
walking up the staizs she told me what was voing to happen
like welt, he's going to have same Jofious there and he'll
probably be on the phone tor a little while.

Q Okay. Did the blond lady with the long hair take

J. Consor & Associates Reporting & Tran:

961.682.0905

98ae64ed-fabi-461a-b5d2-be85289cc56a

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012347

191
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024941.txt,"Among the most important historic achievements we take pride in is the building of the national Emirati identity
which did not exist before the rise of the Union state. This identity settles deep down in the souls of all Emiratis,
runs in their blood-veins, and fills them with feelings of dignity and loyalty to their country, the UAE.

Every citizen and person of responsibility in the UAE puts his Emirati national sense of belonging above that of
his own area. Basically there is no conflict, but integration, between the two. When a person introduces himself
as coming from Abu Dhabi, Fujairah, or Dubai, he is not unlike an Egyptian who introduces himself as coming
from Cairo, Asyut, or Alexandria, or a Saudi, who introduces himself as coming from Riyadh, Makkah, or
Dammam.

Unfortunately, some people who do not know the Emirates and the facts of life there, pass judgment on what

they do not understand. We are, in the words of my brother Sheikh Khalifa, members in one body, strong and
held together. There are no sensitivities among the Emirates, but t here is mutual cooperation and help within
the one state, the one national identity; and at the same time, within the one state there is room for competition
in the fields of good deeds achievement, excellence, and the service of the country and citizens.

By Al-Sharq al-Awsat Daily

Do you support increasing the scope of the federal government’s authorities while
decreasing those of local governments towards the overall welfare of the UAE?

There is no conflict between the local and federal authorities. There are federal and local roles which are clearly
articulated by the Constitution of the UAE. All sovereign issues fall within the jurisdiction of federal
government, represented by His Highness, The President, Members of the UAE Supreme Council, The
Cabinet, The Federal National Council, Federal Law.

The federal government enjoys full authority to carry out its mandate articulated by the Constitution. Extended
or limited scope of authority is not a theoretical issue. Meanwhile, promoting non-central governmental models
and offering more authorities to local governments is now a growing trend in different parts of the world, even
in single region state. Decentralization has proven quite successful in handling development requirements,
enhancing government performance and increasing productivity of public organizations.

In the UAE, we are very keen on ensuring complementary roles and responsibilities among ministries and
federal authorities and20the local departments and establishments towards achieving highest government
performance levels across the UAE.

By Al-Sharq al-Awsat Daily

In times of crises, Dubai always comes into the world’s focus. Are you concerned by
international reports highlighting Dubai’s economic shortcomings during the global
financial downturn?

We are completely aware of our capabilities and we don’t overestimate our abilities. Dubai’s success in
introducing a unique developmental model has gained remarkable international recognition. As you know,
success implies a certain burden that cannot be avoided. The international focus on Dubai is absolutely normal.
During crises, people usually turn their attention to those who have proven a successful track record. The
current crisis has brought Dubai’s developmental model with all its successes into a tough test. Some have
speculated that Dubai will fail this test, simply because they do not know the UAE nor what Dubai has achieved
based on solid foundation of knowledge, expertise and business ties across the globe. Dubai’s achievements are
part of the UAE’s remarkable progress. I know that some people from outside the region have wished that

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024941
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020695.txt,"In this picture, Rodney Alcala, known as the ‘dating game killer’, cross-examines himself in court. He killed several
women in the 70s and was even a guest on a dating show during that period. He tried representing himself in court,

changing his voice and pretending to be a different person, but eventually lost and was sentenced to death.

#29 “The Last Laugh?”

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020695
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027801.txt,"Time: 06/16/19 08:08:40 AM (582390520)
Flags: 1060865

Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 2B6DA14D-37B5-4599-BB52-4DD5E431DC33

Message: the scientist /math versus the the apparatus

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 06/16/19 08:10:54 AM (582390654)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 55D54726-4551-4CAD-A8A6-058EF8A1 9650

Message: No hbo in Paris need to wait a few days for apple

Time: 06/16/19 08:11:15 AM (582390675)
Flags: 1060865
Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 36A760A5-F445-4221-AD3E-D9771C15915F

Message: It will blow u away

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 06/16/19 08:11:42 AM (582390702)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: F96A0238-8B40-41CA-BDF8-E6538 94CA2AF

Message: I loved the Harriet Tubman bill signing

sender: ay

Time: 06/16/19 08:11:59 AM (582390719)
Flags: 1060865
Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 4B604871-Al101-40AF-9B9C-88CCOD85C937

Message: Two fucking dollar bill

Time: 06/16/19 08:12:14 AM (582390734)

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027801
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025487.txt,"Is Read: No
Is Invitation: No

GUID: 80360F9F-1003-4EB9-9539-D400E5071511

Message: UGH!!!

Sender:

Time: 06/05/19 04:24:39 AM (581426679)
Flags: 1060865
Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 908EE03F-F18D-437A-9BDF-8C3D780EDA39
Message: Why is he doing this ---its total bs
Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 06/05/19 04:41:27 AM (581427687)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 39493758-DE64-4323-9A46-2FCEF8CA35D

Gl

Message: He is getting pummeled by these female talking heads.
flailing

sender:

Time: 06/05/19 04:42:12 AM (581427732)
Flags: 1060865
Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 4B1A76AC-F926-48D0-8884-BE83253724BA

And reacts with

Message: BBC crushed him-- he should give it up -- book is going to be a stiff

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 06/05/19 04:43:14 AM (581427794)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

r,

GUID: OADIF/762-8BB1-4A78-A93A-3EE5D253C178

Message: I don't know if he senses that. So he is grasping for attention and being soo

defensive and weak . That they smell blood.

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 06/05/19 04:43:59 AM (581427839)
Flags: 1085445

Ts Read: No

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025487
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020859.txt,"Even Adjusting For Cyclical Impact of Recessions, USA Inc.’s 2010

Structural Operating Loss = -$817 Billion vs. -$78 Billion 15 Years Ago

USA Inc. Annual Operating Surplus / Deficit, Structural vs. Cyclical’, F1996 — F2010
GAGE) a eee en es ns cn a a a nn mT aT A EC aT

2 al | ri 1 1 1
$400 ------------------ 5252225252222 | I er ck ta it a ; — a &
“$Q00 ce see ee ence = Structural aCyclical ----_-_--_--_ ee Leal -

SEA ZOB = <= ae oo ee ce ee ee em ee rem me em ae SER RE ea eR ee eee — »

“$1,800 ~~ ~~ = =~ <= 2-2 2-2-2 ee ee ne ee ee ee ee ee
F1996 F1998 F2000 F2002 F2004 F2006 F2008 F2010

Note: 1) Congressional Budget Office defines a structural surplus or deficit as the budget surplus or deficit that would occur under current law if the influences of
the business cycle on the budget — the automatic stabilizers — were removed, and cyclical surplus or deficit as the automatic net changes in revenues and outlays
that are attributable to cyclical movements in real (inflation-adjusted) output and unemployment. CBO compiled this data from Dept. of Commerce’s Bureau of
Economic Analysis (BEA), which maintains the national income and product accounts (NIPA). An important difference between the official budget deficit and the
NIPA measure of net federal government saving is that the latter excludes such purely financial transactions as the sale of government assets, and most
transactions under the Troubled Asset Relief Program, because those transactions do not help to measure current production and income. In addition, historical
NIPA data are subject to significant revision; historical budget data, by contrast, are rarely revised significantly. Source: 1996-2006 data per CBO, “The Effects of
KP Automatic Stabilizers on the Federal Budget,” 5/10, 2007-2010 data per White House OMB F2012 Budget Analytical Perspective.
(@)E) www.kpcb.com USA Inc. | High Level Thoughts 35

Annual Federal Government Surplus / Deficit ($ Billion)

Understanding Differences Between

Economist Language vs. Equity Investor Translation

Economist Language Equity Investor Approximate Translation*
e Budget Deficit — The amount by which a e Cash Flow — ‘Cash in’ minus ‘cash out.’

government's expenditures exceed its
receipts over a particular period of time.

e Structural Deficit = The portion of the e Cash Flow (ex. One-Time Items)* _—

budget deficit that results from a ‘Cash in’ minus ‘cash out’ excluding
fundamental imbalance in government expenditures that are one-time in nature
receipts and expenditures, as opposed to (such as economic stimulus spending).

one based on the business cycle or one-
time factors.
e One-Time Expenses* — TARP / GSE /

e Cyclical Deficit — The portion of the
stimulus spending related to economic

budget deficit that results from cyclical

factors such as economic recessions prsevernells
rather than from underlying fiscal policy.
e Federal Debt Held By the Public — The e Debt — Cumulative negative cash flow
accumulation of all previous fiscal years’ financed by borrowing.
d fi it Note: *We acknowledge that while the concept of ‘cash flow ex. one-time items’ and ‘one-time expenses’ is similar to ‘structural deficit’ and
erlcits. ‘cyclical deficit,’ respectively, these terms are not interchangeable and have different definitions. Congressional Budget Office defines a

structural surplus or deficit as the budget surplus or deficit that would occur under current law if the influences of the business cycle on the

budget — the automatic stabilizers — were removed, and cyclical surplus or deficit as the automatic net changes in revenues and outlays that

KP are attributable to cyclical movements in real (inflation-adjusted) output and unemployment.
(@E) www.kpcb.com USA Inc. | High Level Thoughts 36

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020859
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012704.txt,"﻿Daily Business Review: Jeffrey Epstein's attorneys fight to keep plea discussions private Page 1 of 3 
DAILY BUSINESS REVIEW.COM 
Select 'Print' in your browser menu to print this document. 
Copyright 2011. ALM Media Properties, LLC. All rights reserved. Daily Business Review 
Page printed from: Daily Business Review 
Back to Article 
Jeffrey Epstein's attorneys fight to keep plea discussions private 
John Pacenti 
2011-04-2112:00:00 AM 
Miami attorney Roy Black and two other high-profile attorneys who represented billionaire sex offender 
Jeffrey Epstein have asked a federal judge to prohibit two alleged victims from obtaining correspondence 
between the defense team and federal prosecutors who hammered out a nonprosecution agreement. 
The two women identified in court papers only as Jane Doe 1 and Jane Doe 2 say the agreement should be 
invalidated because they were not adequately informed of the plan not to file federal charges against Epstein. 
The defense attorneys' motion to intervene states the sanctity of plea talks would be undermined if U.S. 
District Judge Kenneth Marra in West Palm Beach allows the correspondence to be used in the third-party 
civil action brought by the alleged victims. 
New York litigator Jay Lefkowitz and Boston criminal defense attorney Martin G. Weinberg joined Black in 
the motion filed April 7. 
The fight over the records comes amid claims that the defense strong-armed prosecutors into a cushy deal for 
Epstein. 
""The release of these letters and the precedent it would establish would have a severe chilling effect on the 
lawyers' ability to engage in candid settlement discussions with the government in future cases,"" the 13-page 
motion reads. ""Indeed, to the extent such written correspondence is deemed discoverable by third parties, 
criminal defense attorneys and the government's lawyers alike would lose the ability to negotiate such 
agreements."" 
The alleged victims maintain evidence shows Epstein molested more than 30 girls from 2001 to 2007, luring 
them to his Palm Beach mansion on the pretext of giving him a massage. 
As part of the nonprosecution agreement, he pleaded guilty to a state charge of soliciting sex with a minor and 
http://www.dailybusinessreview.comiPubArticleFriendlyDBR.isp?id=1202490901297 4/21/2011 
Daily Business Review: Jeffrey Epstein's attorneys fight to keep plea discussions private Page 2 of 3 
served 13 months of an 18-month sentence. He resurfaced recently in New York and has become the subject 
of news reports about socializing with Britain's Prince Andrew. 
Personal Inquiry 
The women say the nonprosecution agreement should be scuttled and Epstein should be open to federal 
charges because they were not adequately consulted as required under the Crimes Victims Rights Act. They 
seek disclosure of all correspondence between Epstein's attorneys and the government, claiming it would show 
prosecutors failed to meet their obligation to keep them and other victims informed. 
The U.S. attorney's office argued in a 54-page response April 8 to the women's lawsuit that the law does not 
apply because no federal charges were filed against the financier, only a state charge. 
The women were denied access to the letters in their civil lawsuit against Epstein, which was settled. The 
motion by Black, Lefkowitz and Weinberg said there is ""no doubt"" the women aim to disseminate the material 
to news outlets. They urge Marra to ""decline the invitation to fuel the media campaign against Mr. Epstein."" 
Epstein has had plenty of trouble avoiding the media of late. Reports about his friendship with Prince Andrew 
sparked a March 20 three-page letter from Alex Acosta, U.S. attorney when the agreement was reached, to the 
Daily Beast online news site. 
Acosta said the federal government intervened in Epstein's case at request of police because the Palm Beach 
state attorney's office was going to offer him a deal with no jail time. Acosta said his office secured, through 
the nonprosecution agreement, jail time for Epstein, his plea to a sex crime against a minor and his designation 
as a sex offender. 
Acosta's letter said Epstein's defense team was not happy with these conditions and tried to hire private 
investigators to delve into the personal lives of prosecutors assigned to the case as a way of undermining the 
office's insistence on conditions that went beyond the state case. 
""Defense counsel investigated individual prosecutors and their families, looking for personal peccadilloes that 
may provide a basis for disqualification,"" Acosta wrote. 
Sources say the efforts targeted Assistant U.S. Attorneys Jeffrey Sloman and Ann Marie Villafalia. Acosta 
refused to remove them. 
Acosta, now the law dean at Florida International University in Miami, said he had no comments beyond his 
letter. The U.S. attorney's office also declined to comment. 
Sloman, who took over as acting U.S. attorney when Acosta became FIU's law dean, later joined the Ferraro 
Law Firm in Coral Gables, said only, ""Alex's recollection is correct."" 
Black, in an interview with the Daily Business Review, denied Acosta's assertions that the Epstein defense 
team examined the prosecutors. 
""We don't investigate prosecutors,"" he said. ""As far as I know that wasn't done."" 
http://www.dailybusinessreview.com/PubArticleFriendlyDBR.jsp?id=1202490901297 4/21/2011 
Daily Business Review: Jeffrey Epstein's attorneys fight to keep plea discussions private Page 3 of 3 
Black also denied there was any effort to pressure the U.S. attorney's office to back off Epstein. 
""It is absurd to say that the target of a federal criminal investigation could put undo pressure on the United 
States, the government, the Department of Justice, the U.S. attorney's office and the FBI,"" Black said. 
Weinberg, who challenged a Justice Department policy of seizing e-mail through secret subpoenas to Internet 
service providers, also said to his knowledge no private investigator was hired. Lefkowitz, a partner at 
Kirkland & Ellis in New York who drafted President George W. Bush's policy on stem cell research, did not 
return a phone call for comment by deadline. Black and Weinberg said they still represent Epstein. 
Fodder For Litigation 
The motion to intervene does not claim the letters are attorney-client privilege and makes a point of saying 
Epstein reserves his right to intervene individually. 
Weinberg said turning the confidential correspondence over to the Jane Does would violate the federal rules of 
evidence and cast a chill over the criminal defense bar, which would rightly be concerned that anything they 
tell the government could boomerang into civil litigation against clients. 
""Neither party expected or believed these letters would later become a source of information that would be 
used for any other purpose,"" Weinberg said. ""We believe the issue raised before Judge Marra has importance 
beyond just the litigation between the government and the Jane Does."" 
Bradley J. Edwards, a partner with Farmer Jaffe Weissing Edwards Fistos & Lehrman in Fort Lauderdale, 
represents the Jane Does. He didn't want to get into his planned response to the motion to intervene but said 
Acosta's letter will not affect the case. 
Edwards agreed with Acosta that the Palm Beach state attorney's office faltered on the Epstein case. A call to 
the Palm Beach State Attorney's Office spokeswoman was not returned by deadline. 
""There has never been a stronger case for the state to prosecute, and the case should have been prosecuted by 
the state,"" Edwards said. ""The state totally dropped the ball, but once the feds took the case over, they too 
unfortunately dropped the ball."" 
Edwards refutes Acosta's position that the U.S. attorney's office was hampered by the lack of a clear ""interstate 
nexus"" required for federal prosecution. Evidence indicates Epstein flew on his private plane out of state with 
the intent to engage in sex with minors and used his telephone, a means of interstate commerce, to set up his 
rendezvous with underage girls, Edwards said. 
Edwards contends the U.S. attorney's office caved. 
""They identified a bunch of victims of sexual abuse and decided to align themselves with a bad guy and keep 
the victims in the dark about the secretive nonprosecution agreement they were giving to Epstein,"" he said. 
http://www.dailybusinessreview.com/PubArticleFriendlyDBR.isp?id=1202490901297 4/21/2011 
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031515.txt,"please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

Landon Thomas, Jr.
Financial Reporter
New York Times

http:
tml

topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/t/landon jr thomas/index.h

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031515
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017804.txt,"Even from jail, Jeffrey Epstein manipulated the system | Miami Herald Page 4 of 17
Case 1:19-cv-03377 Document 1-1 Filed 04/16/19 Page 5 of 18

Support investigative journalism

The Miami Herald obtained thousands of FBI and court records, lawsuits, and witness depositions, and went to federal court in New York to access sealed documents in the reporting of ""Perversion of

Justice."" The Herald also tracked down more than 60 women who said they were victims, some of whom had never spoken of the abuse before.

Your digital subscription, starting at $0.99 for the first month, supports investigative journalism like this.

CLICK TO SUBSCRIBE

Some of Epstein’s victims will finally have an opportunity to testify for the first time as part of the Dec. 4 case in state court in Palm Beach County. It pits
Fort Lauderdale attorney Bradley Edwards against Epstein, who had accused Edwards of malfeasance in his representation of several victims.

Jack Scarola, the attorney representing Edwards, said Epstein should be held accountable for his unrelenting attacks against Edwards — as well as others
who were involved in his case.

“We are going to demonstrate through this case that no one — no matter how much money they have — can abuse children and then attempt to bully
those who come to the defense of children,” said Scarola, a former state prosecutor.

Florida and beyond

Few people had as much insight into Epstein’s lifestyle — and its international reach — as Virginia Roberts. By age 16, Roberts had lived a life that was
beyond that of most high school girls.

At 11, she says, she was sexually molested by a family friend. At 12, she was smoking pot and skipping school. At 13, she was in and out of foster homes, and
at 14, she was on the street.

In Miami, the runaway became a captive of a 65-year-old sex trafficker, Ron Eppinger. For months, she says, she was sexually abused, kept in an
apartment and pimped out to pedophiles. After his indictment in 2000 on trafficking charges, Roberts returned to West Palm Beach and tried to heal.

~*
>

https://www.miamiherald.com/news/local/article2 19494920 html 4/3/2019
HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017804
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023919.txt,"How Not to Teach 173

Mistake #4: Thinking that students are not worried about the
purpose of what they are being taught

Mistake #5: Thinking that studying can replace repeated practice
as a key learning technique

Mistake #6: Thinking that because students have chosen to take
your course, they have an interest in learning what you plan
to teach them

Mistake# 7: Correcting a student who is doing something wrong
by telling him what to do instead

Mistake #8: Thinking that a student remembers what you just
taught him

Now, let’s consider these teaching mistakes one by one.

Mistake #1: Assuming that there is some kind of learning other
than learning by doing

All of us, teachers or not, believe that we can teach by telling.
When I say that people learn by doing, people think: Yes, maybe most
of the time, but you also can learn by being told. The issue is what it
means to learn, of course. I define learning in terms of the cognitive
processes that are exercised during the attempt to learn.

This means that when I say the following: “You cannot learn by
being told,” what I mean is that that you cannot learn to do any cog-
nitive process by being told. I can tell you that George Washington
never told a lie, and you could learn that and you could make it some-
thing that you now believe. But this is not learning in the sense that
it doesn’t make you more capable of doing something because you
have learned it. Subject-based education relies on learning by telling
because for most of the things that are being taught, there is no other
way to learn them. How else could you learn that George Washington
never told a lie? By observation? By historical research? We learn this
by being told. But we do not learn cognitive processes by simply being
told. We learn them by practicing them.

This confusion is why teaching in its current form, with a teacher
in front of a class, exists at all. Without this focus on subject-based
education, it could not exist. And, this is why parents never stand in
front of their kids teaching them things. Cognitive processes cannot
be altered by telling.

So, we have rule #1 for teaching:

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023919
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012353.txt,"IN RE: J&FFREY EPSTEIN

DRAFT

TAPED CAR INTERVIEW ii

02505

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012353
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020681.txt,"Image source: Rare Historical Photos

This photo, taken in 1948, shows Lucille Chalifoux, a 24-year-old woman auctioning off her children after her husband
lost his job and the family was forced to move from their apartment. Lucille was pregnant with her fifth child at the time.

All of the children were bought off and rumors say they were forced into slavery.

#15 ‘Tragedy By The Sea’

a

Photographer John Gaunt was in the front yard of his beach home when he heard his neighbor shouting “something’s
happening on the beach!”. The photographer quickly grabbed his camera and rushed to the beach where he found a
couple by the water clutching each other. Their 19-month-old son had just wandered off and vanished into the water. This

heartbreaking photo went on to wn the Pulitzer Prize.

#16 ‘An Armenian Man Dances For His Lost Son In The

Mountains Near Aparan, Armenia’

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020681
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024955.txt,"His Highness the President of the UAE has also openly clarified different dimensions of the crisis’s impact on
the UAE economy. Despite all that, some people in the media have continued to weave rumors and negative
speculation into their articles. We welcome all media from around the globe and we have never silenced any
resident or visiting reporters or stopped them from doing their job.

We shall continue to do the same because of our confidence in ourselves, our economy and our measures -- and
because we always believe deep in our hearts that truth prevails. Yet our self-confidence does not stop us from
dialogue with the media to offer them straightforward information. We urge them to adhere to professional
integrity, objectivity, and fair scrutiny and use of information.

Emirates Business 24/7

There has been some contraction in business volumes in the UAE over the last few
months. The harshest effect of this seems to have been on small and medium-sized
enterprises. Is there any plan to revitalize the small business sector, which is usually co
nsidered the growth engine of an economy?

We are fully aware of the vital role of the small and medium enterprises sector; I believe that the contraction it
has suffered is only temporary. Our success in overcoming the worst will positively reflect on the overall
economy, including major enterprises as well as small and medium-sized ones. Our position is far better than
other countries, and encouraging economic indicators have just started to emerge. Enhanced liquidity levels
across the banking sector, banks’ resumption of credit operations, increased number of investors eager to seize
investment opportunities in the real estate sector and financial markets, are among many other positive and
encouraging indicators.

Emirates Business 24/7

The region is clearly looking at nuclear energy as means to meet its energy needs in the
future. What is your view on the proliferation of nuclear technology in the Middle East?

The UAE’s announced stance is very clear: All countries have the right to use nuclear power for peaceful
purposes. We look forward for the day when the entire Middle East region will be declared free of all nuclear
and mass-destruction weapons.

By Ali Mutalq Al-Quhais Al-Shammari - AlReyadh Newspaper

What comments do, Your Highness have about the rumors that Your Highness had a
health problem lately? We pray God that the rumors were base less, and that He may
grant Your Highness good health, long life and happiness to make Your Highness a
model to be followed in the region.

I thank God that I am well and in the best of health and peace of mind and soul. The rumors about me are a part
of the psychological war that was waged on Dubai in recent months. Rumors have never targeted unsuccessful,
backward or marginal people. I personally pay no attention to rumors, as I know they are short -lived. When
people find out the facts, they respect and appreciate you more; their good feelings toward you grow, and the
rumor-mongers diminish in their eyes. In fact the last few months I have participated in 4 endurance races
where I was able to race for more than 120km in each.

By Ali Mutalq Al-Quhais Al-Shammari - AlReyadh Newspaper

By the end of the first quarter of 2009, what is your evaluation of the economic

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024955
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027815.txt,"Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 06/19/19 08:04:34 AM (582649474)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 1F/7CDC23-48A7-4E85-A211-BO20A502FA8A

Message: He is NOT well informed

Time: 06/19/19 08:55:33 AM (582652533)
Flags: 1060865

Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: A77CD188-B45D-4DBA- 98A9-481AD8C99C55

Message: Agr

Time: 06/19/19 10:52:31 AM (582659551)
Flags: 1126401
Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 1160E7F5-2F94-488C-AEB4-5E9D9F121B92

Message: Thursday / Friday in Tucson

Time: 06/19/19 10:52:35 AM (582659555)
Flags: 1060865
Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 5923ABA5-76E2-4C80-9288-C8F67AEC4A82

Message: Next week

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 06/19/19 11:00:46 AM (582660046)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 2BDB4676-34D3-4172-A95A-D96C11BB7755

Message: I m not back until mid July

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 06/19/19 11:00:54 AM (582660054)

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027815
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025493.txt,"Is Invitation: No

GUID: 37A6730C-55B8-45B7-BA44-AA7F4E768A3C

Message: It's called ‘winning'

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 06/06/19 07:15:00 AM (581523300)
Flags: 1150981

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 2371BF44-1E48-43DA-BBC2-449306F0428F

Message: I assume your guys are not filming on the island this weekend. I will be in
town tue -thurs then Paris

Time: 06/06/19 07:17:45 AM (581523465)
Flags: 1060865
Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

ral

GUID: 99B86068-8D56-4C7E-B602-EFD55BE4321C

Message: K

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 06/06/19 09:04:46 AM (581529886)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 31AB58A7-AE3B-4645-923C-96FD493C62EF

Message: We need to talk about kovel. Letter and black bag.

Time: 06/06/19 09:10:06 AM (581530206)
Flags: 1060865

Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: E3301451-60CB-4098-A353-70DD2316FCC7

Message: As in a kovel agreement re accounting and finance

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 06/06/19 09:11:19 AM (581530279)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: O045DD4AD-71A9-42AB-B80F-A72B22D6868D

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025493
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020439.txt,"Park Avenue

One property that may prove harder to extract cash from:

Cohen's palatial Park Avenue home. Purchased for $5 million in

2005, the sprawling 10th-floor unit used to be three separate
apartments and has four bedrooms. It could be worth $8 million
or more, based on comparable sales.

In late 2015, the Cohens moved the property into a type of
trust designed to limit tax exposure when transferring property
to heirs. The trust structure has tax consequences for typical
mortgages, but those could be dodged if the Cohens took out an
interest-only loan.

In February 2016, Laura Cohen, in her role as a trustee of
the new entity, did just that, taking out a revolving $500,000
home-equity line of credit against the property from First
Republic Bank. It was the first time the family had borrowed
against the property since a loan of more than $2 million 11
years earlier when they bought it, property records show.

There are also Cohen's in-laws, who may pitch in to a

legal-defense effort. Fima and Ania Shusterman, who haven't

responded to requests for comment, emigrated from Ukraine and
built their own taxi empire over decades while helping Cohen
expand his across New York and Chicago. They own three units in
Trump World Tower. In an indication of their willingness to help
those close to them, the couple have lent $20 million to another
Ukranian couple in the taxi business, Semyon and Yasya Shtayner
and their companies.

Richard Kahn
HBRK Associates Inc.
575 Lexington Avenue 4th Floor

New 2
tel
fax

cel

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020439
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022096.txt,"2RSON

impact on his reputation and
used to work with him. Other
Management, curtailed their
. 2015, Brunel filed his own
, denying that he had any role
ig that Epstein had obstructed
ng his deposition taken in the
had built against Epstein, and
runel’s links to Epstein’s activ-

and cost him a great deal of

several e-mails from industry
bts about placing models with
cheir daughters coming to us
yame and the agency name the
ficking’!!!” one correspondent

CHAPTER 32

Nadia Marcinkova: circa 2000

C2 has offices in New York City. But Jeffrey's always in
motion—flying to his homes in New Mexico and the
Virgin Islands. Often to Palm Beach. Sometimes to
Paris. And when he comes home to New York he hosts parties
where important people—corporate titans, real estate tycoons,
university presidents, Nobel Prize-winning scientists, princes,
€x-presidents, and heads of state— mingle with beautiful women.

Some guests marvel in public: Who are these women? Where

_ do they come from?

Nadia Marcinkova comes from Slovakia. She looks like a

""model. But Nadia’s done very little modeling, if any. Instead she’s
_ become another of Epstein’s girlfriends.

According to statements given to the Palm Beach police, she’s

""also served as a willing accomplice in Epstein’s sexual assaults
9 underage females.

y
x

129

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022096
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010544.txt,"CHAPTER 54

Jeffrey Epstein: June 30, 2008-July 21, 2009

ccording to Sheriff Ric Bradshaw, the treatment Jeffrey
Epstein received in the Stockade was not preferential. By 3

some measures, he isn’t wrong.

In 2010, millionaire polo mogul John Goodman killed a
young man while driving drunk. He was convicted but was

allowed to spend two years under house arrest while his appeal
was being tried. 4
Like Epstein, Goodman was allowed visitors. But Goodmans i
visitor list was nothing like Jeffrey Epstein’s. : |
Nadia Marcinkova is said to have visited Epstein in jail more 2
than seventy times. E
Epstein’s assistant Sarah Kellen also visited Epstein in the
Stockade. q
A Russian mixed martial artist named Igor “Houdini” Zino-

viev was another visitor, as was a disbarred lawyer and finam at

204

Fi

fraudster named Arnold Pr
had been commuted by Bill
left office.

Sheriff Bradshaw wants

conjugal.

But even US attorney Aco:
agreement with the governmi
ment was highly irregular.

“Epstein appears to have
while in jail,” Acosta would .
eral public. “Although the ter
are a matter appropriately lef
eral authorities, without dot
while in state custody under

And, of course, Epstein’s ;
by taxpayers.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010544
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029713.txt,"But this will all be for naught without
better governance, argues Gurcharan Das,
the former C.E.O. of Procter & Gamble
India, whose latest book is “India Grows
at Night: A Liberal Case for a Strong
State.” “The aspirational India has no one
to vote for, because no one is talking the
language of public goods. Why should it
take us 15 years to get justice in the
courts or 12 years to build a road? The
gap between [youth] aspirations and
government performance is huge. My
thesis is that India has risen despite the
state. It is a story of public failure and
private success.”

That is what Das means by India grows at
night, when government sleeps. “But
India must learn to grow during the day,”
he said. “If India fixes its governance
before China fixes its politics that 1s who
will win. ... You need a strong state and a
strong society, so the society can hold the
state accountable. India will only get a
strong state when the best of society join
the government, and China will only get
a strong society when the best Mandarins
go into the private sector.”

Article 5.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029713
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011882.txt,"/ BARAK / 125

Chapter Twenty-Five

I had hoped that in facing down the nuclear threat from Iran, I could nudge Bibi
towards a reengagement with the Palestinians — not with great enthusiasm, but as
an act of pure political pragmatism. There were only two ways we could stop the
Iranians from getting a nuclear weapon: for the Americans to make sure that
happened, or not to hinder Israel from doing so. Either was going to be a lot harder
if there was tension with the new American president, Barack Obama, over moves
to revive the peace process with the Palestinians.

I didn’t expect it to be put to the test so soon. Yet within weeks of our taking
office, President Obama launched an effort to restart negotiations, declaring it
“intolerable” that there was still not a Palestinian state. He was explicit about what
Israel needed to do. In an Oval Office meeting with Bibi in May 2009, and in a
speech in Cairo the next month, he called for a total halt to settlement construction
on the West Bank. US opposition to settlements wasn’t new. For years,
Washington’s position had been that they represented “an obstacle to peace.” The
main issue wasn’t even the creation of new settlements, since there had been
almost none in recent years. It was the expansion of existing ones. The Jewish
population on the West Bank had been about 190,000 when I became Prime
Minister. In the decade since then, it had grown to 315,000 — more than half-a-
million if you counted the Jewish neighborhoods built inside the expanded, post-
1967 boundaries of Jerusalem. The expansion — “natural growth” as we
euphemistically described it to the Americans — was what President Obama now
wanted Bibi to end.

I had no illusions about how hard it would be to get him to agree. With each
passing year since Camp David, the pro-settlement right wing in Israel had become
more confident and influential. In a way, the settlers and their supporters —
passionately devoted to a “Greater Israel” and opposed to any Palestinian state —
had become the 21*-century equivalent of the kibbutz avant-garde of a half-century
earlier. The rise of Avigdor Lieberman’s Yisrael Beiteinu party was the latest sign,
alongside a move rightward within the Likud itself. For Bibi to say yes to a
settlement freeze would mean putting aside his own short-term political interests in
recognition of the importance of our alliance with the Americans. He’d actually
done this, twice, during his first term as Prime Minister. He had agreed to give the

411
HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011882
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029075.txt,"wealth that they took in the 15 years leading up to the crisis was not hit at all, and I think
that’s one of the fuels of this populist revolt that we’re seeing as the tea party. So I think
there are many, many measures, particularly about getting the banks on better footing,
making them address all the liquid assets they have. I think you need a real clean-up of
the banks balance sheets.

In addition, I think you really need to go back and make banks do what they do:
Commercial banks lend money, and investment banks invest in entrepreneurs and to get
away from this trading — you know, the hedge fund securitization, which they’ve all
become basically trading operations and securitizations and not put capital back and
really grow businesses and to grow the economy. So I think it’s a whole area that just —
and I will tell you, the underpinning of this populist revolt is the financial crisis of 2008.
That revolt, the way that it was dealt with, the way that the people who ran the banks and
ran the hedge funds have never really been held accountable for what they did, has fueled
much of the anger in the tea party movement in the United States.

Questioner: Thank you.

Bannon: Great question.

Questioner: Hello, Mr. Bannon. I’m Mario Fantini, a Vermonter living in Vienna,
Austria. You began describing some of the trends you're seeing worldwide, very
dangerous trends, worry trends. Another movement that I’ve been seeing grow and
spread in Europe, unfortunately, is what can only be described as tribalist or neo-nativist
movement — they call themselves Identitarians. These are mostly young, working-class,
populist groups, and they’re teaching self-defense classes, but also they are arguing
against — and quite effectively, I might add — against capitalism and global financial
institutions, etc. How do we counteract this stuff? Because they're appealing to a lot of
young people at a very visceral level, especially with the ethnic and racial stuff.

Bannon: I didn’t hear the whole question, about the tribalist?

“One of the committees in Congress said to the Justice Department, 35 [bank] executives,
I believe, that they should have criminal indictments against — not one of those has ever
been followed up on.”

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029075
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012855.txt,"What seems most critical to the pathology is the lack of control which leads to repetitive lying over a long
period of time. Compared with run of the mill liars, pathological liars often seem unaware that they are
lying and do so many times a day as part of their daily habit. In the same way that birds have to fly and
fish have to swim, pathological liars have to lie. If pathological liars are unaware of their lies and
incapable of controlling themselves, then they are not responsible for the harm they impose. They have no
choice. Unbeknownst to them, their brain has been hijacked by a creative fiction writer. They are
following a script, but have no sense of its author.

Dike’s summary is based on a loose and eclectic set of clinical observations. Several clinicians
thus debate whether habitual lying counts as pathology and thus, whether it is worthy of an entry into the
Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders. For example, how can the clinician establish
pathology given the evidence that healthy people lie about twice a day, physicians lie about 40-80% of the
time to help their patients gain better health care, and lying within an experimental context increases as
subjects generate more lies? My own sense is that despite the difficulty of defining the pathology with
precision, clinicians have identified individuals that lie with every breath and often identify psychopaths
by their calculated conning. These observations sharpen our approach to understanding the seeds of deceit
and self-deception in the non-pathological condition. For example, does excessive and sustained lying
stem from a specific problem associated with recognizing the truth or does it grow from a more general
problem with self-control? Or, does the habitual liar suffer from an emotional deficit such that when he or
she lies, there are no feelings of guilt and shame? Without these emotional regulators, it is impossible to
learn from the harm caused. When healthy people distort the truth, they often feel bad. When healthy
people think about distorting the truth, they often think about the potential harm and then silence the
option to lie in favor of the truth. Perhaps unhealthy people never hear these emotional alarms. The mind
sciences have begun addressing these issues.

The American neuroscientist Adrian Raine reported that individuals with a history of repeated
lying and con-artistry have structurally different brains from non-liars, including individuals with a
history of anti-social problems. Habitual liars have more white matter in the frontal lobes, but less grey
matter. White matter consists of axons and myelin. The axon 1s the part of a nerve cell that carries
information. It is like the electric cable that runs from the power station. Myelin covers the axon, at least
in healthy individuals. It is like the fat around your bones, protecting and insulating neurons. Fat helps
keep us warm. Myelin helps neurons transmit information. The grey matter consists of nerve cell bodies,
which lack myelin. The function of grey matter is to connect up the neurons to transmit information
between areas of the brain.

Raine suggests that the increase in white matter gives habitual liars the upper hand when it comes

to lying, helping them suppress the truth, control their emotions, and mind read what others believe and

Hauser Chapter 3. Ravages of denial 109

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012855
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018818.txt,"Area Analysis 8

Economic Analysis

Area Analysis

Location

The U.S. Virgin Islands are located in the Caribbean Sea and the Atlantic Ocean, about 90 miles (140
km) east of Puerto Rico and immediately west of the British Virgin Islands.

The territory consists of four main islands: Saint Thomas, Saint John, Saint Croix, and Water Island, as
well as several dozen smaller islands. The combined land area of the islands is roughly twice the size of
Washington, D.C.

IGY American Yacht Harbor Marina

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018818
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013593.txt,"spontaneously along with an instantaneous knowing-how-it-is-with-you-and-|l-and-
all-of-us that made even vicious killers appear sympathetic. Is this what the
Charismatic New Testament Book Churches mean by redemption through
forgiveness of others, requiring the genuine sincerity of this thought before
qualifying for Communion? Is this Christ’s undemanding gift of grace as in Romans
4: where Paul observed that all of us fall short of the full glory of God unless justified
freely by His grace. Was this the New Testament’s spiritual technological advance
from the Old Testament’s and Koran’s eye-for-an-eye? Did this chemically triggered
transcendent experience differ significantly from the supernatural transformation of
individuals by the Holy Spirit of Christian revivalist teachings? Martin Marty,
University of Chicago’s Professor of Modern Church History, dates the
institutionalization of this personal transformation in the United States to the post-
Civil War period. Did this mean that the mysteriously selfless love of Christian
agape and the altruism of E.O. Wilson’s sociobiology lay waiting in the brain and
could appear spontaneously, by grace, without lawful directive, repetitive recitation
or the discipline of catechism?

As one might have suspected, the urgency of my inner and outer search for a
new spiritual ecology of mind was driven by more personal needs. My spiritual
hunger was made acute a couple of years before our laboratory’s DMT discovery
when as a 30 year old Assistant Professor of Psychiatry and Neuroscience at UCLA
in West Los Angeles, | was living in a small, heavily mortgaged house in Brentwood
with my graduate student wife and two young sons. A testicular lump was an
accidental discovery made while showering. After surgical biopsy and radical lymph
node dissection, the professor of urology gave me a diagnosis of right testicular
choriocarcinoma. All by itself, my testicle had given birth to a mass containing all the
embryological tissues of a fetus, and had thrown in some maternal placental cells

Unlike now, when the group of testicular neoplasms are treated

successfully with a high survival rate (think Lance Armstrong), at that time, follow up
research of this young man’s disease by the Army Medical Corps promised a five-
year survival rate of only 5% to 10%. The news filled me with fear and the ensuing

hopeless resignation detached me from life with a dread broken up only by
93

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013593
"
TEXT-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033214.txt,"From: Mark L. Epstein 
Sent: 1/12/2017 10:35:55 PM 
To: 'jeffrey E.' [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Subject: your boy trump 
Importance: High 
I saw this post about Trump's difficulty in getting entertainers and cracked up: 
It is rumored also that comrades Boris and Natasha and Fearless Leader have also offered performance at 
tremendous inauguration of Moose and Squirrel. 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 033214 
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018289.txt,"As a start let’s at least fix the weird language of our current foreign policy world: We
don’t live in what they like to call a “Post Cold War” era anymore. (Who, after all,
called the Enlightenment the “post-Feudal era”?) We live in what is probably best
called “The Age of Network Power.” A world of connection is responding to a
powerful logic of its own. It builds new platforms, sometimes defined by users or by
technology or by the way in which currency or weapons move. Melvin Conway’s
deep engineering insight was right, the design of networks does affect our real
world. Even now itis shuffling us into “convergence” and “divergence” clubs. What
is next is the struggle to decide who is in which club. What businesses will win?
What technologies? Which ideas? Our only chance will be to learn a new instinct for
just how power moves on networks. And it’s to this that we will turn now.

57

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018289
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012435.txt,"18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25

—_

So Oo ONY OO oO Be WwW LD

~0929104. TXT
Q. That's the lawyer who first sued Epstein on

your behalf, right?

A. Yes.
Q. Has Mr. Herman advanced your family any
money?

MR. LEOPOLD: Any conversations that you've
had with Mr. Herman regarding that issue, you are
not to disctose. If you've learned in some other

47
fashion, you may answer.

THE WITNESS: Okay.

| wouldn't Know.

BY MR. TEIN:
Q, You don't know?
Bo No.

MR. LEOPOLD: Objection. Foundation.

Attorney/client privilege.
BY MR. TEIN:

Q. And you say you don't know who Jeff Sloman
is?

A. No, sir.

Q. Does it refresh your recollection that he's

the number two prosecutor at the U.S. Attorney's Office?

A. No.

Q. That he’s Marie Villafona's boss?

A. No.

Q. Does it refresh your memory that he's the

ex-partner of Jeff Herman, the first lawyer who sued
you -- sued Mr. Epstein on your behalf for fifty million
dol lars?

A. No. | don't know who he is.
Page 40

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012435
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031273.txt,"In particular, you stated in an email sent on Nov 13 that two universities had investigated an incident (# 6
below). You claimed that “both Universities independently concluded that the report was unsubstantiated and
fabricated with malicious intent.” We are not aware that either university concluded fabrication or malicious
intent, so if you have evidence to support this assertion, we would like to see and discuss it.

The story concerns your actions towards students while a professor of physics at Case Western Reserve
University, as well as your conduct in non-academic settings as a prominent figure in the skeptics movement. |
am reporting this story along with two of my colleagues on the science desk, Azeen Ghorayshi and Virginia
Hughes.

Our story is about several allegations of sexual misconduct dating from 2006 to 2016 (see full details below).
Our reporting also goes into how the various institutions you have been affiliated with — Case Western,
Arizona State University, the Australian National University, the New College of the Humanities, and the Center
for Inquiry, for which you serve as an honorary member of the board of directors — have handled complaints
and concerns about your behavior during this time.

Our story is corroborated by emails, university documents, official complaints, testimony from victims and
eyewitnesses, and interviews with more than two dozen of your current and former academic colleagues,
students, and peers in the skeptics movement.

| wanted to offer you the opportunity to comment and/or respond to the main facts we plan to publish. If you
wish to comment on any of the below findings, we need to hear from you as soon as possible. We are
planning on publishing our story Tuesday morning, Eastern US Time.

Based on our reporting, this is what we plan to publish:

Incident 1:

° In November of 2006, at an event launching the new Center for Inquiry in Washington D.C., you met a
volunteer for CFI D.C.

° At the event, you asked for her business card. Later, you followed her as she was leaving and asked
her if she was “of age.”

° Later, you emailed her to invite her to dinner.

° You planned to dine with her in the restaurant at the Washington D.C. hotel where you were staying.

° You told her to come up to your room first because you needed to finish some work.

° In your hotel room, you seemed in no rush to leave. You ordered a cheese plate, and later champagne,
despite her suggestion that you go down to dinner.

° You then made a comment about her eye makeup, getting very close to her face.

° You then lifted her by her arms, and pushed her onto the bed beneath you, forcibly kissing her and
trying to pull down the crotch of her tights.

° She struggled to push you off her.

° You said, “When | was in college | could never get a girl that looked like you.”

° When you pulled out a condom, she got out from under you. She said “I have to go,” and rushed out of
the room.

Incident 2:

° In an incident that occurred in fall of 2007 while you were a physics professor at Case Western Reserve

University, a student tried to talk to you about her plans after graduation. You mentioned to her how tough it
must be to have all the other physics majors asking her out on dates.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031273
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028298.txt,"THE HOUSE OF THE NOBLEMAN
CURATED BY WOLFE VON LENKIEWICZ & VICTORIA GOLEMBIOVSKAYA

PRESS CLIPPING (INTERNET)

BAZAAR

http://www. harpersbazaar.co.uk/fashion/blog/the-editors/house-of-noble-man

House of Noble Man
Oct 18, 2010 04:06:00 PM by Sarah Bailey

| love the extraordinary and intriguing exhibitions which one encounters around the edges of Frieze. 2009's The
Age of the Marvellous at One Marylebone (curated by AVA) was one such discovery - dark and theatrical - which
stayed with me all year...

This year's House of Noble Man (a collaboration between the Saatchi Gallery and Channel 4's New Sensations), is
another spectacular show of a very different flavour mounted in No. 2 Cornwall Terrace, a gleaming showcase of
super-prime real-estate. (| attended on the opening night and was treated to a tour of two other oligarch-ready
show mansions at No.6 and 11 Cornwall Terrace, by a dashing Knight Frank estate agent by the name of Darren
Daggers... Quite surreal, but, of course, an incredibly resonant statement about the current art market).

Back at No. 2 Cornwall Terrace, House of Noble Man curated by Victoria Golembiovskaya and artist-of-the-
moment Wolfe Von Lenkiewicz mixes work from the giants of modern art - Cezanne and Picasso - with some
dazzling and provocative contemporary pieces plus, of course, Channel 4's New Sensations discoveries.

| loved the filigree Cement Truck sculpture by Wim Delvoye (the Belgian conceptual artist probably best-known
for his work in the 90s involving the tattooing of live pigs), Rachel Whiteread's dolls house chess set and New
Sensation Elizabeth Jordan's dream-like kinetic installation, which she is showing in an upper bedroom. Of course,
there's nothing like a Frieze party to lure out London's finest exhibitions and | was very pleased to meet showgoer
Philip Levine, who uses his bald pate (bejeweled on this occasion as though he is wearing a Swarovski swim cap)
as his canvas. His next show, he informs me, is being sponsored by Gilette...

House of Noble Man is on until
Wednesday October 20, so do try and
see it. Entry is free, but you have to
book an appointment.

2 Cornwall Terrace, London, United
Kingdom, NW1, cornwallterrace.co.uk
(Image: ‘House of Noble Man‘, curated
by Victoria Golembiovskaya and Wolfe
Von Lenkiewicz.)

18

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028298
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032047.txt,"SEE YOUR FLIPBOARD ON THE WEB
OR DOWNLOAD THE MOBILE APP

You have received this email because you signed up for an account on Flipboard with the email address:
jeevacation@gmail.com.

UNSUBSCRIBE | PRIVACY POLICY

©2019 Flipboard, Inc. Made with love at 735 Emerson Street, Palo Alto, CA 94301

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032047
"
TEXT-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032637.txt,"From: 
Sent: 
To: 
Subject: 
Attachments: 
Robert Kuhn 
11/6/2017 1:19:09 PM 
jeffrey E. [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Re: 
Kuhn - CNN - Xi and New Politburo Standing Committee - 10.26.17.pdf; Untitled attachment 168555.htm; Kuhn - BBC 
World News - Xi Jinping and the New Politburo Standing Committee - 10.25.17.pdf; Untitled attachment 
168558.htm; Kuhn - CNN - Xi and 19th CPC National Congress - 10.25.17A.pdf; Untitled attachment 168561.htm; 
Kuhn - New Era on the Road to 2050 - China Daily Newspaper - 10.28.17.pdf; Untitled attachment 168564.htm 
Importance: High 
You nailed it! (before —1/2 of family). 
Still in China - from Party Congress through Trump ""State+ Visit"". Many interviews/commentaries (CNN/BBC 
attached). 
More important (from some ultimate reference frame): Radical Breakthroughs. Preproduction going well; 
expect to send by end of month complete preproduction document, with 3-4 pages on each of the 13 episodes - 
refined versions of the prototypes (first two episodes) I sent you in late Sept. Excited. Looking forward to 
discussing content. 
I'll be in NY from —Nov. 21/22 through early January. When to meet? Breakthroughs and of course politics / 
geopolitics (so much). 
Robert 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 032637 
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031186.txt,"﻿California woman accusing Donald Trump of raping her when she
was 13 years old to break her silence
The woman behind a potentially damaging lawsuit accusing Donald Trump of raping her when she was an
underage teen will break her silence today, her lawyer said.
The California woman, known until now as “Jane Doe,” will finally give voice to long-denied allegations
that the Republican presidential nominee sexually assaulted her in New York during a series of sex parties
hosted by alleged billionaire pedophile Jeffrey Epstein in 1994.
The woman filed a lawsuit in Manhattan Supreme Court in June. She is scheduled to speak at a Los
Angeles press conference this afternoon.
She said she was 13 at the time of the alleged attacks.
Lawsuit accusing Trump of raping girl, 13, gets December hearing
“Immediately following this rape, Defendant Trump threatened me that, were I ever to reveal any of the
details of Defendant Trump’s sexual and physical abuse of me, my family and I would be physically
harmed if not killed,” the plaintiff said in an affidavit.
12 photos view gallery
The women accusing Donald Trump of sexual assault
She says that since Trump launched his campaign and received mass media coverage, she has been
“subjected to daily painful reminders of the horrific acts.”
A similar lawsuit by the woman was dismissed by a Los Angeles Federal Court in May.
A lawyer who was representing the woman at the time, Thomas Meagher, said the original suit, which she
filed without the help of an attorney, was dismissed because it cited statutes that did not apply to the case.
Trump campaign manager: There'd be no rape if women were stronger
Alan Garten, vice president and general counsel of the Trump Organization, has said the allegations were
“categorically untrue, completely fabricated and politically motivated.”
Epstein, who is also named as a defendant, has also denied the allegations. Epstein is alleged to have
preyed on dozens of underage girls in the late 1990s and early 2000s, but pleaded guilty to soliciting a
minor in just one case in 2008.
But the woman’s new lawyer, Lisa Bloom, said the case against
Trump cannot be ignored. She has even launched a GoFundMe
page to raise money to support Trump’s sexual assault accusers.
“My law firm will proudly represent any accusers sued by Donald
Trump and crowd fund defense costs,"" Bloom tweeted. “Can’t wait
to take his deposition!”
Billionaire perv Jeffrey Epstein must testify in victim's
lawsuit
Bloom is the daughter of noted women’s rights lawyer Gloria
Allred.
(Florida Department of Law
Enforcement/REUTERS)
Tags:
donald trump
lawsuits
sexual abuse lawsuits
california
new york sexual assaults
jeffrey epstein
Send a Letter to the Editor
Join the Conversation:
Tweet
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029748.txt,"Sender:

Time: 12/05/18 05:48:49 AM (565710529)

Flags: 1060865

Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 82EC560D-E396-4AB0-941C-7116A56EA750
Message: Faust exactly

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 12/05/18 05:49:17 AM (565710557)

Flags: 1085445

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GUID: 92F98EAD-37D6-48A 1-9D5F-05CEOCS65DE7
Message: surprise surprise surprise gomer

Sender:

Time: 12/05/18 05:49:28 AM (565710568)

Flags: 1060865

Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 67BOD4E2-7296-4A4E-9F97-AA826379B7DB
Message: How's our curing breast cancer coming

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

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Message: im doing hands on research

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GUID: CFFB25B5-D749-4A04-B456-D4AB026CED27
Message: breast cancer easier to cure than the me too movment

Sender:
Time: 12/05/18 05:50:28 AM (565710628)

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Message: You are a brilliant guy--- go all in and organize a real effort to leave a mark

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com
Time: 12/05/18 05:50:52 AM (565710652)

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029748
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030219.txt,"On Sun, May 10, 2015 at 9:48 PM, Brandon Thompson PY wrote:

Dear Richard,

| am not sure whether the photos depict the column right. | looked at it and does not do the justice to what you have on
the column. | hope you can see the details like even changing the white areas into rubbed ones and emphasising crabs.
Making the rope ""wet"" looking. contrasting the rubbed areas with white, and looking at the entire column as a whole.
All the columns are looking different, as somebody would work previously on them, and some of them are over-rubbed,
some of them are not rubbed at all. The upper part also, | prepared a sample, so Mr. Epstein can see the difference.
Brandon

On Sun, May 10, 2015 at 9:35 PM, Brandon Thompson 4 > wrote:

Dear Richard,
It is after 9:20 pm and | tried to text Ann, but she did not answer. My suspicion is, she is already asleep. | will try to send

=

you photos if | can.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030219
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011601.txt,"“What the hell is going on?” I replied, in a mix of a shout and a whisper,
since I knew the convoy was getting closer. But within a minute, we spotted the
lead Land Rover, which was soon past us on the way up to the ridge. It was
followed by two large American cars, with the Syrian officers, and then a
trailing security vehicle. It was too late. I was fuming. The convoy had passed
within a couple of yards of us, moving slowly because of the incline. But,
regaining my composure, | realized we’d get another opportunity, when the
officers returned from their inspection visit. We now knew exactly how the
convoy was deployed, and with any luck, the security men would be less alert
by the end of the day. Even better, it would be beginning to get dark, perfect
conditions for the ambush.

But as we were waiting, Amit radioed me with a question from from Dado
and Motta. “Where’s the armored car?” It’s still there, at the bottom of the road,
I told them. “But there’s nothing it can do.” Bibi and his team had it in their
sights. I considered not telling Amit what happened a few minutes later: a
Lebanese shepherd, with a half-dozen sheep, stumbled on us. One of Uzi’s men,
fluent in Arabic, tied the startled man’s arms behind his back, scattered the
sheep, and told him: “It’s fine. Another hour or so, we’ll be gone, and we’ll let
you go.” It turned out to be less than an hour. Forty-five minutes. During which,
not once but twice, Amit told us that Dado and Motta were worried: about the
armored car and now about the shepherd. I assured him everything was fine.
We'd do the operation. The guys in the armored car would be helpless. If all
went well, they might not even know we’d intercepted the convoy. The
shepherd, like us, was just waiting for it to be over so we could all go home.
Minutes later, Amit called again. He told us the convoy was on its way down.
But barely 60 seconds later, he said: “It’s off. Don’t do it. Dado told me to
repeat it twice so you’d understand: do not do the operation.”

When we got back to the command post, not only were Dado and Motta
there. Since Motta was within days of leaving to become Israel’s military
attaché in Washington, they’d been joined by his successor as head of the
northern command, Yitzhak Hofi. Three times, I suggested to Dado that we
speak without my officers present. I did not feel it was nght to have Uzi,
Mookie and Bibi hear me the generals how I felt. But Dado insisted there was
no reason for them to leave.

“This is a serious issue,” I said, trying to keep my emotions in check. “What
happened out there is unacceptable. An effective special-forces unit cannot
operate this way. For the second time in a week, you’ve made us stop an

130
HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011601
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029990.txt,"| make thousands by showing off my naked 490-pound body

She sure has a lot to love. Bobbi-Jo Westley, 43, of Pennsylvania, has
eight-foot hips, weighs 490 pounds and a fan club of men who call
themselves “chubby chasers” and can’t get e...

MORE LIVING

Chain of private islands off Connecticut coast up for sale

Who needs the Caribbean when you can buy your own private
archipelago off the Connecticut coast. While some wealthy couples
collect art, Christine and Edmund Stoecklein used their millions to buy a
major portfolio of private islands. Now their secret s...

MORE REAL ESTATE

The ruthless, punishing life of a Facebook employee

After leaving Goldman Sachs in 2008, Antonio Garcia Martinez struck
out for Silicon Valley, founding a startup and seguing to Facebook,
where he worked as a product manager from 2011 to 2013. His memoir

ce

MORE TECH

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029990
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020462.txt,"Except for Russia, no other country’s efforts to influence American politics and society

is as extensive and well-funded as China’s. The ambition of Chinese activity in terms of

the breadth, depth of investment of financial resources, and intensity requires far greater
scrutiny than it has been getting, because China is intervening more resourcefully and
forcefully across a wider range of sectors than Russia. By undertaking activities that have
become more organically embedded in the pluralistic fabric of American life, it has gained a
far wider and potentially longer-term impact.

Summary of Findings

This report, written and endorsed by a group of this country’s leading China specialists and
students of one-party systems is the result of more than a year of research and represents

an attempt to document the extent of China’s expanding influence operations inside the
United States. While there have been many excellent reports documenting specific examples
of Chinese influence seeking,* this effort attempts to come to grips with the issue as a whole
and features an overview of the Chinese party-state United Front apparatus responsible for
guiding overseas influence activities. It also includes individual sections on different sectors
of American society that have been targeted by China. The appendices survey China’s quite
diverse influence activities in other democratic countries around the world.

Among the report’s findings:

e¢ The Chinese Communist party-state leverages a broad range of party, state, and non-state
actors to advance its influence-seeking objectives, and in recent years it has significantly
accelerated both its investment and the intensity of these efforts. While many of the
activities described in this report are state-directed, there is no single institution in China’s
party-state that is wholly responsible, even though the “United Front Work Department”
has become a synecdoche for China’s influence activities, and the State Council
Information Office and CCP® Central Committee Foreign Affairs Commission have
oversight responsibilities (see Appendix: “China’s Influence Operations Bureaucracy”).
Because of the pervasiveness of the party-state, many nominally independent actors—
including Chinese civil society, academia, corporations, and even religious institutions—
are also ultimately beholden to the government and are frequently pressured into service
to advance state interests. The main agencies responsible for foreign influence operations
include the Party’s United Front Work Department, the Central Propaganda Department,
the International Liaison Department, the State Council Information Office, the All-China
Federation of Overseas Chinese, and the Chinese People’s Association for Friendship with
Foreign Countries. These organizations and others are bolstered by various state agencies
such as the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Overseas Chinese Affairs Office of the
State Council, which in March 2018 was merged into the United Front Work Department,
reflecting that department’s increasing power.

Introduction

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020462
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026588.txt,"assess the liability only against the QSub or QRS and, in the event of a failure to pay the liability
after notice and demand, may file a federal tax lien only against the QSub's or QRS's property
and rights to property. *

Another instance in which a DRE is recognized for federal tax purposes arises when the IRS is
seeking to collect a tax liability from the sole member of a SMLLC. In CCA 199930013, the IRS
Chief Counsel advised that the IRS could not levy on an LLC's assets, because under state law
the sole member of the LLC did not own the property of the LLC. The Chief Counsel stated that
the mere fact that an LLC is disregarded as an entity separate from its sole member (the
taxpayer in that case) for federal tax purposes does not entitle the IRS to disregard the LLC for
collection purposes. “® The Chief Counsel added that state law determines a taxpayer's property
interests for purposes of tax collection, “4 but the IRS could levy on the taxpayer's distributive
interest in the LLC and sell that interest or file suit to foreclose the federal tax lien against the
ownership interest. “8 In addition, depending on the facts of the case, the IRS might collect from
an LLC's assets on the basis that it is the alter ego of its single-member or pursuant to a
nominee or transferee liability theory. “2

TEFRA Rules.

Another exception to the general rule arises in the context of the Code's audit rules for
partnerships, which were enacted by the Tax Equity and Fiscal Responsibility Act of 1982
(TEFRA). TEFRA radically changed the way in which the IRS audits partnerships for errors in
reporting partnership income. 22 TEFRA's basis is found in Section 6221, which provides that “the
tax treatment of any partnership item (and the applicability of any penalty, addition to tax, or
additional amount which relates to an adjustment to a partnership item) shall be determined at
the partnership level.”

Section 6231(a)(1)(B) excludes “small partnerships” from the TEFRA rules by excluding from the
definition of a “partnership” any partnership with ten or fewer partners, each of whom is a U.S.
individual, a C corporation, or an estate of a deceased partner. The small partnership exception
does not apply, however, to a partnership for a tax year if any partner in the partnership during
that tax year is a “pass-thru partner.”°* A pass-thru partner means a partnership, estate, trust,
S corporation, nominee, or other similar person through whom other persons hold an interest in
the partnership. =2

The issue that arises in this context is whether a DRE that is a partner of a partnership is
disregarded when determining whether the small partnership exception to TEFRA applies. The
IRS has looked at this issue on at least two different occasions and, in both cases, treated an
SMLLC as a separate entity. That is, the IRS determined that the SMLLC—not its individual sole
member—was the partner in applying the small partnership exception to the TEFRA audit rules. *2
Because the SMLLC was treated as the partner and was a “pass-thru partner,” as defined in
Section 6231(a)(9), the small partnership exception did not apply in either case.

In CCA 200250012, IRS Chief Counsel reasoned that the statutory language indicated that
Congress intended that the small partnership exception to TEFRA would not apply whenever, as
a factual matter, ownership in the partnership is held through another person, regardless of the
legal classification of that person. Rev. Rul. 2004-88 reached the same result, but the IRS
reasoned there that state law dictated the holding. The IRS based its holding on the fact that the
sole member of the SMLLC partner was not a partner of the partnership under state law; rather,
the IRS found that the sole member held his partnership interest in the partnership indirectly
through the SMLLC (i.e., was an indirect partner via the “pass-thru partner”),

Sharing of Partnership Liabilities under Code Section 752.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026588
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015296.txt,"HIGHER THAN THOU

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015296
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012308.txt,"25

oO MON DH BWN B

NN NN EB BP BP eB YH eB RB Ee BP Bp
wnyny fF OF WO WDN DD WwW BP WO Ww FE OO

2007-04-25 MEE +x1
iz

A. f yeah, I brought a.

26

Q. who is she? Tell us about i

A. Sabrina, we look just alike, if that’s the girl
I'm thinking about. We went to school together and I
brought her one time and then she ended up moving so she
couldn't come with me.
Q. were you guys in the same grade or --
No, she was older than me.

A
Q. A year or two?
A .

So when you were a sophomore, she was a senior?
I just met her in school and I told her.
BY MS. BILAFONIA:
Q. what was her last name?
A. I don't know.
BY AGENT RICHARDS:
Q. Do you know where she lived? A. I just
met her in school and I told her about it.
Q. You told her about it at school? Is that where
your discussion was or --
A. well, I said give me your number. I said you

can make a couple of dollars. It's real easy. And if
Page 27

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012308
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030650.txt,"constitute inside information, and is intended only for

the use of the addressee. It is the property of

JEE

Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
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HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030650
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IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017687.txt,"Page 52 of 78
2007 Utah L. Rev. 861, *933

409 _ and presumably they will be conferring

But the CVRA already gives victims the right to ""confer"" with prosecutors
regarding the important topic of sentencing. It is important to emphasize that my proposal would require prosecutors to give all
relevant information to the victim; in other words, prosecutors would serve as a conduit to the victim, but not a controller of the

victim.

The Advisory Committee declined to adopt my proposal, opining that ""the prosecutor should remain the victim's source of
information regarding the sentencing process and the contents of the presentence report, and the prosecutor should have
discretion to determine what information from the presentence report should be imparted to the victim."" 4!° This reasoning
clashes directly with the CVRA's guiding principle: that victims deserve their own rights in the criminal process. Congress
wanted victims to become participants with rights ""independent of the government or the defendant ... ."" 41! For this reason,
the CVRA allows the [*934] victim to assert rights independently of the government. 4!” Senator Kyl explained the victim's
right to independent action directly: ""[There is no authority for] the government's attorney ... to compromise or co-opt a
victim's right... . The rights provided in this bill are personal to the individual crime victim and it is that crime victim that has
the final word regarding which of the specific rights to assert and when."" 413

One of the victim's independent rights includes the opportunity to make ""sentencing recommendations."" 4!4 Congress's
command that victims be independent participants cannot be faithfully implemented if prosecutors control the information
victims receive. If allowed to do so, prosecutors could simply feed the victim information supporting the government's view,
while withholding information undercutting it. +15 Nothing in the CVRA provides any support for this approach. +!°

The Advisory Committee was also concerned that presentence reports ""are typically treated as confidential, because they
include a great deal of personal information about the defendant ... ."". 4!” But this concern was easily handled by my
requirement that prosecutors pass along only ""relevant"" contents of the presentence reports. Personal information only
tangentially connected to sentencing issues would not be disclosed. And if personal information about the defendant were
directly connected to sentencing issues, then fairness entitles the victim to that information to formulate a sentencing
recommendation. After all, by the time of sentencing, the defendant has been found guilty, beyond a reasonable doubt, of
harming a victim. By committing a crime against the victim, the defendant has certainly forfeited some privacy interests -
including the chance to keep from the victim information relevant to sentencing. It is also important to recall that this
information is not truly confidential in the sense that no one else [*935] will see it. It has already been disclosed to the

probation officer, defense counsel, the prosecutor, and the judge.

409 18 U.S.C. § 3771(ay(5) (2006).

419 CVRA Subcommittee Memo, supra note 66, at 18.

411 150 Cong. Rec. $4268 (daily ed. Apr. 22, 2004) (statement of Sen. Kyl).

412 See 8 U.S.C. § 3771(d)(1) (a victim's rights may be asserted by both the prosecutor and the victim or victim's representative).
413 150 Cong. Rec. $10,912 (daily ed. Oct. 9, 2004) (statement of Sen. Kyl).
414 150 Cong. Rec. $4268 (daily ed. Apr. 22, 2004) (statement of Sen. Kyl).

415 The Advisory Committee's view that prosecutors should control what information the victim receives is so fundamentally at odds with the
animating principles of the CVRA that it makes one wonder where it came from. Interestingly the view seems to have originated in a small
subcommittee with a representative from the Justice Department but no crime victims rights representative. See CVRA Subcommittee Memo,
supra note 66, at 1 (noting that Deborah Rhodes, Counselor to the Asst. Atty. Gen. of the Criminal Division, served on the subcommittee
drafting this language).

416 At another point in its memorandum, the CVRA Subcommittee refers to /8 U.S.C. § 3771(d)(6), which provides that ""nothing in this
chapter shall be construed to impair the prosecutorial discretion of the Attorney General or any officer under his direction."" CVRA
Subcomittee Memo, supra note 66, at 20. But the simple act of giving information in a court document (the presentence report) to crime
victims does not impair the government's decision of whether and how to prosecute a defendant. See supra notes 363-365 and accompanying
text (discussing impairment issue under Rule 20).

417 CVRA Subcommittee Memo, supra note 66, at 18.

DAVID SCHOEN

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017687
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TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022844.txt,"﻿     	It’s an absurdly vast house, among the largest in Manhattan, but the dining room is windowless, creating a hermetic or stop-time sense, broken only by the household help ferrying in time-of-day-appropriate foods and beverages. 
In sweatshirt, draw-string pants, palm beach slippers, and half glasses, Jeffrey Epstein sits at the head of the table. He spends most of his day in the dining room, remote from the world, in front of a lap top and beside a row of reading glasses (there are a lot of them in case, apparently, he misplaces a pair, but being quite meticulous he never does) advising, or instructing, a startling collection of the rich and powerful, slotted in on an hourly basis. 
The apartness of Epstein’s dining room might seem to offer some buffer in this leveled, angry age for a super rich man who attends to even more fabulously rich men (and the occasional extremely rich woman). On the other hand, with the paparazzi often posted near by, the outside world seem dangerously close too. (Once I arrived for a visit and found several police cars blocking the street and thought the worst—they’d come for Jeffrey. But it was a security detail for a controversial head of state, also visiting him.)
His subject for the morning is “hyper wealth.” His subject is always some rarefied science or wealth, todays topic is how  capital will most likely react to the given global political, economic, and cultural moment. The otherwise baronial dining room is disturbed by an ever-present white board, on which he scribbles calculations and notes, conducting perhaps the world’s most rarified economics class, often to many of the world’s finance ministers and foremost economists. 
Epstein’s apartness or parallel life reflects much of the other-worldly characteristics of the wealth revolution that began in the late 1970s and that continued through the Wall Street boom of the 80s, the tech boom of the 90s—surviving, to often bitter attack, the banking crisis—and that has now seen the emergence of the international billionaire and oligarch class. He has quite turned himself into a hyperbolic representations of this wealth and hence, in a way, become accountable for it.
His own way to riches was to become a voracious  student of the new money, as well as one of its larger than life characters, as it grew to an unanticipated and disruptive scale. His stock in trade is not precisely the making of money, but the corollary issues that arise when money, at a heretofore unimaginable scale ,  in personal hands alters many basic economic and social principles. 
He recounts a dinner he had two nights before. It is, like much of what he does, a conspiracist’s fantasy. The six men at this dinner, all technology entrepreneurs, represented, together, over a  hundred billion dollars. 
“In the past, only governments had this amount of money,” says Epstein conversationally, but making a pedagogical point, “money at a reality altering scale. In fact, it used to be that the rich, reaching a certain point of philanthropy, merely hoped to help make the world a better place, now they want to change the world. Rockefeller and Carnegie were, as examples of social-engineering philanthropy, unique. They alone had such resources and will. Now you have legions of people who have to give away vastly larger amounts than Rockefeller or Carnegie had at their disposal, or might even have imagined. 
“Except that it’s actually hard to give away this kind of wealth, without the always accompanied , unintended consequences, that can cause more problems than you’re solving.” 
Epstein’s long-time business thesis is that the rich know  little about the essence of money. They may know about generating it in their own businesses, but the great sums that  result ,demand an entirely different sort of an intellectual discipline. The Forbes 400, says Epstein, not immune to still exhibiting  an amount of wonder, increased their wealth by over  $500 billion last year, meaning, in effect, that on average every Forbes-list billionaire increased their wealth by  more than a billion only in one year. And, points out the 62-year-old Epstein, they will almost all be dead in 40 years, most well before that, meaning $4.2 trillion, compounding everyday, will have to be eventually change hands. “So, to understand the future, what you have to begin to do is follow the money, not in Watergate-like terms backwards, as in who has gotten it, but forwards to where it will go and who will get it.”
Epstein can find himself echoing aspects of Thomas Piketty on the inequities of the accumulation of wealth (“the divide is between people with assets, which appreciate, and people without assets, who fail to advance—that is, of course, the miracle of compounded interest”), except for the fact that Epstein, knowing the rich, understands a curious point that Piketty doesn’t: “Nobody, nobody, wants to give it all to their children. Everybody now has the modern appreciation that one of the curses of great wealth is that it can make your kids weird .”
Epstein’s position in this private allotment of a decent fraction of the U.S. Gross Domestic Product is not solely  as a philanthropist but as a higher sort of banker or guru or brain—a rich whisperer—making him, in addition to rich himself, arguably, among the most influential people you’ve never heard of. 
Though, likely, you have heard of him, but not for his prowess with high financial abstraction, but for a scandal of such luridness that he is, for a great many,is the new  poster child of the lawlessness of privilege, and for a much smaller but elite circle, the poster child for what can happen when you become the target of a resentful world. He is that Epstein, according to the Daily Mail—among his most frothing-at-the-mouth antagonists—“one of America’s most notorious sex offenders.”

And yet the mighty and powerful, apparently evaluating the nature of disgrace on their own terms, beat a path to his door. It’s a fantastic conclave of influence in his dining room: financiers, billionaires, heads of state, economic ministers.
He surely represents the kind of insiderism that is mostly just a figment in outsiders’ fantasies. Except for the fact that, straining credulity, Epstein is for real. His is an ultimate sort of fantasy of power, wealth, and secrecy. (In 2004, when the then owners of this magazine put it up for sale, I was involved with a group trying to buy it—an effort in which Epstein volunteered to invest $20 million. New York was subsequently sold to another wealthy investor.) 
Without ever being asked to keep what I have heard there off the record, I’ve willingly done so, least I not be invited back. And, too, to protect him. Who would understand Jeffrey? Who could explain him? 
Certainly Epstein’s past encounters with the press (and in many ways with the masses) have been about as disastrous as any could be, helping to open a Pandora’s box of lifestyle vulnerabilities that sent him to jail on a prostitution charge in 2008. 
And yet here he is, in his 50,000 square foot mansion, dispensing advice to world leaders and business titans. 
Indeed, Epstein has been advising one the worlds largest foundations  on a new way to increase its already vast clout  by adding funds from other wealthy individuals that can use the foundation resources (the Gates Foundation now employs 1,200 people), but which can be directed to separate causes and goals. And it is some of the hyper wealthy that  at the end of the summer began prodding Epstein to begin a process of public rehabilitation.
Hence, as part of an effort to get “out in front” of the unfavorable notice that might greet the public association with him, Epstein agreed to several on the record conversation with me, in the hope, and promise of a second chance, , that, after five years since his release from jail  and relative peace, he might be able to leaven his reputation. And with the hope on my part of learning more about how and if the rich are different than you and me (although we can fairly dispense with the if).

Then, just before the New Year, Epstein forwarded me a heads-up email that Alan Dershowtiz, one of Epstein’s long time friends—they have a bickering brotherly relationship—and occasional legal advisors, had received from a reporter at Politico and forwarded to Epstein. The Politico reporter had been following Epstein-related court filings (there is a determined contingent of Epstein reporters) and found a new one added to an old law suit with some rather jaw-dropping claims.
Six years after the original suit, a Florida lawyer was now seeking to add new plaintiffs to the old case. This new filing was accompanied by allegations connecting a catch-all of bold-faced names associated with Epstein more than ten years ago, including Dershowtiz and Britain’s Prince Andrew, to a “sex slave” ring—indeed, that Epstein’s purported sex slaves had had sex with Dershowitz and the Prince at Epstein’s command. 
This seemed to me to be merely a desperate, even comic-book, filing—just a lawyer trying to revive a dead case. I responded to Epstein that I doubted this would be seen as credible by anyone.
Epstein, who sometimes seems to have an out-of-body attitude to his own fate and bad press, said he thought it might be “quite a show.”
Two days later, the Daily Mail, which has become the effective ground zero in the English language for anti-privilege, and moral opprobrium (the more salacious the better), and whose editor Paul Dacre has a long time feud with Prince Andrew, put the story on its front page. (Epstein also has a long relationship with the family of disgraced press baron, Robert Maxwell, another reliable target of the British press.) Flimsy and far-fetched court filings in the U.S. by settlement-hungry plaintiffs might be discounted by skeptical U.S. reporters, but, the U.K. media, constrained by onerous rules about legal proceedings in the U.K., promptly went into tabloid frenzy (even the normally sniffy Guardian, in full anti- royal and anti- billionaire fever, joined the tabloid show) and effectively exported the story back to the U.S., where Epstein’s connection to Bill Clinton, and, hence as a shadow over Hillary, became the news. 
“I told you so” said Epstein.

There is Epstein in his inner world, trying, quite ostrich like, not to look out. Little beyond his strict realm seems palatable or even in a sense familiar to him. He’s a foreigner out here. Not too long ago, I met him for lunch in the West Village, the first time in more than ten years, he said, he’d been out to lunch in a restaurant (a not particularly pleasant experience for him and we were done in  under 30 minutes). 
Then there is the outside world pressed to the glass, appalled and titillated by the monster inside the big house—a kind of Boo Radley of the Upper East Side. I have taken friends by the Epstein mansion, and the reaction to its other-worldly size in Manhattan is almost always the same: a gasp. Press accounts, seldom supplying new information, ever recycle and repeat the mysterious (and monstrous) billionaire mythology, with brief glimpses of him stepping out of the house (the same photos endlessly republished), and the assumption of depravity inside.
In fact, the life in the house, without wife or children or conventional domestic demeanor, in some way conforms to the most scripted fantasies: a life somewhere between Daddy Warbucks and Eyes Wide Shut.
The domesticity of the house, and the background of Epstein’s problems, centers around a group of young women who act as his support staff and companions. Some have worked for him for many years, marrying, having children, and continuing as part of his business and household infrastructure. One woman, on an afternoon when I was there, recently married, had just returned from an around the world honeymoon that Epstein had arranged for her. Some are his romantic interests. His present girl friend is in dental school. One former girlfriend, Eva Andersson Dubin, a Swedish model and Miss Universe finalist, became a doctor and married hedge funder Glen Dubin and together they finance the Dubin Breast Center at Mount Sinai Hospital. Most at one time will travel with him to his other floating residences—the ranch in New Mexico, a vast apartment in Paris, the Island in the Caribbean, the house in Palm Beach. 
This is so outside of conventional living or staffing or romantic relationships that it is hard to describe in a straightforward or straight-faced way. It sometimes seems part of Epstein’s implicit challenge: not just look at me, but can you even believe what you see? Or it seems he is just oblivious to what others are thinking. A willful and perhaps fatal tone deafness. 
But Hefnerian prurience can also be quite businesslike: poised young women in a mansion on the Upper East Side with various office responsibilities are really not that different from any of the art galleries in the surrounding neighborhood. 
Epstein’s young women mingle freely with his powerful guests, not so much as hostess or, in tabloid language, harem-like (or as “sex slaves”), but often as attentive students (that, of course, might be regarded as having its own fetish-like attraction).
Not long ago, Epstein invited me to sit in on a day of presentations to him in his dining room by various “quants.” Quant theory involves making investments based solely on mathematical and statistical models. This method can often have uncanny predictive powers. But the problem is it doesn’t scale very well—the market, having discerned a pattern of successful investing, quickly copies and discounts the advantages of the strategy, . Epstein’s effort was to identify, dissect and choose  a dozen or so promising algorithms (each quant is effectively hawking his secret sauce algorithm) and invest up to $5 million with each. I knew paltry little about this and so rather found myself identifying with the young women to whom Epstein was explaining the basic math and mechanics—out of my league, but grateful for the lesson.
The Epstein house/office is, by careful design, exclusive and club like, part hang out, part secret society. Along with the difficulty in explaining why, even after his jail term, the rich and powerful continued to beat a path to his door, it’s also notable in the fixed hierarchy of who comes to whose turf, that everybody, when they went to see Epstein, comes to him.
A week in late September, U.N. week as it happened, began, on Sunday, at Epstein’s house with a colloquial for billionaires—Gates, Mort Zuckerman, and Peter Thiel [TK].
Epstein, preternaturally responsive to both the price of oil and to the politics of the middle of east, entertained that evening a delegation from Qatar, including Sheikh Hamad Bin Jassim, the foreign minister. Hamad, indeed, lives across the street in a similarly furnished house—he and Epstein have the same decorator. Epstein, in his relaxed and amused manner, kept prodding: “Why are you financing the bad guys? What do you get out of that?” 
The Qatarians, in some mild diplomatic discomfort, seemed most worried that their bid for the World Cup might be compromised by bribery allegations.
At 9:00 next morning, Epstein is joined for breakfast in the dining room by Reid Weingarten, who’s represented among other fat cats in trouble, Worldcom’s Bernie Ebbers and Goldman Sach’s Lloyd Blankfein and is one of attorney general Eric Holder’s closest friends. Weingarten, horse, with a cold, and dejected, is just back from a failed defense of former Connecticut Governor John Rowland. 
After a blow by blow of the trial, there’s a discussion of the Qartarian’s visit—Epstein is serving chocolate made from pistachios grown on the Sheikh’s farm—and speculation about who actually controls ISIS. 
“Why?” I asked Weingarten, when Epstein briefly steps out of the room, “do some many people keep coming back here, everything considered.”
“Why we camp out here? I guess because there’s no place like it.” 
Epstein summons in the next person cooling his heels in the ante-room. It’s a young man named Brock Pierce, a former child actor, and dotcom high flyer—a principle in a gaming company called DEN, a notorious dotcom burnout, with its own sex scandal—who is now a leading investor in Bitcoin. He describe himself as the “one of the most active investors in the field.”
And, indeed, is the first clear explanation I actually get about Bitcoin. It is so good that Epstein stops him and checks to see if his next appointment is here. And seconds later, Larry Summers, the former treasury secretary and President of Harvard, enters the dining room. Summers, off Diet Coke, digs deep into the Sheikh’s chocolates, focuses in on the Bitcoin investor.
“Okay,” he says, after listening for a bit, “I have opportunities here. But an additional feature of my decision problem roughly speaking is that the worst that could happen to you is that you could lose all the money you put into it. Whereas I could go from being seen as a figure of some probity and some intelligence to being a figure of much less intelligence and much less probity…”
“Well,” says Pierce in some dramatic understatement, “it is true that you are going to have some low quality characters playing early in the space…”
That evening, there is a small cocktail party, which includes the former Prime Minister of Australian, Kevin Rudd, and Thorbjørn Jaglandthe head of the Noble Peace Prize Committee, who offers an affable, but general scathing, critique of U.S. diplomacy (and a brief defense of Obama’s Peace Prize award) and to whom Epstein offers a ride back to Europe on his jet. 
The next morning, it’s Ehud Barack, the former Israeli Prime Minister and Israel, for breakfast. Barack is, over his omelet, able to defend both Obama and Putin. Then Kathy Ruemmler, who has just left her job as White House Counsel joins. She is already in the mix as a possible next attorney general, but, in fact, will withdraw after considering her options. 
Larry Summers wife, Elisa New, drops by. She teaches American poetry at Harvard and is putting together a proposal for a series on poetry that WGBH in Boston may produce and Epstein is advising on where she might go for added support (he also makes mince meat of her budget). 
There follows the former head of the UN Security Council, Hardeep Purie, and then head of the central bank of Kazakhstan, Kairat Kelimbetov. 
. Then Martin Nowak a Professor of Biology and Mathematics and Director of the Program for Evolutionary Dynamics at Harvard, the institute that Epstein has funded with $30 million. Part of Nowak’s research has to do with trying to “describe cancer mathematically.” Epstein preempts Nowak’s explanation (which I’m not quite getting): “Think of cancer the same way as you think of a terrorist group. The NSA has been able to thwart a great number of terrorism acts by intercepting communication signals from one terrorist to another. That same dynamic, a form of signal intelligence, of finding a terrorist in Europe, can be used to intercept communication between cancer sells. Cancer cells merely communicate in protean code rather than electronic code. If you can decode what the signals are saying you can jam those signal between terrorist calls—essentially wipe out their cell phones. Likewise if you can decode biological signals you can jam them too, that’s the holy grail.”
Then Richard Azel, a Nobel prize winner in physiology. Then Ron Baron who, in his Baron Fund, has $26 billion under management. Then Josh Harris the co-founder of Apollo Global Management ($164 billion under management) and owner of the New Jersey Devils and the Philadelphia 76ers.

Perhaps it’s just the ultimate feminist nightmare: Men (and a few more that a few women) continue to come to Epstein’s because—no matter their public bows to modern manners—they simply don’t care that he offends every aspect of reconstructed gender and political sensibilities. In private, it remains a man’s world—a rich man’s world.
Or, it’s a guilty pleasure. People who know Jeffrey exchange “Jeffrey” stories. “That’s Jeffrey,” says Mort Zuckerman, the real estate billionaire and publisher of the Daily News (ever vitriolic in its coverage of Epstein), with a twinkle in his eye and obvious enjoyment, to tales of Epstein escapades. It is an outréness that Epstein seems delighted to cultivate. In his Paris apartment, 10,000 square feet on the Avenue Foch, a neighborhood otherwise occupied by foreign potentates, there is a stuffed baby elephant in his living room—that is, the elephant in the room. (Epstein says too it’s a reminder of his genetic engineering initiatves  that are inspired by the fact that  elephants have 23 copies of tumor suppressor genes, never getting cancer in the first place.  while  humans have only 1.)  The single book on his bedside table is Lolita (he is, beyond the joke, a great Nobokov fan).
Or, in a more sophisticated view, it’s a two tier understanding of the world. There is a media version of the world, in which most of us live  and largely accept, and are certainly influenced by. And then there are those people who live in the reality and therefore know that the media version is mostly bunk. If the media trumpets  it, it is likely that some version of the opposite is true. I might guess too that for many of his visitors there’s an order of identification: there but for the grace of God. Any hyper-prominent person might, at any time, himself also run afoul of prosecutors, the political moment, the media, or the Internet hoi polloi. 
In this view, Epstein is a sort of Dreyfus of the rich.
And then there is the glue of wealth. Once, at lunch in the Epstein dinning room with Bill Richardson, the former Governor of New Mexico, and past Presidential aspirant, when Epstein left the room for a few minutes, I asked the obvious question, the one everybody asks each other, “How did you meet Jeffrey?” Richardson seemed surprised: “Jeffrey,” he said, as though stating what should have been perfectly obvious, “is one of the largest landowners in New Mexico.”
And then there is Epstein’s yet more structural explanation as to why after jail and with continuing tabloid infamy he can maintain his valued place. It comes back, not unexpectedly, to the nature or the needs of money:
“At a certain level of finance, almost everyone is attached to an  institutional . You are part of government,  you want to be in government, or you are connected to a major bank or other portfolio, or you have fundamental  relationships with distinct corporations or industries. Because of my  more colorful past, I have none of that. I have no restrictive  institutional ties which makes me in some sense one of the few wholly independent sources of information and truly independent  brokers. That’s the usefulness of disgrace.”
And then there is too, that he is right. Since I began working on this piece in September, Epstein predictions about the price of oil, yen, ruble, and euro have all born out. ((If I had invested $100,000 the way Epstein said I should in early September, by the end of January I would have made $TK million. Alas, I did not invest.)
And something else, which perhaps also surely accounts for Epstein’s continuing relationships with the rich and powerful: 
Most everyone who is now of a certain age and certain ambition and certain status grew up in, and found they were temperamentally suited to, the new age of wealth that started in the late 1970s. A meritocracy on steroids, or, as Vanity Fair would baldly and ingratiatingly dub it, the new establishment, an increasingly parallel world, a self-invented one, at further and further remove from the ordinary one. Epstein is just one version, albeit picaresque, as well as louche, of this shared story. 

He often tells, with some obvious marvel, his middle class to riches tale: born in 1953 in Coney Island, father works for the city’s Parks Department, mother a housewife.
 His sport, the captain of the math team at Lafayette High school.  HE goes on to Cooper Union where the tuition is free. He drops out after two years and begins taking classes at the NYU’s Courant Institute of Mathematics. Then, without a college degree, and  a sleight of hand, gets a job teaching math and physics at Dalton in 1974. (A few years ago, during a chance encounter with a former Dalton math department chairman, Margo Gumport, I asked her about Epstein. She said he was the most brilliant math teacher at Dalton in her 50-year career and that she had often wondered what had become of him.)
It’s his first exposure to the wealthy. They have, he concludes, just as many problems as the people in Coney Island, just different ones, almost invariably involving children ,divorce and money. “I found it as interesting as a physics experiment,” he recalled recently as we chatted about his life. “It did not really involve me. I could just stand back and watch the experiment unfold.”
Dalton fathers were attracted to him. Punch Sulzberger, the publisher of the New York Times, and a Dalton father at the time, tried to recruit Epstein to come to the Times. (Epstein recounts with astonishment ,a story of riding with Sulzberger in his wood paneled station wagon to the family’s country estate and Sulzberger talking to the chauffer on a phone from the backseat to the front.) 
In 1976, another Dalton father, asking “wouldn’t you rather be rich than be a teacher?” introduced him to Bear Stern’s chief Ace Greenberg, a conversation Epstein recounts as this:
Greenberg: “Everyone tells me you’re super smart in math and you’re Jewish and you’re hungry…so why don’t you start working here tomorrow?”
Epstein: “What?”
Greenberg: “If your supposed to be so fucking smart”- “don’t you understand English?”
Epstein: “Ok. Count me in.”
Hence, Epstein, like many in the late 70s, arrived on Wall Street.
As will happen to a generation of others, by the fortuitous luck of being on Wall Street at that point in time, Epstein is transformed by a new, much faster, form of upward mobility than has ever before existed. With an extreme  facility for mathematics as well as for getting along with rich men, he transforms at an even faster rate than so many others who are also being quickly transformed. 
He moves into the penthouse of a new building at 66th Street and Second Avenue—still in the shadow of the Maxwell Plum era when the 60s on Second was the glamour address—a building that was he says, as a fond memory, full of “actresses, models, and euro trash.” (It would shortly become the Studio 54 era, where Epstein, who has never had drink or taken any drugs, was a regular). 
If on one side of Wall Street there were the salesmen (the Wolf of Wall Street model), on the other side there was a new sort of finance type able to embrace a level of acute  financial abstraction.
“In the past,” says Epstein, “investing was all about reputations and relationships. You invested in a company on the basis of who was running it. Did they have integrity? Were they married? Good family men? It was a 50’s mentality. But in the mid 70s stock  options started to be traded on an exchange.  In essence, the first formally traded  derivatives. The movement of these instruments are not directly tied 1to 1  to the stock price. The world of investing began turning from relationships to mathematics . In a sense I didn’t really make money as much as I tried hard to create it.” This was an intellectual activity of a fairly high order.
Intellectual activity aside, he meets Helen Gurley Brown and she makes him Cosmopolitan Magazine’s Bachelor of the Month in 1980.
“What,” I ask, “was your social life like?”
“Well, I was a playboy.”
“That’s all? Not looking to get married?”
“No. Never. I never wanted to get married. I enjoyed sex. I adore women. I wanted freedom. I was attracted to the rich because of their freedom. But I wanted also to avoid their burdens. And I didn’t want to hide. I didn’t want to be a hypocrite. I wanted to be free. I was not remotely ambivalent about what I wanted: to be free. That was my reason to make money.”
His rise at Bear Sterns was a steep one. And he soon became the protégée of Jimmy Cayne (also hired by Ace Greenberg on a whim—he met him in a bridge game—who would go on to run Bear and to lose his fortune in Bear’s 2006 collapse). Epstein’s leave taking or ouster from Bear is the result of politics, envy, overreaching, or a securities violation, or…unclear. But, no matter, he leaves in 1982 with billionaire clients, including Marvin Davis, a real estate developer who owns Twentieth Century Fox, and Herb Seigel, a major media investor in the 1980s. Epstein is dating Morgan Fairchild, a television star in the new mega-rich-family soap operas, Dallas and Falcon Crest (plot lines from which Epstein might easily step). 
Now begins the Concorde phase of his life—and the Concorde phase of the 1980s. If the 80s are happening pell mell in New York, they’re happening at double time and catch up speed in London. Epstein is 30 years old and living, in Lifestyle of the Rich and Famous fashion (he befriends the show’s star, Robin Leach), at English shooting parties at country estates with Saturday night black tie dinners, where he’s meeting the over-the-top families of Europe. 
“I didn’t take it seriously,” Epstein recounts. “I was not caught up in it. I wasn’t trying to make a billion dollars. There was no ultimate goal. It was just fun to meet smart people, interesting people. But no long-range plans. Often no short-term plans either. I would head to Kennedy and, on the theory that most important events in one’s life are purely a result of  serendipity, I wouldn’t decide where I was going until I got there.”
	At the same time, he is developing a unique perception, or, at least a market differentiation: the hyper wealthy had signifcantly different problems than the very wealthy. Dealing with a billion dollars was different from dealing with $100 million:
“If you had a billion dollars I would think the last thing you should be worried about was money, in truth money, was what they most worried about. How to make more of it, how to give away more of it, how to protect you children from it, how to hide it from your wife or husband, how to minimize your taxes on it. The traditional wealth service structure, an accountant, and investment advisor, a personal lawyer, and an idiot brother-in-law, became hopelessly outdated as fortunes eincreased exponentially . 
	“You can’t spend a billion dollars, you can just reallocate it to a different investment classes. And you can’t give away a billion dollars without a vast staff, in effect going into the business of giving away money, yet another business you are likely not to know very much about”
	At just about this point in the narrative, the questions or the incredulity begins in social circles and eventually in the media. He begins to acquire the major symbols of riches but does this without position, public holdings, or transparent paper trails. How can a person have enough money to merit increasing attention, but no clear way of having gotten it? Epstein gets stuck in that tautology. He may be rich, but he is without institutional protection or bona fides. He isin  a questionable substrata of wealth. He’s a freelancer.
	That’s the rub: he doesn’t work for anyone. Without institutional credentials he’s…well, nobody knows what. 
	For a period, one part of his activities he says is recovering monies for countries looted by exiled dictators or military strongmen. If early in his career he might seem like a sort of George Peppard (there’s a physical resemblance) in Breakfast at Tiffany’s, a charming hustler, later he’s George Peppard in Banacek, a smart and astute operator.
Then, in his version, he’s representing a series of vastly wealthy people and families. He’s not just doing their bidding or their investing, he’s helping them to navigate the potententials of their wealth. They’ve satisfied their business dreams. Now there are the separate challenges and possibilities . 
In essence, as Epstein becomes more of a public figure the response to this description of his livelihood, is, in the media and in high social circles, “bullshit.” True, however , there is no clear alternate narrative. No one is accusing him of anything, accept, sometimes, guilt by association. (In addition to Robert Maxwell, who will be accused of fraud, there’s Steven Hoffenberg, briefly a New York high flyer, who went to jail for a Ponzi scheme, for whom Epstein acted as a consultant—along with, he points out, Paul Volcker.) But the characterization persist: if it’s not clear, it must be murky. Sure, Goldman Sachs partners and tech geniuses, they might have stratospheric wealth, but what to make of a Coney Island, Zelig-like no-namer? 
	In 1994, just at the moment when Prince Charles is on television acknowledging his love for Camilla Parker Bowles, Jeffrey Epstein is sitting with his arm around Princess Diana at a dinner at the Serpentine Galley in London (Diana is wearing her “revenge” dress that evening). Graydon Carter, into his second years as editor of Vanity Fair, is also at the dinner. Epstein’s rise and Carter’s rise are not, with a little critical interpretation, that different. Both are a function of the age of new money, both are helped by strategic relationships with the exceptionally wealthy (i.e. they are social climbers), both men have made themselves up. To say that Epstein, in the company of the Princess, sticks in Carter’s craw would be a big understatement. Epstein becomes one of the “what do you know about him” figures in Carter’s gossip trail—a story waiting to happen. A variety of the gossip that begins to circulate about Epstein—for instance, that he secretly films his guests—is seeded by Carter, who once advised me not to go to Epstein’s house or accept a ride in his car least I risk being blackmail. (“For what?” I asked Carter. “You can’t even begin to imagine,” said Carter.)
	Epstein is playing a cat and mouse game with his own growing wealth and influence. He is private and secretive, but grandly so. He joins the board of Rockefeller University. He’s suddenly on the Trilateral commission, that cabal of business people who fancy themselves, and who are fancied by conspiracy buffs, as running the world. He buys from his client Limited Founder Les Wexner the larges private house in Manhattan. (Rumors will continue for many years, that Wexner owns the house and Epstein is just squatting in it, paying taxes on it, —an 18-year squat.) He buys an airplane. He buys another. He expands his holdings in New Mexico. He begins a Zanadu refurbishment of his Caribbean Island. 
He befriends Bill Clinton in his new after-office life.
	And that’s quite the fatal pairing. 
	The post-Monica Clinton, now having pardoned the on-the-lam financier Marc Rich—at this point, before his own rehabilitation, Clinton really is the world’s ultimate sleaze ball—is suddenly being ferried around in the jet of…who exactly?
	The New York Post is the first to take formal media note of the Clinton-Epstein connection, hinting at a sex and money bromance. (“I suppose travel with Clinton changed the arc of my life,” Epstein tells me. “There were, I knew, lots of obvious reasons not to do it, but having the ability to spend 100 hours with a former president just doesn’t happen to many people.”)
The instinctively private Epstein is not just increasingly exposed, but clearly curious about the nature of exposure. 
	I met Epstein around this time. Epstein had become a more and more active backer of advanced scientific research and in 2002 he was taking a small group of scientists out to the TED conference in Monterey. The TED organizers invited various other TED participants, including me, to join the flight. A small group assembled at the private plane terminal, most of us unfamiliar with our benefactor, and as we headed in the direction of the discrete private plans we were gently pointed to our ride: Epstein’s 727. 
	It is some thoroughly updated drawing room set-up, all of us nervously ensconced in this luxury plane, waiting for our unknown host to arrive—and soon he does, tanned, relaxed, with wide open smile, accompanied by three young women. 
It would be unlikely, outside of a men’s magazine fantasy of the luxe life, that you could locate this in reality. Epstein’s sincere attentions, taking time with each of his passengers, seemed impossible to account for. The quiet of the plane, engineered into acoustic perfection, seemed spooky. Epstein’s three companions were witty, poised, helpful as well as powerfully alluring—as though stewardesses of bygone times.
(One more thing about this trip: Google founders, Larry Page and Sergey Brin, with their company still in its infancy, came out to see the plane on the Monterey tarmac and, with a few other Googlers, literally ran whopping from one end of the plan to the other. Then they described for Epstein, in what I can not now remember as a put on or entrepreneurial brainstorm, a brand extension in which they would market a line of Google bras with the Os as convenient cups. In fact, the name Google, they said, was invented out of the belief that men would focus on a word with two Os in it.)
	Not long after this trip, Epstein’s assistant called to invite me for tea at his house in New York, where Epstein, with what seemed to me little understanding of the subject, began to ask me about media—the upside, downside, and nature of media coverage. New York magazine was then soliciting him for a profile, as was Vanity Fair, who had assigned the British tabloid reporter, Vicki Ward, to the job.
	Both profiles—New York’s by Landon Thomas—pivot on the Clinton connection and detail the same quandary, how a man without clear institutional bona fides nevertheless achieves wealth and influence. Ward—who would more recently assert in the Daily Beast, that she was barred by Vanity Fair from writing about under-age sex evidence (a fact that could be read the other way: Vanity Fair, even looking to take down Epstein, did not find the evidence credible or supportable)—follows a rabbit hole of questionable contacts who might or might not have been the source or sources for Epstein’s wealth, but gets no closer to an answer, beyond confirming her own sense of dubiousness.
	Epstein, sensing that he might be exposing himself, tried to stop the process (Ward, often operatic about her journalistic exploits, says he threatened her), called Carter and said he was having second thoughts about being a public figure.
	 “Then you should live in a two bedroom apartment in Queens,” responded Carter.

	And then the troubles began. 
Epstein, in man-who-can-have-everything fashion, and without the remotest sense of observance or propriety—as though a kind of cultural autism—has, for many years, ordered up a daily massage following his workout sessions.
	“Often these were massage massages,” says Epstein matter of factly, “but sometimes these were happy ending massages, especially in Palm Beach, where there are many massage parlors, and strip clubs  —that do outcalls. There was no sex. An often there was no happy ending. Often I would be on the phone for the entire massage. There were however a lot of massages and a lot of girls, with one girl recommending others.”
	It is after Epstein’s round of publicity and widely touted association with Clinton, that the stepmother of one of the massage parlor girls, identified as “SG” in court documents, who went to Epstein’s house (most of the girls return to Epstein’s house many times) calls the police. The police interview the girl who then supplies names of other girls. Some of whom are younger than 18.
	In the end, the police track down 18 girls—nine who are under 18; the others in their 20s and 30s; one woman is in her 60s—a number of whom give statements describing scenarios not terribly different from Epstein’s description above, except each is laid out in clinical, lurid, and near-identical detail. A cold  Epstein demands that these allegedly unwitting juveniles (though they have come here for this very purpose) perform repulsive (or at least repulsively described) acts on him and then they return again. (Although the nature of the allegations will dramatically grow into threesomes and forced sexual encounters, nobody at this point alleges anything more than Epstein masturbating.) 
	Epstein vastly raises the stakes by calling Dershowitz, who flies into Palm Beach to put the local authorities in their place—alienating Palm Beach officialdom—and, doubling down on the profile of the case, brings in Roy Black the famous criminal attorney who defended William Kennedy Smith in his rape trial in Palm Beach.
	Here’s the narrative: the shadowy rich man, friend of the louche and disgraced President, at all times surrounded by a retinue of young and gorgeous female retainers doing his bidding, is now found to have gathered a network of wrong-side-of-the-tracks Palm Beach girls to provide him with weird sexual services. (It somehow reads weirder that he doesn’t have sex with them.) To boot, his former girl friend, Ghislaine Maxwell—the daughter of the disgraced Robert Maxwell—encouraged at least one of the girls to come to Epstein’s home (and forever more has become a fixture of further weird possibilities in this tale).
	Palm Beach Police Chief Michael Reiter is reported to say: “This is bigger than Rush Limbaugh,” who, in a storm of publicity, has just been arrested in Palm Beach for possession of controlled drugs. 
	On one side are some of the nation’s most powerful defense attorneys (who, increasingly, seem more stumblebum than effective), on the other side, a round-up of hapless girls, with sensational tales of perversion and infamy (in the telling they are not so much sex workers, as Dickensian victims), relatively speaking giving the Palm Beach authorities the choice between utter capitulation to the powerful or standing on the side of the seemingly exploited and powerless.
	Still, with a cold eye, it also quite appears to be a straightforward tale of prostitution (however more or less kinky). And even though some of the girls are minors, age is not a distinguishing factor in a solicitation charge in Florida,  (in New York, for instance, at this time soliciting sex with anyone over the age of 14 is a class D misdemeanor calling for a $100 fine—the law has recently been changed to TK).
	In fact, the very  “SG” clearly tells the police that she lied about being 18 because otherwise she knew she would not have been admitted to the house (other girls will say they knew this is what they had to say, nevertheless not stopping them from saying it).
	The local sex crimes prosecutor, Lana Belhalevic, interviews all the girls and determines that the offense is solely related to prostitution—that there are “no real victims here”d.
Dershowitz, with chest pounding bravado, rejects a series of lower-level plea deals and Palm Beach District Attorney Barry Krischer takes the unusual step of empanelling a grand jury, which returns with a recommendation of a single count of soliciting a prostitute—a charge without jail time. (And Epstein can apply to have his record expunged after a year.) 
At which point, Reiter, the police chief, at odds with the District Attorney’s office, recruits the involvement of the FBI. This is of course the Bush-era FBI and Epstein presents quite the Clinton-connected scandal. Still, solicitation, even of a minor, is not a federal crime. The FBI hits on the novel interpretation that if Internet solicitation can be considered interstate commerce, so can telephone solicitation, permitting them to begin a deep dive investigation into Epstein’s friends, many of whom receive subpoenas and are threatened with prosecution.
It’s all quite in the eye of the beholder: On the one end, Epstein is paying for sex acts (Epstein paid $200 for a massage with or without happy ending), on the other, he is abusing teenage girls. It’s a catch-22: How can a girl not old enough to vote be a prostitute? And yet, many girls not old enough to vote are  without a doubt prostitutes. 
Compounding Epstein’s predicament, the world outside of his carefully constructed and controlled environment is someplace that he seems not just ill-equipped to handle but in which he seems to be blindly grouping about (i.e. he’s totally tone deaf). I visited him once during this time and found him weighing the conflicting advice of some of the most vaunted and egomaniacal lawyers (along with Dershowitz and Black, celebrity criminal attorney, Gerald Lefcourt, and Clinton prosecutor, Ken Starr) of the day—anyone with new advice, Epstein seemed to hire—as well as a catchall of the leading crisis managers, who he seemed to retain at will, all wrangling for fees and primacy. 
Certainly, the upshot of his dealings with the Justice Department seem to involve a through-the-looking-glass logic. The government threatens to prosecute him (with the possibility of a 10-year sentence) and various friends, associates, and lovers, or offers what seems to be unprecedented arrangement  in which Epstein’s lawyers (not federal prosecutors, but Epstein’s lawyers, in some ultimate act of self incrimination) have to go to the Palm Beach authorities and convince them to up the charges to an offense that will send him to jail and get him a sex offender status. Except that a solicitation charge won’t produce that result. Therefore he has to get them to agree to a procurement or pimping charge (even though he has paid money, not received it—the sine qua non of pimping). What’s more, in a unique, if not unprecedented arrangement, he has to agree to pay the legal fees of any of the girls who want to sue him—and, agree not to defend himself from their suits—forcing him to settle with each of the girls for what are reportedly high 6-figure sums or more. 
He’s sentence to jail in 2008 for 18 months and serves 13 (while Epstein is now frequently accused of somehow managing to cut short his sentence, almost all Florida prisoners serve only 70% of their officially sentenced time). 
Jail hardly ends the legal catch all. Epstein's butler, Alfredo Rodriguez, steals and tries to sell an alleged journal or calendar with Epstein’s activities—but he tries to sell it to an undercover agent. Rodriguez is sentenced to 18 months in jail on a charge of theft and of withholding evidence (it is not so much a journal as a list of phone numbers, which were apparently collected or saved by Rod Rodriguez; all of this stolen  material was  somehow subsequently included in a court filing by Edwards). Scott Rothstein, a lawyer whose firm represented additional girls in their suits against Epstein, also goes to jail for recruiting investors to pay for these suits on the fraudulent basis that settlements had already been reached. It’s the largest fraud in Florida history and Rothstein receives a 50-year sentence. 
Then, Brad Edwards, Rothstein’s former partner, sues the federal government in 2008 for abridging the rights of two of the original complainants under the Crime Victim Rights Act (giving victims the right to be consulted about the disposition of their cases) regarding the Justice Departments agreement not to prosecute in favor of the state action. In 2014, Edwards tries to ad Virginia Roberts, another of the original complainants, who has previously settled with Epstein, to the long-running suit. Roberts who was paid a settlement under the original terms of Epstein’s agreement—that he would pay attorney’s fees and not oppose any law suits against him—is now trying to overturn the agreement under which she was paid, and, with Edwards, further suing Epstein for $50,000,000.
Indeed, Roberts, with the Daily Mail being her prime outlet, emerges as the most vocal accuser—and, in fact, the some total of the current story and attention. 
That is, there is no story without her and what is being billed as her  memoir of her “sex slavery” with Epstein, written ten years after the fact. Along with the Dershowitz and Prince Andrew charges, Roberts puts, with rather some narrative detail, both Clinton and Al and Tipper Gore on the island—and in fact Clinton, apparently with the acquiescence of the Secret Service, flying in a helicopter piloted by Epstein’s girlfriend, an amateur pilot. Epstein’s lawyers say that not only have Clinton and the Gores never been to the Epstein Island, but this fantasy  is easily disproven by dsecret service records, which would seem to make the memoir opportunistic or hallucinatory fiction. 
The FBI, in a recent filing, has argued that Roberts should not be party to the suit against the government because she refused to cooperate with the government in its investigation in 2007, hence has no standing as a victim. (At the same time, the FBI included her on the list of 40 victims with whom it mandated Epstein reach a settlement.)
It is hard to find a more hyperbolic intersection of media and lawyers then in Epstein’s case. 
Edwards, over the six years of his law suit, tries to depose Clinton, Donald Trump, and Dershowitz—almost all of his targets coming directly from the original Vanity Fair and New York Magazine articles about Epstein.
In addition to Prince Andrew as a British hot button, first connected to Epstein through Roberts’ interview with the Daily Mail in 2010, Clinton takes on a new role as Hillary spoiler through his connection, real or imagined, to Epstein and sex slaves.
Almost everybody identified in any story about Epstein is approached by other media seeking to write about Epstein, often with financial incentives offered in exchange for a tale.
No new stories or even new details emerge. Every aspect of the current story is based on court filings describing events that may or may not have taken place prior to 2007. It’s as though a kind of ground-hog day of moral opprobrium, a desire to repeat and to savor a new the old details.
A recent Reuters story identified a charity that Epstein has not given money to in 15 years that said if he does give again, they would give it back.

The world cleanly divides, with Epstein (and friends) behind secure walls and the Mail and social media and upholders of new norms ever more incredulous and apoplectic that Epstein not only appears  free but prospers too. 	Although he has spent more than a year in jail and paid out what may be as much as $20 million, he yet seems somehow to have not been sufficiently punished—that worst sin of all. He is the unrepentant catch all of up-to-the-minute badness: the financier whose wealth is a product of Wall Street math rather than hard work; a rich middle-age white man who not only parades his wealth and entitlement, but has a Peter Pan complex to boot; an insistent Playboy in a correct and prudish world—someone who somehow didn’t get the memo about vast changes in mores and culture.  
When I suggested recently that one obvious way to blunt the animus would be to get married, he said he’d rather go back to jail.
He is Calvin Harris’s song, It Was Acceptable in the 80s, come to life.
This is all, of course, a Gatsby-like tale: An enigmatic, and strangely appealing figure, able to invent and inhabit his own world is a mystery to try to decipher. Of course Gatsby in New York Post and Daily Mail parlance would likely be just a freaky financier too.
And this story is, in its way, about the limitation of journalism, in which the most compelling parts of the tale—Epstein’s ambitions and impulses would be well suited to a long running cable drama—need to be sacrificed not just to moral certainty but to a rather preposterous fantasy of moral certainty.
Anyway, I hope I get invited back to Jeffrey’s house soon. 



"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020802.txt,"a light-hearted and fun way.” This new approach attracted people who love this unique culture from all over the
world. “The funny thing is that in the end, many foreign people recognize themselves in these Slavic mini-stories, so
lately we have people from all over the world being our becoming our biggest fans and observing cultural and other

similarities between Slavic and their cultures,” said the Facebook page.
Check out their collection of Hollywood celebrities and their Slavic doppelgangers in the gallery below!

More info: Website | Facebook | h/t: Bored Panda

#1 Angelina Jolie?

Ra a SOT

Image source: slavorum.org

#2 Anthony Hopkins???

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020802
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022484.txt,"a

propublica.org / Wendi C. Thomas Methodist Le Bonheur
Healthcare has sued many of its own employees over unpaid medical bills

and garnishes their wages; its health care plan prevents...

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022484
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030888.txt,"destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

De ee ee ee ee ee ee ee ee ee a

The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of

Jeffrey Epstein

Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030888
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027696.txt,"Message: Saw that-- we jump in here trump done ,

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 05/08/19 03:25:30 AM (579003930)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 882864D5-192E-4E72-8E4D-E882A6D2A75B

£

Message: Iran put it on a 60 day clock.

Time: 05/08/19 03:26:54 AM (579004014)
Flags: 1060865

Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: EF791194-543C-4773-B9BF-61F191C24928

Message: Yep yep yep

Time: 05/08/19 03:30:34 AM (579004234)
Flags: 1126401

Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: A94A9C05-D258-4BD9-8771-180414EC819C

American people not teed up for this

Message: https://www.thedailybeast.com/trump-administration-inflated-iran-intelligenc

us-officials-say?ref=hom

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 05/08/19 04:19:26 AM (579007166)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 1OAERAOQOB-17C1-47D8-BAB3-BE10B2CF09B6

Message: Steve did not send me anything directly,
the 15th in Berlin. I will see if I can be there at the same time.

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 05/08/19 04:22:12 AM (579007332)
Flags: 1085445
Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 9E558B63-FF8F-4E3C-8288-23B43B8 43430

but I have now requested a meeting on
From terje

Message: lets talk structure for dan and group when you are less tired

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027696
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023942.txt,"196 Teaching Minds

faculty to handle 60 courses with fewer than 20 students in each class,
you have a problem. Multiple sections of courses require multiple fac-
ulty and maybe even, God forbid, heavier teaching loads.

Simply put, if there are too many majors, all the specialty courses
will overflow and you might need twice the faculty to handle them.
The university is not going to let you hire twice the faculty in order to
handle them. Why not?

Tenure is why not. Once you hire tenured faculty, they stay for-
ever. Tenure is another one of those ideas that sounds a lot better than
it is. One of its downsides, and it has many, is that you can’t easily
hire new faculty when you need to. There may be a jump in econom-
ics majors this year, but who is to say that this will be true next year?
Universities move slowly.

So, the current economics faculty would have to teach more cours-
es. They simply do not want to do that. They want to go back to their
offices and do research and write books and consult with the govern-
ment or big business, should they call.

Voila!

Calculus.

That will keep the little buggers out. If that doesn’t work, advanced
calculus. Who cares if those courses have little relevance for econom-
ics? They can always say it might come up some day. (It might.) Or
they can say it teaches rigorous thinking. The real reason is to keep the
numbers down. This is also why biology and chemistry are required
courses for pre-med students, why statistics is required for psychology
majors, and so on. Most departments will not admit to this, but that’s
why those things are there.

You never see this kind of thing in departments that have too few
students. Too few students is the kind of problem that gets your de-
partment shut down. So, linguistics departments, which were started
when linguistics was in fashion in the 1960s, are always under threat
of shut down. They won’t be requiring calculus. But they would if
their situation changed. Instead, what they are doing is trying to ex-
plain why linguistics is calculus,

Huh?

When I arrived at Northwestern, undergraduates were required to
take a math course in order to graduate. There could have been any
number of reasons for this requirement—none of them having to do
with interests or needs of the undergraduates.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023942
"
IMAGES-012-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032599.txt,"From:

Sent: 9/9/2017 5:26:47 PM
To: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com]
Subject: Re:

Importance: — High

see you inshalla &

Sent from my iPhone

On Sep 9, 2017, at 7:43 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:

see you then :)

On Sat, Sep 9, 2017 at 6:42 PM, i wrote:

thursday at 6 pm? is that ok?
Sent from my iPhone
On Sep 9, 2017, at 7:40 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:

when is good for you? late thurs? fri lunch whatever you prefer.

On Sat, Sep 9, 2017 at 6:35 PM, qa wrote:

very well .. plz when you have a minute send me the date and the time .. i know the house by now’
Sent from my iPhone

On Sep 9, 2017, at 7:31 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:

of course

On Sat, Sep 9, 2017 at 6:30 PM, iE wrote:

are we meeting in new york?

Sent from my iPhone

On Sep 9, 2017, at 7:16 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:

is this some sort of perverted question :) 12 american. of course

On Sat, Sep 9, 2017 at 5:40 PM, qa wrote:

what is your shoes size if you dont mind me asking?
Sent from my iPhone

On Sep 9, 2017, at 4:30 AM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:

I think trump cut the legs off your guy . He would like to take all the credit . If there is a deal or be seen to
be strong on terror

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032599
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031228.txt,"From: steven hoffenberg i __,

Subject: Fwd: JUDGE SWEET ALLOWING STEVEN HOFFENBERG TO TALK WITH THE
TOWERS VICTIMS TO EXPLAIN THE VICTIMS SUIT FILING AGAINST JEFF EPSTEIN
Date: July 13, 2016 at 4:45:18 AM PDT

To:

Steven J. Hoffenberg
New York Post Publishing INC.
CEO

WHAM INC THE PUBLIC COMPANY OWNS THE BELOW OPERATIONS

TOWERSINVESTORS.COM
CEO

SEE
WWwW.POST PUBLISHING.BUZZ THE JESUS CHRIST ON LINE GODs WORD NEWSPAPER

MR HOFFENBERG ONLINE NEWSPAPER
PUBLICSPEAKINGWALLSTREET.COM

Begin forwarded message:

From: steven hoffenberg <i

Date: July 13, 2016 at 6:26:21 AM EDT

To: ""Gary H. Baise"" {_________!-

Ce: Alan Fraade

Subject: JUDGE SWEET ALLOWING STEVEN

HOFFENBERG TO TALK WITH THE TOWERS VICTIMS TO EXPLAIN THE VICTIMS SUI
T FILING AGAINST JEFF EPSTEIN

SIR

PRESIDENT TRUMP WILL KNOW THAT GARY BAISE IS WORKING ON THE NEEDED FOOD
POLICY POINTS OF FACT WITH THE FOOD INDUSTRY LEADERS .

PRESIDENT TRUMP UNDERSTANDS THAT THE FOOD INDUSTRY IS VITAL TO THE TRUMP
WHITE HOUSE POLICY .

WHAT IS NEEDED IN THE PRESENTATION TO PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP WILL BE DON
E BY OUR TEAM THAT NOW HAS THE KEY JOB AT THE STEVEN

HOFFENBERG TRUMP SUPER PAC IN BUYING OVER $ 1 BILLION DOLLARS IN ADS & T

HE HIRING OF THE BUS PROJECT TO GET OUT THE VOTE IN EVERY POOR AREA IN THE
USA.

THE POOR VOTER OVER 120 MILLION VOTERS THAT WERE DEMS ARE NOW VOTING FO
R PRESIDENT TRUMP ON NOV 8 2016.

T V EXPERTS DONT REPORT THE ABOVE DEMS POOR FOLKS THAT ARE VOTING FOR PR

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031228
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014836.txt,"Case 1:15-cv-07433-RWS Document 751-12 Filed 03/17/17 Page 2of3
Jeffrey Epstein ‘sex slave’ Virginia Roberts was a 'money-

hungry sex kitten’, ex friends claim

re www.dailymail.co.uk

Jeffrey Epstein 'sex slave’ lived a lavish lifestyle and enjoyed her role as his
‘travelling masseuse’, former friends claim

e Virginia Roberts claims she was recruited to Epstein's harem in 1999

e Named Prince Andrew and Alan Dershowitz as men she had to ‘service’
e Her friends say there was no indication she was being held captive

e Asked other women if they knew anyone 'slutty’ to bring to Epstein

e Would allegedly use cash she gained from sex to live a luxury lifestyle
By Wills Robinson For Dailymail.com
Published: 12:49 EDT, 1 March 2015 | Updated: 07:09 EDT, 2 March 2015
Shocking: Virginia Roberts' friends claim she was a money-hungry sex kitten’ who enjoyed her lavish lifestyle

The woman who has accused Jeffery Epstein of keeping her as a sex slave was actually a money-hungry sex kitten’
who enjoyed her lavish lifestyle, former friends have claimed.

Virginia Roberts is currently in the midst of a lawsuit claiming she was recruited to join Epstein's harem of underage
women in 1999, naming Prince Andrew and attorney Alan Dershowitz as two of the men she was made to service’.

But those who used to be close to the 31-year-old say she relished her role as his ‘travelling masseuse’ and never
acted like she was being held captive.

Philip Guderyon, who used to date Roberts and would drive her to Epstein's Pal Beach, Florida, mansion told the
New York Daily News: 'She was like the head b***h. She’d have like nine or 10 girls she used to bring to him.

‘She never looked like she was being held captive,’ he added. 'She and the other girls would walk out of there
smiling, with their little bathing suits on, like they had just come from the beach.

‘She'd have like $4,000. And then I’d take them all to the mall and they'd get their nails done.’

He also said while making thousands of dollars from the relationship, she would buy fancy clothes and drive around
in Epstein's Mercedes.

Crystal Figueroa, whose brother dated Roberts in the early 2000s, told the Daily News Roberts would ask if she
knew anyone 'slutty’ so they could be sent to Epstein.

In 2001 she was sharing a Palm Beach apartment with Anthony Valladares. He told the Daily News that she
bragged about going to the 'millionaire's house’ for a day or two, before returning with cash.

He did say that she tried to get out of the sex business, but was dragged back in.
Last month it was revealed Roberts accused two male acquaintances she was raped, bringing her credibility into

1/2

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014836
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011167.txt,"13

0.08 - Females
o direct effect on mort.

0.06 + * marg. fert. (y = 1)
O marg. surv. (y = 0)

0.04 =

N(x, y) (In2)/Try , Ax. ge By.
0.02 -
0.00 +
| T

0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100

y, future age

0.08 - Males

I I I I T !
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100

y, future age

Figure 6: Evolutionary Discount Function
A(x, y) is the average evolutionary discount rate within a five-year age interval. All curves refer to 20-year-
old investors. “Future age,” y, refers to ages beyond the age at investment. The dotted lines show the rate of
interest predicted by equation 10, where the generation time is T'y = 27.98 for females and T,, = 30.45 for
males,
Based on male and female fertility of 19th century Utah Mormons [6], and on the Model West life table
(mortality level 12, eg = 47.5 for females and 44.5 for males).

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011167
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020304.txt,"152

If Snowden could cause such massive damage, so could other civilian trainees at the NSA.
Someone in the chain of command had to take responsibility, General Alexander tendered his
resignation on June 30"", 2013. “ I’m the director, “he said, falling on his sword. “Ultimately, I’m
accountable. “ As President Obama did not want the head of the NSA resigning in the midst of the
Snowden crisis, he asked him to stay on for another six months. He then appointed Admiral
Michael Rogers to be his replacement. Meanwhile, it had become undeniable clear to the Review
Committee appointed by President Obama in 2013 that the NSA’s own defenses had
catastrophically failed. If so, this change was the equivalent of re-arranging the deck chairs on the
S.S. Titanic after it hit an iceberg.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020304
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018843.txt,":
|

Marina Market Analysis 32

Competitive Marinas - British Virgin Islands

Avg. Monthly Avg. Annual
# of Wet Wet Slip Wet Slip
Marina Slips Length Rental /LF Rental/LF Services/Amenities
Soper's Hole Marina 45 <80' $38.02 $456.25 Mixed-use marina property that contains
West End >80' $57.03 $684.38 shops, restaurants, offices and water- -
Tortola, BVI sports rentals in addition to 20 protected
moorings and 45 wet slips. Amenities
include electricity, fresh water, fueling,
showers, waste management, and free wifi
in addition to haul-out and repair and
maintenance services.

Nany Cay 180 35'-49' $43.95 $527.43 This is a protected marina located on the
Tortola, BVI 50'-100' $51.86 $622.33 southern coast of Tortola, between Road
<100' $78.32 $939.88 Town and West End. The property contains
T-Head $71.78 $861.40 retail, office and hotel uses on site.

Amenities include electricity, fresh water,
showers, waste disposal and haul and
repairs and maintenance services. This
marina also includes dry slips which are
notincluded in this analysis.

Virgin Gorda Yacht Harbor 120 <55' $34.98 $419.75 This marina is located in Spanish Town on

St Thomas Bay 56'-79° $76.04 $912.50 theisland of Virgin Gorda. Both wet and

Virgin Gorda, BVI <80' $83.65 $1,003.75 dryslips are offered but the dry slip rates
have not been considered in this analysis.
There are some retail and office
components at the property. Marina
amenities include electricity, fresh water,
showers, garbage disposal, faundry,
provisioning and fueling.

IGY American Yacht Harbor Marina ir

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018843
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019585.txt,"Whistle-blower | 97

stay and fight the United States government in the courts.” That bit
of braggadocio would not be proven out.

Greenwald, Poitras, and MacAskill in their reporting did not
concern themselves with any of the mechanics of the largest theft
of top secret documents in the history of the United States. In the
entire filmed interview at the Mira hotel, for example, they did not
ask their source how he managed to get access to the documents.
Lam, however, asked him about how he widened his access. When
she asked him why he had switched jobs from Dell to Booz Allen
Hamilton in March 2013, his answer provided her with a real scoop:
“My position with Booz Allen Hamilton granted me access to lists
of machines all over the world the NSA hacked.” Snowden told her
that he deliberately went to Booz Allen Hamilton to get access to
the “lists” revealing the NSA’s sources in foreign countries. This
admission could further complicate his legal situation in Hong Kong
because it suggested that he meant to steal documents even before
he had known their content. In fact, to protect himself, he restricted
Lam from publishing this part of the interview until after he had

© departed Hong Kong. (It was not published until June 24, a day after ©
he arrived in Russia.) This condition indicated to Lam that as early
as June 12, if not before, he was planning on leaving Hong Kong.

His interview with Lam didn’t reveal how he had learned about
these “lists” before taking the job. Nor did he reveal to her what he
planned to do with these lists. He made it clear to her, however, that
he had not disposed of all his secret documents. “If I have time to go
through this information,” he said, “I would like to make it avail-
able to journalists in each country to make their own assessment,
independent of my bias, as to whether or not the knowledge of US
network operations against their people should be published.” So as
late as June 12, Snowden was still reading and assessing the files he
had stolen from the NSA four weeks earlier.

Poitras vetted the Lam interview. Soon afterward, she suspected
that she was being followed. That was likely, because by June 14 all
the intelligence services in Hong Kong knew that she was in contact
with Snowden.

“I was being tailed,” Poitras recalled in an interview with a Vogue

| | Epst_9780451494566_2p_all_r1.z.indd 97 ® 9/29/16 5:51 Pa | |

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019585
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011173.txt,"stephenmc RT @RuthLeaEcon: Of course there'd be an EU trade 23 Jun 2016, 195 | NA
manus8 deal if #Brexit. German BDI (CBI) head clear tariffs 01:13 - CEST
would damage German jobs. https://t.a€ |
PazUtzin RT @thejohnhastings: If anyone is wondering if you do | 23 Jun 2016, 2)NA
not attend my @edfringe show you are helping the 01:13 - CEST
part of Brexit you oppose
iLipbTw En anterior debate con Farage, Cameron hablA? de la 23 Jun 2016, | EspaAta 0} NA
a€ceCosta del Crimea€e [Sol]. 01:13 - CEST | (BCN is
Si hay algo bueno del #Brexit serAa expulsar a mafia not CAT)
UK de ESP.
neptunoopi | RT @LaVanguardia: AéQuA© opinarAa Winston 23 Jun 2016, 7 | NA
na Churchill sobre el Brexit? https://t.co/GOBLOhjW7e 01:13 - CEST
https://t.co/5LQ62PGDhY
GCPa18th #Brexit vote here we come.... Will | stay or will | go? 23 Jun 2016, | SW PA O|; NA
01:13 - CEST
EarthBabyY | RT @Mark_Beech: A propos @garbage and #Brexit 23 Jun 2016, | Alaska 396 | NA
Magoa posts tonight, heavy British rain might affect turnout? | 01:13 - CEST
https://t.co/w4TFDekFXL
vijayhre86 The theme today is all about disruptions.. Nothing 23 Jun 2016, 0; NA
could be more disruptive than Brexit atm! 01:46 - CEST
MariaEsquir | RT @muyinteresante: AéQuA©@ es el ""Brexit""? 23 Jun 2016, 45 | NA
ozMa AéQuA® consecuencias tendrAa? Te lo contamos 01:46 - CEST
todo aquA: #Brexit
https://t.co/R8L7edqRdk https://t.coaé€ |
mortalfool BrexitNO. TexitYES! 23 Jun 2016, | Brookly 0; NA
01:46 - CEST | n, NY
cihat_metin | RT @eagencye: #Brexit Soros and CIA ! 23 Jun 2016, | #ATE 1|NA
01:46 - CEST | #ANTA°
FA
HACAB
aihyah Britain Doesn't Need the EU to Trade 23 Jun 2016, | Junckers 0 | positive
Rocking MrE #Brexit #VoteLeave #BBCdebate 01:46 - CEST | Bottom
#EUreferendum
https://t.co/zDcCYRdVP3
Engesee #ID23 #IndependenceDay #Brexit VOTE LEAVE 23 Jun 2016, 0 | positive
01:46 - CEST
HarryBarwel | If that vote is tomorrow I'm voting out coz 23 Jun 2016, 0; NA
I6 1 Funny 01:46 - CEST
2
3 Bare heads crying about how were gonna die if we
brexit
Eng Observ | RT @jeremyforlabour: ""The EU is not a benign or 23 Jun 2016, | Lincolns 4|NA
er civilising force. It is a facilitator and enforcer of 01:46 - CEST | hire
lending cartels"" https://t.co/JWmFNEva€ |
topnuntious | Concerns over Brexit do not end at the English 23 Jun 2016, 0; NA
Channel https://t.co/MBd5abLyli 01:46 - CEST
https://t.co/KOXnAF3R39 via FT
skipsiperko | RT @ElVatoTeporocho: ""Welcome to London, are you | 23 Jun 2016, 12 | positive
ready to convert or die?"" 01:46 - CEST

#VoteLeave #Brexit https://t.co/7hsVOYKpNI

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011173
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020310.txt,"158

By the first decade of the 21* century, the NSA’s surreptitious efforts to render the Internet
transparent to US intelligence had earned it a new set of enemies. They were the previously-
mentioned hacktavists who were attempting to shield the activities of Internet users from the
intrusions of government surveillance. They employed both encryption and TOR software to
defeat that surveillance.

The NSA was not about to be defeated by the tactics of amateur privacy advocates. It did not
conceal that it was intent on countering any attempt to interfere with its surveillance of the
Internet. It built back doors into their encryption and worked to unravel the TOR scrambling of
their IP addresses. It made leading hacktavists targets. Brian Hale, the spokesman for the
Director of National Intelligence, disclosed that the US routinely intercepted the cyber signatures
of parties suspected of hacking into US government networks.

Following the 9/11 attack on the Pentagon and World Trade Center, the surveillance of the
Internet also became an integral part of Bush’ administration’s war on terrorism. In October
2001, Congress expanded the NSA’s mandate by passing the USA Patriot Act. Section 215 of
the act directly authorized the NSA, with the approval of the FISA court, to collect and store
domestic telephone billing records. The idea was to better coordinate domestic and foreign
intelligence about Al-Qaeda and other jihadist groups. The mantra in government after the 9/11
was to “connect dots.” Congress with this back essentially called for demolishing the wall by
domestic and foreign intelligence when it came to foreign-directed terrorism. The act effectively
made the NSA a partner with the FBI in tracking phone calls made from the phones origination
outside the United States by known foreign jihadists. If these calls were made to individuals
inside the NSA was now authorized to retrieve the billing records of the person called and those
people who he or she called. These traces were then supplied to the FBI. When a New York
Times expose in 2008 revealing that NSA surveillance has been extended to domestic telephone
used, Congress passed the FISA Amendments Act of 2008 explicitly allowing the NSA to
continue these practices if it obtained a FISA court order. Congress also sanctioned the NSA’s
supplying the FBI with the emails and other Internet activity of foreign Jihadists if it was
suspected of planning attacks in America. This put the NSA directly in the anti-terrorist business
in the United States. It also necessitated the NSA vastly increasing its coverage of the Internet.

The new duties also increased the NSA’s need to create new bureaucratic mechanism to
monitor its compliance with FISA court orders, Rajesh De, the NSA’s General Counsel at the
time of the Snowden breach, described the NSA as becoming by 2013 “one of the most regulated
enterprises in the world.” Grafted onto its intelligence activities were layers of mandated
reporting to oversight officials. Not only did the NSA have its own chief compliance officer,
chief privacy and civil liberties officer, and independent inspector general but the NSA also had
to report to a difference set of compliance officers at the Department of Defense the Office of
National intelligence and the Department of Justice On top of reporting to those officials, the
Department of Justice dispatched a team of lawyers every 60 days to review the results of “every

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020310
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027096.txt,"﻿4 The Virgin Islands Daily News 
VIRGIN ISLANDS Saturday, February 23, 2019 
White House 'looking into' Acosta's role in illegal sex offender plea deal 
!vRir c,I BENNETT — ""My understand, is that it, __________________________________ _____________________________________________________ efforts.. to protect a victim, the fil-
___________________________________ a ve, comPliemed ease. some- A federal judge said U.S. Labor Secretary Alexander if...id. II allows victims the 1..- 
I hing we're certainly looking into,"" sonable right"" to confer with the 
WASHINGTON — White Sanders said. Acosta — then the U.S. attorney in Miami — signed u.s. attomeys handling the case. 
House press secretary Sarah Huck- The Florida- off on a plea deal with Jeffrey Epstein, the Palm Beach The deal reached between Acos-
abee Sanders on Friday declined based U.S. Dis- ta and Epstein's attorneys allowed 
to 
billionaire and serial sex abuser, without informing the say whether President Donald 111 trict Judge Ken- him to not be prosecuted M fed-
Trump oil confidence hi La- fie. A. Marrs dozens of victims about what they were doing. eral court, and instead sentenced 
bor Secretary Alexander Acosta, a , 0 1 ' ruled Acosta and in state court. The immunity from 
Epstein also owns the island of little St. James in the 
day after a federal judge ruled the other officials prosecution also extended to some 
Justice Department broke the law did om confer Virgin Islands. of Epstein, co-conspirators. 
while Acosta was a U.S. attorney. iik'_,.....L:  with Epstein, Epstein pleaded guilty to two 
A judge said Acosta — then the prostitution charges and served 13 
U.S. attorney in Miami — signed JeffroY EristoM ‘theeti7008 abpcITiti Asked if Trump still has confi- The judge said in his decision months in county jail, according 
off on a plea deal with Jeffrey Ep- agreement. But, dence in the latest member of his Thursday that he had reviewed to the Miami Herald. The victi. 
stein, the Palm Beach billionaire notably, she appeared to defend the Cabinet — which he frequently evidence showing Epstein sexu- were not told of the agreement or 
and serial sex abuser, without in- labor boss. praises as doing a collective solid ally abused more than 30 underage sentencing until it was too late to 
forming victims about what they ""But that they made the beg job — Sanders declined to say girls at his Palm Beach mansion intervene. 
were doing. possible deal that they could have the president does. ""Again, that's and elsewhere. The Department of Justice an-
o f tit' S:.17amTvsnin tthhee VilifigVi gotten at that time,"" she said...But, something we're looking into,"" the The Crime Victims' Rights Act nounced earlier this month it has 
again, that, something we're look- spokeswoman said, ""I'm not aware promises victims that the Justice opened an investigation into the 
Islands. ing into."" of any changes... Department would make its ""best handling of Epstein's case. 
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018857.txt,"Improvements Description and Analysis 46

Overall, the quality, condition, and functional utility of the improvements are above average for their
age and location. The subject benefits from good access and visibility from both the waterfront and
the main thoroughfare of Smith Bay Road. In addition, the overall quality and condition of the subject
is above average for this market. Due to the small site size and large number of commercial tenants,
there is insufficient parking at the subject based on market standards.

Improvement Analysis — Marina

The marina currently contains 105 wet slips, although that number can vary somewhat depending on
the size (width) of the occupying vessels. Each designated slip is supplied with its own electrical outlet
and fresh water supply, as well as access to a refueling line. The individual slip sizes can vary based on
boater needs, but they can accommodate a variety of vessels, typically within the range from 30 to 79
linear feet for the standard slips, and 79 to 110 linear feet for the T-head slips. In addition, some slips
have an attached finger for easier access, which is considered more desirable.

Generally the jetties and slips are constructed of PVC pilings bored and filled with concrete and steel;
and wood plank surfacing. Many of the smaller slips are horizontally separated by wooden columns
used to tie up vessels rather than there being jetties between each slip.

The physical docks were constructed over several years, from 1991-1995, and are considered to be in
average condition. Ongoing renovations have been made to the docks throughout the years, with
upcoming expenditures included a complete resurfacing as well as re-facing the wooden skirts on
most concrete pilings. The docks consist of mostly concrete pilings and cross braces with some wood,
along with wooden skirts and wood decking surface. There have been no major renovations to slip
structure within the past five years.

The subject marina benefits greatly from its location in Vessup Bay, which is well protected and
positioned in a convenient area at the heart of Red Hook. In addition, this bay has a direct route to St.
John and the British Virgin Islands and has a depth that will accommodate vessels with a maximum
draft of 10 feet and a maximum vessel length of 110 feet. The subject is one of the closest commercial
marinas to both St. John and the BVI, and this convenient location is a major demand generator for
commercial charters as well as vessels based in St. John and the BVI which are often in need of a
fueling station. The quality and condition of the docks is considered to be average; however, the
services and amenities offered at this marina are considered to be above average.

IGY American Yacht Harbor Marina

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018857
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019591.txt,"Enter Assange | 103

Because Hong Kong had a vigorously enforced extradition agree-
ment with the United States, as mentioned above, it was expected
that Snowden would be taken into custody. But China had the final
say in any extradition decision. In fact, China had explicitly been
given the right of vetoing any extraditions for any reason in the
formal 1999 agreement between Hong Kong and the United States.
Because the Chinese president, Xi Jinping, had just met with Presi-
dent Obama in California, China also had an interest in avoiding
embarrassing public demonstrations on behalf of Snowden. Accord-
ing to a well-placed official in Hong Kong, China’s liaison office in
Hong Kong told the Hong Kong Authority in no uncertain terms
that Snowden had to be out of Hong Kong by June 23.

On June 19, Snowden had a meeting with Tibbo, the barrister who
would handle any eventual court case, and Man and Ho, the Hong
Kong solicitors who had been retained for him. It took place in a
small apartment where, according to Ho, they ate pizza while they
discussed Snowden’s options.

Tibbo wanted Snowden to remain in Hong Kong, allow himself

© to be arrested, seek bail, and fight extradition in court. Tibbo said ©
he planned to mount a powerful legal defense against extradition
by using a provision in Hong Kong’s extradition treaty with the
United States that protects fugitives from persecution on political
grounds. After he told Snowden that it would entail a long court
battle, Snowden asked him if he could avoid even being arrested.

Tibbo explained that Hong Kong courts, which closely follow
British law, would certainly issue an arrest warrant for him imme-
diately after the United States formally filed charges against him.
Those charges could come within hours, he reckoned. Soon after-
ward, Snowden would be temporarily jailed, and his computers,
electronic gear, and thumb drives would be seized and placed in the
custody of the court. Tibbo would immediately seek his release on
bail but could not guarantee an outcome because Snowden, who
had fled U.S. jurisdiction, might be considered a flight risk. If so,
Snowden could remain incarcerated during the long court battle.
During the litigation, Snowden would have a platform to make
his case against U.S. surveillance. Indeed, Tibbo’s strategy involved
building massive public support for Snowden’s cause. Once the U.S.

| | Epst_9780451494566_2p_all_r1.z.indd 103 ® 9/29/16 5:51 Pa | |

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019591
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014822.txt,"Case 1:15-cv-07433-RWS Document 751-9 Filed 03/17/17 Page 3 of 3
The women have objected to how U.S. prosecutors handled Epstein's case, and want authorities to reconsider a
plea deal that allowed Epstein to avoid much more serious federal charges and potentially longer prison time.
Epstein served 13 months of an 18-month sentence after pleading guilty to a single charge of soliciting prostitution
before being released in 2009.

It was not the first time Prince Andrew has faced media scrutiny over his friendship with Epstein. In July 2011 the
royal stepped down from his role as a U.K. trade ambassador after he was photographed with Epstein in New York.

Prince Andrew is the second son and third child of Queen Elizabeth II and Prince Philip, Duke of Edinburgh. He is
fifth in line to the British throne behind his older brother Prince Charles, nephew Prince William, grandnephew
Prince George, and nephew Prince Harry.

The Sunday Mirror reported that Prince Andrew was on a skiing holiday in Switzerland, where he had been staying
with his ex-wife Sarah Ferguson and their daughters, Princess Beatrice and Princess Eugenie.

In a further bizarre twist to the story, prominent attorney Alan Dershowitz, who is also named in the court
documents, told the BBC that he is planning legal action against the woman.

""If she believes she has been hurt by me and Prince Andrew, she should be suing us for damages,"" the former
Harvard Law professor said. ""| welcome that lawsuit. | welcome any opportunity that would put her under oath and
require her to state under oath these false allegations.""

The Associated Press contributed to this report.

2/2

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014822
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030644.txt,"How are you?

Co-authored with iPhone auto-correct

On Sep 25, 2016, at 12:01 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:

bring me up to speed.

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030644
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015282.txt,"Trashing the Right to Read

Before Kenneth Foster’ s death sentence was revoked at the last
minute in August 2007, he had read a book, We/come to the Terrordome,
and he wrote a letter to the author, Dave Zirin:
| have never had the opportunity to view sports in this way. And as | went
through these revelations | began to have epiphanies about the way sports
have a similar existence in prison. The similarities shook me. Facing
execution, the only thing that | began to get obsessive about was how to
get heard and be free, and as the saying goes, you can’ t serve two gods.
Sports, as you know, becomes a way of life. You monitor it, you almost
come to breathe it. Sports becomes a way of life in prison, because it
becomes a way of survival. For men that don’ t have family or friends to
help them financially, it becomes a way to occupy your time. That’ s
another sad story in itself, but it’ s the root to many men’ s obsession
with sports.

Zirin writes, “It didn’ t matter if he was on death row or Park
Avenue, | felt smarter having read his words. But even more satisfying was
the thought that thinking about sports took his mind--for a moment--
away from his imminent death, the 11-year-old daughter he will never
touch, and the words he will never write. | thought sending him my first

book, What’ s My Name, Fool?: Sports and Resistance in the U.S., would

be a good follow-up.”

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015282
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017693.txt,"Page 58 of 78
2007 Utah L. Rev. 861, *942

that lawyers provide assistance to indigent criminal defendants. Presumably, that same power extends to requesting assistance
for crime victims. +7 In light of all these facts, federal courts have the inherent power to request attorneys to represent indigent
crime victims.

An illustration of this power is found in a decision by the U.S. District Court for the Western District of North Carolina in
United States v. Stamper. *8 In this rape case, a dispute arose over the admission of certain psychiatric reports concerning the
victim that the defense alleged demonstrated a pattern of making false allegations of sexual abuse. +? She requested
independent counsel to protect her privacy interests. 4©° After consulting with the victim, the court appointed counsel for her.
461 The court then allowed her counsel to participate in hearings regarding the evidence, including cross-examination of the
relevant witnesses. +6?

My proposed rule would simply confirm the existing discretionary power of the courts to appoint volunteer counsel
demonstrated in cases like Stamper. The rule is purely discretionary (the court ""may"" appoint counsel) and is limited to
situations where the interests of justice require appointment. The rule does not address payment for counsel, as this matter must
be left to subsequent appropriations from Congress. The court, however, can ask for volunteer counsel to assist victims pro
bono.

Finally, it might be argued that it is unnecessary to address this subject in a rule because the court's inherent authority to
appoint counsel exists even without a rule. Both courts and victims, however, will find it useful to have this authority close at
hand in the criminal rules. Rule 44 already covers the subject of appointing counsel for defendants in great detail, so adding a
Rule 44.1 addressing victims’ counsel is a natural corollary. In addition, prosecutors are obligated by the CVRA to ""advise the
crime victim that the crime victim can seek advice of an attorney with respect to the rights described in subsection (a).""_ 4
This may frequently [*943] require prosecutors to help victims obtain legal counsel. Accordingly, a separate rule on this
subject is appropriate. For all these reasons, the Rules should be amended to recognize the court's authority to appoint volunteer
counsel to represent a crime victim.

Rule 46 - Victims’ Right to Be Heard Regarding Defendant's Release from Custody The Proposal:

I proposed that a victim should be given the right to offer views regarding the defendant's release from custody and that the
court should consider those views as follows:

(k) Victims’ Right to Be Heard. A victim has the right to be heard regarding any decision to release the defendant. The court
shall consider the views of victims in making any release decision, including such decisions in petty cases. In a case where the
court finds that the number of victims makes it impracticable to accord all of the victims the right to be heard in open court, the
court shall fashion a reasonable procedure to facilitate hearing from representative victims. 464

The Advisory Committee proposed no change to this rule. °° It did, however, propose a global rule that would give victims a
right to be heard at proceedings involving release:

4:

wa

7 See Beloof, Cassell & Twist, supra note 6, at 381-82 (suggesting this conclusion).

#8 766 F. Supp. 1396, 1397 (W.D.N.C. 1991).

4:

a

9 Id. at 1396.

460 Id. at 1397.
461 Td.
462 I.

463 18 U.S.C. § 3771(c)(2) (2006).
464 Cassell, Proposed Amendments, supra note 4, at 917.
465 See Proposed Amendments, supra note 71 (showing no proposed change for Rule 46(k)).

DAVID SCHOEN

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017693
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020816.txt,"OPINION
The Endless Clinton Campaign

OPINION
The Mystery of Michael Flynn’s Guilty Plea

Be oe ern errr rr

LIFE
Why Doesn’t Your Husband Want to Have Sex?

LIFE
John McCain: ‘Vladimir Putin Is an Evil Man’

POLITICS
Mueller Asked Ford for Records After It Rejected Michael ...

WSJ
The Fight Over FBI's 'Top-Secret' Intelligence Source

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020816
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022490.txt,"a

self.com / Nicole Cliffe I met with Alanis Morissette on Thursday, May
23rd, 2019, in a beautiful villa she periodically rents for meetings. (A man
showed up part way through...

The 100 coolest people in food and
drink

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022490
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023956.txt,"270

Teaching Minds

They must be learn-by-doing curricula consisting of series of
projects inside coherent stories about life in some aspect of
the real world.

They must be delivered on the web. Students should work on
projects where the background and help are web delivered.
They would submit their work to mentors and receive
feedback online.

Mentors in the curricula would include parents, online
subject matter experts worldwide, local experts, and teachers
trained to be mentors. Mentoring, unlike teaching, is not
about providing information that can be found easily in
books but about helping students through a problem without
giving them the answer. Mentors point students in the right
direction and react to their work as it progresses.

Students should, on a regular basis (sometimes weekly,
sometimes more often), submit work products related to each
project for evaluation and feedback. Students would submit
their work many times to achieve increasing mastery and get
continuing feedback. There should be no competency tests,
only the continual monitoring of performance.

Each curriculum should be designed by a panel of experts in
a given field. The curriculum should provide a simulation of
what life might be like in that field. For example, students
might spend the year working legal cases, or starting a
business, or designing roads and bridges.

Students should be encouraged to work in virtual teams,
learning to deal with others to produce results.

Choice must be a staple of the curricula. There can be no
single set of standard requirements. Instead, students should
be able to select the curricula they wish to participate in.
Their records would list what deliverables they have created
in their chosen curricula.

Curricula must be designed around projects with clear,
meaningful, achievable goals. They must be designed
carefully so to incorporate all the key basic skills like reading,
writing, reasoning, researching, calculating, computing, and
so on, in a systematic and natural way.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023956
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027682.txt,"Time:

Flags:

05/03/19 09
1060865

Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID:

Message: Yes : EP Parliamentary

F8129B17

:01:24 AM

(578592084)

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time:

Flags:

05/03/19 09
1085445

Ts Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID:

E658F760-62]

2:01:28 AM

B3-45A8-A

(578592088)

EBD-A4D407746

Message: whoops

BO9B-4FF8-9CAA-D6F4976FC240

Elections

Gl
~l
Oo

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time:

Flags:

05/03/19 09
1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID:

:01:36 AM

(578592096)

Message: ok cool

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time:

Flags:

05/03/19 09

1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID:

Message:

9F6E2A31-37BC-4D1F-B402-DD3

2:02:35 AM

(578592155)

Pi

(HOFE2

shots of island/ ?

Sender:

Time:

Flags:

05/03/19 09

1126401

Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

2:03:02 AM

(578592182)

22DBDCBC- 9806-4DB2-B2AD-1374F4A745B0

691

1f you change your mind I'm on the island.

GUID: BFAIB1OB-96AB-4656-B3E6-AD0DDEDB1

HOA

Message: Monday good for you though???
Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com
Time: 05/03/19 09:03:22 AM (578592202)

Flags:

1085445

do you want your guys to get some

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027682
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032053.txt,"destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032053
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031192.txt,"From: Darren Indyke 
Sent: 12/24/2015 5:04:27 PM 
To: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com] 
Subject: Fwd: PPB Jeffrey Epstein News Latest News Hot New Book Rips Jeffrey Epstein's $50 Billion Dollar Ponzi Scheme Text 
Only You Have Photo 
Importance: High 
DARREN K. INDYKE 
DARREN K. INDYKE, PLLC 
575 Lexington Avenue, 4th Floor 
New York, New York 10022 
Telephone: 
Telecopier: 
Mobile 
email: 
****************************************************************************************** 
************ 
The information contained in this communication is confidential, may be attorney-client 
privileged, and is intended only for the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
Darren K. Indyke, PLLC. Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this communication 
or any part thereof is strictly prohibited and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by return e-mail, and destroy this 
communication and all copies thereof, including all attachments. 
Copyright of Darren K. Indyke, PLLC - 0 2015 Darren K. 
Indyke, PLLC — All rights reserved. 
****************************************************************************************** 
************* 
Begin forwarded message: 
From: Martin Weinberg 
Subject: Fwd: PPB Jeffrey Epstein News Latest News Hot New Book Rips Jeffrey Epstein's $50 
Billion Dollar Ponzi Scheme Text Only You Have Photo 
Date: December 24, 2015 at 12:02:02 PM EST 
To: Darren Indyke 
Sent from my iPhone 
Begin forwarded message: 
From: steven hoffenberg 
Date: December 24, 2015:11.11111.1 
To 
Subject: Fwd: PPB Jeffrey Epstein News Latest News Hot New Book Rips Jeffrey Epstein's $50 Billion Dollar Ponzi Scheme 
Text Only You Have Photo 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031192 
Steven J. Hoffenberg 
New York Post Publishing INC. 
C E 
TOWERSINVESTORS.COM  
C E 
SEE 
VVWW.POST PUBLISHING.BUZZ THE JESUS CHRIST ON LINE GODs WORD NEWSPAPER 
MR HOFFENBERG ONLINE NEWSPAPER 
PUBLICSPEAKINGWALLSTREET.COM  
Begin forwarded message: 
From: steven hoffenberg 
Date: December 24, 2015 at 11:44:20 AM EST 
To: ""Gary H. BaisallillW> 
Cc: ANN BAISE ______________________ 
Subject: Fwd: PPB Jeffrey Epstein News Latest News Hot New Book Rips Jeffrey Epstein's $50 Billion Dollar Ponzi Scheme 
Text Only You Have Photo 
.11111111 
Steven J. Hoffenberg 
New York Post Publishing INC. 
C E 
TOWERSINVESTORS.COM  
C E 
SEE 
VVWW.POST PUBLISHING.BUZZ THE JESUS CHRIST ON LINE GODs WORD NEWSPAPER 
MR HOFFENBERG ONLINE NEWSPAPER 
PUBLICSPEAKINGWALLSTREET.COM  
Begin forwarded message: 
From: Florence Anthony t> 
Date: December 24, 2015 at 11:08:55 AM EST 
To: 
Cc: 
5ubject PPB Jettrey Eps 
Only You Have Photo 
New Book Rips Jeffrey Epstein's $50 Billion Dollar Ponzi Scheme Text 
Hot Book Rips Jeffrey Epstein's $50 Billion Dollar Ponzi Crime Covered Up By President Obama 
By Steven Hoffenberg 
Publisher/CEO 
Lisa Twardeau died at the dirty hands of billionaire Jeffrey Epstein's lies about the crimes he committed while working 
atTowersinvestors.com. 
Jeffrey Epstein looted Towers Investors of billions of dollars in ponzi crimes at the time Lisa became the wife of Steven Hoffenberg, 
who was Epstein's boss at Towers Investors. 
Epstein defrauded the Towers Investors with a cover-up after taking $2 billion from Towers and depositing it into the Epstein Hedge 
Fund Financial Trust Corp. 
Lisa Twardeau died when she was going to expose the fact that Jeffrey Epstein looted billions from Towers Investors by ponzi 
crimes. 
Now, from the grave, Lisa Twardeau slams arrogant ponzi crimes King Epstein in the tell-all book she wrote that reveals everything 
about Epstein and the Feds' cover-up with President Obama. 
The Feds are bad. They are covering up the Epstein ponzi crimes. The Lisa Twardeau book states that the FBI is violating the law 
with this cover-up. 
The book says President Obama told the Attorney General that Jeffrey Epstein was cooperating in an overseas banking crime, but 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031193 
the FBI can't arrest Epstein. These are all lies by the President of the United States. 
The book says that President Obama lied to cover up his relationship with Larry Summers who is on Jeffrey Epstein's payroll. 
The book could give reasons for the president to be impeached for obstruction of justice whereby the U.S. Attorney General will 
learn everything that is in the Twardeau book. 
Readers, stay with this hot story that reveals that a cover-up in America is taking place. 
The Richard Nixon story all over again is in the Lisa Twardeau book coming soon........ 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031194 
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029905.txt,"From: paul krassner 
Sent: 3/7/2019 4:27:09 AM 
To: J [jeevacation@gmail.com] 
Subject: Fwd: Media Magic: How a Democrat Pedophile Became a 'Trump Scandal' 
Importance: High 
From: Ann Coulter Subject: Media Magic: How a Democrat Pedophile Became a 'Trump 
Scandal' 
Date: March 6, 2019 at 5:01:34 PM PST 
To: ""Friend"" < 
Reply-To: ""HumanEvents.com"" <r-
ysmIlbbqqlsnfcqqgvnrswzfrrbsfrffsqzpggvggfvzccqwtsb@humaneventsmail.com> 
Media Magic: How a Democrat Pedophile 
Became a 'Trump Scandal' 
Strangely, the media have suddenly taken an intense interest in the case of pedophile and 
major Democratic donor Jeffrey Epstein. 
In 2005, the Palm Beach police were told by the mother of a young girl in West Palm 
Beach that her daughter had been brought to the Democratic donor's mansion and asked 
to have sex with him for money. This kicked off an intensive, one-year undercover 
investigation. 
The police sifted through Epstein's garbage and interviewed 17 witnesses, including the 
housemen, who told of sex toys and dildos left behind after the underage girls left. One of 
Epstein's procurers, a 20-year-old local woman named Haley Robson, who was paid $200 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 029905 
for every teenaged girl she brought to Jeffrey, was cooperating with police, telling them 
she was like ""Heidi Fleiss."" They obtained statements from five of Epstein's young victims, 
who said they'd been paid $200 to $300 to engage in various sex acts with ... 
Continue reading... 
________________________SUBSCRIPTION INFO__________________________ 
This newsletter is never sent unsolicited. It was sent to you because you signed up to receive this newsletter on 
the HunnanEvents.conn network OR a friend forwarded it to you. We respect and value your time and privacy. If 
this newsletter no longer meets your needs we will be happy to remove your address immediately. 
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Or Send postal mail to: 
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All rights reserved. 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 029906 
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011615.txt,"A few weeks later, my term as commander ended. The handover to my
successor, Giora Zorea, turned out to be more elaborate than my arrival, though
not at my instigation. With both Talik and Avraham in attendance, Dado
presented me with my fifth tza/ash. It was not for Beirut. Not for the operation
against the Syrian officers, or the unprecedented access our intelligence
missions were providing into Egypt’s military communications. Dado said it
was for all of the above. And not just for leading the unit of which I’d been a
part almost from the start. It was for my part in bringing it to maturity. When I
replied, I am sure everyone knew I was speaking from the heart in saying that
my every moment with Sayeret Matkal had been a privilege. And that this latest
commendation was an award for the achievements the whole sayeret.

Dado did me another good turn. As my stint as commander drew to an end, I
knew what I hoped to do next in the army: to use my tank training to work my
way up the command chain in the armored corps. But like past sayeret
commanders, it was assumed I would first spend time at the US Marine Corps
staff college in Quantico, Virginia. I had other ideas. I wanted to exercise other
parts of my mind, by doing postgraduate work at a normal American university.
Dado agreed.

I still had to get accepted. The first step was to take the post-graduate entry
exam, the GRE. There were two parts to it. The first involved mathematics and
abstract thinking, the second English language. If my fate had rested on my
English grade, I’d have ended up at Quantico. I finished in the 28"" percentile.

But in the other part, I was in the 99.6"" percentile. I applied to four universities:

Harvard, Yale, MIT and Stanford. Amazingly, I got accepted by all of them. I
chose Stanford, mainly because it allowed a far greater latitude in choosing my
program of study. Also, the weather.

In early August 1973, Nava and I joined my parents and hers on a sunny
afternoon in Mishmar Hasharon to celebrate Michal’s third birthday and say
goodbye. We were heading to Palo Alto, California, with every expectation of
two years of intellectual stimulation, new friends, new experiences and
something approximating a more normal family life. My “other” family, the
Israeli army, also had reason to believe a period of new possibilities lay ahead.
The threat of terror remained, of course. There had also been a brief bout of

144

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011615
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020476.txt,"17

pragmatically manage our differences now seems, in the current environment, both naive
and quixotic.

Promote Transparency

Follow-on congressional oversight will go far toward educating the Congress, the media,
and the public about these important topics. The issues are complicated and have no simple
solutions. Various specialists within and outside the US government should be consulted

in determining the full scope of the problem and what should be done.

Promote Integrity

Congress needs also to distinguish between issues that present a real threat to the United
States, such as Chinese espionage and Chinese-directed monitoring of Chinese students
on US campuses, and institutions such as Confucius Institutes, which, as we have noted
elsewhere in this report, can be better regulated by universities themselves.

Promote Reciprocity

In coming up with remedial steps, Congress must consider the broader bilateral relationship.
It is asked to weigh carefully the continued important positive elements in the US-China
relationship, the negative consequences that might arise from a confrontational approach

to China, and America’s need to protect and foster its strengths and interests.

NOTES

1 Sources for the information and judgments in this section include: United States Congress. House
Committee on Foreign Affairs. Executive-Legislative Consultations over China Policy, 1978-1979. Washington,
DC: US Government Printing Office, 1980; Ramon Myers, Michel Oksenberg, and David Shambaugh

(eds.), Making China Policy: Lessons from the Bush and Clinton Administrations (Lanham, MD: Rowman &
Littlefield, 2001); Harry Harding, A Fragile Relationship: The US and China Since 1972 (Washington, DC:
Brookings Institution, 1992); David M. Lampton, Same Bed, Different Dreams: Managing US-China Relations,
1989-2000 (Berkeley: University of California, 2001); James Mann, About Face: A History of America’s Curious
Relationship with China, from Nixon to Clinton (New York: Knopf, 1999); Robert Sutter, US-Chinese Relations:
Perilous Past, Pragmatic Present (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2010); Nancy B. Tucker, Strait Talk:
United States-Taiwan Relations and the Crisis with China (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2009).

2 See website at http://www.china.org.cn/english/features/38189.htm.
3 See the institute’s website at https://www.usasiainstitute.org/delegations/chin.

4 See the committee’s website at https://www.ncuscr.org/content/congressional-committee-staff
-delegation-china-1976.

5 Sources for this section rely on sources seen in source note 2 and Shambaugh, David, ed., Tangled
Titans, Boulder, CO: Rowman & Littlefield, 2013; Sutter, Robert, US-China Relations: Perilous Past, Uncertain
Present, Boulder CO: Rowman & Littlefield, 2018, 119-164.

Section 1

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020476
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029984.txt,"* My conversation with Peter Thiel at CEIBS LINK<http://reidhoffman.us7.list-
manage. com/track/click?u=3a27d4e452178cc8f199d9386&i d=a70f0 F6e65&e=5 c5da67d46>
I enjoyed participating in this fun video by Founders Forum imagining what life would be like for
tech entrepreneurs if the World wide web had never been invented. LINK<http://reidhoffman.us7.list-
manage. com/track/click?u=3a27d4e452178cc8F199d93 868i d=f5 7d26e93 5&e=5c5da67d46>

Interviews

vox: My discussion with Ezra Klein on the biggest lie employers tell employees

LINK<http: //reidhoffman.us7.list-
manage. com/track/click?u=3a27d4e452178cc8F199d9386&i d=3edb875ec8&e=5c5da67d46>

* Entrepreneur: why I'm betting big on Bitcoin LINK<http://reidhoffman.us7. list-
manage.com/track/click?u=3a27d4e452178cc8F199d93 86871 d=26e30a85 9c&e=5c5da67d46>

* HuffPo: My discussion with Dawn Nakagawa in advance of the worldPost conference
LINK<http://reidhoffman.us7.list-
manage. com/track/click?u=3a27d4e452178cc8F199d93 868i d=15dfcd584d&e=5c5da67d46>[https://gallery.mailchimp.
com/3a27d4e452178cc8Ff199d9386/images/af3c3134-98fc-41laf-80F5-c8f6ac552a0b. png]

reidhoffman.org<http: //reidhoffman.us7. list-

manage. com/track/click?u=3a27d4e452178cc8F199d93 868i d=52e9dd18fe&e=5c5da67d46> »

@reidhoffman<http: //reidhoffman.us7.list-
managel.com/track/click?u=3a27d4e452178cc8F199d93 8681 d=72928F912 5&e=5c5da67d46> »
unsubscribe<http://reidhoffman.us7. list-

managel.com/unsubscri be?u=3a27d4e452178cc8F199d93868i d=7b94abd160&e=5c5dab67d46&c=821F89821e> +» update
profile<http://reidhoffman.us7.list-

manage. com/profi le?u=3a27d4e452178cc8F199d93 868i d=7b94abd160&e=5c 5da67d46>

© 2015 Reid Hoffman, All rights reserved.
You are receiving this email because we are connected on LinkedIn.

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail .com<mailto:jeevacation@gmail.com>, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029984
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012334.txt,"—_~

19
20
21
22
23
24
25

Oo wn nD uu BP WN FB

He ee Pe BP Pp
N Dm WV F® W NY SP OC

2007-04-27

going over there? You said you had a baby and you
changed?

A. Yeah.

Q. what happened?

A. Everything changed in my life, everything. I

ended up getting a job and I just stopped. I just

stopped. I don't know.

51

A. I just stopped because I have a son now and I
didn't feel like it was right. First off, I was a
stay-at-home mommy, okay. And what am I going to do,
bring my son over there to Jeffrey's, no, you know. So I
focused on my son. I had a beautiful baby boy that was
my pride and joy. I didn't care for anything else. I
didn’t care to tell friends. I dropped all my friends.
Like he asked me do I have any numbers, no, you know. If
anybody does call me, that's my mother. Like it was just
me and my baby boy and it's been like that ever since.

BY AGENT RICHARDS:

Q. Having a baby is a life-changing experience,
isn’t it?

A. Having a baby?

Q. Yes, it's full-time.
Page 53

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012334
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014312.txt,"From: 
Sent: 
To: 
Subject: 
Attachments: 
Ens, Amanda 
11/17/2016 6:05:47 PM 
jeffrey E. [jeeyacation@gmail.com]; Richard Kahn 
Financials: buy XLF Mar17 $22 call with $26 KO for $0.87 with full premium rebate on KO 
image001.png; Future of Financials Conference Takeaways.pdf 
Importance: High 
Our Financials Conference was this week and client attendance was up by 66% from last year. Yes, banks/financials 
might pull back at some point after this run-up but we would be buyers on any pullbacks and we continue to see further 
upside from multiple expansion and earnings growth. Our analyst raised her price targets by —11% across the board. The 
long term rotation from bonds and div stocks into sectors like financials is only beginning. 
Vol is higher on the week; what prices well now: 
Buy the XLF March 2017 $22 call with $26 Knock-Out (continuous) for $0.87, with a full premium 
rebate if knock-out occurs. 
This prices attractively given flat call skew and if XLF breaches $26 and this knocks out, at least you get your 
premium back. 
Please find our Financials report attached. 
Future of Financials conference hosted 90 public and private companies at our Future of Financials conference. We are 
raising our price objectives across most of our names. Three primary reasons why we think there is upside remaining 
after the recent rally: 1) an improved outlook on both activity levels and interest rates, driving revenue upside; 2) 
potentially lower regulatory burden, particularly as new supervisory leadership can come with the new administration; 
and 3) relatively lighter positioning in US financials vs. other sectors. (Erika Najarian) 
From: Ens, Amanda 
Sent: Monday, November 14, 2016 12:05 PM 
To: 'Jeffrey E.'; 'Richard Kahn' 
Subject: RE: Financials trade for Monday 
We continue to see buyers of XLF today. Funds are underweight financials in all regions, valuations are 
reasonable, earnings are improving and financials tend to outperform when bond yields rise. 
Vol is higher today — refreshed pricing below. 
Buy an XLF 17March2017 call spread: 
• Buy the 105% call / sell a 110% call with a 115% at-expiry knock-in 
• Total premium: 1.86% 
Global Positioning in Stocks: Nigel Tupper notes the 4000 funds in our ""Positioning in Stocks"" analysis  
are more underweight Financials, on average, than any other sector and are underweight this sector in all 
regions of the world. If earnings continue to improve and yield rise, which is often the case in an upturn in our 
Global Wave, then the unloved Financials sector has the potential to continue to outperform. 
Global Quant Panorama: ""Bearish on Bonds"" stocks (which tend to move in the opposite direction to  
bond yields) tend to outperform our ""Bullish On Bonds"" when bond yields rise. The sectors that tend to 
perform best as bond yields rise are Energy, Tech, Materials, Banks, and Diversified Financials. Of these 
sectors, the laggards this year have been Banks and Diversified Financials. With a PE of 15.9x and a PB of 
2.0x, Global valuations are reasonable. Also, Risk is near all-time lows in terms of PE in most regions. Now 
that macro and earnings data have triggered the beginning of a rotation, Value becomes very relevant. 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 014312 
From: Ens, Amanda 
Sent: Friday, November 11, 2016 4:04 PM 
To: 'jeffrey E.'; 'Richard Kahn' 
Subject: Financials trade for Monday 
It's not too late to buy financials as a medium term trade. They've run up a lot this week but we're getting 
endless calls from generalists asking which banks to buy — there is still more upside to the sector. Banks also 
provide some offset to your bonds if interest rates continue to move. Our financials sector specialist thinks XLF 
could have another 20-25% upside given its many levers to the Trump trade: less regulation, higher interest 
rates/steeper yield curve, higher vol, economic growth, etc. The regional banks are asset sensitive and more of a 
pure play on a rates move but we view the larger cap banks as having even more upside to the Trump Trade 
given the above points. 
Buy an XLF 17March2017 call spread: 
• Buy the 105% call / sell a 110% call with a 115% at-expiry knock-in 
• Total premium: 1.75% 
All eyes are on Sunday's 60 Minutes interview with Trump. Market is pricing that all regulations will be rolled 
back (very optimistic). Any hint that this is not true could lead to pullback on Monday. 
Note on tech: we're seeing FANG used as a source of funds with the rotation from growth into value. There's 
also the tax read-through: tech is already relatively tax advantaged @ 22%; Industrials are at 30%, Financials at 
29%. Next year, tech could benefit from a repatriation tax holiday but that is viewed as more of a Q1/Q2 trade. 
More thoughts on financials: 
With respect to the economy, the market is certainly indicating that there will be a large fiscal stimulus which 
may send US growth higher and that's a good thing for financials for a wide variety of reasons, from 
employment to wages to loan growth and credit quality (even if somewhat offset by higher rates). It does 
remain to be seen exactly how much of this expected policy actually gets done, but at the moment, investors are 
willing to take a certain amount of growth on faith. 
So those are positives for financials before we even discuss regulation. The move in the financials since the 
election would seem to indicate that investors have concluded that nearly every piece of financial regulation 
will get put into a shredder on day one of the new administration. The incoming administration has fueled that 
with comments about rolling back pieces (or more) of Dodd-Frank in particular. I can see making the case for 
that to the American public by saying that banks need less regulation in order to get more capital flowing into 
the economy to drive growth. Not only does that mean that the E is likely too low (meaning that the P/E is not 
as high as it seems) but it could help improve ROE's as well which could increase the multiple of that higher E 
investors are willing to pay. Note that while ROEs could go higher, it's unlikely that they can get back to the 
peaks... 
Regards, 
Amanda 
Amanda Ens 
Director 
Bank of America Merrill Lynch 
Merrill Lynch, Pierce, Fenner & Smith Incorporated 
One Bryant Park, 5th Floor, New York, NY 10036 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 014313 
The power of global connectionsTm 
BankofAmerica<s-ss-40* 
Merrill Lynch 
This message, and any attachments, is for the intended recipient(s) only, may contain information that is 
privileged, confidential and/or proprietary and subject to important terms and conditions available at 
http://www.bankofamerica.com/emaildisclaimer. If you are not the intended recipient, please delete this 
message. 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 014314 
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024932.txt,"individual or state, city or a company, is seen as unacceptable. It seems that seeing=2 Odistinct images of
successful Arabs and Arab countries disturbs some people. They would rather stick with the distorted images of
Arab stereotypes in their minds.

I need to stress here a very important perception. We are not growing in order to be a model for its highest
building in the world, best airport, and most luxurious hotel, and the largest seaport and man-made islands.
These landmarks and features are unique and famous all over the world. But the Dubai model is beyond that.
Dubai is an Arab city with scarce natural resources but with a clear vision of comprehensive development and
social needs. It is a city that succeeded through its investments in human resources, its unique geographical
location, and its trade expertise. This has enabled us to achieve unmatched growth and to become the focal
connection between the East and West. Dubai has proved as well the possibility of coexistence of different
cultures in an open and tolerant Arab Islamic environment.

Dubai’s model, which is part of the UAE model, lies in the success of the economy’s diversification, and in
sparking the interest of the Arab region and neighboring countries in the information and communication
technology, the e-government and the knowledge economy, and in facilitating access to the people in our region
to global best practices. Our international experiences in various areas are often on display through exhibitions,
conferences and other activities.

Dubai’s model also lies in proving the viability of investing in the region, of investing specifically in the
knowledge economy and in human welfare. It has also raised the citizens’ expectations in the region concerning
levels of good governance and transparency, and the quality of public services and state-of-the-art
infrastructure.

Dubai is about providing the highest international standards in education and health systems. It is a city with
entrepreneurial spirit that entered into international investment areas and bought assets in global ports, airports
and financial markets. Dubai succeeded in building a global financial center and entering into partnerships with
reputed financial institutions, and was able to compete globally in the areas of air and sea transport, and
charitable initiatives that were created to help developing the less fortunate countries.

These are some of Dubai’s model features, which has attracted the attention of the world, and enticed the
interest of the Arab region and its people, and inspired many people and motivated them. Is this the model that
our critics are targeting?

I asked my brothers and myself this question and I did not expect a reply, because we are accustomed in the
UAE to respond by work, not words. We believe in God and we have full faith and confidence in Him and in
our people and businessmen and the many other believers in Dubai.

Abu Dhabi is also witnessing an attack since it succeeded in leading a successful Arab union and launched
initiatives of a strategic and impo rtant nature such as “Masdar City.”. I know that the international media have
covered art initiatives in Abu Dhabi, including building an outpost of the Louvre. But one gets the impression
that even in such coverage of important initiatives, there’s invariably some reference or the other to discredited
stereotypes of the Arab Gulf. Now the focus is on Dubai, and again the stereotypes are being brought up. It
seems that any successful Arab model in economic development invites such negative treatment in the
international media

To be fair, we read recently a few balanced articles reporting on what is the UAE doing regarding the effect of

the global financial crisis on our region.
Al Hayat Newspaper - Shafiq Al Asadi

Your Highness, the media campaign has focused on pointing that Dubai is facing an
economic crisis threatening the foundations of its economic development. What is the

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024932
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027872.txt,"showing my feelings, beyond my immediate family and a few close friends.
When I was in the army, this wasn’t an issue. Self-control, especially in high-
pressure situations, was a highly valued asset. But in politics, I think that it did for a
considerable time inhibit my ability to connect with the public, or at least with
the news media that played such a critical intermediary role. And it caused me
to be seen not just as reserved or aloof, but sometimes as cold, or arrogant.

I did get much that I value from my parents. From my mother, her
boundless energy, activism, her attention to detail, and her focus on causes
larger than herself — her belief that politics mattered. Also her love for art and
literature. When I would come home from the children’s dormitory to my
parents’ room — just nine feet by ten, with a wooden trundle bed to save space
during the day — there was always a novel or a book of verse sharing the small
table with my parents’ most single prized possession: their kibbutz-issue radio.

As achild, however, I spent much more time with my father. He was my
guide, my protector and role model. Like my mother, he never mentioned the
trials which they and their families endured before arriving in Palestine. Nor did
they ever speak to me in any detail about the Holocaust. No one on the kibbutz
did. It was as if the memories were scabs they dared not pick at. Also, it
seemed, because they were determined to avoid somehow passing on these
remembered sadnesses to their sons and daughters. Still, when I was ten or
eleven, my father did — once, inadvertently — open a window on his childhood.
Every Saturday morning, we would listen to a classical music concert on my
parents’ radio. One day, as the beautiful melodies of Tchaikovsky’s violin
concerto in D came through the radio, I was struck by the almost trancelike look
that came over my father’s face. He seemed to be in another, faraway, place.
When the music ended, he turned and told me about the first time he’d heard it.
It was on the train ride into Crimean exile with Itzila and Meir in the early days
of the First World War. The train took five days to reach the Crimea and
sometimes halted for hours at a time. Every evening, a man at the far end of
their carriage would take out his violin and play the second movement of the
Tchaikovsky concerto.

I have heard the piece in concert halls many times since. When the orchestra
begins the second movement — with the violin notes climbing higher, trembling
ever so subtly — it sends a shiver down my spine. I can’t help thinking of the
railway car in which my then four-year-old father and other Jews from
Ponovezh escaped the Great War of 1914. And of other trains, in another war 25
years later, carrying Jews not to safety but to death camps.

24
HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027872
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031572.txt,"harsh treatment of dissents and a crackdown on journalists. While Egypt
is headed down the path of autocracy, this does not suggest the futility of
change or of promoting democracy in Egypt, nor, say, that the Arab
Spring was a failure. Autocracy will not be a permanent fix for the factors
that nourished the Arab Spring. It will work for a while, maybe even a
decade, but eventually, repression will not be enough, and the
demonstrations will begin again. A little liberty is a dangerous thing—
especially when it bears fruit. The Arab Spring in Egypt may not have
brought about democracy, but that does not mean it failed. Egypt now
knows the impact mass action can have on its government. They have seen
not one, but two governments fall as a direct result of protests and popular
action. Egypt may be moving back toward a military dictatorship, but now
the people have a taste of liberty. No matter how repressive the military
establishment decides to be, the genie is out of the bottle.

Kathryn Alexeeff holds a master's degree in Security Studies from
Georgetown University and has worked at the Atlantic Council's South
Asia Center.

Article 2.

Now Lebanon
What Saudi-Iran talks could mean for
Lebanon and the region

Alex Rowell

May 16, 2014 -- In a potentially momentous surprise move that could
herald an alleviation of political and sectarian conflict across the Middle
East, Saudi Arabian Foreign Minister Prince Saud al-Faisal announced on
Tuesday an invitation to his Iranian counterpart to travel to Riyadh to enter
negotiations over the rival countries’ “differences.”

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031572
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017863.txt,"798

Rastelli v. Goodyear Tire & Rubber Co.,
79 N.Y.2d 289, 295, 582 N.Y.S.2d 378, 591
N.E.2d 222 (1992)). Conspiracy “requires
an agreement to commit a tortious act.”
Id. at 122-23. Aiding and abetting “re-
quires that the defendant have given sub-
stantial assistance or encouragement to
the primary wrongdoer.” Jd. at 123.
“[U]nder either theory, the defendant
must know the wrongful nature of the
primary actor’s conduct.” Jd. (finding no
concerted action liability where airline had
no knowledge mother was removing
daughter from country without father’s ap-
proval).

i. Causation

Judge Robertson found his consideration
of Prince Sultan’s and Prince Turki’s FSIA
defenses did not present an opportunity
for a general discourse on causation since
Plaintiffs’ theory would stretch causation
to “terra incognita.” Burnett I, 292
F.Supp.2d at 20. This Court agrees with
Judge Robertson’s conclusion, but it un-
dertakes the causation analysis because a
similar review will be necessary in its con-
sideration of the Defendants’ motions for
failure to state a claim. See Part III
below.

Plaintiffs place great reliance on Halber-
stam v. Welch, 705 F.2d 472 (D.C.Cir.1983)
and Bowm v. Quranic Literacy Institute. &
Holy Land Foundation for Relief & Devel-
opment, 291 F.3d 1000, 1028 (7th Cir.2002)
(“Bowm IT”). Neither of these cases con-
cern the tortious activity exception to the
FSIA, but they do explain liability under

28. The court in Halberstam outlined the ele-
ments of aiding and abetting as: “(1) the
party whom the defendant aids must perform
a wrongful act that causes an injury; (2) the
defendant must be generally aware of his role
as part of an overall illegal or tortious activity
at the time that he provides the assistance;
(3) the defendant must knowingly and sub-
stantially assist the principal violation.’’ Hal-

349 FEDERAL SUPPLEMENT, 2d SERIES

the ATA and for aiding and abetting and
conspiracy.“ In Halberstam, the defen-
dant was found liable as a joint venturer
for a killing that occurred during a burgla-
ry at which she was not present. Halber-
stam, 705 F.2d at 488; see also Lumbard
v. Maglia, Inc, 621 F.Supp. 1529, 1536
(S.D.N.Y.1985) (““[T]hose who aid or abet
or conspire in tortious conduct are jointly
and severally liable with other participants
in the tortious conduct, regardless of the
degree of their participation or culpability
in the overall scheme.”). The court found
that the defendant’s intimate relationship
with the burglar and her assistance in his
other illegal ventures “defie[d] credulity
that [she] did not know that something
illegal was afoot.” Halberstam, 705 F.2d
at 486.

In Boim, the district court had denied a
motion to dismiss by U.S.-based charities
alleged to have aided and abetted interna-
tional terrorism. Bowm v. Quranic Litera-
cy Inst. & Holy Land Found. 127
F.Supp.2d 1002, 1018 (N.D.IIL2001)
(“Bom I”). The Seventh Circuit affirmed
the decision and held that the parents of a
yeshiva student killed in 1996 in Israel by
members of the military wing of Hamas
could prove that the defendants aided and
abetted their son’s murder under the ATA
if they could demonstrate that the chari-
ties “knew of Hamas’ illegal activities, that
they desired to help those activities suc-
ceed, and they engaged in some act of
helping the illegal activities.” Bowm I],
291 F.3d at 1023. The court explained
that “[floreseeability is the cornerstone of

berstam, 705 F.2d at 477. It described the
elements of civil conspiracy as: “(1) an agree-
ment between two or more persons; (2) to
participate in an unlawful act, or a lawful act
in an unlawful manner; (3) an injury caused
by an unlawful overt act performed by one of
the parties to the agreement; (4) which overt
act was done pursuant to and in furtherance
of the common scheme.” Jd.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017863
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013292.txt,"cancer.

Virginia Johnson, 88. One of the key figures in the sexual
revolution in postwar America, she conducted groundbreaking
research in human sexuality with her collaborator, William
Masters. Died July 24.

Barnaby Jack, 36. A New Zealand-born computer-security
professional who exposed how hackers could attack bank automated
teller machines, insulin pumps and other electronic devices.

Died July 25.

Lindy Boggs, 97. She spent 18 years in the U.S. House of
Representatives, succeeding her husband, Hale Boggs, and worked
as a champion for women’s rights. Died July 27.

George “Boomer” Scott, 69. Large, strong and agile, he spent
nine of his 14 seasons in Major League Baseball with the Boston
Red Sox, playing first base and leading the team to win the
American League pennant in 1967. Died July 28.

Peter Flanigan, 90. The former Dillon Read investment banker,
who worked as deputy campaign manager for Richard Nixon’s

successful 1968 presidential run, then joined the administration
as an adviser on business and economic matters. Died July 29.

Berthold Beitz, 99. German industrialist who hid Jews from the
Nazis during World War II and then helped rebuild Fried Krupp
GmbH, a predecessor of the country’s biggest steelmaker. Died
July 30.

August

Art Donovan, 88. An NFL Hall of Fame defensive tackle who won
two championships with the Baltimore Colts in the 1950s. Died
Aug. 4.

E. Nelson Asiel, 96. Third-generation leader of Asiel & Co., a

Wall Street brokerage firm founded by his grandfather, Elias, in
1878. Died Aug. 5.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013292
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010523.txt,"CHAPTER 48

Michael Reiter: July 2006

n July 28, the grand jury reached a verdict that floored
the Palm Beach PD.
The original plea deal that Krischer had offered to
Epstein had been bad enough. Now the grand jury was recom-
mending that Epstein be charged with just one felony count of
solicitation of prostitution.
There was no mention of underage girls. The original
accusation —four felony counts of unlawful sex acts with minors
and one felony count of lewd and lascivious molestation — had

simply evaporated.
It wasn’t enough to send Epstein to prison.

Epstein was allowed to surrender on a Sunday, when no one ~ j
would know he'd been arraigned. A few hours later, he was a

released on three thousand dollars bail.
The Palm Beach PD was not even notified.

182

Once again, Chief Reite
took the extraordinary ste
prosecutor's office.

At the time, the federal
Florida was a Republican
Reiter recalls being presen
and remembers Acosta’s dec
be the prosecution, to the
who takes advantage of th
sex crimes. Disgusted with I
recalls thinking he’d found |

In Acosta, the chief saw
from confronting a man w
connections.

But it turned out that Ac
Starr’s high-powered multir
And while Acosta had a ster
clerking for future Supreme
only argued two cases befor

At the time, Reiter did not
one had to look much more se

Reiter’s actions did not nece
hot in every corner of the coi
“I had individuals sugge:

4 the investigation and my ref
q was more horsepower than
| had other individuals sugge
Probably fits,” Reiter said in ]

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010523
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029774.txt,"Both films are sensational and movie goers go nuts, but it is ""The King's Speech"" that edges out the
competition for The Audience Prize.

Mid-November David 0. Russell and Mark Wahlberg, working together for the third time, sneak ""The Fighter""
in Manhattan. As their audience erupts in cheers, I tell producer/actor wahlberg, ""Clint Eastwood is
going to kill himself for not directing this."" wahlberg says, “You are wrong. He turned it down because
he's done it. He has seen it and he loves it."" I instantly lavish my affection and praise on David oO.
Russell, who becomes my new Clint Eastwood. Christian Bale and Melissa Leo are hailed the supporting
actors to beat.

“True Grit"" directed by the Coen Brothers and also produced by Scott Rudin doesn't premiere till mid-
December at the Ziegfeld as the last serious Oscar contender for Best Picture. It gallops off to box
office gold.

This is the year many of the 78 million Baby Boomers go back to the theaters. Five small budget
independent films become surprise hits as each exceeds $100 million.

“The Social Network"" now cements its battle cry with one word; “relevance”. Mark Zuckerberg lands on the
cover of Time Magazine as The Person of the Year. A smart and extensive ad campaign positions the film in
the lead. Critics and pundits proclaim the race is over. “The Social Network"" is the clear winner.
Everyone goes on holiday.

This is probably the only time in Harvey Weinstein'’s life that he is caught off guard. He quickly
mobilizes an inner team of 15 and conducts strategy meetings 7 days a week, including Christmas. They
become like a Chinese Restaurant...always open. A generational war is in full swing. Harvey screens his
film for the older voters. Everything is done by the books. Budgets are limited. He sends screenwriter
David Seidler and Tom Hoooper to every corner of the country doing gqta’s till they are blue in the face
from ""finding their voice."" SAG voters begin seeing the film 2 and 3 times.

In January the Golden Globes voted on by about 88 foreign journalists gives Best Drama to “The Social
Network"", Best Director to David Fincher and Best Screenplay to Aaron Sorkin. Their film is still
perceived as the Oscar winner.

Team Weinstein underestimates their hard work and is in shock when ""The King's Speech"" wins the PGA jin
L.A. Harvey doesn’t even attend and is working in Sundance. They are equally surprised when Tom Hooper
wins the DGA and the actors win the SAG Ensemble. The BAFTAs reinforced the lead. They are now the front
runner. It takes the media a few weeks to catch on.

The Daily Mail announces Her Royal Highness, Queen Elizabeth has enjoyed a private screening of “The
King’s Speech” and is ""moved"" by the film. With no proof the Queen has actually seen the film, the
Weinstein Company sends out a global press release thanking her Majesty for the endorsement. They also
acknowledge Prime Minister David Cameron’s private Christmas screening.

On Oscar night, it isn't until Hilary Swank surprisingly yells out Hooper's name for Best Director that
Harvey's gang finally realizes they are getting the Oscar for Best Picture. The King has spoken.

Friday, February 24th

Mid-day, I arrive at The Beverly Hills Hotel, where I have stayed for thirty years. As the housekeepers
unpack my bags upstairs I peek into the Polo Lounge and find icon Warren Beatty in a booth. He motions me
over to meet an Egyptian fashion editor from Cairo. I say, “Warren, you are a little late to visit
Cairo."" I tell him I'm rooting for Annette and love her film “The Kids Are All Right”. Warren tells me
“The Social Network” will win.

This year I am two days late arriving to Oscar weekend. I am now shown to a very very very small room,
the size of a broom closet. Uncharacteristically, I have a slight melt down. I am moved. The housekeepers
run down the hall with my clothes flying. I calm down. The hotel is sold out. I get someone else's room.
Another poor schmuck checking in downstairs will get the broom closet.

It is cold, grey and rainy. Taffata, organdy and embroidered silk evening clothes hang in my closet. I
stay in my sweaters and fur coat and head to Arianna Huffington's Mediterranean house in Beverly Hills
where Wendi Murdoch and Arianna are hosting a party for Tom Freston's wife, the beautiful blond Kathy.
The book is called ""Veganist: Lose Weight, Get Healthy, Change the world. A perfect book for Monks.

Arianna has just sold the Huffington Post for to AOL to $315 million dollars and rumored to have
personally landed around $20 million. She is euphoric as she greets Nicole Kidman and Keith Urban at the
door. Other drenched power players ushered in under umbrellas include Disney's Bob Iger and wife willow
Bay, Fox’s Jim Gianopulos, Candice Bergen and journalist daughter Chloe Malle, Google's Eric Schmidt,
Oliver Stone avoiding questions about Charlie Sheen and escorting his daughter Tara, Moby, Jamie Niven,
Brian Grazer, Vivi Nevo, Tracey Ullman, CBS’s Les Moonves and Julie Chen, Rob Reiner, Paramount’s Brad
Grey and fiancé Cassandra Mare and Jeff Bezos. Hors d'oeuvres include pigs in blankets, a food group not
mentioned in Kathy's book.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029774
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030225.txt,"good one — 18 years. (She spoke to me and said, “I love Jeffrey”)’.
The long list of women is punctuated by regular references to Epstein’s celebrity friends including
the business magnate Donald Trump, film producer Harvey Weinstein and magician David

Copperfield, referred to as ‘Magic David’.

The sheer volume of phone traffic shows the frequency of Epstein’s massages, many of which were
‘erotic’ and allegedly involved the abused girls.

The evidence is from documents confiscated by police during a criminal investigation into Epstein
and seen yesterday by the Mail.

<image.png>
<image.png>

Logs: Two of the answer phone messages. Miss Maxwell is asked, right, when a girl should give a
massage

One message left for Epstein reads: ‘She is wondering if 2.30 ok cuz she needs to stay in school.’

It was left in February 2005 — the same year that the mother of a 14-year-old girl alerted police to
Epstein’s abuse.

Another note shows that ‘Colleen’ phoned to tell Epstein: ‘Going into class — will be out in 45 min.

9

Last night the Daily Mail tried to contact the people whose names and telephone numbers are
included in the logs.

One girl named Jenny, who had left her number, hung up immediately when asked about Epstein.
A man listed only as Darren said: ‘I have no comment to make on that.’

Today, Prince Andrew was embroiled in further controversy as it was revealed Kazakhstan had
asked for his help in recruiting investors to the country.

The plea came after the former Soviet Republic's President's son-in-law had bought the Prince's
former marital home for £3million above the asking price.

Timur Kulibayev paid £15million for Sunninghill Park but it has remained empty and has been
allowed to fall into disrepair.

Last year the Prince told Hello! magazine: 'It was like any property deal between friends.'

Yesterday he attempted to perform business as usual as he visited an East London school and met
rail bosses in Canary Wharf.

He steadfastly ignored questions from journalists asking whether he was an ‘embarrassment to his
country’ and would resign from his trade ambassador role as he arrived for a briefing from

business executives at the headquarters of the £15billion train project Crossrail.

Prince Andrew managed to sell Sunninghill Park for £3million more than the asking price

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030225
"
TEXT-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033515.txt,"From: J [jeevacation@gmail.com] 
Sent: 6/3/2019 1:20:56 PM 
To: Weingarten, Reid 
Subject: Re: 
Nobt 
On Mon, Jun 3, 2019 at 9:12 AM Weingarten, Reid < > wrote: 
Huh? 
Sent from my BlackBerry 10 smartphone. 
From: J 
Sent: Monday, June 3, 2019 8:31 AM 
To: Weingarten, Reid 
Subject: Re: 
Future 
On Mon, Jun 3, 2019 at 8:20 AM Weingarten, Reid < > wrote: 
Why is this interesting?...Donny duetsch now has a show....should I go on and talk about ""the jeffrey I 
know""...?....i am in london when you are in paris...we should try to make progress then 
Sent from my BlackBerry 10 smartphone. 
From: J 
Sent: Saturday, June 1, 2019 6:46 PM 
To: Weingarten, Reid 
Subject: 
https://thehill.com/homenews/administration/446491-trump-announces-departure-of-white-house-lawyer-
emmet-flood  
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 033515 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 033516 
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020338.txt,"186

The day after his attempt to pressure the Washington Post, he asked Greenwald to drop
everything he was doing and immediately fly to Hong Kong. He had, it will be recalled, already
sent Poitras an enciphered file, and told her she would get the key once she and Greenwald
followed his instructions. Presumably, he wanted Greenwald’s story and the video done in Hong
Kong before he became a suspect. If they had immediately flown to Hong Kong that May, it still
might have left Snowden an escape window.

As Snowden found out, when dealing with journalists, things do not always go as planned.
Greenwald, although agreeing to come to Hong Kong, waited in New York for two days while
the Guardian editors completed their due diligence. Poitras waited with him. As a result of this
delay, Snowden’s clock ran out. Greenwald and Poitras did not arrive at his hotel in Hong Kong
until June 3° It would be only hours before he became a prime suspect. “It was a nervous
period,” Snowden recalled. Although he bravely told the Guardian, “there was no risk of
compromise/” That claim was, at best, wishful thinking on his part.

By this time, he was no longer invisible. Not only had he registered at the hotel under his true
name and provided his credit card, but he was he in contact with three high-profile journalists,
two well-known hacktavists and, as he suggested to Gellman, a foreign diplomatic mission. Even
if Snowden had failed to persuade the Washington Post to publish a coded identifier, the mission’s
interest would likely be piqued when the newspaper published it first story on June 5"". Even if
adversary intelligence services had missed Snowden and his archive of NSA documents earlier in
May, they would not neglect the availability of such a prize after the NSA stories broke in the
Guardian and Washington Post on June 5"". Greenwald even went on TV in Hong Kong,
revealing to every interested intelligence service, in the unlikely event that that they did not
already know, that a defector from the NSA was in Hong Kong.

Now there was no point in keeping his identity a secret. On June 9"" Poitras released the
famous video showing Snowden a secret NSA documents, At this point, Snowden shone so
brightly as a beacon that every player in the in the intelligence game would realize that Snowden
was a pawn to be captured.

Snowden still was able to fog over his travel plans, at least in the media, by telling reporters
that he intended to remain in Hong Kong and fight extradition in court, but certainly the Russian
officials whom he contacted knew he had other plans. They had even relayed his request to go to
Russia to Putin. His movements were also no secret to sophisticated intelligence services. In an
era in Hong Kong ii which cell phones emit their GPS location every 3 seconds and CCTV
cameras scan many street intersections, it is not easy to conceal one’s whereabouts. In
Snowden’s case, his photograph was constantly on television, posters and giant billboards. Even
if he threw away his own phone, his retinue of lawyers and helpers could be tracked with ease.

China, who’s President, Xi Jinping was meeting President Obama for the first time in Rancho
Mirage, California on June 9"", would have certainly been keenly interested in the unfolding
Snowden affair. After all, Obama had publically put on his agenda that week calling Xi to task for
Chinese cyber espionage. Such a charge was undermined by Snowden’s globally-publicized
accusation that the United States was engaged in massive cyber espionage. In any event, as US
intelligence verified, China had, almost immediately after the release of the video, instituted a full
court press of Snowden in Hong Kong. Its security apparatus presumably had the means to
monitor his room as well as those of Poitras and Greenwald. From that moment on, it is not
likely that any communication or movement, Snowden made during his next 18 days in Hong
Kong would escape its scrutiny.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020338
"
TEXT-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033273.txt,"From: Richard Kahn 
Sent: 2/16/2018 12:56:55 PM 
To: Jeffrey Epstein [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Subject: Bombshell report emerges of alleged Trump affair with Playboy model I New York Post 
Importance: High 
https ://nypost. com/2018/02/16/ronan-farrow-details-alleged-trump-affair-with-playboy-model-in-new-yorker-
piece/  
Richard Kahn 
HBRK Associates Inc. 
575 Lexington Avenue, 4th Floor 
New York, NY 10022 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 033273 
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029012.txt,"destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029012
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012832.txt,"explain a puzzle in our lives or to help us through trauma. These stories are narratives that provide new
truths by denying particular elements of reality. They represent the mind’s method of filling in gaps,
providing justifications for what we can’t explain or wish to explain in a different way. This is an
adaptive feature of the human mind, one that is uniquely human. But this same feature can be used to
justify immoral and atrocious behaviors, the kind that lead to excessive harms. When we distort reality
by treating others as non-human, perceiving and judging them as animals, parasites, or machines, we have
armed ourselves with a weapon that enables great harms by removing the moral consequences of our
actions. Animals, parasites and machines are outside of our moral concerns, so we shouldn’t feel guilty,
or wrack our conscience when we end their lives or ability to move. Animals, parasites and machines
don’t have rights, and thus, we have no obligation to them. Similarly, when we distort reality by means
of deception and self-deception, we have armed ourselves with weapons that enable desire to run wild.
Self-deception generates overconfidence. Overconfidence enables us to pursue our desire for power,
freed from the reins that pull us back, away from costly interactions. Self-deception allow us to convince
ourselves and deceive others that we are under attack, threatened by those who are unlike us. Under the
circumstances, we are justified in using self-defense, even if this leads to annihilating the enemy. Often,
self-deception combines with dehumanization to maximize the effectiveness of the distortion, paving an
unobstructed path for runaway desire. Denial enables desire to achieve satisfaction, minus the moral
conscience. These are the ideas that I will explore in this chapter.

Before discussing the scientific evidence that explains how the brain distorts reality by
dehumanizing and self-deceiving — two core elements of denial —— we must understand how the brain
creates the reality of humanization, a process that imbues some things but not others with human qualities
and moral worth. This is an important problem as it shapes our perception of evil, who can cause
excessive harm and who can suffer from it. Rocks can cause great pain — as in landslides — but we
don’t hold them responsible for the harm caused because they lack intentions, beliefs, goals, and desires.
Rocks can also be crushed, pulverized into sand by humans working in a quarry. But rocks are neither
innocent nor victims as they have no moral worth, no capacity to suffer, and no ability to intentionally

harm another. If not rocks, what?

iHuman

Earthquakes, viruses, chimpanzees, children, and psychopaths can all cause harm to others, including
humans and other animals. We might be tempted to think that only psychopaths are rightfully classified
as evildoers because they are the only ones that can cause excessive harm to innocent others with harm as

a goal. But this begs the question of what we mean by excessive, innocent, and goal.

Hauser Chapter 3. Ravages of denial S86

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012832
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031214.txt,"EREKEKREKREEEEEERERERERERE EERE REREREREREREREREREERERERERERERE

The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of

Jeffrey Epstein

Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@qmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031214
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025392.txt,"Flags: 1060865
Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 6EFFC6CO0O-513F-4799-ADCO-F1E03936E4CB

Message: Very stable speller

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

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Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

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GUID: 98159ACD-9BE4-4D8C-B2DF-40C61C5C8F72

Message: look at china moving into venezuela. brilliant move

Sender:

Time: 09/14/18 04:00:48 AM (558615648)
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Gl

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GUID: 4DD03B04-0344-4787-BFEA-DDAOB7C0766E

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22?

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

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establish. foothold

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com
Time: 09/14/18 04:03:31 AM (558615811)

Flags: 1085445

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025392
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012452.txt,": a

14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25

_

Co Oo BS OO ee WwW LD

~0929104. TXT
Q. You lie about your age to get body

piercings, don't you?

A. Incorrect.

Q You have body piercings, don't you?

A. Yes.

Q You have four body piercings; isn't that
right?

A. Five.

Q. Other than the pierceings on your ears --

I'm not talking about that --

A. Oh, then no; just one.
Q. And where is the one body piercing?
67
Belly.
When did you get that?
For my birthday, with my stepmother and my
father.

Q. And when was that?

A. When | was 14.

Q. Okay. So you had that body piercing when
you met Epstein, correct?

A. It might have been, or maybe that -- yeah,
either my 14th birthday or my 15th. | honestly don't
remember .

Q. Now you've lied about your age to get into

bars by using driver's licenses that aren't yours,
correct?

A. Incorrect.

Q. Are you swearing under oath that you've
never done that?

Page 57

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012452
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031200.txt,"young girls in the guise of a

modeling stint. Trump’s camp

refused to comment as they are yet

to read the complaint, while

Epstein’s representatives were not

available for comment, the Real Deal

added.

Also Read: WATCH: Father’s Day
2016 Rap on ‘The Tonight Show

Starring Jimmy Fallon’

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Rodrigo
Duterte Is NO
Donald
Trump, He’s
A Vladimir
Putin

April 21, 2016
In ""Nation""

Rodrigo
Duterte Is NO
Donald
Trump, He’s
A Vladimir
Putin

April 21, 2016
In ""Nation""

Tre n d i n g To day by Revcontent

Donald Top US News:

Trump Sued Trump

For Rape Supporters

April 29,2016 Attacked

In ""10 Outside San

Minutes"" Jose Rally;
Arizona
Woman Kills
Three
Children,
Stabs Herself;
& More
June 3, 2016
In ""Nation""

Donald Top US News:

Trump Sued Trump

For Rape Supporters

April 29,2016 Attacked

In ""10 Outside San

Minutes"" Jose Rally;
Arizona
Woman Kills
Three
Children,
Stabs Herself;
& More
June 3, 2016
In ""Nation""

|e ae

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Donald doesn't remember

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088295C1-5CB6-4934-9618-BB0 3DAAB94 62

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9)

13088BBA-413D-4DDC-8A29-256D2AD9040C

9)

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025386
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014460.txt,"﻿European Equity Strategy
2017 year ahead – Refining the reflation
rotation
01 December 2016
Unauthorized redistribution of this report is prohibited. This report is intended for amanda.ens@baml.com
Key takeaways
• 2017 - Reflation, Reversal, Rotation, Relief or Revolt. EPS to turn +ve but politics to
remain a valuation overhang in H1.
• Defensive vs Cyclical rotation at extreme levels. More balanced approach needed but
look for another leg to cyclical trades.
• O/w Media as quality cyclical and Oil. Stay cautious on UK domestic (Retail, Travel).
Health, Utilities over Food & Bev.
2017 – A year of cross currents, nimble investors required
Recovery (positive but moderate in our view) and Rotation go hand in hand - we think
that the pace of the rotation has to moderate. ECB reversal on QE is a risk and tapering
because the ability or willingness to do QE fades would likely cause a setback. Investors
will demand a premium for political risk until we get clarity on populist Revolt or policy
Relief in France and elsewhere. Like 2016 investors will need to trade the ranges.
High single digit upside - politics likely to weigh near term
A valuation overhang remains in Europe vs other DM. We see a return to positive EPS
growth (+7%) in Europe for the first time since 2014, driven by higher global GDP
growth Resources recovery, capex discipline and FX. +7% growth implies less
downgrades than usual (10% is the average). Base case upside in high single digits (c9%
total return) but politics may mean market highs are more likely achieved in H2.
Modestly higher yields and higher equities compatible
Equities can continue to perform with rising rates – the key is that inflation breakevens
are not falling. However, a more aggressive bond sell-off taking Treasury yields to 3% or
higher would undermine EM, the growth outlook, peripheral spreads and risky assets.
Reflation rotation stretched – refining our approach
Rotation has been extreme (>6SD move in Def vs Cyclicals). Argues for a moderation in
returns and a more balanced approach to sector allocation. Look for another leg to
cyclical trades in the New Year. Sector valuations have also moved a long way already.
Cautious on domestic UK exposure – Brexit still to bite
The full impact of sterling weakness on the UK consumer environment is yet to be felt
and Brexit negotiations are likely to drive further uncertainty and FX volatility. Structural
issues add to our concerns in Retail and Travel & Leisure (both underweight).
O/w Oil, Health, Utilities, Media; u/w Food & Beverage
An OPEC cut and higher oil would make Oil’s high DY sustainable. Healthcare is too
cheap vs an improving sector growth outlook and 2017 is a key year for pipeline news.
Food & Beverage still seems the least attractive Defensive on valuation, positioning. We
move overweight Media, a quality cyclical that has lagged and seen valuations de-rate.
>> Employed by a non-US affiliate of MLPF&S and is not registered/qualified as a research analyst under
the FINRA rules.
Refer to ""Other Important Disclosures"" for information on certain BofA Merrill Lynch entities that take
responsibility for this report in particular jurisdictions.
BofA Merrill Lynch does and seeks to do business with issuers covered in its research reports. As a
result, investors should be aware that the firm may have a conflict of interest that could affect the
objectivity of this report. Investors should consider this report as only a single factor in making
their investment decision.
Refer to important disclosures on page 37 to 38. Analyst Certification on page 36. 11690765
Timestamp: 01 December 2016 12:00AM EST
Equity Strategy
Europe
Ronan Carr, CFA >>
European Equity Strategist
MLI (UK)
+44 20 7996 3292
ronan.carr@baml.com
James Barty >>
Investment Strategist
MLI (UK)
+44 20 7996 3291
james.barty@baml.com
Tommy Ricketts >>
European Equity Strategist
MLI (UK)
+44 20 7996 3294
tommy.ricketts@baml.com
Refining the reflation rotation
2017 is likely to have a number of cross currents as themes. Recovery (we look a
modest acceleration in both growth and inflation) and Rotation go hand in hand. On the
basis of our central forecasts for growth, inflation and rates and given the moves in the
market already we think that the pace of the rotation has to moderate. (In-line with that
we recently downgraded of banks and miners).
Reversal refers to the ECB. Our economists are not yet convinced that the ECB will
start to unwind loose policy 2017 but the probability is increasing. An ECB that tapers
because growth and inflation are improving would be supportive for markets, notably
banks. But tapering because the ability or willingness to do QE fades would likely cause
a setback. Relief or Revolt relates to European politics. Will Europe follow the route to
populism (revolt from the voters) or will we find relief for the markets by the end of
2017 from a Fillon/Merkel duo being in charge of the Euro area’s two largest
economies. We think investors will demand a higher risk premium until the French
Elections in May 2017
Valuation are reasonable at 14x PE but Europe is cheap on a relative basis and the
valuation overhang remains evident in the region’s equity risk premium, which
implies 11% upside to get back to 5-year average levels. We see a return to positive
EPS growth (+7%) in Europe for the first time since 2014, as 3.5% global GDP growth
should deliver positive earnings growth (supported by Resources recovery, capex
discipline and FX. +7% growth implies less downgrades than usual (10% is the average).
Bond yields and equities – stable/higher inflation breakevens are key. Equities can
continue to perform in an environment of higher rates – the key is that inflation
breakevens are not falling. However, a more aggressive bond sell-off taking Treasury
yields to 3% or higher would undermine EM, the growth outlook and risky assets.
The rotation out of bond proxies and Defensives into Financials and Cyclicals has
moved to extreme levels: relative performance of Financials / Cyclicals versus
Defensives rose over 6SD in 10-14 months. Technical metrics are at historical extremes,
arguing for a moderation in relative returns and a more balanced approach to sector
allocation is justified right now. Look for another leg to cyclical trades in the New Year.
Sectors have also moved a long way already from a valuation perspective.
Financials are now trading around median relative valuation levels. Healthcare PE
relative is at the bottom of the historical range and Utilities relative PE is also close to
the prior low hit in 2013. Food & Beverage still commands a large premium and PErelative
is 6-10% above the 2010 / 2014 lows.
We remain cautious on domestic UK exposure. The full impact of sterling weakness
on the UK consumer environment is yet to be felt and Brexit negotiations are likely to
drive further uncertainty and FX volatility in our view. Structural issues add to our
concerns in Retail and Travel & Leisure (both underweight).
Overweight Oil, Healthcare, Utilities, Media; underweight Food & Beverage. If OPEC
cuts production and oil recovers up to the high $50s per barrel, Oil sector EPS and cash
flows can recover significantly and make the highest DY in market (6%) look sustainable.
Healthcare we believe is too cheap relative to an improving sector growth outlook. 2017
will be an important year for newsflow on key pipeline drugs. Evidence of success can
drive a re-rating independent of macro. Despite the recent sell-off, among defensives
and bond proxies Food & Beverage still seems the least attractive. Valuations are among
the most expensive in the market and overweight positioning has not corrected
materially yet. We move overweight Media, a wuality cyclical that has lagged badly and
seen valuations de-rate.
2 European Equity Strategy | 01 December 2016
Key charts
Chart 1: Synchronised rise in leading indicators globally augurs well for
earnings recovery – especially if PMIs kick on to or above mid-50s
65
60
55
50
45
40
35
ISM / Euro PMI manuf avg (advanced 9m)
30
MSCI Europe EPS € (trailing yoy, RHS)
01/98 01/01 01/04 01/07 01/10 01/13 01/16
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Datastream, IBES
60
40
20
0
-20
-40
-60
Chart 2: Modestly higher yields and higher equities compatible – Rising
inflation breakevens the key for equities
2.0
1.5
1.0
0.5
0.0
-0.5
-1.0
Stoxx 600 4-week returns vs 4-week change in real
yields / inflation breakevens (since 2009)
Bund real >+0, b/even +ve
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Bloomberg
Bund real >+0, b/even -ve
Chart 3: Cyclicals vs Defensives trade now looks very stretched
4
3
2
1
0
-1
-2
-3
-4
Dec-97 Dec-01 Dec-05 Dec-09 Dec-13
Cyclicals vs Defensives - relative price vs 52wk average (SD)
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Bloomberg
Chart 5: Financials valuations have recovered significantly relative to
the move in bond yields – relative PE back around average levels
0.90
3.5
0.85
0.80
0.75
0.70
0.65
Banks / Insurance PE-rel
0.60
German 10y (RHS)
01/10 01/11 01/12 01/13 01/14 01/15 01/16
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Datastream, IBES
3
2.5
2
1.5
1
0.5
0
-0.5
Chart 4: Likewise Financials vs Defensives: -2.5SD to +2.5SD post-Brexit
4
2
0
-2
-4
Dec-97 Dec-01 Dec-05 Dec-09 Dec-13
Financials vs Defensives - relative price vs 52wk average (SD)
Source: Re BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Bloomberg place this text
Chart 6: Rapid relative de-rating for Staples – relative PE for Food &
Beverage still 6-10% above 2010 / 2014 levels
1.70
-1
1.60
1.50
1.40
1.30
1.20
PE-relative FOOD & BEV
1.10
German 10y (RHS, inverted)
01/10 01/11 01/12 01/13 01/14 01/15 01/16
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Datastream, IBES
0
1
2
3
4
European Equity Strategy | 01 December 2016 3
Lessons from 2016
The old joke is that Year Aheads are frequently out of date by the end of year they are
written in. There is a real danger of that this year given the speed which things have
moved since Brexit and more recently the US election. The two charts below show that
Financials and Cyclicals have clawed back around 2/3 of their underperformance vs
Defensives. Of course it depends how you frame the question since we have included
Utilities and Telecoms in the defensive basket. But when we downgraded Banks 10 days
or so ago they had outperformed Food and Beverage by ~50% since the lows of early
July. Whichever way you cut it some of these moves have been extreme.
Chart 7: The moves since Brexit in both Financials…
0.85
0.80
0.75
0.70
0.65
0.60
0.55
0.50
Financials vs Defensives relative
0.45
01/10 01/11 01/12 01/13 01/14 01/15 01/16
Source: Bloomberg
Chart 8: …and Cyclicals relative to Defensives has been dramatic
1.45
1.35
1.25
1.15
1.05
0.95
Cyclicals vs Defensives relative
0.85
0.75
01/10 01/11 01/12 01/13 01/14 01/15 01/16
Source: Bloomberg
Moreover, in 2016 we doubt that even if investors had known the results of key events
that they would necessarily have got the reaction in markets right. As we joked in our
Cross Asset year ahead you needed not so much a crystal ball as a time machine to have
got things completely right this year. Aside from Brexit and Donald Trump winning the
US election it is easy to forget that in February we were worrying about a US recession
and deflation. US 5Y5Y forward breakeven inflation rates actually troughed at 1.8% at
that point. Four months later we were worrying about the deflationary impact of Brexit.
Now we are thinking about the reflation under a Trump Presidency.
Chart 9: US 5Y5Y forward inflation troughed in February
3.3
3.1
2.9
2.7
2.5
2.3
2.1
1.9
US 5y5y fwd inflation swap
1.7
Chart 10: At the same time as Basic Resources
1.7
Stoxx Basic Resources Price Relative
1.5
1.3
1.1
0.9
0.7
0.5
Dec-12
Mar-13
Jun-13
Sep-13
Dec-13
Mar-14
Jun-14
Sep-14
Dec-14
Mar-15
Jun-15
Sep-15
Dec-15
Mar-16
Jun-16
Sep-16
Source: Bloomberg
Source: Bloomberg
The panic in markets in early February actually presented a perfect buying opportunity
for reflationary assets. Miners was a sector truly loathed by investors of all colours at
the start of the year with many thinking that some of the big players might even go
bust. If there is one key conclusion from all of this it is do not tie yourself to a view. We
4 European Equity Strategy | 01 December 2016
were underweight at the start of the year too and missed the lows. We recognized we
were wrong and closed our underweight and while it took us a while but we eventually
managed to go overweight in September. The lesson of that is that themes are great,
but when the facts change strategists and investors have to change their minds.
Chart 11: Cyclicals vs Defensives: from -3.5SD to +3.2SD in 14 months
4
3
2
1
0
-1
-2
-3
-4
Dec-97 Dec-01 Dec-05 Dec-09 Dec-13
Cyclicals vs Defensives - relative price vs 52wk average (SD)
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Bloomberg
Chart 12: Financials vs Defensives: -2.5SD to +2.5SD post Brexit
4
3
2
1
0
-1
-2
-3
-4
Dec-97 Dec-01 Dec-05 Dec-09 Dec-13
Financials vs Defensives - relative price vs 52wk average (SD)
Source: Re BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Bloomberg place this text
In fact your best guide to this year was to buy something when it has oversold,
underowned and unloved, like Miners and Emerging Markets in February, Banks in July,
the Nikkei the day of the US election and sell when the opposite e.g. bonds and
defensive equities shortly after Brexit. Our CTI models did actually pick up a number of
those events as the table below shows. It also got picked up by our standard deviation
analysis. We acted on some but not all of these readings. The lesson, with the benefit of
hindsight, is to pay more attention to them. Indeed, our recent decision to downgrade
both Banks and Basic Resources reflected very high readings on our models.
Table 1: Reflation rotation very stretched on our CTIs post-Trump
Asset 11/11/2016 10/11/2016 09/11/2016
EUR/GBP -46 -44 -12
German 10y Bonds 66 61 24
US 10y Bonds 96 96 93
Stoxx Banks 80 71 0
Stoxx Basic Resources 92 93 92
Stoxx Food & Beverages -84 -96 -54
Stoxx Insurance 67 64 23
Stoxx Personal & Household Goods -34 -75 -7
Stoxx Utilities -92 -94 -19
Relative CTI
Relative Stoxx Banks 86 87 50
Relative Stoxx Basic Resources 100 100 99
Relative Stoxx Food & Beverages -93 -93 -89
Relative Stoxx Insurance 92 91 76
Relative Stoxx Media -34 -77 -87
Relative Stoxx Pers&Hhold Goods -92 -94 -75
Relative Stoxx Technology -80 -74 -55
Relative Stoxx Telecom -91 -92 -28
Relative Stoxx Utilities -82 -92 -59
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Bloomberg
Table 2: While opposite true immediately post-Brexit
Asset 29/06/2016 28/06/2016 27/06/2016
Relative Stoxx Autos -95 -39 -9
Relative Stoxx Banks -80 -83 -86
Relative Stoxx Basic Resources 21 3 0
Relative Stoxx Chemicals 2 19 40
Relative Stoxx Construction & Materials -10 -36 -71
Relative Stoxx Financial Services -91 -91 -92
Relative Stoxx Food & Beverages 60 78 82
Relative Stoxx Healthcare 88 88 88
Relative Stoxx Industrial Goods &
Services
-47 -35 -44
Relative Stoxx Insurance -87 -94 -94
Relative Stoxx Media -6 -13 -35
Relative Stoxx Oil & Gas 93 86 91
Relative Stoxx Personal & Household
Goods
57 58 70
Relative Stoxx Retail -63 -81 -75
Relative Stoxx Technology 0 0 0
Relative Stoxx Telecom 3 0 -16
Relative Stoxx Travel & Leisure -98 -100 -100
Relative Stoxx Utilities 65 6 2
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Bloomberg
We think 2017 is another year where investors will need to be nimble. Markets have
responded enthusiastically to a prospective Trump Presidency but as the above charts
suggest we may well have discounted much of it. That is also supported by our fixed
income and FX forecasts, which suggest much has already been priced in. In addition we
have political risk starting with next weekend’s Italian referendum stretching to the
German elections in Autumn 2017. In the middle we have the crucial French elections. A
European Equity Strategy | 01 December 2016 5
Marine Le Pen victory could bring into question both the future of the EU and also the
euro, should the polls be close it could make the uncertainty and market moves around
Brexit look like a walk in the park.
2017 – Reflation, Reversal, Rotation, Relief or Revolt?
2017 is likely to have a number of cross currents as themes. Recovery and Rotation go
hand in hand. The stronger the recovery the more yields can rise the more we can see
the rotation extend. Should investors become concerned that the recovery is stalling or
that yields are peaking the rotation would likely stall potentially even reverse. Reversal
refers to the ECB. Our economists are not yet convinced that the ECB will start to
unravel some of its easing measures in 2017 but they do expect the debate to be a
vigorous one within the ECB. For the first time Gilles Moec thinks there is a chance that
the ECB will indeed choose to taper. Relief or Revolt relates to the French election. Will
Europe follow the UK and US lead of 2016 and go down the route of populism (revolt
from the voters) or will we find relief for the markets if by the end of 2017 from a
Fillon/Merkel duo being in charge of the two largest economies in the Euro Area.
Recovery – the world looks a better place going into 2017
Reflation has been the big theme of the second half of the year. As we had noted in
previous publications there had been something of an improvement in the global growth
picture emerging even before the US election. It started with Emerging Market growth,
which our GEMScycle has been showing to be accelerating for some months, but seems
to have spread to other parts of the developing world. US GDP for Q3 has just printed a
revised 3.2%, with a number of indicators, such as ISM’s, PMI’s and consumer
confidence pointing to a solid Q4 to follow. That quarter is currently tracking at 3.6%
according to the Atlanta Fed.
Chart 13: Eurozone PMI’s have picked up of late…
60.0
55.0
50.0
45.0
40.0
EA Services PMI EA Manufacturing PMI
Aug-09 Aug-10 Aug-11 Aug-12 Aug-13 Aug-14 Aug-15 Aug-16
Source: Markit
Chart 14: US Consumer Confidence now at post-GFC highs
120
100
80
60
40
20
Source: Bloomberg
US Consumer Confidence…
Jan-05
Jul-05
Jan-06
Jul-06
Jan-07
Jul-07
Jan-08
Jul-08
Jan-09
Jul-09
Jan-10
Jul-10
Jan-11
Jul-11
Jan-12
Jul-12
Jan-13
Jul-13
Jan-14
Jul-14
Jan-15
Jul-15
Jan-16
Jul-16
The Euro Area too is showing signs of improvement with the latest manufacturing PMIs
back to their best since early 2014 with other national surveys, such as Ifo pointing in
the same direction. The composite PMI is back close to the year highs too. The UK
numbers continue to surprise on the upside too for the moment. Our economists are
also upbeat on Japan with growth expected to accelerate next year as the fiscal stimulus
kicks in.
Accordingly our economists expect growth to rise from 3% this year to 3.5% in 2017
and 3.8% in 2018. That acceleration in growth is despite a slightly slower US economy
in the first half of the year as a higher USD and interest rates dampen growth before
the fiscal stimulus kicks in. With growth firming and oil prices expected to be higher
inflation is also expected to pick up through 2017 and 2018 to 2.8% and 3%
respectively. At this stage it is worth noting that this is a modest acceleration in both
growth and inflation.
6 European Equity Strategy | 01 December 2016
The Fed is accordingly expected to proceed cautiously at least initially. In part for that
reason our fixed income and FX strategists have only a modest further increase in bond
yields and the USD in their forecasts for next year. They project 10Y US Treasuries
rising to 2.65% and the USD to 1.02 vs the EUR. The dollar is expected to strengthen
more aggressively against both the GBP and the JPY, but even so the gain in the
currency overall has been frontloaded into 2016.
Our economists and strategists are cautious partly because the fiscal stimulus is
expected to have only a modest impact on growth, at around 0.5% of GDP. That is based
on the assumption that some of the proposals will get watered down and that the tax
cuts have a relatively low fiscal multiplier. Our US economists think that should the
fiscal stimulus be larger and more effective (for which read more infrastructure) then
US growth could surprise on the upside to around 3% in 2017 and 3.5% in 2018. That in
turn would mean a more aggressive Fed and in all likelihood a bigger rise in yields and
the USD.
Chart 15: BofAML sees GDP accelerating into 2018…
Global GDP growth % DM GDP growth % EM GDP growth %
4.7
5.1
3.2
4.1
3.1
4.1
3.5
3.8
2.1
1.5
1.7
1.9
Chart 16: …with inflation picking up too
Global CPI inflation % DM CPI inflation % EM CPI inflation %
4.2
3.6 3.6
3.8
2.5 2.4
2.8
3
1.7 1.8
0.7
0.3
2015 2016F 2017F 2018F
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research
2015 2016F 2017F 2018F
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research
Reversal: There is good taper and bad taper
The outcome of that would likely affect ECB behaviour too. Our central expectation is
for Euro Area growth of around 1 ½% and inflation nudging only modestly higher. A
much more robust global economy and a stronger USD (presumably weaker EUR) would
likely put upward pressure on both of those. Indeed, in such an environment it is not
impossible to think of 10Y Treasuries pushing through 3% and the USD breaking parity
against the EUR.
That in turn would increase the pressure on the ECB to start to reverse its very loose
monetary policy stance. Tapering would then become much more likely. It would likely
push European bond yields higher too, certainly above the 65bp forecast for Bund yields
at the end of 2017.
An ECB that tapers because growth and inflation are improving would not be a bad thing
for markets. Frankly for some parts of the market, notably banks, anything which gets
the ECB away from its current policy stance back towards normality is a positive.
Indeed, the prospect of negative interest rates being reversed is the kind of thing which
Alastair Ryan (our banks strategist) lies awake at night dreaming of ( see European
Banks Strategy: repressed).
But and it is a big but, if the ECB chooses to taper because it is running out of options
or the ability to do QE that is not a good thing. Some of the hawks on the ECB would
choose to taper at the first opportunity because they never really liked the idea of QE in
the first place. A tapering at next week’s meeting even if it is couched in terms of doing
less for longer would not be good news for equity markets.
European Equity Strategy | 01 December 2016 7
Rotation – more to go but it has to be more gradual
On the basis of our central forecasts for growth, inflation and rates and given the moves
in the market already we think that the pace of the rotation has to moderate. After all if
we are to see another 30-40 bp of yield increase in the US between now and H2 2017
having already seen more than 90bp since the summer, it has to slow.
That view combined with the readings from our models lay behind our recent
downgrades of banks and miners. That is not to say that the rotation is finished. If bond
yields truly have turned than some of the more expensive defensives likely have to derate
further. The bull market in those stocks has simply lasted too long for that not to be
the case.
In addition while there have been significant moves in positioning in terms of cutting
underweights in areas like Banks and Basic Resources and hedge fund positioning has
probably moved faster still, we do not believe that positioning has completely turned
around. Looking at both the Fund Manager Survey and our own internal data we think
there are still legacy underweights in cyclical areas and legacy overweights in
defensives, particularly quality defensives. That argues for another leg in the rotation
trade.
Nevertheless, it suggests to us that a more balanced approach is justified right now. We
are still overweight oil, but little else in the cyclical space, so today we add Media. We
are still underweight Food & Beverage but against that we are overweight Healthcare
and Utilities.
Relief or revolt – Eurozone politics in focus in 2017
We think it likely investors will demand a higher risk premium until the French Elections
in May 2017 given the likelihood that Marine Le Pen will make to the second round of
voting (according to polls). A Le Pen victory could likely bring the future of the EU and
the Euro into question as she has talked about France withdrawing from both. That in
turn has arguably the potential to be even more of an earthquake for the world’s
financial markets. Our central case is that centre right President is elected in France
(with Francois Fillon now the official Republican candidate) and Merkel is returned at the
head of a coalition government in Germany now that she has indicated she will stand for
re-election. Until the French vote though we suspect investors will be cautious about
European markets. Were this to be the case then we think there may well be room for a
significant relief rally in European assets. We have more on this, including a calendar, in
our section on Eurozone politics.
Decent valuations but not compelling
Headline PE multiples do not screen as particularly cheap for European equities but are
also not excessively expensive. In fact the current forward PE on MSCI Europe at 14.1x
is right in-line with the average since 1987. The most recent high in PE multiples was
over 16.5x at the April 2015 market highs. However, more recently the market has
traded in a fairly tight range around 14-15.5x PE, with some fleeting falls to 13x around
the market lows in February 2016 and at the time of the Brexit referendum. At the
current multiple we see valuations as quite reasonable therefore. Our index target
assumes some multiple expansion back to 15x, which we think is quite achievable under
our base case assumptions.
8 European Equity Strategy | 01 December 2016
Chart 17: MSCI Europe forward PE in-line with 30-year average at
14.1x…
30
MSCI Europe PE 12m fwd
25
20
15
10
5
12/87 12/91 12/95 12/99 12/03 12/07 12/11 12/15
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Datastream, IBES
Chart 18: …but at lower end of 13-15.5x PE range of last 15 months
17.0
16.0
15.0
14.0
13.0
MSCI Europe PE 12m fwd
12.0
01/14 07/14 01/15 07/15 01/16 07/16
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Datastream, IBES
Relative attractiveness of Europe depends on EPS recovery in medium-term.
Moving to relative valuations, European equities screen somewhat cheap vs their DM
peers. However, the medium-term bull case for Europe is far more a function of
potential earnings and ROE recovery rather than significant undervaluation. Europe’s
valuation discount to the US is at multi decade wides on PBV (over 40%) but that in turn
reflects Europe’s significant underperformance on EPS growth and ROE. Trailing ROE
for MSCI Europe is just 8% (at historical trough levels). That is nearly 5pp below MSCI
USA compared to a 3pp gap on average historically and close to the widest spreads
since the mid-1990s.
Europe vs US relative PE 7% below average. Based on PE, Europe nevertheless trades
cheap relative to the US. The PE discount at 18% is 7% wider than the 20 year average
and relative PE is at the lowest level since 2012. So while a sustained reversal in the
underperformance of Europe versus the US would over time have to be driven by a
recovery in relative profitability we do see current valuations reflecting a discount
perhaps for political reasons (Brexit, upcoming elections).
Chart 19: Europe vs US: modest PE discount but cheap on rel. PBV
1.10
Relative PBV (MSCI)
1.00
Relative PE (12m fwd, IBES)
0.90
0.80
0.70
0.60
0.50
06/96 06/99 06/02 06/05 06/08 06/11 06/14
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Datastream, MSCI, IBES
Chart 20: European earnings and profitability significantly lag the US
20
18
16
14
12
10
8
MSCI USA - trailing ROE
MSCI Europe - trailing ROE
6
06/96 06/99 06/02 06/05 06/08 06/11 06/14
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Datastream, MSCI
The other metric that illustrates the valuation overhang in Europe is the risk premium.
Our model calculates an implied cost of equity (CoE) for Europe as 6.8%, a little below
the average since 1988 (7.2%) and last 10 years (8.4%). The model assumes the cost of
equity is simply the cyclically adjusted earnings yield (calculated using a 5 year centred
average EPS). We then compare this number to the German bund yield to estimate the
implied equity risk premium (ERP).
European Equity Strategy | 01 December 2016 9
Europe’s ERP on our model is 6.9% – down from the post-Brexit highs at 7.5% but still
at a 70bp premium to the 3 and 5 year average for the ERP. That in turn implies a ~11%
valuation haircut relative to 5-year average levels.
These numbers also show that the recent rise in bond yields is modest relative to where
cost of equity or ERP sits. We're quite far away from the level that bond yields would
make ERP look expensive. Even with bund yields at 75bp (ie +50bp from here) it would
only shift the ERP back to average levels (all else equal). Bond yields need to rise 150-
200bp to get to the expensive end of the range of last 6 years on ERP.
Chart 21: Implied cost of equity (CoE) on our model in Europe is 6.9%, a
little below the average since 1988 (7.2%) and last 10 years (8.4%).
16
14
12
10
8
Chart 22: Implied equity risk premium remains elevated: 6.7% ERP to
bund yields vs 10-year average of 6.2% and recent high of 7.3%.
12
10
8
6
6
4
2
Implied cost of equity (%)
4
2
Equity Risk Premium (vs 10y Bund)
0
01/88 01/91 01/94 01/97 01/00 01/03 01/06 01/09 01/12 01/15
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Datastream, MSCI, IBES
0
10/06 09/08 08/10 08/12 07/14 06/16
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Datastream, MSCI, IBES
Europe cost of equity higher than long-run average compared to US. Europe also
compares favourably on a relative basis against the US equity market in this framework.
The implied CoE for the S&P500 on an equivalent model is 5.64%, which is now at an
11-year low and 130bp below the 10-year average. The implied ERP on that basis at
3.3% is also below average and not far off the lows from the past 10 years. Admittedly
Europe did get significantly cheaper relative to the US during the GFC and the sovereign
debt crisis. The cost of equity premium for MSCI Europe vs the S&P is 1.21%. That is a
premium to the 30-year average of 0.72%. However it is below the average of the past
10 years – the spread peaked at over 4% in 2008 and at 2.7% in 2011 / 2012.
Chart 23: Implied equity risk premium near 9-year lows in the US
9
8
7
6
5
4
3
2
S&P Equity Risk Premium (vs 10y UST)
1
0
10/06 09/08 08/10 08/12 07/14 06/16
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Datastream, MSCI, IBES
Chart 24: Europe vs US implied cost of equity spread
5
Cost of equity spread Europe vs S&P
4
3
2
1
0
-1
-2
01/90 01/93 01/96 01/99 01/02 01/05 01/08 01/11 01/14
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Datastream, MSCI, IBES
10 European Equity Strategy | 01 December 2016
Earnings – a return to positive EPS growth
in 2017
7% EPS growth in 2017 as global growth improves and Resources EPS recovers
We think the earnings backdrop will be supportive in 2017 with a return to positive EPS
growth in Europe for the first time since 2014 and with downside to consensus
forecasts for the year ahead that are well below average. Our base case assumes +7%
EPS growth in 2017 and 2018. With EPS broadly stagnant over the last 6 years,
investors might justifiably ask what is different this time. We see several reasons to
think mid to high single digit EPS growth is achievable next year.
Chart 25: Earnings revisions are currently modestly positive
20%
10%
0%
-10%
-20%
-30%
-40%
12/00 12/03 12/06 12/09 12/12 12/15
Stoxx 600 EPS revisions ratio (4 wk avg) 13-week average
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Datastream, IBES
Chart 26: Broad based recovery in global growth (based on 29 PMIs)
100%
90%
80%
70%
60%
50%
40%
30%
% PMIs > 50 % of PMIs increasing (last 3m)
20%
11/13 03/14 07/14 11/14 03/15 07/15 11/15 03/16 07/16
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Markit, Bloomberg
Return to positive EPS growth feasible with global GDP at 3.5%... First, global
growth is accelerating and on our economists’ base case forecasts global GDP growth
will be 3.5%, the first materially above trend growth year since 2010. That is significant
for European earnings given a reasonably tight relationship to global GDP growth. 3%
represents the tipping point around which earnings growth tends to turn positive
according to our regression model. At the BofAML forecast of 3.5% global GDP growth,
7% EPS growth is implied as likely by the same model.
…as leading indicators point to a synchronized global recovery. What gives us
confidence in this putative earnings recovery is the more synchronized nature of the
current recovery. All major regions of the world are showing momentum in growth
indicators for the first time in several years. One measure of the broad nature of the
improvement is manufacturing PMI surveys. Of 29 Markit PMIs 83% are currently above
50, highest since August 2014. More importantly, 79% have improved over the last 3
months – higher than at any point in the last three years.
Bull case of global GDP towards 4% would signal double digit EPS growth. To see a
more bullish outcome for EPS we would need to see global GDP accelerating further. Based
on our regression model, double digit EPS growth historically was consistent with global GDP
growth above 3.8%. Under our bull case scenario for 2017, with say 4.0% global GDP growth,
consensus EPS growth forecasts for +14% in Europe would become realistic.
PMIs beyond 55 would suggest upside to base case. Significant further gains in
leading indicators would be a signal that earnings growth could exceed our base case.
Over the longer term EPS growth has followed manufacturing PMI surveys with a 9-
month lag approximately (using an average of US and Eurozone). Historically readings
above 55 were consistent with mid-teens EPS growth. The relationship has weakened in
recent years as low interest rates and weaker commodity prices weighed on earnings in
Financials and Resources. Nevertheless, in the last year of decent EPS growth in Europe
in 2014 the PMIs peaked at 54 so we would look for upside to our base case EPS
forecast should PMIs improve to the mid-50s level or beyond.
European Equity Strategy | 01 December 2016 11
Chart 27: 3% Global GDP growth the tipping point for EPS
Europe trailing EPS growth vs World GDP
50%
7%
40%
6%
30%
20%
5%
10%
4%
0%
3%
-10%
2%
-20%
-30%
1%
-40%
0%
-50%
-1%
Q496 Q499 Q402 Q405 Q408 Q411 Q414 Q417
MSCI Europe 12m trail EPS (IBES) World GDP (right)
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Datastream, IBES
Chart 28: Synchronised rise in leading indicators globally augurs well for
earnings recovery – especially if PMIs kick on to or above mid-50s
65
60
55
50
45
40
35
30
01/98 01/01 01/04 01/07 01/10 01/13 01/16
ISM / Euro PMI manuf avg (advanced 9m)
MSCI Europe EPS € (trailing yoy, RHS)
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Datastream, IBES
60
40
20
0
-20
-40
-60
Removal of the 3pp p.a. drag from Resources supports EPS outlook. Second, the
Resources sectors in 2017 will likely provide a (strongly) positive contribution to market
EPS, in turn reversing what has been the biggest headwind for several years. Over the
last 3-5 years the Resources sectors provided a 2.5 percentage point drag on annualized
market EPS growth. In 2016 Banks have been the other big drag on market earnings.
While structural headwinds to profitability mean the contribution of Banks remains open
to debate, consensus forecasts nevertheless imply a strong recovery in 2017 (driven in
part by one-offs reversing). The important point is that the market ex-Banks and
Resources has delivered modest but positive EPS growth – estimated at +5.5% for
2016. Hence, removing the drag from Oil and Mining makes high single digit growth
achievable in our view.
Chart 29: Resources a 2.5pp drag on market EPS growth in recent years
Annualized EPS growth
4
3
2
1
0
3yr 5yr 10yr
Chart 30: Capex discipline supportive to margin outlook
Europe Ex-Financials: EBIT margins vs capex/depreciation
14%
12%
10%
8%
6%
100%
120%
140%
160%
-1
-2
Stoxx 600 Market Ex-Resources Market Ex-Banks &
Resources
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Datastream, IBES
4%
1990 1994 1998 2002 2006 2010 2014 2018
EBIT / sales (LS, %)
Forecast EBIT / sales (LS, %)
Capex/depreciation - 2yma pushed 2y fwd (RS, %)
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Factset
180%
Margin upside, capex discipline and FX tailwind provide additional support. Third,
profit margins in Europe are not elevated: in the bottom third of the historical range
(since 2004) at the EBITDA level and about average at the net level. With some
acceleration in the top-line as global growth and inflation pick up, there is scope for
margins to improve. In addition, several years of relative capex discipline provide
potential support for margin improvement over the next 1-2 years in corporate Europe.
Over the longer term, we find that operating margins have tended to improve with a lag
of one to two years, following a period of declining capex ratios. That is encouraging for
12 European Equity Strategy | 01 December 2016
the margin outlook into 2017-18, given Capex to depreciation for the Market Ex-
Financials in 2015 hit its lowest level since 2003 and had been declining for 3-years.
Finally, we note that FX may provide a modest tailwind to European EPS again in 2017.
Our FX team’s $/€ forecasts trough at $1.02 in mid-2017, implying a rate of
depreciation for the euro that peaks at 10%.
Chart 31: Stronger dollar would be a tailwind for EPS
YoY change in $/€ actual and implied by BofAML FX forecasts
30
20
10
0
-10
-20
$/€ 3m avg YoY
-30
3m YoY (at BAML forecast)
01/01 01/03 01/05 01/07 01/09 01/11 01/13 01/15 01/17
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Datastream
Chart 32: Change in consensus EPS (%) vs annual market returns:
downgrades are the norm and average -10%
30
20
10
0
-10
-20
-30
-40
-50
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
2012
2013
2014
2015
2016
EPS change Dec pre to March post
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Datastream, IBES
Cal year return
Consensus downgrades in our base case – but less than average
Our base case 7% EPS growth assumption is below the current bottom up consensus of
+14%. Hence, for now we don’t see the prospect of a sustained upgrade cycle.
Consensus downgrades are the norm however. 2010 was the last year that consensus
forecasts started the year too low. In fact, consensus was too high in 12 of the last 17
years. Moreover, our estimate of 7% EPS growth in 2017 implies less downgrades than
usual (10% is the average). It’s also worth noting that over the past 17 years annual
consensus downgrades of less than 10% have never been accompanied by negative
equity returns for the same calendar year.
Sector EPS growth prospects
Correlation analysis of sector earnings growth against global GDP suggests that Banks are
the sector that may be most sensitive to improvements in global economy. Interest rate
developments are likely the key to earnings but they in turn should reflect the nominal
growth environment. Real economic growth would also have some effect on credit volumes
and collateral valuations though, reinforcing the link from the economy to Bank earnings.
Cyclicals unsurprisingly dominate the other sectors with EPS growth geared to global
growth. Basic Resources, Chemicals, Tech and Industrials all exhibit a correlation above
70%. Some other cyclicals including Autos and Construction have been had much less
correlated EPS growth to global GDP in recent years. In part that reflects that significant
earnings volatility in the period analysed. What’s notable for both groups is that
expectations already look high for both sectors. Consensus estimates also factor in a
rebound in Resources sector EPS growth – but both these sectors have seen the largest
earnings declines over the past five years. Forecasts look more restrained in Industrials,
Chemicals, Tech – implying mid to high single digit growth in the coming three years.
Among Defensives expectations look highest in Telecoms – suggesting 10% average
EPS growth in 2016-18 despite the weak trend rate for sector earnings in recent years.
Consensus forecasts imply a more modest improvement for Utilities – with just 1% EPS
CAGR for 2016-18. Staples and Healthcare are forecast to have high single digit EPS
growth in the coming 3 years, implying 2-3pp improvements in the annual growth rate
relative the trailing 5-year average for Staples and +6pp for Healthcare.
European Equity Strategy | 01 December 2016 13
Chart 33: Correlation of sector EPS to global GDP since 2010
BANKS
BASIC RESOURCE
REALSTATE
CHEMICALS
RETAIL
TECHNOLOGY
INDS GDS & SVS
HEALTH CARE
PERS & H/H GDS
TELECOM
FOOD & BEV
OIL & GAS
TRAVEL & LEIS
INSURANCE
MEDIA
AUTO & PARTS
FINANCIAL SVS
CON & MAT
UTILITIES
-20% 0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100%
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Datastream, IBES
Chart 34: Trailing vs forward EPS CAGR – ranked by difference
Basic Resources
Oil & Gas
Telecom
Construction & Materials
Retail
Auto & Parts
Stoxx 600
Banks
Media
Utilities
Industrial Goods & Sevices
HealthCare
Chemicals
Real estate
Food & Bev
Technology
Personal & Household goods
Insurance
Financial Services
Travel & Leisure
5yr
Trailing
CAGR
3yr Fwd
CAGR
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Datastream, IBES
-30 -20 -10 0 10 20
Earnings revisions trends. Basic Resources show strongest revisions trends and
revisions are still improving relative to trend, in light of the strong upside recently for
many metals prices. Autos revisions are next strongest and also show some positive
momentum. More broadly most sectors are not showing an improvement in the trend on
earnings revisions. Revisions are weakest in Tech having deteriorated more than other
sectors over the past six weeks. The improvement in Financials revisions continues and
Banks and Financial Services are now in positive territory.
Chart 35: 3-month average EPS revisions ratios (ERR) by sector
12%
10%
Trend (3m avg) EPS revisions
8%
6%
4%
2%
0%
-2%
-4%
-6%
Tech
HealthCare
Food & Bev
Telcos
Travel & Leis
Insurance
Chemicals
Media
Industrials
Stoxx 600
Oils
Banks
Construction
Real Estate
Prs & HH Gds
FinServ
Retail
Utility
Autos
Basics
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Datastream, IBES
Chart 36: Revisions improving in most sectors (ERR 6wk avg vs 3m avg)
4%
Momentum: last 6 weeks vs 3-month
3%
average EPS revision ratio (%)
2%
1%
0%
-1%
-2%
-3%
-4%
Tech
Media
HealthCare
Industrials
Construction
Stoxx 600
Insurance
Oils
Real Estate
Travel & Leis
Retail
Utility
Food & Bev
Chemicals
Banks
FinServ
Telcos
Prs & HH Gds
Autos
Basics
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Datastream, IBES
14 European Equity Strategy | 01 December 2016
Eurozone political calendar 2017
4 December: Italian constitutional referendum
Our base case is a close “No” vote where Renzi stays and no snap election, given
current polls and the outstanding electoral reform court case. BTPs and the banks
recaps remain a tail risks for the Italian economy, although the ECB extending QE
should help. A big “No” vote would boost Five Star and undermine Renzi into 2018
elections, in our view.
4 December: Austrian presidential election
Polls by public broadcaster ORF show the result as very close. Norbert Hofer is
standing on an anti-immigrant platform against the moderate former Green leader
Alexander Van der Bellen in a rerun of the May vote. The election of Freedom party
candidate Norbert Hofer would make Austria the first nation to elect a head of state
running on a far right platform since the EU began.
22/ 29 Jan: French Socialist Party presidential nominee elections
If President François Hollande decides to run for re-election as the Socialist Party
candidate (decision expected Dec 10th) he could be challenged by former Prime
Minister Manuel Valls and Economy Minister Arnaud Montebourg. Current second
round polls for any combination of these candidates suggest likely Socialist nominee
too close to call.
15 March 2017: Dutch elections
Prime Minister Mark Rutte currently leads a “purple” coalition with the Dutch Labour
party as main second party. But the latest polls suggest both parties could win fewer
seats than they have now in 2017. That could make it more challenging to build a
government given the need to secure at least 76/150 seats. In terms of who could
lead that coalition, polls have Rutte’s People’s Party neck and neck with the antiimmigrant
Freedom party led by populist Geert Wilders. Wilders has called for the
Netherlands to leave the EU indicated he would call a referendum if elected. A
Wilder-Rutte coalition also hasn’t been ruled out according to press reports.
23 April: French first round presidential elections
The first round of voting for the next French president will be on 23 April. First
round polling suggests the leader of the anti-EU Front National Marine Le Pen is
expected to progress to the decisive runoff. At present Republican Candidate
Francois Fillon is also expected to make it through.
7 May 2017: French second round presidential elections
Current polls, albeit their validity has been called into question by events in 2016,
show Fillon securing 65-70% of the vote vs Le Pen in a runoff (see chart below). We
note that when her father, Jean-Marie Le Pen, faced Jacques Chirac in the 2002
Presidential elections the FN candidate only received 18% of the vote. Nevertheless,
we see a potential Le Pen win as the biggest political risk event for European (and
possibly global) equity markets in 2017.
By 22 October 2017: German Federal elections
Current Chancellor Angela Merkel has announced that she intends to stand for reelection.
Current polls have Merkel’s CDU ahead followed by SDP with the eurosceptic
Alternative für Deutschland, Greens and Die Linke competing for third spot.
While it may be necessary for Merkel to maintain the grand coalition with the SDP,
our central case is that we see a continuation of the current German administration
and that German elections carry less risk than the earlier French presidential
elections.
European Equity Strategy | 01 December 2016 15
Politics – populism in the Eurozone?
Few predicted that the UK would vote to leave the EU and Donald Trump would win the
US presidential election in 2016, least of all pollsters (and many in markets). As Michael
Hartnett argues, the rise of populism can be linked to what he refers to as Peak
Inequality and Peak Globalisation. Trump and the Brexit campaign tapped into deep
apathy with the socio-economic order that for them remains unreformed post-GFC.
That’s why the poster boy for this dislocation is often the blue collar voter whose
standards of living have not been rising in the increasingly globalised world. The crucial
question for investors as we enter a busy year for European politics (see table opposite)
is whether the populism train will gather pace or terminate at the Eurozone.
Italy risks elevated, but risks two way and banks the bigger issue
Although Italy goes to the polls this year, it is worthwhile starting with this Sunday’s
vote. In Strategy Insights: Italy risks elevated we argue that our base case is a narrow
rejection of the proposed constitutional reform, which is another vote against governing
party on Dec 4. But unlike UK/ US, this would be expected and Renzi is likely to stay on
so the outcome should not carry the same surprise or uncertainty factor for markets.
The tail risk are also two way. A large “No” vote could perceived as supportive of the 5
star movement but a “Yes” vote would be bullish Italy and risk assets more generally.
The bigger issue is likely recapitalisation of the Italian banks. This remains a significant
tail risk for banks and was part of why we downgraded the sector.
A Le Pen victory could prove the biggest risk to European markets in 2017
Probably the most natural fit for the populism theme in 2017 is the French presidential
election. Although polls have been somewhat discredited by events this year they
remain useful as an indication of where the public mood lies. With that caveat in mind,
current voting intentions suggests Front National leader Marine Le Pen will receive
enough votes to progress to the second round and is likely to be joined by Republican
candidate Francois Fillon. Although when Fillon and Le Pen are polled together in a
second round runoff Fillon is ahead by ~65%-35%, Le Pen is seen as capable of
appealing to the same anti-establishment / blue collar voters as Trump/ Brexit.
Chart 37: Vol already picking up around the French primaries next year
26
25.5
25
24.5
24
23.5
23
22.5
22
VSTOXX 11/29/2016 VSTOXX -1m
21.5
21
Source: Bloomberg
Chart 38: Yet Fillon still well ahead of Le Pen in polls of a potential runoff
100
90
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
12-14
April
15-17
April
13-16
May
10-12
June
14-17
June
9-11
Sept
Francois Fillon (%) Marine Le Pen (%)
25-Nov 27-Nov
Source: Ifop (12-14 Apr, 14-17 Jun), BVA (15-17 Apr, 13-16 Mar, 10-12 Jun, 9-11 Sept), Odoxa (25
Nov), Harris Interactive (27 Nov). Note: all 2016.
Investors’ biggest concerns are that we could see the same narrowing of polls in favour
of Le Pen into the election months as we saw in the UK/US. We think this could mean
French political risk becomes a major overhang for European equities in H1 2017. The
worry is that a Le Pen Presidency could bring the future of the EU and the Euro into
question as she has talked about France withdrawing from both and is especially an
issue because of the winner takes it all nature of French presidential elections. As James
16 European Equity Strategy | 01 December 2016
Barty argued in The Trump Inflection, Le Pen’s victory has the potential to be even more
of an earthquake for the world’s financial markets. Indeed, we have already seen a 1vol
move in April 2017 V2X futures since last month.
So our central case is French political risk caps markets to the upside for Q1 and most
of Q2 but that the centre right candidate Fillon is elected President. As Gilles Moec
argues, his pro-market reformist agenda could unlock French growth and we think it
could prove a significant positive catalyst for European equities more broadly if the
political risk premium is priced out against a solid European and global growth backdrop.
More of the same expected in Germany
We think Germany carries less political risk than the French election now that Merkel
has formally announced she will run again to be Chancellor. As a result, our central case
is that Merkel will continue to head a coalition government. We could see the populist
AfD win more votes than in 2012, but polls show a clear and decisive margin in favour
of the CDU and the existing coalition with the SDP suggests that an extension of their
partnership is the most likely eventuality.
Chart 39: German polls show a consistent lead for Merkel’s CDU party
40
35
30
25
20
15
10
5
0
CDU SPD AfD
September 2, 2016
September 5, 2016
September 7, 2016
September 9, 2016
September 12, 2016
September 14, 2016
September 14, 2016
September 15, 2016
September 16, 2016
September 19, 2016
September 21, 2016
September 21, 2016
September 22, 2016
September 23, 2016
September 26, 2016
September 28, 2016
September 30, 2016
October 3, 2016
October 5, 2016
October 5, 2016
October 7, 2016
October 10, 2016
October 10, 2016
October 12, 2016
October 12, 2016
October 13, 2016
October 13, 2016
October 14, 2016
October 17, 2016
October 19, 2016
October 19, 2016
October 21, 2016
October 24, 2016
October 26, 2016
October 27, 2016
October 28, 2016
November 12, 2016
November 2, 2016
November 2, 2016
November 2, 2016
November 4, 2016
November 7, 2016
November 9, 2016
November 10, 2016
November 14, 2016
November 19, 2016
November 22, 2016
Source: Allensbach (15-Sept, 13-Oct), Emnid (7-Sept, 14-Sept, 21-Sept, 28-Sept, 5-Oct, 12-Oct, 19-Oct, 26-Oct, 2-Nov, 9-Nov, 19-Nov), Forsa
(2-Sept, 9-Sept, 16-Sept, 23-Sept, 30-Sept, 7-Oct, 14-Oct, 21-Oct, 28-Oct, 4-Nov), Forschungsgruppe Wahlen (22-Sept, 13-Oct, 27-Oct, 10-
Nov), GMS (14-Sept, 12-Oct, 12-Nov), Infratest dimap (21-Sept, 5-Oct, 19-Oct, 2-Nov), INSA (5-Sept, 12-Sept, 19-Sept, 26-Sept, 3-Oct, 10-
Oct, 17-Oct, 24-Oct, 2-Nov, 7-Nov, 14-Nov, 22-Nov), Ipsos (10-Oct)
Brexit was the big political topic for Europe going into 2016. Going forward we see it as
an ongoing issue but mostly for the UK (see UK – Waiting for Brexit for more details).
Rising bond yields & equities
With the market focus on the sharp bond market sell-off it is worth re-visiting the links
between equities and bonds as many investors question whether the effect on equities
will become negative the more yields rise. An environment of rising bond yields is not
inherently problematic. Over time correlations between bond yields and equities have
varied and on average have been very weak (if slightly positive) over the last twenty
years. Typically when rising yields reflect improving growth conditions and or rising risk
appetite equities have naturally benefitted. Certainly since 2010 for the most part
higher yields were accompanied by higher equity prices.
Track record mixed for stocks following bond yield spike. Does an exceptionally
sharp back up in bond yields represent a downside risk for equities? The historical
evidence is inconclusive. We looked at equity market returns in the months following
2.5SD moves in German bond yields (based on a comparison of rolling 3-month yield
changes to the 52-week average). The recent spike in German yields peaked at +2.9SD
on the same basis. We found 11 comparable episodes since 1980. Equity market returns
subsequent to the peak rate of change in bunds were moderately positive – a median
European Equity Strategy | 01 December 2016 17
+1.0% after 3 months and +3.7% after 6 months. Subsequent returns were positive in
six of the eleven episodes and negative in the other five. Those stats are a little worse
than the comparable numbers for the full sample but don’t indicate that a bond yield
spike is definitively negative for equities.
Chart 40: Rolling 3-month change in bond yields and equities
100
20
15
50
10
0
5
0
-50
-5
-10
-100
-15
-150
-20
01/10 01/12 01/14 01/16
German 10Y 3m chg (LHS, bp) MSCI Europe 3m chg %
Table 3: Track record mixed for stocks following bond yield spike
Subsequent equity market returns following spike in bond yields (3m change >2.5SD)
3m change in bund
yields hits peaks
>2.5SD Next 3m % Next 6m % Prior 3m %
10/06/1983
08/03/1985
4.4
5.3
9.2
10.2
7.9
11.1
02/03/1990 5.9 -6.9 -0.4
25/03/1994
15/03/1996
-7.5
4.7
-4.7
7.0
-3.4
4.9
09/07/1999 -3.6 9.8 3.7
22/08/2003
15/06/2007
1.0
-7.1
10.4
-6.1
12.1
11.1
13/06/2008 -8.1 -32.1 1.6
26/11/2010
08/05/2015
6.0
-1.2
3.7
-5.6
7.2
5.9
Median return 1.0 3.7 5.9
% positive 55% 55% 82%
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Bloomberg
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Bloomberg
It matters why yields are rising – higher inflation breakevens key for stocks.
Digging a little deeper shows that the underlying dynamics in the bond market matter.
Essentially rising inflation breakevens is the key driver for equities. Even when real
yields are rising it is the change in implied inflation that has correlated most strongly
with equity returns in recent years. Looking at 4-week rolling returns since 2009, in the
periods that real yields rose Stoxx 600 returns were a median +1.7% if breakevens were
also higher at the same time. In contrast a combination of higher real yields and lower
inflation breakevens led to a median -0.7% return.
Chart 41: Inflation breakevens on the rise in recent bond market move
2.5
2.0
Chart 42: Rising inflation breakevens the key for equities
2.0
Stoxx 600 4-week returns vs 4-week change in real
yields / inflation breakevens (since 2009)
1.5
1.0
0.5
0.0
-0.5
-1.0 German inflation linked 10y
-1.5
German 10y breakeven
01/10 01/11 01/12 01/13 01/14 01/15 01/16
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Bloomberg
1.5
1.0
0.5
0.0
-0.5
-1.0
Bund real >+0, b/even +ve
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Bloomberg
Bund real >+0, b/even -ve
18 European Equity Strategy | 01 December 2016
What then is the prospect for inflation expectations from here? Breakevens have moved
significantly already in the context of the Euro area inflation outlook. 5-year, 5-year
forward inflation swaps have recovered all the ground they lost earlier in 2016 in Europe
and are back to end 2014 levels in the US. At 1.6% in Europe and 2.44% in US there is
arguably more limited upside. A return to the range for inflation expectations that
prevailed in 2013/14 before the oil price collapse would imply another 30-50bp from
here. However, at least in the case of Europe our economists see the outlook for
inflation remaining very subdued. Overall we would conclude that equities can see
upside from here if bond yields rise towards our fixed income team’s targets as long as
inflation expectations are stable to rising at the same time.
Rising bond yields pushing Italian spreads wider a risk for equities. Although rising
core rates are not necessarily problematic for stocks, an important caveat is the fall out
in other parts of the bond markets – particularly in the periphery. The equity market in
Europe is sensitive to rising Italian bond spreads – exhibiting a negative correlation in
recent years. This is an important risk at the current juncture given the upcoming
referendum in Italy and ECB decision on QE extension. Should Italian bond spreads
widen significantly from here it would likely weigh on equity valuations, keeping the risk
premium high in Europe and in turn offset or outweigh the benefit from rising nominal
growth expectations globally. This is perhaps the biggest potential problem for equities
in the scenario that bond yields rise further from here. The ECB decision on QE
extension is an important risk event in that context. As our economists have discussed
in a recent note the risks of an ECB delay in the short term are increasing but their base
case remains a QE extension with some tweaks of the capital key – a relatively benign
outcome for peripheral sovereigns.
Chart 43: Inflation breakevens – room to normalize further?
3.5
3.0
2.5
2.0
1.5
US 5y5y inflation swap
Euro 5y5y inflation swap
1.0
01/09 01/10 01/11 01/12 01/13 01/14 01/15 01/16
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Bloomberg
Chart 44: Wider Italian bond spreads correlate negatively with equities
6.0
5.0
4.0
3.0
2.0
1.0
Italy-Germnay 10 year bond spread (%)
0.0
01/10 07/11 01/13 07/14 01/16
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Bloomberg
European Equity Strategy | 01 December 2016 19
Sector Strategy
Markets due a period of consolidation in the short term. The reflation trade has run
hard and we’ve taken some chips off the table in recent weeks by cutting our
overweight positions in Banks and Basic Resources to neutral and reducing the size of
our underweights in some Defensive sectors. In the short term we look for markets to
consolidate. Near term risk reward is also a little poorer in light of event risks around
the Italian referendum, OPEC’s decision on a potential cut in oil production quotas and
the ECB’s decision on QE extension.
Look for another leg to the reflation trade in the coming months. We would look for
another leg to the cyclical and reflation rotation in the next 1-2 quarters as evidence of
stronger global growth and rising inflation materializes. We will look to re-enter sector
positions that benefit from global rotation when short term risk reward improves.
However, we would look for the pace of the rotation to moderate and become less
binary from here. The upside from here for bond yields is more limited. With that in
mind we are likely to be more selective in reflation vs bond proxy positions.
Politics likely remains an overhang through 1H 2017. Another reason to run a less
binary portfolio over the coming months is the potential for political uncertainty to
weigh on European markets. Attention near-term will focus on Italy but the French
Presidential elections loom in April / May and the tail risk of a Marine Le Pen victory will
act as an overhang for Europe in the coming months. It suggests 22017 may well be a
year similar to 2016, in which the major indices in Europe have traded in ranges for
large parts of the year.
Value in some Defensive bond proxies. Valuation looks quite compelling already in
some of the bond proxy sectors. Utilities and Healthcare are both trading at the low end
of relative valuation ranges and have decent fundamentals in the view of our analyst
team. However, rising government bond yields remains the major potential headwind in
coming months. We are overweight both sectors.
Financials – neutral following the strong recent rally. Banks have re-rated
aggressively, taking PE-relative back to average levels. However, the sector continues to
have uncertain prospects for EPS recovery given continued ultra-low policy rates in
Europe and ongoing tail risks from periphery are an overhang on the sector. Continued
long only positioning remains a potential support for the sector should rates and yield
curves renew their widening moves. A Risk reward may be better in Insurance – the
sector still offers the second highest DY in the market (and relative DY is still at 90 th
percentile of the range since 2004).
Global quality Cyclicals – waiting for an entry point. Many cyclicals have performed
less strongly in the recent rally than Resources and re-rated less aggressively than
Financials. With relative PE valuations in-line with or below 17-year averages for the
likes of Industrials, Chemicals and Technology we will look for opportunities to build
positions in cyclical areas in the coming months. Overowned positioning has been
something of a negative for several of these areas (notably Tech) and any signs of a
correction could be a catalyst to re-enter an overweight in the sector.
Media – raise to overweight. With the outlook for markets set to become less binary
we will look to add exposure to quality cyclical areas. One such sector that has lagged
this year is Media, making this an interesting entry point. The sector is something of
hybrid combining defensive and cyclical components and high and low quality. Media in
particular has come back a long way following a six-month period of sustained
underperformance.
Overweight Oil position dependent on OPEC. As we go to press, the OPEC decision
on a deal to cut oil supplies is pending. Our commodity strategists’ base case has been
for some kind of deal, with upside into the mid $50s for a deal to cut 1 million barrels
per day. However, in the case OPEC fails to agree any deal they see WTI dipping back
20 European Equity Strategy | 01 December 2016
below $40. In other words, the outcome is highly binary in the short term for crude and
related equities. We flag to investors that we would consider reducing our weighting in
the event of no deal.
Assuming OPEC does cut production and oil prices recover up to the high $50s per
barrel, as per our commodity strategists views, earnings and cash flows can recover
significantly in the coming 12-18 months. Our Oil analysts model between 8 and 17%
upside to operating cash flows in 2017 for European integrated stocks if assumed crude
prices are increased $10 from $50 to $60. That makes the highest DY in market at ~6%
more sustainable out of FCF coverage.
Cautious UK domestic (underweight Retail, Travel & Leisure). We are cautious on
domestic UK exposure and underweight Retail and Travel & Leisure. To our mind, these
companies face a lose-lose trade-off of maintaining margins by passing on higher costs
at the expense of volumes, or face margin pressure by absorbing these costs in order to
sustain current volumes. Building inflationary pressures point to a post-Christmas
consumer squeeze. This could be further compounded OPEC cuts and oil prices rise. The
Retail sector is also facing structural margin pressures and unattractive valuations. In
Travel & Leisure (two thirds UK listed), profitability is declining from peak levels. Note
our analysts also see structural pressures on airlines from overcapacity and competition.
See below for more details.
Table 4: European Sector Allocation
Sector Ticker
Index
Weight
% Stance
Delta
(bp)
Portfolio
Weight %
Portfolio /
Benchmark % Sector Ticker
Index
Weight
% Stance
Delta
(bp)
Portfolio
Weight %
Portfolio /
Benchmark %
Oil&Gas SXEP 4.6 o/w +150 6.1 132% Autos&Parts SXAP 3.2 n 0 3.2 100%
HealthCare SXDP 12.5 o/w +150 14.0 112% Banks SX7P 12.4 n 0 12.4 100%
Media SXMP 2.6 o/w +100 3.6 138% BasicResou SXPP 3.0 n 0 3.0 100%
Utilities SX6P 3.9 o/w +100 4.9 125% Chemicals SX4P 5.0 n 0 5.0 100%
Constr&Mtr SXOP 3.0 n 0 3.0 100%
Trav&Leisr SXTP 1.8 u/w -150 0.3 15% FinServ SXFP 1.9 n 0 1.9 100%
Food&Bevrg SX3P 5.9 u/w -150 4.4 75% InduGd&Ser SXNP 11.9 n 0 11.9 100%
Retail SXRP 3.1 u/w -200 1.1 36% Insurance SXIP 6.4 n 0 6.4 100%
100.0 +0 100.0 0% Per&HouGds SXQP 8.8 n 0 8.8 100%
Real Estate SX86P 1.9 n 0 1.9 100%
Technology SX8P 3.8 n 0 3.8 100%
Telecomm SXKP 4.1 n 0 4.1 100%
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Bloomberg
Reflation rotation – tactically got very stretched
Over the last two weeks we cut our weightings in Basic Resources and Banks to neutral.
That was in response to the signals from our technical models all flashing warning signs
that the rotation out of bond proxies into reflation beneficiaries had got very stretched
tactically. Our Composite Technical Indicators (CTIs) for sector relative performance hit
+100 at the recent high in the case of Basic Resources and +94 for Banks and
Insurance. These models combine a range of technical indicators including RSIs, MACDs,
Bollinger bands and others and +100 represents maximum overbought. Basic Resources
relative price has also reached +2.7SD above the 52-week average, the highest reading
for the sector since 2010. Financials hit +1SD while other cyclicals have also peaked at
+1.5-2SD in recent weeks.
By contrast bonds and equity bond proxies screen as very oversold on these models. All
Defensives troughed at -92 or below at some point over the last 4 weeks. On Bollinger
scores, relative prices hit between -2.4SD and -3.8SD for the Defensives and also Real
Estate. In the case of Utilities (-3.8SD) that is close to a record low. Similarly our CTI
readings for macro variables like 10-year Treasury yields, gold and $/yen also hit
oversold levels. The models are useful in isolation for highlighting any anomalies in
European Equity Strategy | 01 December 2016 21
recent price action for individual assets. However, the fact that we have had multiple
signals across a range of sectors and macro prices is typically a warning that markets
have moved too far too fast in a more general sense.
The last comparable episode was in early July in the wake of the Brexit sell-off. At that
point Defensives were hitting record over bought signals with Financials and Cyclicals
seeing the opposite. Against the backdrop of heightened uncertainty over the effects of
Brexit the models provided a great signal to fade the violent rotation.
With these signals in mind we look for a period of consolidation in the rotation trade.
The models are short term in nature and are not intended to identify strategic turning
points – although like in the case of Brexit they do tend to emphasize when a crescendo
is reached. While we would look for another potential leg in some of the reflation trades
over the coming months we would prefer to wait for a pull back. The Basic Resources
sector provides a useful example in how to use the models tactically. Three times this
year prior to the current instance the sector has hit overbought levels on its relative CTI
indicator. Previous pullbacks lasted 4-8 weeks and averaged -11% in relative
performance terms.
Table 5: Composite Technical Indicators for sector relative returns
(+100 max overbought; -100 max oversold)
Since Oct 27
Sector Latest MIN MAX
Healthcare -5 -98 -1
Personal & Household Goods 0 -94 0
Food & Beverages -31 -93 0
Telecom -25 -92 0
Utilities -8 -92 3
Technology 0 -88 26
Media -1 -87 7
Industrial Goods & Services 0 -73 35
Oil & Gas 1 -45 4
Autos 0 -12 8
Chemicals 0 -8 0
Travel & Leisure 0 -27 37
Financial Services -1 -3 43
Construction & Materials 0 -17 45
Retail 0 -42 90
Insurance 36 0 94
Banks 16 8 94
Basic Resources 9 7 100
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Bloomberg
Chart 45: Basic Resources 4 th overbought signal this year – previous
pullbacks last 4-8 weeks and averaged -11% relative
100
80
60
40
20
0
-20
-40
-60
CTI relative Basics relative
-80
12/15 02/16 04/16 06/16 08/16 10/16
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Bloomberg
1.2
1.1
1.0
0.9
0.8
0.7
0.6
Table 6: Bollinger scores –bond proxies 2.5-3.5SD oversold
52-week Z-Score
Recent 1m extreme
Latest
Utility -3.8 -2.6
Real Estate -3.4 -2.1
Media -2.9 -1.8
Food & Bev -2.6 -2.2
HealthCare -2.5 -1.8
Telcos -2.4 -2.2
Travel & Leis -2.1 -0.7
Retail -1.5 -0.4
Prs & HH Gds -1.2 -0.6
Autos 0.8 0.5
Insurance 0.9 0.8
Technology 1.0 0.6
Banks 1.0 0.6
FinServ 1.0 0.6
Industrials 1.5 1.4
Oils 1.6 0.9
Chemicals 1.9 0.8
Construction 2.0 1.2
Basics 2.7 2.2
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Bloomberg
Chart 46: Utilities near a record -4SD oversold vs 52-week average
5.0
4.0
3.0
2.0
1.0
0.0
-1.0
-2.0
-3.0
-4.0
Dec-97 Dec-01 Dec-05 Dec-09 Dec-13
Utility - relative price vs 52wk average (SD)
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Bloomberg
22 European Equity Strategy | 01 December 2016
Rotation trade – valuations have moved a long way
While technical metrics suggest a pause is due in the reflation rotation, we have also
seen a significant amount of ground covered from a valuation perspective in the market
moves to date.
The scatter chart below compares the PE relative change since 8th July (the post Brexit
valuation high / low for many sectors) against where PE relative ranks now compared to
history. Essentially sectors in the top right have enjoyed a relative multiple re-rating and
current relative PE levels are above the median since 1999. Those in the bottom left
have seen relative PE multiples de-rate while their current relative PE is below the
median since 1999. We make the following observations:
• Financials have had the biggest re-rating. Financials re-rated most since
Brexit and are now trading around median relative valuation levels. Given the
tight link between relative valuations and bond yields in recent years the PErelatives
for Banks and Insurance have also recovered much more than would
seem justified by the move in the German 10-year yield. The sectors do screen
cheaper versus history on PBV reflecting relatively depressed ROEs especially
for Banks. Hence, we think PE multiple expansion from here would need to be
driven by improving EPS prospects in the sector – something our analysts are
sceptical about.
• Global Cyclicals trading near or below average relative PE’s. Many global
cyclicals have had fairly modest re-ratings since early July and trade on close to
median or below valuations. Sectors such as Industrials, Chemicals, Autos, Tech
have relative PE multiples 5-10% higher than post Brexit. Relative PE for
Chemicals and Industrials are close to post 1999 averages. Construction PE
relative does screen as elevated – at the 92 nd percentile. Autos, Tech and Travel
& Leisure all have PE relatives in the bottom quartile of their post 1999 range.
Relative PE valuations look very reasonable on this basis for Tech, Chemicals
and even industrials. In part this may reflect higher than historical average ROE
– relative PBV is less flattering for Industrials for example.
• Resources sectors – de-rating as EPS recovers. Oil and Basic Resources PE
relative has declined more than in any other sector. Although both sectors have
seen strong price performance this year, PE multiples are declining from very
elevated levels earlier this year as earnings bounce back from depressed levels.
Since the end of June Basics 12m forward EPS is up +65%, while the sector
index price has risen +33%. For Basics and Oil, performance from here is likely
to remain a function of EPS momentum rather than valuations.
• Defensives have all de-rated with Telecoms suffering least. Defensive
sectors have all seen relative valuations decline over the past four months.
Healthcare and Utilities are the two sectors with multiples at lower end of the
historical range – notably Healthcare at the 14 th percentile. Utilities relative PE
is also close to the prior low hit in 2013. Telecoms screens as somewhat less
depressed form a valuation perspective – notwithstanding the poor sector
performance in 2016. PE relative remains well above the median levels since
1999.
• Staples approaching 2010/14 lows on PE-relative. Staples have also derated
severely – in fact Food & Beverage relative PE fell somewhat more than
the other Defensives. However, current levels are still somewhat higher versus
the historical range (since 1999) than for Healthcare or Utilities. That being
said, the PE-relative rose structurally through the 2000s. Over a shorter time
frame since 2010 Food & Beverage is also now trading near the bottom
quartile. PE-relative is 6-10% above the lows seen in 2010 and 2014 – but
those would still allow for healthy 25-30% valuation premiums to the market .
European Equity Strategy | 01 December 2016 23
Overall, we find it hard to argue that sectors haven’t moved a long way already from a
valuation perspective, even against the context of potentially important inflection points
in bond yields and earnings. From here we suspect investors may need to more selective
in how they play the rotation theme and consider other variables such as earnings
momentum, yield, technicals and positioning when allocating across sectors.
Chart 47: Relative PE – recent re / (de) rating compared to percentile ranking of latest relative multiple
PE relative - % change since July 8th
2016
30
Banks
25
20
Insurance
15
10
5
Travel & Leis
Autos
Technology
Chemicals
FinServ
Industrials
Retail
Construction
0
-5 Real Estate
Media
Telcos
-10
-15
HealthCare
Utility
Prs & HH Gds
Food & Bev
Oils
Basics
-20
0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100%
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Datastream, IBES
Relative PE - percentile since 1999
Chart 48: Financials valuations have recovered significantly relative to
the move in bond yields – relative PE back around average levels
0.90
3.5
0.85
0.80
0.75
0.70
0.65
Banks / Insurance PE-rel
0.60
German 10y (RHS)
01/10 01/11 01/12 01/13 01/14 01/15 01/16
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Datastream, IBES
3
2.5
2
1.5
1
0.5
0
-0.5
Chart 49: Rapid relative de-rating for Staples – relative PE for Food &
Beverage still 6-10% above 2010 / 2014 levels
1.70
-0.5
1.60
1.50
1.40
1.30
1.20
PE-relative FOOD & BEV
1.10
German 10y (RHS, inverted)
01/10 01/11 01/12 01/13 01/14 01/15 01/16
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Datastream, IBES
0
0.5
1
1.5
2
2.5
3
3.5
4
24 European Equity Strategy | 01 December 2016
Chart 50: Utilities relative PE close to the 2013 low
1.20
-0.5
Chart 51: Chemicals / Industrials – re-rated but PE-rel not excessive
1.30
5
1.15
1.10
1.05
1.00
0.95
0.90
0.85
PE-relative UTILITIES
0.80
German 10y (RHS, inverted)
01/10 01/11 01/12 01/13 01/14 01/15 01/16
0.0
0.5
1.0
1.5
2.0
2.5
3.0
3.5
4.0
1.25
1.20
1.15
1.10
1.05
1.00
Chemicals / Industrials PE-rel
German 10y (RHS)
0.95
01/08 01/10 01/12 01/14 01/16
4
3
2
1
0
-1
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Datastream, IBES
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Datastream, IBES
UK – Waiting for Brexit
It’s useful to think about where the UK is today in terms of the four risk factors we
identified in our February 2016 Brexit preview: 1) weaker GBP; 2) weaker UK growth; 3)
Higher UK risk premia & gilt yields; 4) increased regulatory, political and market
uncertainty.
Although we saw a severe risk-off move immediately following the Brexit vote, the only
truly significant post-Brexit delta has been a weaker GBP. GBP is down 16% vs USD and
11% on a trade weighted basis. In fact, a simple post-Brexit strategy of going equal
weighted long UK-listed sectors with above market international sales exposure vs
sectors with below market sales exposure would have delivered ~110% returns in USD.
Chart 52: GBP and sales exposure have been the key determinants for post-Brexit UK equity
returns
Performance since Brexit (%$ in USD)
30%
20%
UK MATERIALS $
10%
UK FD/STAPLES
0%
UK BANKS $
UK CAP GDS $
UK INSURANCE $ UK U$
RTL $
UK ENERGY $
-10%
UK UTILITIES $ UK DIV FIN $
-20% UK REAL ESTATE UK RETAILING $
$
UK MEDIA $
UK T/CM SVS $
UK PH/BIO L SCI $
UK H/H PERS
PRD $
-30%
UK TRANSPT $
-40%
0% 10% 20% 30% 40% 50% 60% 70% 80% 90% 100%
% International Sales exposure
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Bloomberg, Factset. Performance in USD from 23-June-2016 close to 25-Nov-2016 close.
The currency move contrasts with the other risk factors. To date, UK growth which has
held up better than many expected; policy uncertainty has fallen following a sharp spike;
gilts are only 2bp higher than June 23 rd (although this masks a 85bp rally then 87bp selloff);
and the UK cost of equity is now down ytd. What Brexit, you could ask.
European Equity Strategy | 01 December 2016 25
As we outline below, we think it is just a matter of timing. The political certainty created
by the swift election of Theresa May plus the Bank of England’s interventions have
delayed, rather than resolved, the underlying uncertainties caused by the vote.
Chart 53: UK PMIs tanked post-Brexit but have recovered
65
60
55
Average
since 2010
Composite PMI
50
GDP, % qoq, preliminary
estimates (rhs)
45
Mar-10 Mar-11 Mar-12 Mar-13 Mar-14 Mar-15 Mar-16
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Markit, ONS.
1.4
0.9
0.4
-0.1
-0.6
Chart 54: While retail sales have remained strong
10
8
Oct retail
6
4
2
0
-2
-4
-6
1984
Consumer confidence
Real consumption, %yoy
Retail sales volumes ex fuel, % yoy
1988 1992 1996 2000 2004 2008
BAML est. of
confidence if
inflation
2012
@3%
2016
Retail sales volumes. Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, GfK, ONS.
2017: Falling growth, negotiations and a consumer squeeze
We think there are clear warning signs that conditions are deteriorating, uncertainty is
set to return and a consumer squeeze is coming for the UK.
Falling growth to compound deficit problems
Real gdp is only expected to fall 0.1% in 2016 vs the March forecast. But the UK Office
of Budgetary Responsibility expects growth to slip by 0.8% next year (2.2% to 1.4%) and
0.4% on 2018 (2.1% to 1.7%) vs March. A notable slice of this is can be attributed to the
OBR’s estimate that Brexit added £59bn to UK borrowing to 2022, or nearly £200mn a
week. These numbers include Phillip Hammond’s sensible but small measures. Our UK
economist is more pessimistic forecasting 0.9% in 2017 and 0.7% in 2018. Even if we
split the two, that represents a 50% decline in expected 2017 gdp and 40% decline in
2018. The OBR also expects public sector net debt to hit its highest level since 1964-65
in 2017-18 at a time when the UK already relies on “the kindness of strangers” to
finance its growing twin deficit.
26 European Equity Strategy | 01 December 2016
Chart 55: OBR / BofAML UK GDP forecasts
materially lower in 2017
2.1 2.0
OBR real gdp %yoy growth forecast
BAML real gdp %yoy growth forecast
OBR UK real gdp %yoy growth March vs Nov 2016 forecasts
1.4
0.9
1.7
0.7
0.1
2016 2017 2018 -0.4
-0.8
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Office of Budgetary
Responsibility
Chart 56: UK Public sector net debt is expected
to return to 1960s levels
120
100
80
60
40
20
0
UK Public sector net
debt as % GDP…
1960-61
1964-65
1968-69
1972-73
1976-77
1980-81
1984-85
1988-89
1992-93
1996-97
2000-01
2004-05
2008-09
2012-13
2016-17
2020-21
Source: Office of Budgetary Responsibility
Chart 57: The weaker econ outlook has helped
decouple GBP and gilts since late Sept’16
2.5
2
1.5
1
0.5
0
Oct-15
Dec-15
Source: Bloomberg
Feb-16
10y gilt yield
GBP/USD (RHS)
Apr-16
Jun-16
Aug-16
Oct-16
1.6
1.55
1.5
1.45
1.4
1.35
1.3
1.25
1.2
Certainty that Brexit negotiations will start, but uncertainty on the details
Against this debt and growth backdrop, investors are likely to want clarity and visibility
on policymaking in order to continue funding the UK’s deficit in our view. We think they
could be disappointed.
Firstly, the Government has committed to triggering Article 50 by the end of March
2017. We think this is likely irrespective of the outcome of the Judicial Review on where
the legislative power lies for making that decision. Second, the Government’s formal
position is not to announce its negotiating strategy in public. A lack of insight into the
UK’s future trading relationship with its biggest export market for goods and services is
a difficult backdrop upon which to continue investing in the UK, even if a few companies
have taken that decision already. Third, we think there will have to be a resolution to the
trade-off between the Government’s desire to control immigration and reach a
beneficial economic settlement. The problem, as is often repeated by EU leaders, is that
curbing migration puts the UK on a collision course with the EU’s four freedoms and
therefore at odds with access to the single market. That’s why our base case remains a
so called “hard Brexit”, but even now our colleagues in FX strategy think investors are
not positioned for this. Hence their GBP/USD forecast of 1.15 for Q1/Q2 2017.
Finally, a major concern for investors and especially business investment would be if the
UK faces a “cliff edge” for trade terms in 2019 (on the assumption article 50 is
triggered). While a transition deal would be a potential positive development next year,
the absence of such a deal before or soon after article 50 is triggered could be another
reason for policy uncertainty to spike higher again.
European Equity Strategy | 01 December 2016 27
Chart 58: The dip in UK policy risk is likely to be short lived if the Govt keeps to its commitment to
trigger A50 in Q1 without providing clarity on its negotiating position
1200
1000
800
UK Economic Policy Uncertainty
German Economic Policy Uncertainty
600
400
200
0
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
2012
2013
2014
2015
2016
Source: Bloomberg
Building inflationary pressures point to post-Christmas consumer squeeze
The third act in waiting for Brexit is cost-push inflation from the fall in GBP. So far,
consumer spending has held up far better than most expected, especially retail spending
by the over 50s. But there is evidence the inflationary canary is starting to sing. The
charts below show that the move in CPI has lagged sharp rises in manufacturing output
prices, utility prices and food prices in the past two months.
Chart 59: Firms report sharp increases in
output prices
66.0
62.0
58.0
54.0
50.0
46.0
42.0
38.0
Manufacturing output prices
(PMI, lagged 3 months)
Industrial goods inflation (rhs)
2000
2002
2004
2006
2008
2010
2012
2014
2016
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Markit, ONS.
6
4
2
0
-2
-4
-6
Chart 60: Chunky utility price increases on the
horizon
140
120
100
80
60
40
20
0
-20
-40
-60
Natural gas price, 6
month forward, %
12m/12m
Natural gas price, spot,
% 12m/12m
CPI utilities, % yoy (rhs)
2003
2005
2007
2009
2011
2013
2015
2017
50
45
40
35
30
25
20
15
10
5
0
-5
-10
-15
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, ONS, Bloomberg
Chart 61: Food prices are key to watch
14
CPI food prices,
12 BAML forecast, %
10 yoy
Food input prices,
8 % yoy, lagged 3
months (rhs)
6
4
2
0
-2
-4
-6
1997
1999
2001
2003
2005
2007
2009
2011
2013
2015
2017
-10
-20
Food input prices calculated as an average of domestically
produced and imported food. BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research,
ONS.
40
30
20
10
0
To understand this delay it is worth remembering “Marmitegate” and the pressure put
on companies not to raise the prices of household brands. The incident also illustrates
the margin pressure building up in the system and challenges posed to producers,
vendors and consumers as to who will absorb the higher costs. According to the
Chairman of the UK Food and Drink Federation many companies may be waiting until
post-Christmas to change prices, which Ian Wright estimates could rise as much as 8%.
If that happens at the same time as power prices hit seasonal highs, the consumer could
start to feel the pinch.
To avoid this leading to a contraction in demand, workers we would need to see strong
nominal wage growth. However, the Institute of Fiscal Studies does not expect real
wages to return to 2008 levels until 2021. The tightness of the UK labour market could
also cushion any blow, but we note jobless claims have started to rise again and
businesses may be less likely to hire if uncertainty, for reasons outlined above, picks up
again.
28 European Equity Strategy | 01 December 2016
Chart 62: Real wages likely to fall
6
4
2
0
-2
Real wages, BAML forecast
-4
Average weekly earnings, % 3m yoy
CPI inflation, BAML forecast
-6
2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 2016 2018
Real wages calculated as average weekly earnings minus CPI inflationSource: BofA Merrill Lynch
Global Research, ONS.
Chart 63: REC and PMI point to higher unemployment
150 Claimant count, 3m change, inverted
REC placements, lagged 3m (rhs)
100
Composite PMI employment (rhs)
50
0
-50
-100
-150
-200
-250
2004 2006 2008 2010 2012 2014 2016
REC placements is an average of permanent and temporary placements. REC and PMI shown as
standard deviations from average. Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Markit.
2
1
0
-1
-2
-3
-4
Given all of the above, we reiterate our preference for avoiding sectors with a high
proportion of domestic UK companies. To our mind, these companies face a lose-lose
trade-off of maintaining margins by passing on higher costs at the expense of volumes,
or face margin pressure by absorbing these costs in order to sustain current volumes in
our view. This could be further compounded if our Oil Strategists’ forecasts are right
and Brent averages ~$60/bb following an OPEC cut.
But how much is in the price?
The pushback to our view is that the forecasted deterioration in growth hasn’t really
materialised and investors are already pricing it in a lot of bad news. For instance,
Easyjet is down nearly 35% and investors are still underweight the UK in the FMS. While
this is the case for certain stocks, at a sector level investors appear to have squared off
their underweights in Retail/ Travel according to the FMS. Both sectors also back near
pre-Brexit levels relative to the market (albeit Travel reflects the recent oil price
weakness).
Chart 64: Source: Brexit sectors no longer underowned by investors
Construction
Ind. Gds&Svs
Technology
Healthcare
Autos
Travel&Leis.
Banks
Telecoms
Insurance
Retail
Chemicals
Media
Real Estate
Food&Bev
PHH Goods
Oil & Gas
Utilities
Financial Svs
Basic Res.
-35 -25 -15 -5 5 15 25
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research
Nov-16
Oct-16
Chart 65: Retail and Travel are some way off their post-Brexit lows
0.93
0.74
0.92
0.72
0.91
0.7
0.9
0.68
0.89
0.66
0.88
0.64
0.87
0.62
0.86 Stoxx Retail relative Stoxx Travel & Leisure relative 0.6
0.85
0.58
May-16 Jun-16 Jul-16 Aug-16 Sep-16 Oct-16
Source: Bloomberg
European Equity Strategy | 01 December 2016 29
Sector Trades
Table 7: European Sectors – Summary of investment case and risks
Sector
(Ticker)
HealthCare
(SXDP Index)
Oil & Gas
(SXEP Index)
Media
(SXMP
Index)
Utilities
(SX6P Index)
Index
Weight % Stance
Delta
(bp)
12.5 O/W +150
4.6 O/W -150
2.6 O/W +100
3.9 O/W +100
Summary of view
Laggard despite Republican clean sweep reducing legislative risks, valuations close to 2010-12 lows at trough of patent cliff but sector team
expect 11% EPS CAGR 2018-2021 supporting 17/18x PE (currently on 13x 2018), catalysts from new products set to be announced in 2017.
Risks: rising bond yields continues, pipelines fail to realise, strong growth leads to risk-on rally led by value/ rotation out of quality.
Forecast Brent to average ~$61/bbl in 2017 on supportive demand backdrop (EM), OPEC reduction, supply destruction causing rebalance
Oil team modeling 8%-17% upside from crude rally meaning FCF covers ~6% DY and EPS to improve (revisions 2nd best in market)
Risks: OPEC fails to cut supply pushing rebalancing out, strong dollar and protectionism curtail global demand and EM growth.
Market laggard and de-rated presenting favourable entry points, optionality to improving EU consumer confidence even if UK consumer set to
be squeezed next year, historically outperforms when dollar/ PMIs/ inflation rising, positioning now underweight in FMS.
Risks: UK growth/ EU consumer confidence drop quickly, investors prefer cheaper cyclicals if we see another leg to risk-on rally.
Big underperformer in reflation rotation given defensive yield characteristics now oversold, consistent underweight in FMS but fundamental
outlook positive with cyclical/ earnings improvement from higher power prices/ CSPP/ changing sector composition.
Risks: lack of differentiation from investors in rising yields continues, commodity prices roll, regulatory risk increases.
Autos & Parts
(SXAP Index)
Banks
(SX7P Index)
Basic
Resources
(SXPP Index)
Chemicals
(SX4P Index)
Const & Mats
(SXOP Index)
Fin Srvs
(SXFP Index)
Ind Gd&Svs
(SXNP Index)
Insurance
(SXIP Index)
Persnl &
HHG
(SXQP Index)
Real Estate
(SX86P
Index)
Telecomm
(SXKP Index)
Technology
(SX8P Index)
Food & Bev
(SX3P Index)
Travel & Leisr
(SXTP Index)
Retail
(SXRP Index)
3.2 M/W 0
12.4 M/W 0
3 M/W 0
5 M/W 0
3 M/W 0
1.9 M/W 0
11.9 M/W 0
6.4 M/W 0
8.8 M/W 0
1.9 M/W 0
3.8 M/W 0
4.1 M/W 0
5.9 U/W -150
1.8 U/W -150
3.1 U/W -200
Bull case: Margins supported by strong EU/ China sales, lease growth in US, valuations at multi-year lows, positioning neutral, cyclical beta
Bear case: Future car raises questions over terminal value, US/UK markets peaked, Truck market has turned, China tax cut to end
Bull case: global yields and inflation continue to rise as global growth pushes higher, Italian banks successfully recap and earnings improve.
Bear case: LT profitability challenges persists (ECB monetary policy), UK large caps underperform, rates move unwinds.
Bull case: Investors still u/w, Trump delivers on fiscal not trade, DXY capped so EM recovery / China cycle continues, higher metals lifts FCF.
Bear case: Protectionism rises, China cycle slows, hawkish Fed hurts EM rally, metals prices fail to sustain recovery.
Bull case: Cheap on relative PE/ DY, M&A pick-up, cyclically geared to improving EM growth, higher quality characteristics vs other cyclicals.
Bear case: OPEC deal fails hurting oil, industrial cycle potentially at risk from protectionism, margins unsustainable given at highest since 2004
Bull case: geared to expected increase in fiscal spending (esp US), EU mfg and construction PMIs solid, US ISM / housing market strong
Bear case: Most expensive sector on relative basis, re-rated on fiscal expectations but EPS hasn't followed, exposure to softening UK market
Bull case: High proportion of dollar earnings/ sterling reporters, geared to pick up stronger markets, potential M&A targets
Bear case: less attractive valuations and not as levered into better growth/ rising bond yields than other financials (e.g. Banks).
Bull case: US mfg ISM strong, EU OECD lead indicator improving, expect fiscal spending in US, high RoE and consistent earnings
Bear case: valuations stretched on PBV, big outperformance driven by re-rating more than eps growth, Q3 earnings season has been weak.
Bull case: beneficiary of rising yields, strong balance sheets, cheap on PBV/ PE and attractive, growing and covered DY. Positioning still light.
Bear case: lower beta and longer cycle than Banks, vulnerable to any rally in bond prices from Italy risks, higher DY in more cyclical sectors.
Bull case: luxury stocks delivering growth, tobacco structural outperformer, has de-rated following Brexit rally but earnings outlook decent.
Bear case: margins at 10y peak, stiff competition from digital innovation, EM consumer demand volatile, vulnerable to rising rates.
Bull case: oversold on CTI, at 10y lows on relative PE and bottom quintile on PBV, UK market held up post-Brexit, yield attractive if bonds rally
Bear case: positioning o/w vs history, REITs vulnerable to rising yields backdrop, rental yields under pressure fall if UK/ EU growth slumps.
Bull case: strong FCFY and improving balance sheets, valuations not expensive, positioning has unwound, beneficiary of CSPP, major
laggard.
Bear case: structural challenges to monetising data, consolidation not set to play out, vulnerable to further outflows in rising yield environment.
Bull case: valuations less stretched, semis cycle proving resilient, higher ""quality"" cyclical, positioning neutral, structural growth
Bear case: vulnerable to rotation into value sectors in a risk-on market, margins close to peak, structural challenges for Nokia/ Ericsson.
Highest correlation to rising yields/ bond proxy, valuations still not cheap on a range of metrics (esp vs Healthcare), falling earnings revisions.
Risks: Oversold vs history in rotation move, sector has de-rated enough if bond yields capped/ CB don’t hike/ growth disappoints.
Airlines in structural decline, negatively correlated to higher oil, vulnerable to weaker UK and returns at peaks levels, valuations not cheap
Risks: Oil rally takes longer to materialise if OPEC fails to cut, European/ global growth picks up and UK gdp surprises to upside.
Most vulnerable to consumer squeeze in UK, margins in structural decline, supermarkets have had their relief rally, expensive on PE/ PBV/DY
Risks: modest inflation provides pricing power, Eurozone growth boosts consumer demand, positioning light, strong x-mas season.
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research
30 European Equity Strategy | 01 December 2016
Underweight Retail
In addition to Brexit concerns, we also see a number of fundamental reasons to reiterate
out underperform on Retail.
• Structural margin pressures: Aside from Brexit, retailers face declining returns as
online disruptors and discounters drive up competition. EBITDA margins have fallen
from 8% in 2010 to close to 7% in 2016 and RoE has declined by nearly 3% since
2004. We think this structural trend has further to run.
• Valuations are also unattractive. Retail remains on a significant premium to the
market on absolute terms (17.3x 2017 PE vs 14.2x) and is expensive versus its own
history at 20% above its 10y relative average on PE and 92%ile on PBV, while it has
the second lowest dividend in the market (2.9%). Even if you strip H&M and Inditex
the sector is towards the higher range of its post-GFC range.
• UK supermarkets have had their relief rally. Despite challenges facing UK food
retailers, Tesco has rallied 25% and Morrison’s 15% since Brexit as retail spending
has held up and the short base grew massively immediately following the UK-EU
vote. Yet as Xavier Le Mene notes, this has largely been because they have gained
market share from Asda and investors have bought into their new management
plans. However, Xavier see limited upside potential for either next year and there is
a risk that Asda starts to recoup lost ground under its new management too.
Chart 66: Stiff competition means retail margins are structural declining
8.3%
7.8%
7.3%
Retail EBITDA margin
6.8%
Chart 67: Market share gains have largely been at Asda’s expense
Tesco
Aldi
Lidl
Waitrose
Morrisons
Sainsbury's
Asda
-100 -50 0 50 100
Market share of grocers, yoy
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Bloomberg, Datastream, IBES
Source: Kantar Worldpanel
Chart 68: Retail is expensive on a range of metrics
Chart 69: Not cheap even if you strip out the two biggest ex-UK names
1.70
1.60
1.50
Retail 12m fwd PBV relative
16
Stoxx Retail PE
Stoxx Retail ex-Inditex PE
Stoxx Retail ex-Indi/H&M PE
1.40
1.30
11
1.20
1.10
1.00
2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 201
6
2004
2005
2006
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
2012
2013
2014
2015
2016
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Bloomberg, Datastream, IBES
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Datastream
European Equity Strategy | 01 December 2016 31
Underweight Travel & Leisure
• Airlines in structural decline: our European Airlines analyst thinks overcapacity
(networks set to grow 7% yoy to 2020) and competition from low cost/ ME carriers
is driving prices and passenger yields lower across the board.
• Negatively correlated to Oil: the sector is negatively correlated to the Oil price
and despite recent weakness, our Commodity Strategist expects OPEC to cut by
500k b/d or 1 million b/d. Should OPEC cut with firm quotas and a tight control
mechanism, they see WTI prices averaging $59/bbl.
• Watch UK consumer confidence closely: the combined effect of the challenges
we identified earlier starting to mount for the UK consumer and the drop in the
value of the pound could reduce demand for and expenditure on overseas holidays.
This would weigh on the travel operator part of the sector. If the bulk of sterling
move is over the boost for dollar earnings like Compass will also likely fade.
• Peak returns: unlike Retail, T&L margins (98%ile since 2004) and RoEs (85%ile) are
close to all-time highs. We think returns may well have peaked therefore given the
backdrop of rising oil, weakening consumer confidence in the UK and structural
overcapacity in airlines. This is reflected in the fact that PBV are on 2.8x for the
sector, which is top quintile for the sector since 2004.
Chart 70: Competition & overcapacity pushing airline yields down
Chart 71: Rising oil would weigh on Travel earnings
140
120
100
80
60
40
Brent Oil
20
BofAML WTI forecasts
Stoxx Travel & Leisure EPS (RHS - inverted)
0
Nov-04
Nov-05
Nov-06
Nov-07
Nov-08
Nov-09
Nov-10
Nov-11
Nov-12
Nov-13
Nov-14
Nov-15
Nov-16
Nov-17
6
8
10
12
14
16
18
20
Source: Company data
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Bloomberg, Datastream, IBES
Chart 72: The UK consumer will have lower purchasing power next year
Chart 73: Yet sector RoEs remain close to all-time highs
10
0
GfK UK Consumer Confidence
Index
Travel & Leisure price relative
0.75
0.7
0.65
24.0%
22.0%
20.0%
Travel & Leisure RoE
-10
-20
-30
-40
Jan-10
Jul-10
Jan-11
Jul-11
Jan-12
Jul-12
Jan-13
Jul-13
Jan-14
Jul-14
Jan-15
Jul-15
Jan-16
Jul-16
0.6
0.55
0.5
0.45
0.4
18.0%
16.0%
14.0%
12.0%
10.0%
8.0%
2004
2005
2006
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
2012
2013
2014
2015
2016
Source: Bloomberg
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Datastream, IBES
32 European Equity Strategy | 01 December 2016
Media – raise to overweight
Favourable entry point
Media has been is a big laggard following a six-month period of sustained
underperformance and hit very oversold levels on our CTIs in mid-November. Although
Media is a bit more domestic than Tech both are “quality” cyclicals and typically trade
fairly in line with one another. However, the relative is now back at 2009 lows.
Optionality on European consumer
We are bearish on the outlook for the UK consumer but consumer confidence has been
steadily rising in the Eurozone since 2012 and the sector has tracked this measure very
closely. We note however that the two have disconnected recently. We think Media is
more likely to catch up then confidence fall given economists’ fairly positive view on
Eurozone growth next year, and the potential for upside surprises to US growth.
Chart 74: Favourable entry point for Media
Media and Tech are both “quality” cyclicals but the relative is at a 7y low
1
0.95
0.9
0.85
0.8
0.75
0.7
0.65
Source: Bloomberg
Stoxx Media relative to Tech
Dec-06
Jun-07
Dec-07
Jun-08
Dec-08
Jun-09
Dec-09
Jun-10
Dec-10
Jun-11
Dec-11
Jun-12
Dec-12
Jun-13
Dec-13
Jun-14
Dec-14
Jun-15
Dec-15
Jun-16
Chart 75: The pick-up in EU Consumer Confidence should boost Media
0.9
0.85
0.8
0.75
0.7
0.65
0.6
0.55
Source: Bloomberg
Stoxx Media Price relative
European Commission Consumer
Confidence Index
0
-5
-10
-15
-20
-25
-30
Media historically outperforms when PMIs and inflation rising
The average return for Media when PMIs and inflation are both rising is 0.6% relative
but the sector has underperformed by 2% month to date. A stronger dollar is also a
positive historically for Media given that many large caps within the sector, notably
agencies, are large dollar earners. But again, the two have disconnected recently.
Valuations now at a small discount to the market
Media has de-rated by nearly four PE points (from 19.7 to 16) since the April 2015 highs
and the sector now trades on a 5% discount to its average vs the market. We think the
improving global growth backdrop will support earnings and should mean the sector can
re-rate.
European Equity Strategy | 01 December 2016 33
Chart 76: A stronger dollar benefits agencies with global exposure
0.9
0.85
0.8
0.75
0.7
0.65
0.6
0.55
Stoxx Media price relative
0.5
DXY Curncy (RHS)
0.45
2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015
Source: Bloomberg
105
100
95
90
85
80
75
70
65
60
Chart 77: Media now at a small discount to its 10y average vs market
1.30
1.25
1.20
1.15
1.10
1.05
1.00
0.95
0.90
Media 12m fwd PE relative
0.85
0.80
2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Bloomberg, Datastream, IBES
Overweight Healthcare
Healthcare looks very attractively valued and we see compelling risk reward in the sector
on an outright basis at current levels. The fundamental bull case for Health rests on the
strong pipeline of new products for the big cap pharma universe. Our sector analysts
forecast EU Pharma to deliver a 2018-21E EPS CAGR of 11%, up from mid-single digit
levels in recent years. Historically that would justify a PE re-rating and a multiple for the
pharma sub-sector nearer 17-18x than the current 13x 2018 PE.
We believe the Republican clean sweep in the US elections represents a positive
catalyst as it significantly decreases the potential for legislative initiatives to
aggressively control drug pricing in the US. The catalyst for the sector to re-rate will
come progressively from newsflow around new products. The next 12 months should
see progress on this front with several of the European large caps expected to announce
key data on important drugs in 2017.
Chart 78: Pharma’s improving growth outlook not reflected in PE
3 Year Sales, EBIT and EPS CAGR Majors and 12 month forward PE ratio
15%
10%
5%
0%
-5%
-10%
05-08A
06-09A
07-10A
08-11A
09-12A
10-13A
11-14A
12-15A
13-16E
14-17E
15-18E
16-19E
17-20E
18-21E
3yr Sales CAGR
3yr EPS CAGR
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research
3yr EBIT CAGR
12 month forward PE (rhs)
20
18
16
14
12
10
8
6
Chart 79: Healthcare PE relative back near market multiple and lowest
since 2011 when patent cliff was at its worst
1.70
1.60
1.50
1.40
1.30
1.20
1.10
1.00
0.90
HealthCare 12m fwd PE relative
0.80
1999 2001 2003 2005 2007 2009 2011 2013 2015
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Datastream, IBES, Bloomberg
Healthcare’s forward PE is now down to just a 7% premium relative to the market and
nearing the valuation lows recorded in 2010-12 when the patent cliff was at its worst
and pipelines were very weak. Today pipelines are twice the size they were in 2011 and
innovation is the key to growth in the sector - pricing power remains strong in drug
categories with differentiated products. The new product launches expected between
2015 and 2018 add up to potential sales of $133 billion.
34 European Equity Strategy | 01 December 2016
Chart 80: Stocks mostly trade above ex-pipeline value
Pipelines are free for most stocks
25%
15%
5%
-5%
-15%
-25%
-35%
17%
1%
-2%
-14%
-16% -16%
-22%
-25%
-10%
Chart 81: Growth from new products - $138bn launching 16-20E Peak
unrisk-adjusted sales potential (USDm) of product launchs by year
50,000
45,000
40,000
35,000
30,000
25,000
20,000
15,000
10,000
5,000
0
Premium/(Discount) to ex pipeline DCF
2008
2009
2010
2011
2012
2013
2014
2015
2016E
2017E
2018E
2019E
2020E
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research
Overweight Utilities
The Utilities sector has suffered badly from the back up in bond yields. However,
fundamentals for the sector are actually improving relative to recent history. The sector
is the biggest direct beneficiary of corporate QE in the UK and Euro are (more than half
of the sector are eligible for the ECB’s Corporate Sector Purchase Program) meaning it
can gain more than most other sectors from potential refinancing savings. This cushions
any effect on debt costs from higher bond yields as corporate bond yields are still very
low.
Earnings and cash flow are improving. The bottoming out of the commodity cycle has
supported a turn to the upside for power prices. This has helped earning to trough and
analyst revisions have been positive throughout the last few months of
underperformance. Balance sheets and dividends in most cases now also look
sustainable. Valuation multiples for the Utilities sector are attractive relative to history
and compared to other Defensives. EV/EBITDA for the sector sits at 7.3x on Bloomberg
estimates. That is a 20% discount to the market and is near 10-year lows on a relative
basis. With dividends more secure the relative DY becomes more attractive at 2-year
highs.
Chart 82: Utilities EV / EBITDA relative to market near10-year lows
1.10
1.05
Utilities
1.00
0.95
0.90
0.85
0.80
0.75
FY1 EV/EBITDA relative
0.70
07/05 07/07 07/09 07/11 07/13 07/15
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Bloomberg
Chart 83: DPS more secure now but the relative yield is at 2yr highs
1.70
1.60
1.50
1.40
1.30
1.20
1.10
1.00
Utility 12m fwd DY relative
0.90
0.80
02/04 02/06 02/08 02/10 02/12 02/14 02/16
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Datastream, IBES
European Equity Strategy | 01 December 2016 35
Analyst Certification
I, Ronan Carr, CFA, hereby certify that the views expressed in this research report
accurately reflect my personal views about the subject securities and issuers. I also
certify that no part of my compensation was, is, or will be, directly or indirectly, related
to the specific recommendations or view expressed in this research report.
36 European Equity Strategy | 01 December 2016
Disclosures
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FUNDAMENTAL EQUITY OPINION KEY: Opinions include a Volatility Risk Rating, an Investment Rating and an Income Rating. VOLATILITY RISK RATINGS, indicators of potential
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Investment rating Total return expectation (within 12-month period of date of initial rating) Ratings dispersion guidelines for coverage cluster*
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Neutral ≥ 0% ≤ 30%
Underperform N/A ≥ 20%
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European Equity Strategy | 01 December 2016 37
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38 European Equity Strategy | 01 December 2016
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012446.txt,"co™

14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25

—

oOo BOs Oo oO FP WwW DN

~0929104. TXT

No, I’m not going to allow it. That is not
proper.

MR. GOLDBERGER: Okay.

MR. LEOPOLD: If he wants to say that she's
lying after asking it Five times and her
explaining in great detail, he can do that. But
|'m not going to allow her to answer, nor be
harassed by him. It's improper.

MR. GOLDBERGER: Okay. But your response
that Counsel doesn't like the question -- or
doesn't like the answer -- just let me finish.

MR. LEOPOLD: Absolutely. 1! wasn't going

60
to interrupt you.

MR. GOLDBERGER: Just requires us to say we
like the answer to that question. And it’s not
you and | or you and Mr. Tein who are testifying
here. It's the witness.

MR. LEOPOLD: Fine. But after the sixth
time of asking the same question and then coming
back and pointing a finger at her and saying,
you're a liar --

MR. TEIN: That didn't happen.

MR. LEOPOLD: That's fine. But I'm not
going to allow her to answer that question because
she's answered that same question and has
explained it.

Now Counsel might be sitting there rubbing
his head with a migraine. That's his problem.

But if he can't ask a question appropriately in a

Page 51

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012446
"
TEXT-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033267.txt,"From: 
Sent: 
To: 
Subject: 
Attachments: 
Larry Visoski 
1/8/2018 2:02:30 PM 
Je vacation [jeevacation@gmail.com] 
POTUS 
image002.png 
Jeffrey 
FYI 
Trump estimate arrival Jan 12 evening 
POTUS arrival — Friday, January 12th, time TBD (likely PM) 
POTUS departure — Monday, January 15th, time TBD (likely PM) 
Advance teams arrive tomorrow — hope to learn more specific times for these movements and will update you. 
Rumors of a visit the following week are surfacing — January 10-21 st.  
Seth Mager 
Customer Relations Manager 
Sent from my iPhone 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 033267 
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029006.txt,"JEE

Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029006
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029087.txt,"From: Jeremy Rubin 
Sent: 2/1/2017 5:18:08 AM 
To: jeffrey E. [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Subject: Greetings from Japan 
Importance: High 
Hey Jeffrey, 
Thought I'd check in and see what's up on your end. 
- I've been watching closely Trump's appointees and there, he might be putting Balaji (a big bitcoiner) 
as FDA head, and Allison seems to be somewhat in favor of something like Bitcoin. And of course, 
Thiel has said that Bitcoin is what Paypal should have been... Curious to hear where your head is at 
on this matter. 
- Last week, I presented my research at Stanford's BPASE, it was well received. The most interesting 
thing I came up with for that is an inverse-input contract; i.e., funds that are ""locked"" to be spent only 
in the case where there are other funds that are not used in a specific way. An example of something 
that could be built with this: a matching donation contract, where you agree to donate your money to 
charity if someone else donates to charity, and you would not be able to release your funds from that 
agreement until they use their funds not for charity. 
- I'm in Japan this week, teaching a class to 100 Japanese Engineers to get the up to speed on 
bitcoin (with DG). It's very interesting to see the trepidation first hand that they have with respect to 
the technology, despite their debit-based society being more geared for it in any case (DG felt that 
even putting Bitcoin in the course name would scare away students). One of my friends (a hedge 
fund manager) told me that female japanese engineers are very good, and drastically under-valued. I 
made sure to get a few invited to the class, we'll see if he's right. On the whole, it will be interesting to 
see the caliber of engineer Japan has to offer on this front. 
Best, 
Jeremy 
@JeremyRubin 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 029087 
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012826.txt,"Stotting handicaps the individual, imposing a significant cost on the ability to move. But the cost paid is
relative to the individual’s condition. Without the cost and the ability to manage it, everyone could stot.
And if everyone could stot, the cats would quickly figure out how meaningless it is and look for other
cues to vulnerability.

Stotting appears excessive, but in fact is an honest signal of power. It is, to borrow a phrase from
the economist Thorstein Veblen, ""conspicuous consumption."" By flaunting their superior condition,
throwing away resources just because they can, these stotting gazelles benefit in the long run, living
longer and leaving more offspring who will inherit their qualities. These ideas carry over into human
behavior, from big spenders to, I suggest, big harmers.

The American anthropologist James Boone has suggested that human magnanimity evolved as
did stotting, as an honest signal of wealth and power. It represents a desire to impress through wastage.
Handicap yourself in the short run to benefit your wealth and status in the long run. Big tippers don't tip
1n private, but in the presence of those who can admire their lavish tips. Hunter-gatherers who bring home
large prey from a day of hunting don't make cryptic deposits for others, but make sure that their offerings
are public. The Mayan pyramids were not built for personal enjoyment behind walled enclosures, but in
the open, visible to potential enemies as displays of excessive power to create something really big and
costly. Rappers such as JayZ, Puff Daddy, and 50 cent don't have absurdly lavish cribs with a six pack of
sports cars because this is what they like, but because this is what they can show offon MTV. Flaunting,
even at a substantial cost, provides a path to power. This is a club whose motto reads “Impress with
excess.”

My suggestion is that excessive harms work as honest signals of wealth and power. Here we
combine the HOW of evil— discussed in this chapter — with the WHY of evil — discussed in chapter 1.
When millions are raped, slashed, burned, chopped up, gored, and dropped out of planes before dying,
there are only two possible explanations: the evildoer is clinically mad with no sense of moderation or a
healthy schemer who has allowed desire to run wild. The schemers are like stotting gazelles, wanting to
impress others of their awesome powers by performing high risk displays. The schemers deploy
proactive, premeditated, and cold violence — like predators. As the sociologist Wolfgang Sofsky noted in
his commentary on the Nazi concentration camps “Individuals demonstrated commitment by acting, on
their own initiative, with greater brutality than their orders called for. Thus excess did not spring from
mechanical obedience. On the contrary; its matrix was a group structure where it was expected that
members exceed the limits of normal violence.” Unfortunately for society — past, present and future —
the Nazis are not an isolated case. When Slobodan Milosevic, Radovan Karadic, and Ratko Mladic
launched their ethnic cleansing initiative, they didn’t just displace or kill Albanians and Croatians, they

raped their women, old and young, in front of husbands, fathers, and grandfathers — and then killed man

Hauser Chapter 2. Runaway desire 80

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012826
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010537.txt,"JaMES PATTERSON

“Ips the Icarus story, someone who flies too close to the sun,”
that journalist said in reference to “the agony” of Epstein’s legal
“ordeal.”

“Did Icarus like massages?” Epstein responded.

But after Epstein’s indictment, there were no more boasts.
For the most part, he kept silent in public and retreated into his
Eyes Wide Shut world. And when the New York Times did manage
to get him to speak on the record, he spoke like a chastened man.

Sitting on his patio down on Little St. James, Epstein likened
himself to the shipwrecked Gulliver after he washes ashore on
Lilliput.

“Gulliver’s playfulness had unintended consequences,” he said.

On the eve of his departure, he had a few more things to say:

“That is what happens with wealth. There are unexpected
burdens as well as benefits. ...”

“Your body can be confined, but not your mind....”

“I am not blameless...”

Outside of the agreement he'd signed with the prosecutor's
office, this was the closest Epstein had come to admitting his
guilt. But strange details were sprinkled throughout the story.
He had formed a “board of directors of friends” who would coun-
sel him on his behavior. And, seemingly for the first time, he'd
hired a full-time masseur—a man.

Readers of the New York Times might have wondered: Epstein

was going to jail for eighteen months. What need would he have ~ 2

for a full-time masseur?

The story’s last line hinted at the answer: in preparation for 3

incarceration, Epstein had set up an e-mail alert.

From then on, his automatic reply would read “On vacation.” ~

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010537
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013286.txt,"a mentor to finance-minded graduates of the University of
Richmond, his alma mater. Died May 10 of colon cancer.

Joyce Brothers, 85. Armed with a Ph.D. in psychology, she became
a pioneer in dispensing advice about love, self-image and sex on
U.S. television and radio and syndicated newspaper columns,
starting in the late 1950s. Died May 13 of respiratory failure.

Chuck Muncie, 60. A running back for the NFL’s New Orleans
Saints and San Diego Chargers who in 1981 set a record for
rushing touchdowns in a season and then had his career cut short
because of cocaine use. Died May 13 of a heart attack.

Jorge Rafael Videla, 87. Argentina’s military junta leader, who
oversaw a Campaign of murder and kidnapping from 1976 to 1981.
Died May 17 in a Buenos Aires prison, where he was serving a

life sentence for human rights violations.

Ken Venturi, 82. The American golfer who won the 1964 U.S. Open
and spent 35 years as a TV golf analyst. Died May 17 of a spinal
infection and pneumonia.

Isabel Benham, 103. Her mastery of U.S. railroad financing in
the 1930s made her an influential bond analyst and in 1964 she
became the first female partner at R.W. Pressprich & Co., a Wall
Street firm. Died May 18.

Ray Manzarek, 74. The keyboardist and songwriter who with Jim
Morrison founded The Doors, a 1960s U.S. rock group that sold
more than 100 million records. Died May 20 of bile duct cancer.

John Q. Hammons, 94. He created John Q. Hammons Hotels in 1969
and became the largest private, independent upscale-hotel

manager in the U.S., developing properties for brands such as
Marriott, Renaissance and Embassy Suites. Died May 26.

Roberto Civita, 76. An Italian-born entrepreneur, who became the
billionaire chairman of Grupo Abril, which publishes some of
Brazil's most-read magazines. Died May 26 of complications from
an abdominal aneurysm.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013286
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029760.txt,"Schneider says, ""Just bring me a size 8 tie shoe.""

The salesman brings them, Schneider stuffs his feet into them, ties them tight, stands up
and winces.

When he sees how confused the salesman is, he says, ""Listen, I lost my business and my
house, I live with my mother-in-law, my wife is fucking my best friend, my daughter is pregnant
and my son deals crystal meth. The only pleasure I have in life is taking off these fucking
shoes.""

KRKEKKKKKKK

A midget's marooned on a desert island for fourteen years and finally one day he's
rescued. When they get him to shore, they ask him what he'd like.

He says, ""You know damn well what I'd like.""

They take him to a brothel, he goes upstairs with a girl, they go ina room and they both
get undressed. Then he puts on a condom, puts some cotton in each ear and puts a clothespin on
his nose.

The girl says, ""What the hell are you doing?""

The midget says, ""If there's two things in this world that I hate, it's the sound of a
woman screaming and the smell of burning rubber.""

KKEKKKKKKK

Fugelsang says to the doctor, ""I'm thinking about having a vasectomy.""
The doctor says, ""That's a pretty big decision. Have you talked it over with your family?""
Fugelsang says, ""Yeah. They're in favor of it, fourteen to three.""

KRKEKKKKKKK

Two Spanish guys show up at The Gates of Heaven and the first one says, ""We want in.""
St. Peter says, ""Let me go ask God.""
He walks over to God and says, ""God, there are two Spanish guys at The Gates who want
ier
God says, ""If they are good people, let them in.""
St. Peter goes back to The Gates, and then comes back to God and says, ""They're gone.""
God says, ""The Spanish guys?""
St. Peter says, ""No. The Gates.""

RaKKKKK
A waiter brings a lady her clam chowder and she sees his thumb is hooked over the cup.

She says, ""Waiter, you've got your thumb in my soup.""
He says, ""Yeah. I got the arthritis, and the warm makes it feel much better.""

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029760
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030231.txt,"So as soon as you turn 16 you are able to have sexual relations. And you can have sexual relations with a minor (under 18) until
your 24th birthday.

‘Females for JE': Disturbing log of telephone calls from schoolchildren found in sex den of Duke's billionaire friend

By Stephen Wright <<http:/Awww.dailymail.co.uk/home/search.html?s=y &authornamef=Stephen+Wright>
http://www.dailymail.co.uk/home/search.html?s=y &authornamef=Stephen+Wright>

Last updated at 6:30 PM on 9th March 2011

Details of the disturbing lifestyle led by Jeffrey Epstein emerged last night after the Daily Mail uncovered logs of telephone
messages left at his Florida child sex den.

Schoolchildren were among hundreds of callers who apparently rang to arrange massages for the 58-year-old billionaire friend of
Prince Andrew, who was later convicted of child sex offences.

Ghislaine Maxwell, 49-year-old daughter of the disgraced media mogul Robert Maxwell, is named in several messages.
Disturbing: Messages were found in Florida home of Jeffrey Epstein, left. The billionaire, 58, is a friend of Prince Andrew, right
In one left for her or ‘Sarah’, a caller says she ‘doesn’t know at what time she must come this night for the massage’.

Other messages for Epstein, the sources of which are not clear, contain such phrases as: ‘She has females for Mr JE’ and ‘Ihave a
female for him’.

Another with sickening overtones comes from someone called Jeanluc for Epstein: ‘He just did a good one — 18 years. (She spoke
to me and said, “I love Jeffrey’’)’.

The long list of women is punctuated by regular references to Epstein’s celebrity friends including the business magnate Donald
Trump, film producer Harvey Weinstein and magician David Copperfield, referred to as ‘Magic David’.

The sheer volume of phone traffic shows the frequency of Epstein’s massages, many of which were ‘erotic’ and allegedly
involved the abused girls.

The evidence is from documents confiscated by police during a criminal investigation into Epstein and seen yesterday by the
Mail.

<image.png>

<image.png>

Logs: Two of the answer phone messages. Miss Maxwell is asked, right, when a girl should give a massage

One message left for Epstein reads: ‘She is wondering if 2.30 ok cuz she needs to stay in school.’

It was left in February 2005 — the same year that the mother of a 14-year-old girl alerted police to Epstein’s abuse.
Another note shows that ‘Colleen’ phoned to tell Epstein: “Going into class — will be out in 45 min.’

Last night the Daily Mail tried to contact the people whose names and telephone numbers are included in the logs.

One girl named Jenny, who had left her number, hung up immediately when asked about Epstein.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030231
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011629.txt,"armies: one-and-a-half million soldiers. Thousands of tanks. Hundreds of
fighter jets. Other, much larger nations had endured months, even years, of hell
before prevailing in such circumstances: the Soviet Union, for instance, with its
huge strategic depth, or France, rescued by its American-led allies, during
World War Two.

But any pride in having prevailed was outweighed by simple relief Israel had
survived. Even that was nothing compared to the sadness felt over friends lost,
and the resentment and sense of betrayal toward the generals and political
leaders who had failed to prepare the country for the surprise attacks, or the
initial confusion and dissension in some of our commanders’ response to the
early setbacks on the ground. Dozens of meetings were held in military units
after the war to talk about what had gone wrong. I was not the only young
officer to notice that the higher up the command chain they went, the more
unedifying they became. After we’d heard one too many senior officer fine-
tuning his account with each retelling, minimizing his share for the huge losses,
a new phrase entered Israeli army slang. Sipurei kravot — “battle stories” — were
the words usually used to describe a normal debriefing process. That expression
was now amended, to shipurei kravot. Battle improvements.

I was assigned to convert my makeshift force into a regular armored training
unit: Battalion 532, and that slightly delayed my reunion with Nava and Mikhal.
But in their absence, I found us a larger apartment in the Tel Aviv suburb of
Ramat Hasharon. Nava and I agreed that at the first opportunity, I’d return to
California and we’d fly back together. I went at the end of the year. We bought
a refrigerator and a washing machine for the new flat — better models, and
cheaper, than those available in Israel — and came home. Those few December
days in Palo Alto were a jumble of emotions. Happiness, at being back together.
But also a sobering sense, now that I was outside Israel for the first time since
the war, of the enormity of the threat we’d faced and the frustration and fear
Nava must have felt as we’d fought to defeat it. The year-end news
retrospectives we watched on American TV were full of film clips from the first
hours of the war, when it looked very possible we would lose. I remember being
struck by the thought that, if we had lost, if Israel had ceased to exist,
ceremonies of memorial and mourning would have been held across America,
probably in Stanford. But that once the shock and sadness had passed, Israel’s
disappearance would not have impinged on a single NFL Sunday, or delayed a
single family shopping visit to J. C. Penny.

158
HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011629
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030678.txt,"communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030678
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012320.txt,"aN

10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25

2007-04-25 MEE 11

Q. Now I know you that you mentioned that you had
a baby. Is that the baby's father?

A. No, no, thank God.

Q. who is the baby's father?

—

Q. Okay, PY And were you still going

to Jeffrey's when you were pregnant?

A. I would bring girls there when I was pregnant.

what you were doing at Jeffrey's house?

Q. So did --

Jeffrey actually threw me my baby shower and he got me
furniture and a nice rattle for my son and just really
nice things, I love mommy frames.

Q. was the shower at his house and did he attend?

A. No, no, at my house, at my house. And no,
jeffrey wasn’t there. He just sent to bring me
gifts for the baby.

Q. oh, okay.

38

BY AGENT RICHARDS:
q. oid ever go over there with you?
No.

He stayed away.

> HD PF

No, he didn't go, no.
Page 39

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012320
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024926.txt,"some of the ups and downs of his writing career and how hard it is to make a
living as any kind of a writer, let alone a “rock journalist.” and the people who

created it, seriously.

Now everybody writes about rock and roll that way. Jules was one of the
people who did it first. “Goodbye Surfing, Hello God!” is Jules’s most famous
example of rock journalism, but | think his most revolutionary is his article
“The Big Beat.” It appeared in the Playboy-esque Cavalier magazine in 1965
and is one of the earliest writings I’ve ever seen on the development of rock
and roll, from slaves singing in chains on their way to America to Bob Dylan

“going electric” at the Newport Folk Festival.

Jules Siegel died of a heart attack on November 17, 2012 at the age of 77.
He was a brilliant author, but neither Rolling Stone nor the New York

Times honored him with an obituary. Not even a fake one.
COMIC STRIPS
Art Spiegelman tells me his work at Cavalier 50 years ago:

I was first invited into the mag to do two full-color comix pages in 1969 (when being printed in color
was a Very Big Deal for me as was Getting Paid more than 25 bucks for a drawing), somehow in
proximity to a big article on underground comix. It was around the time Vaughn Bode was made a
regular contributor to the magazine, They were running some Crumb “Fritz the Cat” pages. All thanx

to their hip, laid back and kind editor, Alan LeMond.

I also did some gag cartoons, short strips and occasional illustrations for Cavalier (one especially
bad drawing for a story by Bruce Jay Friedman, I recall). My work in 1969, as an apprentice
underground cartoonist taking too many drugs was really, really awful so I'm grateful for the editor's
hip and laid-back kindness. But, hey, I was proud to be in a mag that published pieces by Pynchon,

Manny Farber and you.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024926
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027866.txt,"aroma always wafting from the stone ovens in the bakery at the heart of the
kibbutz, where we could see the bare-chested young men producing loaf after
loaf of bread, not just for Mishmar Hasharon but villages and towns for miles
around us.

Until our teenage years, we lived in narrow, oblong homes, four of us to a
room, unfurnished except for our beds, under which we placed our pair of shoes
or sandals. At one end of the corridor was a set of shelves where we collected a
clean set of underwear, pants and socks each week. At the other end were the
toilets — at that point, the only indoor toilets on the kibbutz, with real toilet-
seats, rather than just holes in the ground. All of us showered together until the
age of twelve. I can’t think of a single one of us who went on to marry someone
from our own age-group in the kibbutz. It would have seemed almost
incestuous.

Mishmar Hasharon and other kibbutzim have long since abandoned the
practice of collective child-rearing. Some in my generation look back on the
way we were raised not only with regret, but pain: a sense of parental absence,
abandonment or neglect. My own memories, and those of most of the children I
grew up with, are more positive. The irony is that we probably spent more
waking time with our parents than town or city children whose mothers and
fathers worked nine-to-five jobs. The difference came at bedtime, or during the
night. If you woke up unsettled, or ill, the only immediate prospect of comfort
was from the metapeled, or another of the kibbutz grown-ups who might be on
overnight duty. Still, my childhood memories are overwhelmingly of feeling
happy, safe, protected. I do remember waking up once, late on a stormy winter
night when I was nine, in the grips of a terrible fever. I’d begun to hallucinate. I
got to my feet and, without the thought of looking anywhere else for help, made
my wobbly way through the rain to my parents’ room and fell into their bed.
They hugged me. They dabbed my forehead with water. The next morning, my
father wrapped me in a blanket and took me back to the children’s home.

To the extent that I was aware my childhood was different, I was given to
understand it was special, that we were the beating heart of a Jewish state about
to be born. I once asked my mother why other children got to live in their own
apartments in places like Tel Aviv. “They are ironim,” she said. City-dwellers.
Her tone made it clear they were to be viewed as a slightly lesser species.

18

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027866
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017877.txt,"812

jurisdiction). “If a plaintiff has identified
a genuine issue of jurisdictional fact, juris-
dictional discovery is appropriate even in
the absence of a prima facie showing as to
the existence of jurisdiction.” Daventree,
349 F.Supp.2d 7386 at 761, 2004 WL
2997881, at *20 (citing Im re Magnetic
Audiotape, 334 F.3d at 207-08). Courts
are not obligated to subject a foreign de-
fendant to discovery, however, where the
allegations of jurisdictional facts, con-
strued in plaintiffs’ favor, fail to state a
basis for the exercise of jurisdiction or
where discovery would not uncover suffi-
cient facts to sustain jurisdiction. Jd. (cit-
ing Jazini, 148 F.3d at 183-85 (granting
motion to dismiss and denying jurisdiction-
al discovery where complaint was de-
scribed as “sparse” and “conclusory”)); see
also Cornell v. Assicurazioni Generali
S.p.A., Consolidated, Nos. 97 Civ. 2262, 98
Civ. 9186(MBM), 2000 WL 284222, at *2
(S.D.N.Y. Mar. 16, 2000) (granting motion
to dismiss and denying request for juris-
dictional discovery where the complaint
stated, without any supporting facts, that
the defendant “participates in a ‘multina-
tional insurance arrangement’ present in
the State of New York”); Im re Ski Train
Fire in Kaprun, Austria, 230 F.Supp.2d at
410-413 (granting motion to dismiss and
denying jurisdictional discovery where
complaint only contained conclusory alle-
gations).

D. Application of Plaintiffs’ Theo-
ries to Moving Defendants

1. Prince Sultan

The Court outlined the allegations
against Prince Sultan in Part I.B.1. With
respect to Prince Sultan’s contacts with
the United States, Plaintiffs allege that
“Saudi Royal family members own sub-
stantial assets in the United States of
America, and do substantial business in
the United States of America, the profits
of which in part, are used to fund interna-

349 FEDERAL SUPPLEMENT, 2d SERIES

tional terrorist acts, including those which
led to the murderous attacks of September
11, 2001.” See Ashton Complaint 1296.
There is no indication of whether these
unspecified members of the Royal family
include Prince Sultan. Most Plaintiffs also
claim Prince Sultan is the ex-officio Chair-
man of the Board of Saudi Arabia Airlines,
“which does business in the United States
and internationally.” Burnett Complaint
1340; Ashton Complaint 1253; Barrera
Complaint 1255; Salvo Complaint 1245;
Tremsky Complaint 1180. The Federal
Plaintiffs do not make a similar allegation.

[57] To the extent these allegations are
an attempt to establish general jurisdiction
over Prince Sultan, they are insufficient.
See In ve Baan Co. Sec. Litig, 245
F.Supp.2d 117, 180 (D.D.C.2003) (refusing
to hold that control status in foreign corpo-
ration with United States office is suffi-
cient for personal jurisdiction over individ-
ual); Cornell, 2000 WL 284222, at *2
(granting motion to dismiss where com-
plaint contained one conclusory statement
regarding jurisdiction); Family Internet,
Inc. v. Cybernex, Inc, No. 98 Civ.
06377RWS), 1999 WL 796177, at *4
(S.D.N.Y. Oct. 6, 1999) (holding that per-
sonal jurisdiction must be individually es-
tablished over corporate officers even
when the court has personal jurisdiction
over the corporation itself).

[58] Proceeding under the purposefully
directed activities theory of personal juris-
diction, Plaintiffs argue that Prince Sultan
knew or should have known the organiza-
tions to which he donated were funneling
money to al Qaeda and that al Qaeda’s
primary target was the United States.
Consol. Plaintiffs’ Opp. at 23. Prince Sul-
tan argues that his alleged actions cannot
satisfy the minimum contacts requirement
since the Second Circuit’s recent descrip-
tion of Calder requires “primary partici-
pa[tion] in intentional wrongdoing.” See

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017877
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031566.txt,"From: Michael Wolff

Sent: 5/30/2019 9:37:43 PM
To: J [jeevacation@gmail.com]
Subject: Re:

Importance: — High

Starting to smell sweet, the way you put it!

On Thu, May 30, 2019 at 5:35 PM J <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:

reminder trump overuled congress on yemen .

On Thu, May 30, 2019 at 5:33 PM Michael Wolff i wrote:

So MBS was paying him off? Why? Ideas?

On Thu, May 30, 2019 at 5:29 PM J <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:

is it a coincidence that the russian that bought the house in palm beach and knows all , is the same guy that
sold a painting last year to mbs for 450 million dollars. that was only worth 1. 5m?

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031566
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024715.txt,"ACKRELL
CAPITAL CHAPTER IV_ U.S. Legal Landscape

Monthly Marijuana-Related SAR Filings

1600
1400
1200
1000
800
600
400

200

0
Q2 2014 Q4 2014 Q2 2015 Q4 2015 Q2 2016 Q4 2016 Q2 2017

mums Limited mau Priority mam Termination

Depository Institutions Making Marijuana-Related SAR Filings

0
Q2 2014 Q4 2014 Q2 2015 Q4 2015 Q2 2016 Q4 2016 Q2 2017
M8 Banks M8 Credit Unions

Source: Financial Crimes Enforcement Network

The upward trend in the frequency of marijuana-related SAR filings, as well as the growing number
of depository institutions making such filings, indicate cannabis businesses increasingly are accessing
the federal banking system despite federal law.

© 2017 Ackrell Capital, LLC | Member FINRA/SIPC 79

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024715
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021507.txt,"d

(Rev, 06-04-2007) ® e

FEDERAL BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION

Precedence: PRIORITY Date: 03/05/2008
To: Miami Attn: [ b6
Third Party Draft : b7¢c

Betas 8 [pg
PB-2/PBCRA

From: Miami
PB-1/PBCRA
Contact: AFI

Approved By
Drafted By:
Case ID #: WLE-MM-108062 (Pendtrre}

Title: JEFFREY EPSTEIN;

WSTA - CHILD PROSTITUTION

Synopsis: This EC was originally submitted on 5/1/07 but not
uploaded or filed and is therefore being resubmitted. Reaurst

advance of $ to pay for certified copies b3
reference captioned case.

Enclosure(s): Enclosed for Third Party Draft is a copy of a
certification request sheet for to be
submitted to the State of Delaware, Division of Corporations.
Details: On 4/27/07, Assistant U.S. Attorne

requested that AFI b3
certified copies for b6

potential b7c

the purboss of prosecution of captions case an

5/1/07, AFI[__]| telephonically contacted the
State of Delaware, Division of Corporations (DEDOC) regarding
the procedure for obtaining oo
DEDOC representative advised that

The DEDOC representative also confirmed that no taxes

s.

b7Cc

(LA Wile Jol.ec BE -vit10 200213

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021507

"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023981.txt,"Located 20 minutes north of Miami Beach in the heart of Aventura, Starting

Fairmont Turnberry Isle Resort & Club mixes country club charm with Wednesday 27/7
the sleek styling of a boutique hotel. The 392-room property is home to

two Raymond Floyd-designed golf courses and the Laguna Pool, which at 8pm BST
features a water slide, a lazy river and cabanas outfitted with TVs and aS =
refrigerators (this is Miami, after all). With its family-friendly vibe,
Turnberry Isle falls somewhere between Grossinger's in the Catskills (at
its legendary height) and a posh island resort.

Click here to preview sale

French Service Meets American History

Sofitel - Philadelphia

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023981
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027655.txt,"Source

Servic

6n 2019-05-06 at. 07.57.09. 10chat

Start Time:

End Time:

Messages

Last Message ID:

iMessag
04/30/19 03:29:13 AM (578312953)
05/06/19 07:29:05 AM (578845745)

28743

Chat Room:

Presentity IDs: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com, [IIR

Sender: iy

Time:
Flags:

Is Read:

Is Invitation:

GUID:

Message:

04/30/19 03:29:13 AM

(578312953)

1126401

Yes

No

3393303 1-6F 71L-4B2Z SAB10-C06s247D1 P36

Entry: H\Macintosh HD\root\Users\jee\Library\Messages\Archive\2019-05-06\

is here then for dinner

Turns out this was about Thursday not yesterday h

Sender:
Time:

Flags:

04/30/19 03:40:23 AM

:jeeitunes@gmail.com

(578313623)

1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No
GUID: 1408464A-EB93-4FA1-886A-60289DDDEC95
Message: as i thought. trump trying to stop deutsch bank

eric and

all employees. wow

Time:
Flags:

Is Read:

Is Invitation:

04/30/19 03:41:48 AM

(578313708)

1060865

Yes

No

GUID: A300F943-148F-4BC3-991D-767F95BBFC29

Message:

Sender:

They won't be able to withhold the docs

Time:

Flags:

04/30/19 03:42:31 AM

:jeeitunes@gmail.com

(578313751)

1085445

ITs Read: No

Is Invitation:

GUID:

Message:

2977EB20-FD68-480E

No

AODI-CAI190DEBC985

of course not. but the dive is soooo deep.

only a matter of time.

I read the filing

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027655
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020619.txt,"160

Science et ses Applications, cofounded by the French and PRC Science Academies,
promotes stays in France for Chinese scientists. It does not list any Chinese sponsoring
firm. Huawei has been a major donor to the Institut des Hautes Etudes Scientifiques
(IHES), France’s famous mathematics institution. The Fondation Victor Segalen is

a partnership between a French business school, ESCP, and China’s NDRC, and is
sponsored by Huawei and a roster of French firms. Among the recent spate of Belt and
Road Initiative conferences, one at IRIS, a Paris-based think tank, was sponsored by the
PRC embassy in France.

Media

The PRC now controls the only Chinese-language print media in France. Its TV channels
(plus the Hong Kong-based Phoenix TV) are the only Chinese-language channels
carried to France and its overseas territories. In the French-language media, China does
not have a very strong position and the country’s officials deplore what they believe

is negative reporting by French reporters. The PRC has had more success with the
publishing world, where several books have appeared praising the Chinese model. The
most noted example is Francois Jullien, a literature professor turned philosopher who
emphasizes that China’s thought is ”perpendicular to ours.” Jullien’s work is popular
among China-oriented businessmen. Michel Aglietta, an anticapitalist economist,
promotes China’s state-driven economy, while Philippe Barret, a former Maoist activist
of the late 1960s turned government official and sovereigntist, published a book in
2018 titled “N’ayez pas peur de la Chine” (“Do not fear China”).

GERMANY

China has so far made only a few conspicuous efforts to exert improper interference
in German politics, society, and business.' Those that have occurred, however, deserve
attention, and, coupled with the overwhelming resources dedicated to nominally
legitimate influence activities, will demand a coherent counterstrategy over time.

Chinese influence activities in Germany seem sophisticated even though they
currently do not appear very effective. The problem from the Chinese point of view

is that German public opinion and its media are traditionally critical of the Chinese
leadership. The Tiananmen Square massacre still plays an outsize role in Germans’
public perception of China as it fell on the same year that East Germany began to
open up. Thus, instead of launching a PR campaign to play on German skepticism of
the United States (for example), as China does elsewhere, Chinese agencies have so far
confined themselves to: (a) targeting younger persons—those who have a professional
or academic interest in China; (b) weakening the EU and thus subverting a crucial
foundation of Germany’s influence; and (c) directing their major thrust at the one part

Appendix 2

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020619
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024036.txt,"and upper classes in these countries is growing rapidly, and the spending power of these
groups is becoming important to the global economy in many sectors. As the populations of
these countries become more affluent, a greater proportion of their GDP is being spent on health
care, and this is leading to rapid growth in many different healthcare product sectors in these
countries. For example, China’s prescription drug market, which is projected to be the world’s
second largest by 2020, is projected to grow to more than $110 billion by 2015 - up from $50
billion in 2010.25 The medical device market in China is showing a similar growth pattern, with
the current $17 billion medtech market (world’s fourth largest) projected to more than double
within the next five years. This growth in emerging economies is expected to continue for the
foreseeable future, and as it does, it will open vast new markets for established healthcare
products companies in more developed countries, and will become increasingly important as a
percentage of sales of global brands. At the same time, it will create opportunities for smaller,
U.S. based companies to partner with large multinationals and domestic companies in the
BRICs that have established distribution channels in these markets.

SIGNIFICANT OPPORTUNITY CREATED BY HEALTHCARE REFORM &
RESTRUCTURING

As a result of the strong growth in healthcare expenditures, for at least the next decade, and
likely much longer, the healthcare industry in the U.S. will be going through a period of
significant reform and restructuring as the increasing healthcare costs place unsustainable fiscal
burdens on government programs. After years of dire predictions and endless debate amongst
elected officials, pundits, corporate leaders, and patient advocacy groups, there is recognition
that long term healthcare liabilities are a critical issue and require broad reform to control their
growth before they lead to irreparable fiscal harm. While much of the attention in these
initiatives is focused on identifying opportunities to cut costs, the silver lining in them for
investors is that their objectives also seek to improve the quality of healthcare and to
substantially broaden the population that has access to healthcare services covered by third
party payment.

In the U.S., the Federal Government has laid the foundations for restructuring the healthcare
system through two key pieces of legislation. First, the HITECH Act provides large government
subsidies for the adoption of IT tools by healthcare providers. The Federal Government has
recognized that a fundamental underpinning of healthcare reform is a massive upgrade of the
information technology infrastructure at all levels of the industry, and through this legislation
has earmarked $26 billion dollars in direct subsidies to catalyze investment in this area.

The second key piece of legislation is the ACA, which is being implemented as a first step in the
overhaul of the U.S. healthcare system. The ACA was signed into law in the U.S. in 2010 and
begins its implementation phase in 2014. It is a complex piece of legislation that is designed to
reform and overhaul many aspects of the U.S. healthcare system. The goals of the ACA are to
increase the affordability and rate of health insurance coverage for all Americans, and to control
the runaway growth in costs of health care faced by government, employers, and individuals.
The ACA mandates a number of broad reaching mechanisms to achieve these goals, and

2 Reuters
26 InVivo (Elseveir), June 2013

25 CONTROL NUMBER 257 - CONFIDENTIAL

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024036
"
IMAGES-012-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033122.txt,"From: J [jeevacation@gmail.com]

Sent: 9/26/2018 5:14:42 PM
To: Jack LANG
Subject: Re:

tom pritzker has asked if you have ideas re the Pritzker Prize

On Wed, Sep 19, 2018 at 10:56 AM, Jack LANG {> wrote:

Dear Jerffrey,

Dear Jerffrey,

Have you received my email about Serge Moati's film project?
Our recent conversation on Trump was exciting.

Once again you are right.

See you soon,

With my friendship,

Jack
Le 12 sept. 2018 a 13:24, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> a écrit :

Jack- tom - tom jacques

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033122
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030693.txt,"From: Michael Wolff

Sent: 1/18/2018 2:20:01 PM
To: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com]
Subject: Re:

Importance: — High
Ha! On another note, this Woody thing is going south very quickly. Planning to speak to them this morning.

On Thu, Jan 18, 2018 at 9:17 AM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:
why dont we also ask harvey weinstein to join to make sure we dont get any press :)

On Thu, Jan 18, 2018 at 9:16 AM, Michael Wolff > wrote:

don't forget I want to go with you to the mid east sometime...

On Thu, Jan 18, 2018 at 9:15 AM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:
im off sat to europe mid east etc. return around the 30

On Thu, Jan 18, 2018 at 9:08 AM, Michael Wolff qq > wrote:

Bannon's ""nationalist-populist"" platform is coherent, rational, and, apparently appealing to a great many
people. I can't see why at this point he wouldn't want to use his world-stage stature to make an argument for
it and to claim leadership of it. What does he have to lose? What else is there, except to suck up to Trump,
and get the chance to be manhandled by him again?

On Thu, Jan 18, 2018 at 8:54 AM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:
Great.
Im thrilled for you. At the moment he’s coming tomorrow night

On Thu, Jan 18, 2018 at 8:42 AM Michael Wolff (> wrote:
All good. I am everybody's darling. Have to keep reminding people that I am actually quite unpopular.
Apparently thing of the past--for now (excepting among a small circle of journalists). Ira Rosen, a 60
Minutes producer and a friend of Bannon's, came with a message from SB: ""You own me a few million.”
Rosen also says he believes SB now weighing the strategy of making a formal and public break with
Trump. I can't get together today because I have to leave for DC at 11AM to speak to 800 book buyers
(not to mention pre-signing 800 books). Then tomorrow AM to LA to do Bill Maher show. Making
money is hard work.

On Thu, Jan 18, 2018 at 7:38 AM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:
how was it.? why dont you stop by today so we can script tomorrow. - assuming no change. . prefer no
details on email

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030693
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015255.txt,"always--move from a human form to a reptilian-type form. There is the
Mayan legend of the iguana. Lizard-like aliens had descended upon the
Mayans. Their pyramids—their advanced astronomical technology
including the sacrifice of virgins—were supposedly inspired by lizard aliens.
When the aliens interbred with the Mayans, they produced a form of life
they could inhabit. They fluctuated between a human and iguana
appearance in chameleon-like abilities, a perfect vehicle for transforming
into world leaders.

“Those who have seen a reptilian-type ethereal figure enveloping
and following around humans and locking into them in those lower two
chakra points, vortex points, for me, is possession. The more |’ ve
understood this, the more |’ ve realized just how many people, particularly
these bloodlines, are actually controlled by these other-dimensional forces,
and while we appear to be seeing a president or a banking leader in a
physical form, the actual point of control is beyond that and
overshadowing it, and on some occasion people see that overshadowing
entity.”

One wonders whether such a defense— “The reptile made me do

it!” —will some day be used in a court of law.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015255
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013482.txt,"From: Steven Victor MD 111.11111..... 
Sent: 11/23/2012 1:06:38 PM 
To: 
CC: 
Subject: Report on Stem Cells future 
PUBLISHED: 22 NOVEMBER 2012 
The view from the US: Stem cell therapy steps up a gear with first 
approval and improved political climate 
Special Report 
Peter Winter 
Positive clinical data, increases in federal funding and the first regulatory approval of a manufactured stem 
cell product mean momentum is building in the US. With the re-election of President Obama, this is likely to 
conf nue 
Share on twitterShare on linkedinShare on facebookShare on email  
Image: Bigstock 
When US President Barack Obama came into office he made good on his promise to overturn President George W. Bush's executive 
order that - with the exception of a handful of existing stem cell lines - prohibited federal funding of human embryonic stem cell (hESC) 
research. 
Special Report - Stem Cell Research under Horizon 2020 
Stem Cell Research in Horizon 2020: Experts debate what Europe must do to maintain its lead in regenerative medicine  
The view from the US: Stem cell therapy steps up a gear with first approval and improved political climate  
View from Europe: Delivering on the vision of regenerative medicine and stem cells  
Talking to the experts: Why the EU should support human embryonic stem cell research in Horizon 2020  
OVERVIEW: Regenerate the future - human embryonic stem cell research is crucial to deliver health and growth  
This easing of restrictions on hESC research was expected to engender enough confidence to attract investors into the space and 
encourage pharmaceutical and biotech companies to build robust product pipelines based on stem cell therapies. However, a tougher 
regulatory climate for biopharmaceuticals in general and a protracted legal challenge to the relaxing of rules on hESCs has served to 
keep both big pharma companies and venture capitalists on the sidelines to date. 
Nevertheless, there has been progress, particularly at the research end of the development spectrum. Three and a half years on stem 
cells are no longer high on the political agenda as they once were. This speaks to the generally positive public acceptance of stem cell 
research in the US. A Research!America poll of likely voters in the presidential election, conducted in August 2012, found that 61 per 
cent of prospective voters were in favor of expanding funding for hESC research. 
Investor interest 
Looking back over his first term in office Obama can point to some major gains. These include funding increases for the National 
Institutes of Health's (NIH) stem cell initiatives, and greater investor interest in the wider field of regenerative medicine including the use 
of adult stem cells and induced pluripotent stem (iPS) cells. 
However, it hasn't all been smooth sailing. Although after protracted forethought, the US Food and Drug Administration (FDA) gave the 
green light for the Californian biotech Geron to begin the very first human clinical trial of a human embryonic stem cell-derived therapy 
in January 2009, the trial has not been without its problems. 
The Phase I trial, treating patients with acute spinal cord injury, was hit with an FDA clinical hold causing significant delays to its 
initiation in 2010. A year later, after 15 years' effort, the Geron washed its hands of the programme, blaming its withdrawal from the 
stem cell space on capital scarcity and uncertain economic conditions. The decision wiped out a leading player in hESC translation and 
commercialisation. However, the regenerative medicine sector has been able to recover and is beginning to blossom. (See Public 
Markets section below). The prime movers in the Geron trial are now attempting to revive it. 
Research funding robust 
Federal funding for all forms of stem cell research has increased over the past four years. However, the NIH funding component for 
hESC has been dogged by litigation for the past three years. In Sherley v. Sebelius, researchers James Sherley and Theresa Deisher, 
who worked with adult stem cells, claimed the NIH guidelines violated the Dickey-Wicker Amendment, which prohibits the use of federal 
funds for research in which human embryos are destroyed or discarded. This overhang was not finally removed until August 2012 when 
a three-judge panel from the US Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit unanimously upheld the NIH 2009 guidelines that 
permit funding of hESC research. 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 013482 
Through its Common Fund the NIH has established the Center for Regenerative Medicine (NIH CRM), to support this field, with the 
goal of accelerating the translation of stem cell-based clinical therapies. 
State funding filling the void 
With stem cell research in general not attracting a significant amount of venture funding, the California Institute of Regenerative 
Medicine (CIRM), which was established in 2004 with $3 billion for stem cell research at California universities and research institutions, 
has begun to fill the void left by traditional venture capital firms. To date CIRM has allocated $150 million in funding to help move 
promising stem cell-based therapies from the bench into clinical trials. 
'We are a lot closer to having promising therapies ready for clinical trials, so it makes sense that we step up our engagement with 
industry to help fund those trials and move those therapies closer to approval by the FDA,"" said Duane Roth, vice chair of the governing 
board of CIRM. 
CIRM's funding for translational research is good news for biotech companies, providing them with a source of funds in a field where it 
remains challenging to raise private capital. 
Three biotech companies have been funded so far under CIRM's Strategic Partnership Awards initiative. A grant of $10.1 million was 
awarded to ViaCyte Inc. to continue preclinical research and initiate clinical testing of an embryonic stem cell-based therapy for patients 
with insulin-dependent diabetes. 
Meanwhile, Bluebird Bio Inc. will use a $9.3 million grant to support a Phase I/II study to evaluate the safety and efficacy of LentiGlobin, 
the company's programme for the treatment of the inherited blood disorder beta-thalassemia, which will be initiated in the US in 2013. 
StemCells Inc. has been awarded up to $20 million to fund preclinical development of its product consisting of purified human neural 
stem cells for treating Alzheimer's disease, with the goal of filing for permission to carry out a clinical trial in that time. In July, CIRM 
approved a separate award to the company for up to $20 million to fund preclinical development of a cell therapy for spinal cord injury. 
Public Markets 
It has been a good year for stem cell companies on the public markets, with the thirteen publicly-listed stem cell companies showing an 
average increase in share price of 11.6 percent in the year-to-date. 
This boost came from a regulatory approval and positive clinical trials results. It was a big breakthrough for the field as a whole when 
the Canadian regulator Health Canada approved Prochymal, Osiris Therapeutics Inc.'s allogeneic stem cell treatment for graft-vs.-host 
disease (GvHD) in children. 
The decision marked the world's first regulatory approval of a manufactured stem cell product and the first therapy approved for GvHD 
— a devastating complication of bone marrow transplantation that kills up to 80 percent of children affected, many within just weeks of 
diagnosis. The company's stock value has almost doubled in the course of this year. 
Meanwhile, Newark, California-based StemCells, Inc. has seen its shares rise 148 per cent in the year to date. In addition to its CIRM 
grants, the company recently reported clinical and preclinical data demonstrating the therapeutic potential of a cell therapy for treating 
myelination disorders. 
Pluristem Therapeutics Inc.'s stock value also has jumped 44 per cent, on the strength of reporting a single case study in wh ich a 
patient with aplastic bone marrow who received an intramuscular injection of its PLacental eXpanded cells under compassionate use 
saw an improvement. The company was also able to successfully complete a public offering which netted about US$30 million. 
Positive clinical trials will begin to encourage investment 
While still in their early stages of development - and with clinical trials having only involved a limited number of patients - reports to date 
have been very promising, and provide further validation for encouraging investment in stem cell therapeutics. For example, data from a 
human embryonic stem cell trial conducted by Advanced Cell Technology and published in medical journal The Lancet, showed that 
two patients with Stargardt's disease, a degenerative eye condition, had regained some vision. 
In addition, positive early data from a spinal cord injury trial involving StemCells' neural stem cells indicated that two patients with no 
feeling below the site of injury were able to regain sensation, while in another study from the company, patients with a rare myelination 
disorder were able to create myelin, an advance that holds promise for treating multiple sclerosis and cerebral palsy. 
This scientific progress has helped breath a new sense of optimism into the US stem cell sector. The Fiscal Cliff apart, it seems likely 
this momentum will continue now Obama has secured a second term. 
Peter Winter is a writer, editor and analyst on the global biotechnology industry. He is currently editor of BioWorld Insight. 
Steven Victor MD 
IntelliCell BioSciences 
Chairman/CEO 
460 Park Avenue 17th Floor 
New York, New York 10022 
www.IntelliCellBioSciences.com 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 013483 
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023759.txt,"Cognitive Process-Based Education 13

I want to teach kids to date and drive better. What kind of school is
that?

But this trivializes the point. I do want to teach students to date
and drive better. But these are just a few instantiations of general cog-
nitive processes. Forming human relationships and figuring out what
is going in the physical world are two of many very important cogni-
tive abilities that manifest themselves in myriad ways in real life.

A properly designed school system needs to focus on cognitive
abilities, not scholarly subjects. Kids will recognize instantly that these
activities are the ones they know how to do and that they need to get
better at. If we allow them to choose what areas of knowledge they
would like to focus on while learning these skills, they would be atten-
tive and interested students. No more ADHD. Poof!

A society that organized schools around cognitive abilities would
become one where people were used to thinking about what they did
and how and why they did it. They would not find school stressful or
boring.

This wouldn’t be a bad thing.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023759
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017644.txt,"Page 9 of 78
2007 Utah L. Rev. 861, *873

meaning of the statutory terms on a case-by-case basis, and [we] did not attempt to use the rules to anticipate and resolve the
interpretative questions that will arise. >

Before debating the merits of the Advisory Committee's position, it is useful to step back and look at the forest rather than the

trees. Regardless of how the CVRA's language on fairness is interpreted, should we really debate treating crime victims fairly?
Presumably the general public expects the nation's criminal rules to be fair to all concerned - the government, defendants, and
victims. Reflecting that view, for the last twenty years Congress has passed a series of laws extending rights to crime victims.
76 Even without a single word in the CVRA mentioning fairness, the Advisory Committee should carefully review the existing
rules to ensure fairness for victims.

In any event, Congress has spoken. The Advisory Committee's general approach does not faithfully implement the
congressional command of fair treatment, as the following sections demonstrate.

A. The CVRA's Text and Legislative History Create a Substantive Right to Fairness

Turing to the Advisory Committee's specific justifications for not implementing the right to fairness, perhaps its most striking
claim is that the right is merely some sort of a ""springboard"" for other specific rights. The Advisory Committee declines to
implement this right because this would ""go beyond ... the specific statutory provisions"" in the CVRA. 7 But the right to
fairness is itself one of the specific provisions in the CVRA. The CVRA grants victims the following rights:

1. The right to be reasonably protected from the accused

2. The right to reasonable, accurate, and timely notice of any public court proceeding, or any parole proceeding, involving the
crime or of any release or escape of the accused

3. The right not to be excluded from any such public court proceeding, unless the court, after receiving clear and convincing
evidence, determines that testimony by the victim would be materially altered if the victim heard other testimony at that
proceeding

[*874] 4. The right to be reasonably heard at any public proceeding in the district court involving release, plea, sentencing, or
any parole proceeding

5. The reasonable right to confer with the attorney for the Government in the case

6. The right to full and timely restitution as provided in law

7. The right to proceedings free from unreasonable delay

8. The right to be treated with fairness and with respect for the victim's dignity and privacy 7°

As in the various state victims’ bills of rights, 7? the fairness right is not mere hortatory language. The CVRA introduced these
rights in the statute with the introductory clause: ""A crime victim has the following rights ... ."" °° Thus, the right to fairness is

7° CVRA Subcommittee Memo, supra note 66, at 1-2. The Advisory Committee largely adopted the recommendation of the subcommittee.
To simplify this Article, I will generally ascribe the views of the subcommittee to the Advisory Committee.

76 See supra notes 14-20 and accompanying text.

77 CVRA Subcommittee Memo, supra note 66, at 1.

7% 18 U.S.C. § 3771(a) (2006) (emphasis added).

7% See, e.g., Alaska Const. art. I, § 24 (victim's right ""to be treated with dignity, respect, and fairness during all phases of the criminal and
juvenile justice process""); Ariz. Const. art. IT, § 2.1(A)(1) (victim's right ""to be treated with fairness, respect, and dignity""); Idaho Const. art.
I, § 22(1) (victim's right ""to be treated with fairness, respect, dignity and privacy throughout the criminal justice process""); I]. Const. art. I, §
8.1(a)(1) (victim's right ""to be treated with fairness and respect for their dignity""); Mich. Const. art. I, § 24(1) (victim's right ""to be treated
with fairness and respect for their dignity and privacy throughout the criminal justice process""); N.J. Const. art. I, § 22 (victim's right to ""be

DAVID SCHOEN

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017644
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028495.txt,"please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028495
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026102.txt,"please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
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destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026102
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029953.txt,"22

Of course, this is anathema to the U.S., particularly its navy. In this
case, the DOC or even a convention will be of little utility. Let us
hope that the real explanation is more benign. One possibility is
confusion and lack of coordination between high policy officials in
foreign affairs and the military, particularly the PLA Navy. But this
could also mean that China's foreign policy is in flux or disarray on
this issue and that the PLA Navy has emerged as a trendsetter and
spokesperson thereon.

Remember that just as U.S. Secretary of Defense Robert Gates
arrived in January on his historic visit to China, its military tested a
stealth fighter and the civilian leadership appeared to have been
caught unawares.

If the military is on occasion acting independently of the civilian
leadership, this could explain the seeming dichotomy between
Chinese officials' words and PLA Navy actions. But this would
indeed be worrying.

In any event the situation looks likely to get worse before it gets
better. More surveys and exploratory drilling are planned in areas
claimed by China. And Vietnam has conducted an offshore live-fire
drill and has called for international — including U.S. — help to
resolve the issues. Rare anti-China protests have broken out in Hanoi
and Manila. At this point all one can say is hold on to your hat.

Mark Valencia, a former senior fellow with the East-West Center, is
a maritime policy analyst.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029953
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019220.txt,"The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of

JEE

Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019220
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032084.txt,"four year, license agreement with Aetrex Worldwide, Inc. GTX Corp’s eight patents for the GPS
Shoe cover a GPS transceiver module that is placed within the footwear and transmission of
location coordinates to a central monitoring station which disseminates the location data through
the use of proprietary software, cellular connectivity, the GTX Corp middleware platform and the
secure viewing portal.

Read the full story - World Market Media

Wandering Soles

Aetrex Worldwide Inc. has teamed with GTX Corp. to create the Aetrex Ambulator GPS
Shoe, a therapeutic sneaker designed for people with Alzheimer’s disease. The shoe comes with a
tiny GPS tracker that alerts a caregiver when the wearer has strayed more than a set distance. It
then sends the caregiver a Google map link that plots the wearer’s location.

Read the full story

GTX And MNX — STAT Trax Critical Medical and Bio-Pharmas
SatNews - June 9, 2010 - GTX Corp (OTCBB: GTXO.OB), a provider in embedded GPS

tracking location based services and MNX (Midnite Express), a worldwide specialty courier, have
entered into an exclusive three-year contract for GTX to deliver thousands of highly customized,
industry-first GPS tracking devices. Additionally, the GTX Corp tracking platform to the shipping
company is included in the contract.

Read the full story

Find Friends and Family Mobile Apps

LOCiMOBILE [iPhone & Android]

LOCiMOBILE has a few great GPS tracking apps out at the moment. The two that I would like to
feature are the free/lite versions of the software. This app supports up to 6 users (paid version is
unlimited) and integrates with Twitter and Facebook. GPS Tracking populates your phone’s built-

in Google Maps with the locations of people in your private opt-in buddy list. You can let users

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032084
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018880.txt,"4 @

758/06 ICMIPRO1
19:21:34 FD-192 Page 5
Title and Character of Case:
EPSTEIN, JEFFREY
TT
Date Property Acquired: Source from which Property Acquired: -
08/28/2006 345 SOUTH COUNTY ROAD b7c

PALM BEACH FL 33480

Anticipated Disposition: Acauized a Case Agent

Description of Property:

Date Entered

1B 3
1) TAPED CONVERSATION PBPD 05-237(1)

2) AUDIO TAPE #1 PBPD 05-243 (1)

3) AUDIO TAPE #2 (2)

4) COPY OF TAPE #1 (3)

5) MICRO TAPE PBPD 05-256(1)

6) PHOTO LINE-UP PBPD 05-257(1)

7) AUDIO TAPE PBPD 05-294 (1)

8) MICRO TAPE (2)

9) CD PBPD 05-295 (2)

10) C-90 CASSETTE PBPD 05-313 (1)

11) A/X MAIL PBPD 05-378(1)

12) WHITE PAPER[| |... ce cc ce ee ee ee ee eee eee (2)

13) MESSAGE (3)

14) WHITE PAPER[L |............. 0. eee ee ee ec ee ee ee eee (4)

15) MONTGOMERY COUNTY, MD[___] "" (5)

16) WHITE PAPER[_ ] PBPD 05-379(1)

17) WHITE PAPER FLIGHT INFO (2)

18) THREE WHITE PAPERS PREMIO COMPUTER INC (3)

19) WHITE PAPER PHONE # PBPD 05-380(1)

20) YELLOW RECEIP 4/04/05 (2)

21) WHITE PAPER (3)

22) WHITE PAPER (4)

23) WHITE PAPER FLIGHT 04/05/05 (5)

24) WHITE PAPER (6)

Barcode: Location: 09/06/2006

Case Number: 31E-MM-108062
Owning Office: MIAMI
G/E- MM 10) vou.)
fp

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018880
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014264.txt,"| OF
| PHONE/
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| [onwero seevou | Jwmucauracan |||
| wars To se vou | — [rush m

| PHONES
MOBILE

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JJcmero sezvou | |wuccanacan |_|}
| ml

-

|
|sPeciaLatTention | |]

i
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IMPORTANT MESSAGE |

AM.

| DATE TIME ______ PM. |

RM

| oF aXe Ly

| PHONE/
MOBILE MOBILE
TELEPHONED | | PLEASE CALL mt | | TELEPHONED | | PLEASECALL =
CAME TO SEE YOU hoa XK | | I ]caMETOSEE You | — | WILLCALLAGAIN

i?
RREPROUL, [exoamTamen |_|
MESSAGE sat viuey wove
(a “CL on

ont Suds

X

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RETURNED YOUR GAUL. J, JER

| SIGNED | sianeo

GIUFFRE001406

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014264

"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019546.txt,"58 | HOW AMERICA LOST ITS SECRETS

CryptoParty, Tor station, and other anti-NSA activities could go
unremarked upon. After all, ten or so NSA workers attended the
first party, and it is not unlikely that many of them recognized
him as their co-worker. If so, they knew (as did Sandvik and Mills)
that the Tor advocate “Cincinnatus” was Snowden. He had also not
been shy in contacting notable enemies of the NSA via e-mail, such
as Jacob Appelbaum, Parker Higgins, and Asher Wolf. If anyone,
including the security staff of the NSA, had been on the lookout for
dissident intelligence workers, this well-advertised gathering and its
organizer might have been of interest.

In 2014, I asked a former top NSA executive whether such activi-
ties on behalf of Tor by an NSA employee would arouse the atten-
tion of the NSA’s own “Q” counterespionage unit. He answered,
“Snowden was not an NSA employee.” Because Snowden was a
contract employee of Dell’s residing in the United States, the NSA
could not legally monitor his private activities or intercept his com-
munication. To do so would require a court-approved FBI request. So
Snowden/Cincinnatus was free to operate openly in recruiting NSA

© workers, hacktivists, and computer buffs for his events. Ironically, ©
adversary intelligence services searching for disgruntled intelligence
workers had no such constraints.

| | Epst_9780451494566_2p_all_r1.z.indd 58 ® 9/29/16 5:51PM |

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019546
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018658.txt,"I've previously defined aftercare as ""a cool-down period after an S&M encounter, which
often involves reassurance and a discussion of how things went."" That's a decent quick
definition, but there's a lot more to it. Bodily violence sometimes creates a mental
malleability and vulnerability that can be used in good ways... but also in terrible ways. I
see aspects of this in competitive sports, especially the ones that involve fighting and
hurting other people very directly. (Have you ever seen that phenomenon where two guys
fight each other and then become Best Friends right afterwards?)

Being together with an S&M partner during aftercare can be used to free people, to make
them feel amazing and establish extraordinary intimacy. But it can hurt people too; it can
hurt them terribly.

Aftercare, like subspace, is one of the most mysterious parts of S&M. Like subspace, a
lot of S&Mers describe aftercare in nigh-mystical language. One excellent page of
aftercare advice begins by saying:

Aftercare is the last act of the SM drama. It is the culmination, the pulling together of all
loose ends, the finishing touches, the final communion between sharers of the SM ritual,
the phase where the participants formally give the fantasy scene a context in everyday
reality. Its technical purpose is to transition both players from the elevated states created
ina scene [i.e., an S&M encounter] back into normalcy, returning to the motor control
and awareness they will need to drive home once the scene is over. But as any good SM
practitioner will tell you, it's much more than that. It is the time after the action when the
participants come together in mutual affirmation that something special was created and
shared. It is when affection and closeness is offered and sought. It is, at very least, the
proper time to express thanks to the person who has shared this tiny segment of your life
with you. It can be, and often is, the most beautiful part of a scene, and it is part of the
scene. To skip it altogether is as rude as having dinner at a friend's house and then
bolting once you've eaten your fill.

Aftercare is not always extraordinary, the same way S&M isn't always extraordinary. Not
everyone wants or needs aftercare, although I've always felt that if you ""don't do
aftercare,” that's something to warn your partner about ahead of time.

I guess from the outside, aftercare often looks like a combination of snuggling and
chatting and giggling -- sometimes, crying and/or comforting. From the inside, though,
aftercare can feel like... a shot of pure empathy. Blissful connection. Words like
""basking"" and ""glowing"" and ""transcending"" come to mind. As someone said to me when
I was first getting into S&M: ""Very few S&Mers actually enjoy giving or receiving pain.
What they like is where pain gets them.”

The Practicalities of S&M Intimacy

I believe that S&Mers should try very hard to put boundaries around our S&M
interactions; we should work to communicate carefully, and compartmentalize what we
do. Consent, and well-communicated boundaries, are the factors that separate S&M from
abuse. I talked about those boundaries in ""Thinking More Clearly About BDSM versus
Abuse,” and I also talked about them in ""What Happens After an S&M Encounter 'Gone
Wrong."" I've written about S&M communication tactics that enable communication and

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018658
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012615.txt,"The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for

the use of the addressee. It is the property of

Kirkland & Ellis LLP or Kirkland & Ellis International LLP.
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited

and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to postmaster@kirkland.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments.

SIO IGOR Gk ik koko Gok kkk oR Rae ok

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012615
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027041.txt,"From: Lisa New 
Sent: 10/6/2013 12:57:52 PM 
To: Jeffrey Epstein [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Subject: Re: 
Importance: High 
This event is at the apartment of the chairman of the YIVO board. My plan had been to take the 4 or 5 shuttle 
and cab right here 
Sent from my iPhoneg 
On Oct 6, 2013, at 6:20 AM, Jeffrey Epstein <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
ill check „ what time do you have to be in ny on the 23 rd? ?. 
On Sat, Oct 5, 2013 at 10:59 PM, Lisa New < > wrote: 
Jeffrey, 
For taping in Cambridge? For breakfast and taping at my house. Depends on what woody is up for. My ideal 
would be a 1/2 hour-40 minute conversation, but we could do a quick taping in 15 minutes ...my team can be 
ready 
And , just to remind,could also come to do taping in ny on 24th because I'm coming to New York the evening 
of 23rd for a YIVO event--to which you would both be most welcome I'm sure (YIVO is the largest collection 
of materials from Jewish Eastern Europe) 
Lisa 
Sent from my iPhone 
On Oct 5, 2013, at 8:36 PM, Jeffrey Epstein <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
how much time should i allocate? 
On Sat, Oct 5, 2013 at 3:26 PM, Lisa New < > wrote: 
Or we could do the taping at my house. That would be totally delightful too 
On Sat, Oct 5, 2013 at 1:59 PM, Lisa New <L> wrote: 
Absolutely. 23rd is great. I teach my seminar that day at 1 but could tape in the morning or after class--in 
my office (very private), or at the Harvardx studios (less) or in the Woodberry poetry room (the nicest place). 
. If Woody wanted, we could bring some students into the taping or just do the two of us... 
Woody is absolutely welcome to come to the seminar, of course 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 027041 
John McCain, Tony Kushner, Al Gore have all signed on the last 2 days... crazy 
Lisa 
On Sat, Oct 5, 2013 at 1:50 PM, Jeffrey Epstein <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
does the 23 work in cambridge 
*********************************************************** 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
Jeffrey Epstein 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
Elisa New 
Powell M. Cabot Professor of American Literature 
Harvard University 
148 Barker Center 
12 Quincy Street 
Cambridge, MA 
02138 
Elisa New 
Powell M. Cabot Professor of American Literature 
Harvard University 
148 Barker Center 
12 Quincy Street 
Cambridge, MA 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 027042 
02138 
--
*********************************************************** 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
Jeffrey Epstein 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
--
*********************************************************** 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
Jeffrey Epstein 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 027043 
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018211.txt,"The third scientist, Dartush Rezaeinejad was shot on July 23, 2011 after
picking up his child at a day care; his wife described hearing shots whiz by
as she chased the assailants. The most recent assassination was the Jan. 11,
2012 death of Mustafa Ahmadi-Roshan, an expert on uranium enrichment,
also by a magnet bomb slapped on his car during his morning commute.

By then, Iran was trying to strike back. The task of avenging the scientists
fell to the sprawling Quds Force’s own covert-operations division, known
as Unit 400. It took a shotgun approach, targeting Israeli diplomatic
missions in a variety of countries, mostly in the developing world where
the global antiterrorism mesh is not so fine. Exposed in Baku, Tbilisi,
Johannesburg, Mombasa and Bangkok, the failures mounted at a pace that
was itself one of the problems. In the world of espionage, a quality covert
operation can take years to pull together. Yet in the 15 months from May
2011 to July 2012, the Quds Force and Hizballah attempted 20 attacks, by
the count of Matthew Levitt, a former State Department counterterrorism
official. “Hizballah and the Quds Force traded speed for tradecraft and
reaped what they sowed,” Levitt writes in a January report for the
Washington Institute for Near East Policy. “Quds Force planners were
stretched thin by the rapid tempo of their new attack plan, and were forced
to throw together random teams of operatives who had not trained
together.”

The decline in quality was so striking it initially inspired disbelief. Recall
the preposterous-sounding plot weaving together a former used-car
salesman, Mexico’s Zetas drug gang and a bank transfer from a
Revolutionary Guard account to assassinate Saudi Arabia’s ambassador —
by bombing a Washington restaurant? A year on it looks like the new
normal. In Bangkok last month, an Iranian agent entered a courtroom in a
wheelchair, having accidentally blown his legs off while fleeing police. A
January alert issued by Turkish intelligence was light on specifics but
quite certain the Quds operatives would be staying in five-star hotels.

““There’s a number of reasons that Iranian intelligence has suffered,” says
Meir Javedanfar, an Iranian-born analyst who lectures at the
Interdisciplinary Center in Herzliya, Israel. “No. 1,” he says, “is the 2009
uprisings in Iran.” The street protests over a fraudulent election

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018211
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017122.txt,"4.2.12
WC: 191694

“another Bar Mitzvah boy” who had done a better job reading from the Torah, but who wasn’t
nearly as good a student or person as Jerry. “We judge boys not by the quality of their voices or
their ability to memorize, but by their understanding of what they were reciting and by the lives
they lead based on their understanding.” It was a direct put down of me, and so understood by
the congregation. It stung me and led me to conclude that I could do nothing right in the eyes of
the religious authority figures. Even when I did something perfectly, they would find some way
to turn my success against me. It discouraged me from trying.

A few years later, I had a similar experience in high school. The one subject that interested me
was history, and the teacher was young and dynamic. I studied hard—a rarity—for a state-wide
exam and got an 88. When the teacher, who knew my reputation as a mediocre student, told me
my score, he said: “Don’t let it go to your head. You’re a 75 student. You’ve always been a 75
student and you’ll always be a 75 student.” (He gave me a 70 despite my 88 grade on the
Regents exam.) It became a self-fulfilling prophecy for two reasons. First, all my teachers
believed it. Second, I believed it and stopped studying because I could get 70’s or 75’s without
much work, and if that’s who I am, why take time away from activities I enjoyed, such as sports,
jokes, girls and messing around.

It was in the summer of my junior year in high school, when an authority figure—the camp
dramatics counselor, Yitz Greenberg (also now a prominent rabbi)—finally told me that I wasn’t
a “75 student.” He had cast me in the difficult rule of Cyrano d’Berjurac in the camp play. I
memorized the lines and did a good job (my long nose helped). After the performance, Yitz put
his arm around me and said, “You know you’re very smart.” I replied, “No, I just have a good
memory.” He insisted that my smarts went beyond memorization. He told me I could be a good
lawyer. I respected and believed him. It was an important moment in my life, for which I will be
forever grateful. My parents loved me but never told me I was smart, because they believed my
teachers and saw my report cards. I needed to hear it from an authority figure outside of my
home, and Yitz was that figure.

Despite my inglorious high school career, Yitz’s faith in me led to consider college. My father
thought I should go to work and take some classes at night, but my mother wanted me to
graduate from college—as she couldn’t do. My mother filled out my application to Brooklyn
College. I wanted to go to City College in Manhattan, because my best friend Norman Sohn was
going there, but my parents wouldn’t let me go to an “out-of-town college.” Brooklyn College
was part of the New York City College system, which had an excellent academic program, but
little by way of any social or athletic life. It was free to any New York City resident, and anyone
who had a sufficiently high grade average in high school was automatically admitted.
Remarkably, the required grade score was different for boys and girls. Boys needed an 82 or 83
average (depending on the year) while girls needed an 86 or 87. Imagine the lawsuit today! The
reason for this differential was that the school wanted “gender balance,” and if the same score
were required, the college would be dominantly female. (Similar differentials are still at work
today, but they operate beneath the radar screen under the rubric of “diversity” and “discretion.”
An admissions officer at an elite college told me that he turns down many students with perfect
SAT scores. When I asked him who these rejected students were, he acknowledged that they
were almost exclusively of Asian and Jewish background: “if we took everybody with perfect

35

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017122
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015533.txt,"Case 1:15-cv-07433 Document1 Filed 09/21/15 Page 3 of 12

PARTIES
6. Plaintiff Giuffre is an individual who is a citizen of the State of Colorado.
7. Defendant Maxwell, who is domiciled in the Southern District of New York, is
not a citizen of the state of Colorado.
FACTUAL ALLEGATIONS
8. Virginia Giuffre became a victim of sex trafficking and repeated sexual abuse

after being recruited by Ghislaine Maxwell and Jeffrey Epstein when Giuffre was under the age
of eighteen.

9. Between 1999 and 2002, with the assistance and participation of Maxwell,
Epstein sexually abused Giuffre at numerous locations including his mansions in West Palm
Beach, Florida, and in this District. Between 2001 and 2007, with the assistance of numerous
co-conspirators, Epstein abused more than thirty (30) minor underage girls, a fact confirmed by
state and federal law enforcement.

10. _— As part of their sex trafficking efforts, Epstein and Maxwell intimidated Giuffre
into remaining silent about what had happened to her.

11. In September 2007, Epstein entered into a Non-Prosecution Agreement (“NPA”)
that barred his prosecution for numerous federal sex crimes in the Southern District of Florida.

12. ‘In the NPA, the United States additionally agreed that it would not institute any
federal criminal charges against any potential co-conspirators of Epstein.

13. Asa co-conspirator of Epstein, Maxwell was consequently granted immunity in
the Southern District of Florida through the NPA.

14. —_ Epstein ultimately pled guilty to procuring a minor for prostitution, and is now a

registered sex offender.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015533
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028200.txt,"/ BARAK / 66

Bet technician. I assumed that, one way or another, the Americans could listen in,
but was fairly confident we were beyond the electronic earshot of the Palestinians.
I kept myself fully informed of, but at a distance from, the specific work of our
five negotiating teams. Though I could not have stayed engaged with all of them at
the same time, I also hoped the arrangement would give them an opportunity to
explore any realistic opportunity for a breakthrough and any sign of flexibility on
Arafat’s side — without committing me until there was such flexibility.

Yet for the first couple of days of the summit, there was not only no sign of
flexibility. There was little meaningful engagement. Dennis Ross and his team
drew up a paper setting out the main issues. For those on which we differed, our
positions were marked with “I” and “P”. It wasn’t until around midnight on day-
two that the we got a first look at the American draft. The main, unhappy, surprise
was Jerusalem. This crucial issue was not marked with “T” or “P”. It said outright
that there could be two capitals, one Israeli and one Palestinian, within the city of
Jerusalem. I was not opposed to the Palestinians calling Jerusalem the capital of
their state. But even in follow-up talks after Oslo, when Yossi Beilin and Abu
Mazen had explored avenues toward a possible resolution of the Jerusalem
question, the maximum understanding was that Israel might expand the existing
city limits to accommodate the “two capital” solution. The Palestinians’ capital
would be in Abu Dis, one of the villages Arafat had asked me to hand back in May.
The way the American document was worded suggested dividing Jerusalem as it
now was: something ruled out by all Israeli politicians, of all parties, ever since
1967.

When I phoned President Clinton, he asked me to come talk. We sat on the back
terrace of his cabin, looking out incongruously on a beautifully tended golf hole
installed by Dwight Eisenhower. I told the President that after all the hours we had
spent together, I’d felt blindsided by the inclusion of a proposal on Jerusalem that
went beyond anything we’d talked about. “It was my mistake,” he replied,
obviously already aware through his negotiators of the error. He said that he’d put
pressure on his negotiators to get the document finished, and that Dennis hadn’t
had time to read it through. But it was already being fixed: the word “expanded”
would be added to the Jerusalem section. I was grateful for that, but told Clinton I
was concerned that even this “I and P” paper might have the unintended effect of
delaying any real progress. “Since it’s an American document, it gives the
Palestinians no incentive to compromise,” I said, suggesting that it might be better

352
HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028200
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021261.txt,"that anthropomorphism is associated
with the activation of the same prefrontal
areas that are active when people think
about themselves or project themselves
onto others.

Conclusion

Just as critically, the study of
invisible forces requires a discussion of
the method that successful teams use to
work together as they cross disciplinary
boundaries. Over the past few decades,
there has been a demonstrable shift from
the individual genius as the source of
scientific and scholarly breakthroughs to
interdisciplinary teams. This shift in the
production of cutting-edge knowledge
has been documented in all fields of
scholarly activity, ranging from
mathematics and theoretical physics to
the humanities. This shift has both made
possible and been necessitated by a need
to understand complex behaviors.
Although this project is primarily about
the ways that scientists seek to study the
impact of invisible forces, it will also
reflect the methodologies that these
researchers use so that their work is not
constrained by common knowledge.

The philosophy of science also
looks different when dealing with simple
causality (one-to-one relations) than with
complex causality. Affirmation of the
consequent, a logical error in which a
given cause for an effect is inferred
based on the observation of the effect,
does not lead to a scientific error when
there is but a single cause for the
observed effect. However, as scientific
inquiry addresses increasingly complex
phenomena, and increasingly complexly
determined phenomena, the philosophy
of science needs to become more
nuanced.

A core challenge is to develop a
“science” of identification and

Page |15

aggregation of these invisible forces at
different levels. Related research
questions include why they exist, and
measures of robustness. One of our
central goals is to demonstrate not only
that considerations of these forces
matter, but that that they can matter a
lot.

There also are questions of value
and ethics that could be implicated:
descriptive knowledge, models,
awareness of causal relationships, and so
on, might not be enough to answer some
kinds of questions, especially those
related to value and purpose, which are
the very energies that animate and
invigorate real human systems.
Economics comes close with its proxy
measure of value based on the
distribution of scarce resources and
people’s varying need for these
resources. But this theory comes up
short in many instances where other
values are at play that are beyond
markets, such as in assessing the value
of a human life, or whether all lives are
of equal value. It is an especially poor
model for helping us understand
something as simple as the value of
articles of sentimental value, such as
family photographs, which may have
little or no market value at all. Thus,
how do we best understand the
“sentiments” that are important in the
real world?

The members of the Network
have worked beyond the boundaries of
disciplinary borders, geographical
precincts, and epistemological comfort
zones to develop a rigorous but
innovative approach to the study of the
human mind, sociality, spirituality,
health, and well being. The Network
members represented in this book are
Gary Berntson from Ohio State
University, Don Browning from the

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021261
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027133.txt,"Source Entry: H\Macintosh HD\ root \Users\jee\Library\Messages\Archive\2017-01-27\ J
a... 2017-01-27 at 10.51.01.ichat

Service: iMessag

Start Time: 01/27/17 07:51:01 AM (507225061)
End Time: 01/27/17 08:22:52 PM (507270172)
Last Message ID: 463

Chat Room:
participants: jee, iy
Presentity IDs: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com, Po

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T,

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Message: I'm seeing BG tmr. He will be in DC for the Alfalfa dinner but he's got mtgs
most of the day including w Jared Kushner. Should I ask him to discuss surgeon
general or mention it or wait? Not sure kushner cares about that stuff

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5

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027133
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025379.txt,"Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 09/09/18 03:19:38 AM (558181178)

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Message: The Obama family came from humble beginning,

first lady are worth about $40 million-30 times more than when they

House in

2008, the Business Insider reported.

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Pet
Htc

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Message: Crony Capitalism

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Message: My favorite. however

his people. He vacationed with whites over and over

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EB7DO0-B482-48D3-B932-2DE7CD8A3 965

Whil

murder rat

jumped

He didn't go back and help his city of Chicago.

but now the ex-president and
ntered the Whit

Or

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025379
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018205.txt,"regime does in fact survive, Iran would become increasingly emboldened,
with potentially disastrous consequences for the United States and its
allies and interests in the Middle East.

Denuding U.S. forces in the region to enable a pivot to Asia 1s also risky.
Nowhere else in the world is America more likely to deploy forces than in
the Persian Gulf in opposition to Iran, and nowhere else is it of utmost
importance that any potential confrontation be won decisively in the next
five to ten years than with the Islamic Republic.

Going forward, Washington must discriminate between Iranian behaviors
it considers unacceptable -- such as support for terrorism, hegemonic
ambitions, and progress toward nuclear weapons -- and those it can
tolerate. U.S. officials could open the door for negotiations by making
clear to Tehran that they do not seek regime change; the first step in that
regard would be to let Iran know that Washington respects it as a nation-
state and not a transnational revolutionary movement.

Finally, disorganization within the U.S. government and a ""go it alone""
mentality have accounted for many of Washington's internal difficulties in
responding to the Iranian challenge. To alleviate this problem, all cabinet-
level officials must be in constant and complete coordination, devoid of
routine bureaucratic obstacles. In addition, the appointment of a senior
subcabinet official whose sole responsibility is Iran (or, alternatively, a
small group of officials in constant coordination) could allow the
administration to reorganize bureaucratically in preparation for this year of
decision.

THOMAS PICKERING

Discussions of containment policy typically imply accepting the Islamic
Republic as an inevitable nuclear power and using deterrence to deal with
a nuclear-armed Iran. Yet such an outcome would be disastrous for U.S.
nonproliferation policy, which is based on the notion that fewer nuclear
states means less chance of miscalculated use. If Iran attains a nuclear
weapon, other regional powers would likely follow suit -- clearly an
undesirable outcome for the international community.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018205
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017136.txt,"4.2.12
WC: 191694

David Ben Gurion.” The next day they were on a plane to Israel, and that afternoon Kronheim
was standing on the balcony of the Prime Minister’s house being photographed.

“Ok, here’s the final challenge: maybe among Jews and Americans, you’re famous, but you'll
never get a picture with the Pope.” Next day, they’re off to Rome, and by afternoon, Kronheim is
standing on the balcony of St. Peters next to the Holy Father. A nun standing in the crowd turns
to the skeptical friend and asks, “Who’s that guy standing next to Kronheim?”

Presidents and Prime Ministers come and go. So do Popes. But not Milton Kronheim, who was
a fixture of Washington life for more than 60 years.

I was privileged to participate in many of their lunches—mostly as a quiet observer—during my
clerkship. (When I became a professor, Judge Bazelon invited me whenever I visited—then as a
full participant).

The first time I went to Kronheim’s for lunch, we picked up two justices at the Supreme Court
building: William O. Douglas and William Brennan. I had previously met Justice Brennan
through his son Bill, who was my law school classmate and moot court partner. Justice Brennan
was just about the nicest, sweetest, most modest, important person I had ever met. I continued a
friendship with him until his death in 1997.

Justice Douglas was entirely different. Nobody ever accused him of being nice or friendly. He
was surly, arrogant, dismissive and—I later learned—a blatant hypocrite. I learned this several
weeks after the Kronheim lunch, when Judge Bazelon buzzed me into his office and pointed to the
extension phone, signaling me to pick it up. The voice on the other end of the phone was familiar.
He was berating Judge Bazelon for canceling a speaking engagement that he had previously
accepted. Bazelon turned to me and silently mouthed the words “Bill Douglas,” pointing to the
phone. I listened as the Justice lectured my judge. Bazelon kept trying to reply, saying “TI just
can’t do it, Bill. It’s a matter of principle.” Douglas responded, “We’re not asking you to join,
just to speak.” Bazelon replied, “That’s the point, Bill. They wouldn’t let me join. They don’t
accept Jews or Blacks.”

It soon became evident that the two great liberal judges were arguing about a private club that
excluded Jews and Blacks. Douglas was a member of that club and had invited Bazelon to give a
luncheon talk to its members. Bazelon had originally agreed, but when he learned of the clubs
“restricted” nature, he withdrew his acceptance. Douglas was furious, Bazelon adamant. Neither
relented. I couldn’t believe that the great liberal justice not only belonged to a restricted club that
discriminated on the basis of race and religion, but that he was utterly insensitive to Bazelon’s
principled refusal to speak at such a club. This was the height of the civil rights movement, and
Justice Douglas was writing decision after decision decrying public segregation and supporting
efforts to demantle it. Yet he himself was participating in private segregation and condemning
Bazelon’s principled refusal to become complicit in it.

This phone call had a profound effect on my own subsequent actions and my refusal to speak, or

remain silent about, private clubs that discriminate, whether it be the Harvard Club of New York,

49

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017136
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015527.txt,"Morality Games 315

Hedden, T., & Zhang, J. (2002). What do you think I think you think? Strategic reasoning in matrix
games. Cognition, 85(1), 1-36.

Hoffman, M., Yoeli, E., & Nowak, M. A. (2015). Cooperate without looking: Why we care what
people think and not just what they do. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences,
112(6), 1727-1732.

Hoffman, M., Yoeli, E., & Dalkiran, A. (2015). Social applications of common knowledge. Harvard
University Working Paper.

Kahneman, D., Knetsch, J. L., & Thaler, R. H. (1990). Experimental tests of the endowment effect
and the Coase theorem. Journal of Political Economy, 98, 1325-1348.

Kant, I. (1997/1787). Groundwork of the metaphysics of morals (1785). Practical Philosophy,
108.

Karlan, D., & List, J. A. (2006). Does price matter in charitable giving? Evidence from a large-
scale natural field experiment. Technical report, National Bureau of Economic Research.

Kurzban, R. (2012). Why everyone (else) is a hypocrite: Evolution and the modular mind.
Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

Lacetera, N., & Macis, M. (2010). Social image concerns and prosocial behavior: Field evidence
from a nonlinear incentive scheme. Journal of Economic Behavior & Organization, 76(2),
225-237.

Levitt, S. D., & List, J. A. (2007). What do laboratory experiments measuring social preferences
reveal about the real world? The Journal of Economic Perspectives, 21, 153-174.

List, J. A. (2007). On the interpretation of giving in dictator games. Journal of Political Economy,
115(3), 482-493.

List, J. A., Berrens, R. P., Bohara, A. K., & Kerkvliet, J. (2004). Examining the role of social
isolation on stated preferences. American Economic Review, 94, 741-752.

Locke, J. (1988/1688). Locke: Two treatises of government student edition. Cambridge, UK:
Cambridge University Press.

Mankiw, N. G. (2007). Principles of economics. Thomson Learning.

Milgrom, P., & Weber, R. J. (1982). The value of information in a sealed-bid auction. Journal of

Mathematical Economics, 10(1), 105-114.

Morris, S., & Shin, H. S. (2002). Social value of public information. The American Economic

Review, 92(5), 1521-1534.

Myerson, R. B. (2004). Justice, institutions, and multiple equilibria. Chicago Journal of

International Law, 5,91.

Neuwirth, R. (2005). Shadow cities: A billion squatters, a new urban world. New York: Routledge.

Nowak, M. A. (2006). Evolutionary dynamics: Exploring the equations of life. Cambridge, MA:
Harvard University Press.

Panchanathan, K., & Boyd, R. (2004). Indirect reciprocity can stabilize cooperation without the
second-order free rider problem. Nature, 432(7016), 499-502.

Pinker, S. (2003). The blank slate: The modern denial of human nature. UK: Penguin.

Pinker, S., Nowak, M. A., & Lee, J. J. (2008). The logic of indirect speech. Proceedings of the
National Academy of Sciences, 105(3), 833-838.

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decision-making and extreme altruism. Available at SSRN 2424036.

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In T. Brown, E. Reed, & E. Turiel (Eds.), Values and knowledge (pp. 103-135).

Roth, A. E. (1995). Bargaining experiments. In J. H. Kagel & E. R. Alvin (Eds.), The handbook of
experimental economics (pp. 253-342). Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

Sigg, H., & Falett, J. (1985). Experiments on respect of possession and property in hamadryas
baboons (Papio hamadryas). Animal Behaviour, 33(3), 978-984.

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Spranca, M., Minsk, E., & Baron, J. (1991). Omission and commission in judgment and choice.
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24.

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TE, Milne BJ, Poulton R.
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Nouriani B, Spiegel D.
Loneliness within a nomological
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Boomsma DI, Willemsen G,
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Rilling J, Gutman D, Zeh T,
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Schnyder U, Buck A, Fehr E.
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Eisenberger NI, Lieberman MD,
Williams KD. Does Rejection
Hurt? An {MRI Study of Social
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On Seeing Human: A Three-
Factor Theory of
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Psychological Review

2007; 114:864-86.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021275
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028214.txt,"/ BARAK / 80

American proposal. I suggested the President could tell Arafat that he’d try to get
me to agree to it, providing Arafat first showed a readiness to move.

The American questions did go further than ours. They asked Arafat whether he
would negotiate on the basis of getting Palestinian sovereignty over all the outer
Jerusalem neighborhoods, as well as the Muslim Quarter of the Old City and a
“custodial role” over the holy sites. But Arafat said no. He insisted on Palestinian
sovereignty over all of East Jerusalem, including the Old City and the holy sites.
For a few hours after Clinton’s fruitless meeting with Arafat, Dennis and the
American team engaged in a rescue effort, adding another carrot. They included
the Christian Quarter as well, meaning Palestinian sovereignty over nearly half of
the Old City, including the areas where almost all Arab residents lived. Dennis
gave the proposal to Shlomo and Amnon Lipkin to bring to me, and asked two of
the Palestinian negotiators to take it to Arafat. Even offering sovereignty over the
Muslim Quarter went beyond anything I’d proposed. So did a lot of the other
American questions. Still, I said we’d be ready to consider them in discussions
with the US negotiating team — with the exception of the Christian Quarter. But
that, too, turned out not to matter. Arafat did not even respond.

Clinton called me to say we’d reached the end of the road. There were only two
options: end the summit and announce we’d tried and failed, or defer Jerusalem
and try to get agreement on the rest of the issues. I asked for time to think it over,
and he said he’d come see me when I was ready. I was tempted to put off
Jerusalem. In the admittedly unlikely event we could get a deal on the other issues,
that would undeniably be an achievement. But I couldn’t help thinking that
Arafat’s lack of engagement on Jerusalem was yet another sign that he was not
ready for the almost equally tough compromises required to resolve the other core
issues. And there was no escaping the reality that without a deal on Jerusalem, no
agreement we reached would truly represent an “end of conflict.” Moreover,
Jerusalem wasn’t just a Palestinian issue. It was of fundamental interest to the
whole Muslim world. If we left it unaddressed, we would be putting future Israeli
governments in the position of having to negotiate on Jerusalem after we’d given
back our key negotiating assets and all our leverage.

I accepted now that the search of a full peace treaty, or even a framework
agreement, looked all but impossible. Even Shlomo’s and Gili’s freelancing had
produced only a series of no’s from Arafat. But I felt I couldn’t give up. Much as
I’d been resisting it, I believed I needed to give Clinton my true bottom lines, even

366
HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028214
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014639.txt,"accurately reflect each of our respective personal views about the subject securities and
issuers. We also certify that no part of our respective compensation was, is, or will be,

directly or indirectly, related to the specific recommendations or view expressed in this
research report.

Bankof America
18 Top 10 US Ideas Quarterly | 03 January 2017 Merrill Lynch

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014639
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027127.txt,"oo

Manage email Forward this email

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De ee eee ee ee ee i ee

The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of

Jeffrey Epstein

Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
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destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027127
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018894.txt,"@ bable Cause Affidavit >

Palm Beach Police Department
Agency ORI# FLO 500600

Police Case#: 05-368 (1)
Defendant: Jeffrey Epstein
Race/Sex: |= White Male
DOB: © 01-20-1953
Charges: Unlawful Sexual Activity with a Minor (4) counts
Lewd and Lascivious Molestation

From March 15, 2005, through February 2006, the Palm Beach Police Department conducted a sexual
battery investigation involving Jeffrey Epstein, End EE. Sworn taped statements were
taken from five victims and seventeen witnesses concerning massages and unlawful sexual activity that took place
at the residence of Jeffrey Epstein, 358 El Brillo Way, Palm Beach. Several of the victims were recruited by and
brought to the residence by to perform massages for Epstein, for which llkeceived
monetary compensation. During the visit they would be introduced tof Epstein’s assistant, who in
turn would record their telephone numbers and name. The victims would be brought to Epstein’s bedroom to
provide the massage. Epstein would enter the room and order the victims to remove their clothing to provide the
massage. As the victims complied and provided the massages, Epstein would rub his fingers on their vaginas. pé6
On occasion, Epstein would introduce a massager/vibrator and rub the victims vaginas as they provided the b7C
massage. On three separate occasions, Epstein had intercourse and inserted his penis/fingers in the victims
vaginas. At the conclusion of the massages the victims were paid sums of money ranging froni $200 - $1,000.

The facts, as reported, are as follows:

On 03/15/2005, A fourteen year old white female, hereinafter referred to as {_ dof and
her family reported unlawful sexual activity which occurred at a residence within the Town of Palm Beach. [|
reported that a subject known to her as “Jeff” had touched her vaginal area with a vibrator/massager while within
his residence. “Jeff was later identified as Jeffrey Epstein through a photo line up.

During a sworn taped interview, stated tha a cousin of __|
boyfriend and classmate at worked for a wealthy man and did sexual favors for

him. She also admitted that [J had offered her an opportunity to make money. During the beginning of
the month of February 2005 | explained that she was first approached byf to go with her to Epstein’s
house. [__ ]statea that along with a Hispanic female, later identified a pick her up at
her father’s house on a Sunday _|was not sure of the exact dates but knew it was a Sunday. told her
father that they were going shopping but in reality drove them to Palm Beach. During the drive a

The foregoing instrument was sworn to or affirmed State of Florida
before me this 1* day of May, 2006 by County of Palm Beach
Det Joe Recarey, who is personally known to me.

Signature/Arresting Officer

Signature of Police Officer (F.S.S. 117.10) Date: 05/01/2006

Page of 22

BE - 109002 e

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018894

"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031637.txt,"From: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com] 
Sent: 11/5/2016 1:38:24 PM 
To: iaborY. 
Subject: Re: 
thank you for being understanding, I hate canceling, but i will explain when i see you. . the states will be in 
turmoil for awhile no matter who wins, its also possible that there will be court battles to decide . like bush 
gore. . one thing is for sure, women are angry, they have more power, and race relations are sensitve. 
On Sat, Nov 5, 2016 at 2:35 PM, Jabor Y. ________________________ wrote: 
No worries. I understand your situation. I will leave on the 9th will be back on 13th. Again leave on the 16 
and back on 18th. I had fixed an appoint for you on Monday with Shk. Hamad. Which I shall cancel and fix 
later. Let me know when you plan again your trip to Doha. 
On Saturday, November 5, 2016, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
unfortunatlely, too much work around the election. I will need to cancel doha before the 9th, it is 
s0000 crazy. many stories to tell when i see you. when do you leave.? I feel badly about changes at the 
last minute , but i hope you understand. 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031637 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031638 
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014270.txt,"t
ClHnA__

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| |_|

WANTS TO SEE YOU RUSH in WANTS TO SEE YOU RUSH | of
| [RETURNED Youn ca] [speciaarention | || . | {RETURNED YOURCALL] | SPECIALATTENTION |_| |

| MESSAGE

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Cats V), CS 4H | Seclrive petttfahr bee
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GIUFFRE001411

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014270
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019552.txt,"64 | HOW AMERICA LOST ITS SECRETS

ing with several people who were all being targeted by the [U.S.]
government.” Many of the people she was filming, including Appel-
baum, Assange, Binney, and the former NSA employee Thomas
Drake, could attract interest by U.S. or foreign intelligence services.

Snowden asked Poitras to take out a new enciphering key to use
exclusively for her liaison with him. It provided them both with an
extra layer of protection from any surveillance by law enforcement.
Presumably, she accommodated his requests because she anticipated
that the anonymous person would use this encrypted channel to
send her highly sensitive material.

On January 23, Snowden wrote to Poitras under yet another alias.
This time he called himself Citizen Four. He wrote, “At this stage I
can offer nothing more than my word.” He then said falsely, “I am
a senior government employee in the intelligence community.” She
had no way of knowing at this “stage” that despite giving her his
“word,” he was not who he claimed to be. He was not a “government
employee,” he was not a “senior” official, and he was not a member
of the “intelligence community” (which is composed of the intel-

© ligence services of the U.S. government). He would later also claim ©
to her that he had been “a senior adviser to the CIA” and “a senior
adviser to the DIA.” That was untrue, too. In January 2013, he was
merely a contract employee of Dell’s working as a computer techni-
cian at the NSA base in Hawaii.

Snowden told her in his initial e-mail that he was well acquainted
with her career as an anti-surveillance activist. He said that he had
read Greenwald’s account in Salon that past April, a blog in which
Greenwald detailed the forty times in which Poitras was searched by
U.S. authorities. The story also said that Poitras believed she was on
a special watch list and under constant U.S. government surveillance.
She had come under such scrutiny by U.S. authorities, it turned out,
because of her documentary about American military abuses of civil-
ians in Iraq in 2006, titled My Country, My Country. While filming
it, she was at a place close to an insurgent ambush of U.S. troops in
Iraq. Her presence at the ambush site led army intelligence officers
to suspect (without any evidence) that she might have been tipped
off by the insurgents. She firmly denied the charge, and the govern-
ment never substantiated it. Even so, because of this incident, since

| | Epst_9780451494566_2p_all_r1.z.indd 64 ® 9/29/16 5:51 Pa | |

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019552
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012601.txt,"- 08/51/2007 13:04 FAX 5618021787 . USAO WPB FL . [dj 004

Ms.
August 31, 2007
Page 3

Please advise me whether you wish to testify before the grand jury by close of
busimess Wednesday, September 12,2007. If] do not receive notification from you or your
counsel by this date, I will assume that you do not wish to testify before the grand jury.

Sincerely,
R. ALEXANDER ACOSTA
UNITED STATES ATTORNEY

A. Marie Villafaita
' Assistant United States Attorney.

. ae oA Ned arate ener Ao me Re er ee a Se a ENA RETNA LARA iret Pc ere re eulnge eoraneep merep Aton wae fh

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012601
"
TEXT-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033298.txt,"From: Landon Thomas Jr. 
Sent: 6/22/2016 4:15:25 PM 
To: jeevacation@gmail.com 
Subject: Trump Wall Street 
Importance: High 
Any big finance names out there supporting trump that we have not 
heard about? We are trying to get an angle on who is supporting and 
who is not. 
Sent from my iPhone 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 033298 
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026116.txt,"please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026116
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028481.txt,"pV aad, sSasessew a

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HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028481
"
TEXT-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032838.txt,"From: Merwin Dela cruz 
Sent: 5/14/2019 10:16:30 AM 
To: J [jeevacation@gmail.com]; Richard Kahn 
Subject: Re: 
Importance: High 
Thank you for the heads up sir. 
Sent from Yahoo Mail for iPhone 
On Tuesday, May 14, 2019, 5:46 AM, J <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
presidnet trump is going to be at our neighbors on thurs, so dont be surprsised if secret service check in 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 032838 
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029947.txt,"Article 4.

Cato Institute

The Rest Won't Overcome the West

Leon Hadar

July 1, 2011 -- Much has been said and written in recent years about
the growing challenge to US geo-strategic and geo-economic status
by China, BRIC (Brazil, Russia, India and China) and the other rising
global powers, including South Africa, South Korea, and Turkey.
Indeed, in the aftermath of the US military debacles in Iraq and
Afghanistan, and especially since the financial meltdown and the
ensuing Great Recession, small-time pundits as well as renowned
futurologists have been predicting that the West is basically kaput
and that the rest of the Twenty-First Century belongs to the 'Rest’. In
this scenario, China replaces the US and the global hegemonic power
sooner or later. As we study these America-is-finished-and-China-
rules-the-world forecasts, it is important to recall that not so long ago
many of the same pundits and futurologists were anticipating that
globalisation and the Internet would lead to the collapse of the nation-
state and the end of the business cycle, or that the US would
dominate a unipolar international system and bring about the triumph
of democracy and free markets worldwide.

That many of the same experts who were celebrating US
triumphalism in the aftermath of the fall of the Berlin Wall and the
First Gulf War have now been transformed into the prophets of
American gloom and doom, should encourage us to embrace a certain
sense of scepticism about the notion that China and the rest of the
Rest are about to take charge and that Washington will turn out to be
nothing more than a tourist attraction for Chinese and Indian tourists
in the coming years.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029947
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013279.txt,"Martin Zweig, 70. He predicted the 1987 stock-market crash and
wrote books and newsletters that influenced U.S. investors for
more than a quarter century. Died Feb. 18.

Alger “Duke” Chapman Jr., 81. The CEO of Shearson Hammill &
Co., who merged the firm with Sanford Weill’s Hayden Stone Inc.
in 1974, a milestone in the emergence of mega-companies within
the finance industry. Died Feb. 18 of congestive heart failure

in Littlke Rock, Arkansas, where he retired.

Susan Carroll, 50. A managing director of Morgan Stanley since
2009, who was the chief operating officer of Salt Lake City-
based Morgan Stanley Bank. Died Feb. 18 of liver disease.

Paul Mcllhenny, 68. He was the fourth generation of his family
to lead Mclilhenny Co., a maker of Tabasco sauce. Died Feb. 23 of
a heart attack at his home in New Orleans.

C. Everett Koop, 96. As U.S. surgeon general from 1981 to 1989,
he used his position to educate Americans about the dangers of
smoking while pushing the government to take a stronger stand
against AIDS. Died Feb. 25.

Stephane Hessel, 95. A hero of the French Resistance and former
United Nations diplomat, who in 2010 wrote “Indignez-Vous!,”
titled “Time for Outrage” in the U.S., a best-selling pamphlet

that helped inspire social protests in Europe and the Occupy

Wall Street movement. Died Feb. 26 in Paris.

Robert Elberson, 84. As CEO of Hanes Corp., he introduced L’eggs
pantyhose, and became president of Hanes’s parent, Sara Lee
Corp. Died Feb. 26 at his home in Charlotte, North Carolina.

Van Cliburn, 78. The pianist from Texas, whose triumph as a 23-
year-old at the 1958 Tchaikovsky International Piano and Violin
Festival in Moscow made him an international star. Died Feb. 27
of bone cancer.

Bruce Reynolds, 81. Mastermind of the 1963 Great Train Robbery
in Britain, which brought him fame, fortune and 10 years in

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013279
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032090.txt,"disease will get lost at least once, said Andrew Carle, director of George Mason University's
senior housing administration program.

Read the full story

Keep Track of Your Kids This Summer
From GPS to Temporary Tattoos With Contact Info, Keep Your Kid Safe This Summer

ABC News - Good Morning America - July 31, 2009 - Those of you with iPhone know that
there are many GPS applications. One of the latest is the Locimobile. Ideal for the 3.0 family
(you and your teen need to have the phone). You download the app to your phones, and then your
teen lets you check on his or her whereabouts, perhaps in exchange for getting an iPhone in the
first place. The Locimobile app allows you to see exactly where your child or children are on a
map. You can monitor several kids at one time.

Read the full story

Understanding Dementia And 'Wandering'

NPR - USA - July 14, 2009 - A shoe company, Aetrex Worldwide, and a firm that

makes global positioning devices, GTX Corp., have created shoes containing GPS

technology for wanderers to ...

GTX in Sports Illustrated

June 29, 2009 - GTX, a technology company, and Aetrex Worldwide have announced plans
for shoes containing a GPS chip that will allow family members or saftey personnel to locate
anyone wearing the shoes through online tracking software.

Download the article

GPS Tech Review:

Interviews with Leading GPS Innovators
GPS Tech Review is a forum for current news stories and interviews with the leading innovators

of GPS-enabled personal location services.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032090
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019234.txt,"CONTENTS

Executive Summary 1

Introduction: Modern Authoritarians: Origins,

Anatomy, Outlook 5
Chapters
1. Validating Autocracy through the Ballot 10
2. Propaganda at Home and Abroad 15
3. The Enemy Within: Civil Society at Bay 22
4. The Ministry of Truth in Peace and War 29
5. The Rise of ‘Illiberal Democracy’ 35)
6. Flacks and Friends 4l
7. Bullying the Neighbors: Frozen Conflicts,
the Near Abroad, and Other Innovations 47
8. Back to the Future 52
Conclusion: Authoritarianism Comes Calling 57
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This report emerged from a presentation on the state of global freedom conducted by the author and David J. Kramer, former
president of Freedom House. The major source of data and analysis is Freedom in the World, the report on political rights and
civil liberties published annually by Freedom House. The author wishes to thank the Freedom House analysis staff and the
many scholars who have participated in Freedom House assessments of global democracy. The author also extends special
thanks to Elen Aghekyan, Tyler Roylance, Alexandra Cain, Danielle Recanati, Amy Slipowitz, Alan Williams, Christopher Walker,
Bret Nelson, Michael Johnson, Rebeka Foley, Zselyke Csaky, Sarah Repucci, Vanessa Tucker, Robert Ruby,

and Daniel Calingaert.

THE AUTHOR

Arch Puddington is Distinguished Scholar for Democracy Studies at Freedom House and a co-editor of Freedom in the World.

ON THE COVER

Chinese President Xi Jinping and Russian President Vladimir Putin in Beijing, 2016. Lintao Zhang/Getty Images

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT 4
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025124.txt,"From: Larry Summers 
Sent: 10/27/2017 3:10:13 PM 
To: jeffrey E. [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Subject: Re: Trending Now: Friends for three decades, Trump whisperer says he is 'stunned' by president's rhetoric 
Importance: High 
Softbank deputy guy i liked and seemed aware and honest re Son. 
Lots of slathering to saudis. I yipped about inclusion. 
I observed that half the IQ In world was possessed by women without mentioning they are more than 51 percent 
of population.... 
Mnuchin plumbs new depths. 
War seems more likely than I used to think 
DjT is world s luckiest guy in terms of opposition, economy etc. still think his world will collapse. 
I'm trying to figure why American elite think if u murder your baby by beating and abandonment it must be 
irrelevant to your admission to Harvard, but hit on a few women 10 years ago and can't work at a network or 
think tank. DO NOT REPEAT THIS INSIGHT 
Sent from my iPad 
Please direct all scheduling inquiries to my office at: 
Follow me on twitter glhsummers 
www.larrysummers.com  
On Fri, Oct 27, 2017 at 7:02 PM +0400, ""jeffrey E."" <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
anyone stand out. . ? when we meet I will endeavor to mesmerize you with stories of D.C. so wild. !!!. 
On Fri, Oct 27, 2017 at 10:59 AM, Larry Summers __________________________> wrote: 
Was there. Spoke well. Spent time w Softbank deputy Najeev or some such PIF guy too. 
Flying back. 
How is life among the lucrative and louche? 
Sent from my iPad 
Please direct all scheduling inquiries to my office at: 
Follow me on twitter glhsummers 
www.larrysummers.com  
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 025124 
From: jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> 
Sent: Friday, October 27, 2017 6:51 PM 
Subject: Re: Trending Now: Friends for three decades, Trump whisperer says he is 'stunned' by president's 
rhetoric 
To: Lawrence Summers < 
saudi? 
On Wed, Oct 11, 2017 at 11:04 AM, Lawrence Summers < > wrote: 
Your pal should stay out of press. 
Public link to manafort will be a disaster. 
This is a staggering shit show. 
Sent from my iPad 
Please direct all scheduling inquiries to my office at: 
Follow me on twitter glhsummers 
www.larrysummers.com  
----------Forwarded message---------- 
From: ""The Washington Post"" <emailge.washingtonpost.com> 
Date: Wed, Oct 11, 2017 at 9:04 AM -0400 
Subject: Trending Now: Friends for three decades, Trump whisperer says he is 'stunned' by president's 
rhetoric 
To: ""Summers, Lawrence H."" < 
Democracy Dies in Darkness 
Trending Now 
Wed., Oct. 11, 2017 9:01 a.m. 
Friends for three decades, Trump whisperer says he is  
'stunned' by president's rhetoric  
Billionaire Thomas J. Barrack Jr. has done what few others in Trump's orbit have 
done: He told the president, in effect, that he was wrong. ""In my opinion, he's better 
than this,"" Barrack said. 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 025125 
Trump's relationship with Barrack is one of the most important, if little understood, of 
the president's life, offering a case study of what it takes to remain close to him in a 
time of such turmoil. 
Read more »  
ADVERTISEMENT 
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'7.47rVr. 
©2017 The Washington Post, 1301 K St NW, Washington DC 20071  
7.47rVr. 
41:-'17Az 
7.47rVr. 
41:-'17Az 
74176.P., 
7.4176.P., 
74176.P., 
7.47rVr. 
41:slAz 
MV-zarr. 
'7.47rVr. 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 025126 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 025127 
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024701.txt,"ACKRELL
CAPITAL CHAPTER IV U.S. Legal Landscape

of a single cultivation and dispensing enterprise. In other states, a licensed cultivator may be permitted
to sell to unaffiliated licensed dispensaries or delivery services, which then retail medical cannabis to
patients.

Each state has its own rules about whether medical cannabis activities may be engaged in for profit.
In states where caregivers and qualified patients collectively or cooperatively aggregate their cultivation
and distribution efforts, participants generally are allowed to charge amounts necessary to recover the
reasonable costs associated with those activities but may not operate for profit. In states that allow
licensed cannabis activities, such as cultivation and dispensing, the organizations engaged in those
activities generally may seek to earn a profit.

CBD/Limited Laws

From 2014 through 2017, a total of 19 U.S. states enacted CBD/limited laws that generally permit
possession of small amounts of low-THC/high-CBD cannabis concentrates for use in treating a few
serious medical conditions. Most of these laws limit qualifying medical conditions to severe forms of
epilepsy or seizure disorders, but some laws designate a moderately broader set of conditions.

Most CBD/limited laws allow CBD use by children. Many of these laws were enacted in the con-
text of high-profile stories about CBD treatments for children with severe seizure disorders, and the
laws have been given names like Carly’s Law (Alabama), Haleigh’s Hope Act (Georgia) and Julian’s Law
(South Carolina). Charlotte's Web is a low-THC/high-CBD cannabis strain named for Charlotte Figi,
a young Colorado girl whose parents treat her seizure condition with CBD oil. Her case was featured
in Dr. Sanjay Gupta’s popular CNN special, Weed.

In general, each CBD/limited law establishes a narrow legal framework for use of low-THC/
high-CBD cannabis concentrates. Certain CBD/limited laws designate only one or several producers
of permitted cannabis concentrates; in some cases, these producers include a state university or research
institution. Other CBD/limited laws establish no legal framework for the production or distribution of
permitted products and merely provide a narrow affirmative defense for state-law cannabis possession
and use charges.

Recreational Laws

In 2012, Colorado and Washington voters passed the first laws in the United States (and the world) to
permit the commercial production and sale of cannabis to adults for recreational and other uses. Alaska
and Oregon passed similar recreational laws in 2014. And in the November 2016 elections, four more
states—California, Maine, Massachusetts and Nevada—passed recreational laws. (Of the five recre-
ational laws included on November 2016 ballots, only Arizona’s law did not receive voter approval.)

State recreational laws permit adults aged 21 years or older to legally purchase and use cannabis
sold by state-licensed commercial businesses. There are no state residency requirements for adult con-
sumers, and out-of-state visitors with valid proof of age may legally purchase cannabis, giving rise to
“cannabis tourism” in states with extensive dispensary networks like Colorado, Oregon and Wash-
ington. Cannabis typically may not be consumed in public spaces or private establishments open to
the public, such as parks and restaurants. Recreational laws also generally permit adults to cultivate a

© 2017 Ackrell Capital, LLC | Member FINRA/SIPC 65

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024701
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021513.txt,"FD-302 (Rev. 10-6-95) bic

FEDERAL BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION

Date of transcription 10/05/2007

date of pirth[ ___]| social
cellular telephone

Florida,

Security Account Number

residence
currently employed by
Florida was interviewe .
was advised of the identity of the interviewing agent and purpose
of the interview. [[ Jvoluntarily provided the following
information:

was asked by the interviewing agent if she had
knowledge of a man named Jeffrey Epstein. She believed_she
recognized the name Jeffrey Epstein and described him

has had no contact with a man named Jeffre
Epstein, in his 50's, who lived in Palm Beach, Florida. was
unaware of any other individuals who have had any contact with
Jeffrey Epstein of Palm Beach, Florida.

Investigation on 10/02/2007 at | Florida
File # 31LE-MM-108062 Date dictated 10/05/2007
by sd |

This document contains neither recommendations nor conclusions of the FBI. It is the property of the FBI and is loaned to your agency;

it and its contents are not to be distributed outside your agency.
BE- WUn- 10%062- 1B

~ HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021513.

"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017888.txt,"IN RE TERRORIST ATTACKS ON SEPTEMBER 11, 2001

823

Cite as 349 F.Supp.2d 765 (S.D.N.Y. 2005)

Mar—Jac Investment, Inc., Mena Corpora-
tion, Reston Investment, Inc, Sterling
Charitable Gift Fund, Sterling Manage-
ment Group, Inc., Success Foundation, and
York Foundation.” Jd. 1224. Allegedly,
many of the entities are related by com-
mon management, few of them maintained
a physical presence at their purported
place of business, and they all “have long
acted as fully integrated components of al
Qaeda’s logistical and financial support in-
frastructure.” Jd. 191 225, 226.

Plaintiffs argue the Court has personal
jurisdiction over the SAAR Network be-
cause it participated in the conspiracy that
resulted in catastrophic effects in this dis-
trict. After an ongoing investigation in
the Eastern District of Virginia, federal
authorities raided the offices of several of
these Defendants in Herndon, Virginia in
March 2002. Jd. 1227. The investigation
has allegedly revealed that SAAR Net-
work funds have been transferred to des-
ignated terrorists and al Qaeda operatives
Youssef Nada and Ahmed Idris Nasred-
din. Jd. 1228; see Exec. Order No. 13224
(designating individuals as_ terrorists).
Additionally, Plaintiffs claim that the in-
vestigation has revealed that SAAR Net-
work entities have engaged in transactions
with Bait Ul-mal, Inc. (BMD, which has
transferred funds to terrorist organiza-
tions including al Qaeda, and materially
supported the 1998 embassy bombings in
Africa. Federal Complaint 1 229-230.

[69] At this stage, the Court must ac-
cept as true Plaintiffs’ allegations con-
cerning the relationships of the SAAR
Network. Jd. 99222, 226. Defendants
correctly argue, however, that Defendants
have provided scant basis for linking
these entities under the SAAR Network
title. Certain of these groups may be
subject to personal jurisdiction in light of
Plaintiffs’ allegation that they purposeful-
ly directing its activities at the United

States by transferring money to designat-
ed terrorists Youssef Nada and Ahmed
Idris Nasreddin, particularly if they in-
tended the money to support terrorism.
Id. 1228. Additionally, general jurisdic-
tion could be appropriate for the SAAR
Network entities having offices in Virgi-
nia. Jd. 1227. Accordingly, the SAAR
Network’s motion to dismiss is denied
without prejudice. The parties are to en-
gage in jurisdictional discovery to deter-
mine which of the Network’s entities have
a presence in Virginia and which entities
transferred money to Nada and Nasred-
din.

10. Adel A.J. Batterjee

The Burnett Plaintiffs claim that Defen-
dant Adel A.J. Batterjee is an associate of
Osama bin Laden. Burnett Complaint
9181. On December 21, 2004, the U.S.
Department of Treasury designated Mr.
Batterjee as a Specially Designated Global
Terrorist. See Dec. 23, 2004 Bierstein let-
ter to Court; Exec. Order No. 13224. Mr.
Batterjee is the chairman of Al Shamal
Islamic Bank, “an instrumental bank in
Osama bin Laden’s financial support net-
work.” Burnett Complaint 1365. Mr.
Batterjee is also chairman of al-Bir Saudi
Organization, whose United States branch,
Defendant BIF, is allegedly a “front for al
Qaeda sponsorship.” Burnett Complaint
11 75, 196, 199. BIF is also a designated
terrorist organization. See Exec. Order
No. 13224. The Saudi government closed
AlL-Bir in 1993 “at the same time it was
closing other organizations for ties to ter-
rorism.” Burnett Complaint 1183. Mr.
Batterjee then allegedly moved the chari-
ty’s headquarters to Chicago in the name
of BIF. fd. 11838. Mr. Batterjee is listed
as one of BIF’s three founders in its arti-
cles of incorporation filed in Illinois. 7d.
1183. Through an alias, Mr. Batterjee
allegedly sent money to BIF’s branches.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017888
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031599.txt,"From: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com]

Sent: 12/8/2015 9:53:39 PM
To: Landon Thomas | EE
Subject: Re: Trump

Importance: — High

hawain tropic girl

lauren petrella <a

On Tue, Dec 8, 2015 at 5:50 PM, Landon Thomas Jr. [iE wrote:
Yes!!!

Sent from my iPhone

On Dec 8, 2015, at 4:43 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:

would you like photso of donald and girls in bikinis in my kitchen.

On Tue, Dec 8, 2015 at 5:41 PM, Thomas Jr., Landon I wrote:

Now everyone coming to me thinking I have juicy info on you and Trump.

Because of this.

""T've known Jeff for fifteen years. Terrific guy,"" Trump booms from a speakerphone. ""He's a lot of fun to be with. It is
even said that he likes beautiful women as much as I do, and many of them are on the younger side. No doubt about it --
Jeffrey enjoys his social life.""

That story will never die.

Landon Thomas, Jr.
Financial Reporter
New York Times

http: //topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/t/landon jr thomas/index
.html

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031599
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027641.txt,"Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 03/30/19 09:03:15 AM (575654595)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: C557DFAA-D7A0-44A0-B189-O1CC7C14C017

Message: They also are against the rich

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 03/30/19 09:11:58 AM (575655118)
Flags: 1150981

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 4BC6793A-3A66-4244-8B66-69DE76479621

Message: Being pulled in many directions all super interesting. Not sure yet. Sorry

will let you know as soon as firm . You and your people ar

Paris if it helps. Three finance ministers today. All confused.

sender:

Time: 03/30/19 09:25:10 AM (575655910)
Flags: 1060865
Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 7H42DEFA-7DCD-45D4-BBE0-09399A8B12C8

Message: LMAO

Sender : ay

Time: 03/30/19 09:25:45 AM (575655945)
Flags: 1060865
Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: B4E61F38-2DE7-422B-9240-2593E3662559

Message: When are you back to states or is that open ended

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 03/30/19 09:36:56 AM (575656616)
Flags: 1150981

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

a5

GUID: 618AB64E-728A-45C9-9F73-4CD4E3 9 9BDDF

welcome to stay with me in
- not jewish

Message: Im happy to pay a charter to Paris for you. My Schedule in flux until tomorrow

night

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027641
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023995.txt,"The Pavilions - Phuket

These hilltop retreats are some of Phuket's most romantic crash pads Starting Sunday
thanks to sublime panoramic Andaman Sea views and the island's most aa fe at 8pm BST
discreet staff. All villas include swimmable pools and roomy decks for

sun and shade. The 360 bar attracts the island's bestdressed J nemnrennsrnnes _
inhabitants who flock here at sundown for the calm view then stay
sipping colorful cocktails late into the warm night.

Click here to preview sale

From Cooking to Kickboxing on Koh Samui

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023995
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024022.txt,"Il. THE TEAM

NLV-III will be managed by the New Leaf team, which currently manages NLV-I, NLV-IL, and
provides sub-advisory services managing the remaining healthcare technology investments in
the Sprout Funds. The team of six senior partners, five of whom have worked together
continuously for over a decade, stands out in the industry for its depth of accomplishments,
track record of consistent investment success, and its organizational stability. Each of the senior
partners has a strong combination of significant and relevant industry operating experience and
venture capital investment experience from one or more of the Fund’s targeted sectors. The
New Leaf team is further strengthened by a group of experienced investment professionals who
add highly relevant scientific backgrounds and investment experience.

The following timeline shows the history and progression of the New Leaf team:

History and Progression of New Leaf Team
Donaldson, Lufkin & Jenrette (""DLJ"") Qedit Suisse Arst Boston (""CSFB"") Independent (New Leaf Ventures)
Sprout Growth IL || Sprout Capital VII Sprout Capital VIII} Sprout Capital IX New Leaf New Leaf
$204 million $250 milion $750 milion $1.1 billion * Ventures I Ventures I
HCT: 8% Cost HCT: 40% Cost HCT. 21% Cost HCT: 65% Cost $310 milion $450 million
1993 | 1995, 1997 | 1999 | 2001 | 2003 2005, 2007 2009 2011 2013
s
@ 2

SENIOR TEAM

Philippe Chambon, MD, Ph.D., (55), Managing Director, helped found New Leaf in 2005.
Philippe joined Sprout in 1995 and since that time has been an active investor in all three sectors
of interest for NLV-III. His investments have spanned all stages including six start ups and
several later stage growth equity investments and one buy-out. Philippe is currently focused on
New Leaf’s Information Convergence sector and late stage biopharmaceutical investments.
Philippe is currently on the boards of directors of Treato, Truveris, Karos Pharmaceuticals,
Principia BioPharma and VaxInnate. He was previously on the boards of NxStage Medical
(NASDAQ: NXTM), Auxilium (NASDAQ: AUXL), ePocrates (NASDAQ: EPOC, acquired by
athenahealth), Nuvelo (NASDAQ: NUVO), Sapient Health Network (acquired by WebMD),
Spotfire (acquired by Tibco Software), and Combichem (acquired by DuPont). He also led our
investment in, and was a board observer at, Audax Health (acquired by UnitedHealth/Optum).
Immediately prior to joining Sprout, Philippe was a Manager in the healthcare practice of the
Boston Consulting Group. In that capacity, he managed strategy and business re-engineering
assignments with clients in the pharmaceutical, biotech and insurance industry. Previously,
Philippe was an executive with Sandoz Pharmaceutical for seven years, where he built and led
an organization responsible for late stage clinical project management, portfolio management,
and pre-marketing and pharmacoeconomics activities. He conducted graduate research in

11 CONTROL NUMBER 257 - CONFIDENTIAL

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024022
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015241.txt,"children. And supposing that [the] tales are part of a CIA disinformation
campaign, it would make sense that some names on the list would actually
include guilty participants. After all, what better place to hide the truth
than out in the open, knowing full well it won’ t be believed?”
Sterling posted a review of Cathy O' Brien’ s book by Jaye Beldo on

his Web site, 7he Konformist.

“If you are bored out of your mind with the usual Pamela Anderson
Lee ‘power-fuck porn,’ | suggest grabbing a copy of 7rance Formation
of America and heading to the nearest bathroom with a jar of Vaseline.
Why not infuse life into your worn-out sexual fantasies by envisioning
some of the scenes spelled out in Cathy O’ Brien’ s supposed expose’ of
the pedophile shenanigans of our Government officials? | mean, how could
you not get excited over picturing Hillary Clinton going down on the
author’ s deformed vagina like a starved wolf while Bill walks in on them
and casually ignores them?

“| cannot help but get the impression that Cathy is, at times, really
no different from some of the questionable UFO abductees making
extravagant claims of being transported to other solar systems and back

again. | have little doubt that some of the horrible things she mentions

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015241
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030687.txt,"the use of the addressee. It is the property of

JEE

Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030687
"
IMAGES-012-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033136.txt,"please note

The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of

JEE

Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033136
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017650.txt,"Page 15 of 78
2007 Utah L. Rev. 861, *881

The differences between the two approaches might seem modest until one recognizes that another provision in the Advisory
Committee's proposals appears to intentionally omit any reference to a victim representative. Proposed Rule 60, the Advisory
Committee's ""global"" provision dealing with victims' rights, explains who may enforce victims’ rights. !?? In clear contrast to
the CVRA's governing provision, this proposed rule omits any reference to a crime victim's representative. Proposed Rule 60
provides only that ""the rights of a victim under these rules may be asserted by the victim and the attorney for the government.""
'23 Tn contrast, the CVRA enforcement provision states: ""The crime victim or the crime victim's lawful representative, and the
attorney for the Government may assert the rights described in subsection (a)."" !°4 Nothing in the Advisory Committee Notes
indicates that a crime victim's representative is among those authorized to assert the rights. The Advisory Committee also
struck existing [*882] language in the Rules about a victim's representative exercising the victim's right to speak at
sentencing. !?>

The repeated omission of any reference to a victim's representative is unsettling given the Advisory Committee's promise to
simply track the CVRA's language. !° Its failure to track the language here leaves the impression that the Advisory Committee
is uncomfortable with a victim's representative asserting rights. Perhaps the Committee could make a policy argument against
such representation, but Congress has said victims have the right to have representatives speak for them. The Federal Rules
should follow the CVRA and state clearly that a victim's representative can assert a victim's rights.

The need for clarity on this point is heightened by pre-CVRA caselaw questioning any right by a victim's representative to
assert victims' rights. Most notably, in one of the Oklahoma City bombing prosecutions, the Tenth Circuit rebuked a trial judge
for permitting an attorney for the bombing victims to participate in oral argument at a sentencing hearing. !*7 The Circuit
stated that ""in the absence of any authority permitting the participation of victims’ counsel, we harbor concerns about the
propriety of the district court's rulings."" !78 This statement can no longer be regarded as good law in light of the CVRA's
commands. !°°

Another reason for clarity is to make sure that corporate and organizational victims are able to be heard in the process. The
CVRA's definition of victim - ""a person directly and proximately harmed as a result of the commission of a Federal offense""
130 _ is essentially lifted from federal restitution statutes. '3! Federal courts have consistently held that a ""person"" entitled to

restitution includes corporate entities. !32 Of course, such legal entities cannot appear personally but only through [*883] a

21 For subsequent developments on this issue, see infra notes 578-579 and accompanying text.

22 Proposed Amendments, supra note 71, R. 60, at 16-18.

23 Advisory Committee Report, supra note 69, at 16.

24 18 U.S.C. § 3771(d)(1) (2006) (emphasis added).

25 See Proposed Amendments, supra note 71, R. 32(i)(4)(B)G)-(ii), at 13-14 (deleting language confirming permission for parent or legal
guardian to exercise right to speak at sentencing for minor and incapacitated victims).

26 See, e.g., Advisory Committee Report, supra note 69, at 1 (""The Subcommittee concluded that the Rules should incorporate, but not go
beyond, the specific statutory provisions [in the CVRA]}."").

27 United States v. Fortier, 242 F.3d 1224, 1230 (10th Cir. 2001). In the interest of full disclosure, I was the attorney in question.
8 Td.

29 See United States v. Degenhardt, 405 F. Supp. 2d 1341, 1343 n.7 (D. Utah 2005) (noting that Fortier has now been overruled by statute).

30 18 U.S.C. § 3771 (e) (2006) (emphasis added).

31 See 18 U.S.C. § 3663(a)(2); id. § 3663A(a)(2).

32 See, e.g., United States v. Martin, 128 F.3d 1188, 1191 (7th Cir. 1997) (collecting cases); United States v. Hand, 863 F.2d 1100, 1104 (3d
Cir. 1988) (it makes no sense to say that ""if General Motors or Chase Manhattan Bank had funds stolen, in violation of federal criminal law, a

DAVID SCHOEN

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017650
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027899.txt,"But a series of accidents, in Israel’s life and in mine, would soon point me in
a dramatically different direction. The first became known as the Rotem Crisis,
and it delivered a jolting reminder of Israel’s vulnerability to a surprise attack
from neighboring Arab states. Militarily, we were far stronger than in 1948. But
we were still a young country, at an early stage in our economic development.
Our defense strategy rested on a recognition we could not afford to sustain a
large standing army, relying instead on a pool of trained reservists. The problem
was that a full call-up of the reserves would require something like 48 hours.
That meant some form of early warning was critical.

Rotem erupted in February 1960, about halfway through my fironut, and
began almost farcically. The Chief of Military Intelligence, Chaim Herzog, was
at a diplomatic receiption in Tel Aviv when he began chatting with a guest he
knew well: the head of the local CIA station. What, the American asked, did he
make of the fact that Egypt had moved its two main armored divisions into the
Sinai, toward the border with Israel? Herzog came up with a suitably woolly
reply, about how it was obviously a situation which bore watching. But the truth
was that neither he nor anyone else in Israel had any idea about the Egyptian
mobilization. He left the party as soon as he could, to tell Dayan and Ben-
Gurion. When a reconnaissance flight the next day confirmed that dozens of
battle-ready tanks had been rolled forward toward the Suez Canal, Ben-Gurion
and the generals scrambled for a response.

They did not want a war. Ben-Gurion was particularly worried that in
responding to Nasser’s buildup, he might inadvertently escalate things further.
He vetoed the idea of a full mobilization. But he did order a more limited call-
up, of about 7,000 reservists. He placed the air force on alert. He directed the
four brigades responsible for the defense of southern Israel, including our
armored brigade near Beersheva, to move within a few miles of the border —
and gave us the additional role of sending several overnight munitions convoys
to equip the hastily assembled border force.

The first sign I saw that anything extraordinary was going on was the sudden
movement of tanks and APCs inside our camp. At first, no one told us raw
recruits anything. We were left to look on, and stay out of the way. But with our
operational units preparing to move forward, the problem was that there seemed
no one else with the expertise, experience and local knowledge to lead the
supply columns. So our training battalion was summoned before the platoon
commander. “Any volunteers,” he asked. When none of us raised a hand, he
said: “Come on. One of you must have grown up around here. That means the

51
HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027899
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022032.txt,"1TTERSON

oligarchs, corrupt presidents of

(wammar Gadhafi, among other

_ were explored in a Vanity Fair

TH ANDREW.

zing loyal to his friends,” a “royal

ard Klein. “Take his feelings for
ince and you bring a woman into
reasons, she’s spit out, you might
er. The duke feels that she’s been
se relationship with the Duchess
re have been many problems over
tich stem from the duchess. Some
s is inconsistent with being mar
uke. There’s no question but that
destructive element in the-duke's

+ manifested itself last December, © {
1 at his home in New York,” said a }
n Palace. “Epstein was a friend nm q

f 20 years. It was the first time in
stein. He now recognizes that thes

wise.”

say.

t the prince's dealings with Jeffrey

>in’s town house, the prince dish of
nephew Prince William to 54

e so Ink
ha

; dinner companions wer

1oto of the two of them together | .

y!

Firtuy Ricu

ested in every detail,” a guest in attendance told a New York Post
gossip columnist. “What would Kate wear, what would the
Queen wear, would his ex-wife Sarah Ferguson be invited?”

Other guests in attendance that night included Chelsea Han-
dler, George Stephanopoulos, Charlie Rose, Katie Couric, and
Woody Allen.

At around the same time, Jeffrey Epstein told the New York
Post, “I’m not a sexual predator, I’m an ‘offender: It’s the differ-
ence between a murderer and a person who steals a bagel.”

Was it so remarkable that Prince Andrew would have been seen
in Epstein’s company? Andrew’s philandering had been tabloid

- fodder for years. Randy Andy, they called him in the UK. And in

the circles that Jeffrey Epstein moved in, philandering wasn’t
seen as a vice. Epstein came of age just as industrywide deregu-
lation took hold on Wall Street. Junk bonds were king. Call girls
were charging ten thousand dollars a night. And in the shadows,
you'd see things that would have made Caligula blush. Sights

| that would make Nero himself reach for the nearest fire extin-
| guisher. When the urge presented itself, the new super rich
didn’t have to swap wives.

They could simply swap harems.

By the same token, was it so very strange to think that a man
ike the prince would have grown so detached from reality—
insofar as reality is even a word that applies to a prince? Was it
0 Odd that he thought it was absolutely fine to be seen by photog-
Te Taphers strolling through Central Park with a registered sex
etter —when at the time large swaths of the financial, bank-
mg, and trading industries were characterized by their very

225

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022032
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013251.txt,"Glossary of Specialized Terms 335

Knowledge Base: A shorthand for the totality of knowledge possessed by an intelligent
system during a certain interval of time (whether or not this knowledge is explicitly rep-
resented). Put differently: this is an intelligence’s total memory contents (inclusive of all
types of memory) during an interval of time.

Language Comprehension: The process of mapping natural language speech or text into
a more “cognitive”, largely language-independent representation. In OpenCog this has been
done by various pipelines consisting of dedicated natural language processing tools, e.g. a
pipeline: text — Link Parser — RelEx > RelEx2Frame — Frame2Atom Atomspace; and
alternatively a pipeline Link Parser > Link2Atom — Atomspace. It would also be possi-
ble to do language comprehension purely via PLN and other generic OpenCog processes,
without using specialized language processing tools.

Language Generation: The process of mapping (largely language-independent) cognitive
content into speech or text. In OpenCog this has been done by various pipelines consisting of
dedicated natural language processing tools, e.g. a pipeline: Atomspace > NLGen — text;
or more recently Atomspace — Atom2Link — surface realization — text. It would also be
possible to do language generation purely via PLN and other generic OpenCog processes,
without using specialized language processing tools.

Language Processing: Processing of human language is decomposed, in CogPrime, into
Language Comprehension, Language Generation, and Dialogue Control.

Learning: In general, the process of a system adapting based on experience, in a way that
increases its intelligence (its ability to achieve its goals). The theory underlying CogPrime
doesn’t distinguish learning from reasoning, associating, or other aspects of intelligence.
Learning Server: In some OpenCog configurations, this refers to a software server that
performs “offline” learning tasks (e.g. using MOSES or hillclimbing), and is in communica-
tion with an Operational Agent Controller software server that performs real-time agent
control and dispatches learning tasks to and receives results from the Learning Server.
Linguistic Links: A catch-all term for Atoms explicitly representing linguistic content,
e.g. WordNode, SentenceNode, CharacterNode.

Link: A type of Atom, representing a relationship among one or more Atoms. Links and
Nodes are the two basic kinds of Atoms.

Link Parser: A natural language syntax parser, created by Sleator and Temperley at
Carnegie-Mellon University, and currently used as part of OpenCogPrime’s natural language
comprehension and natural language generation system.

Link2Atom: A system for translating link parser links into Atoms. It attempts to resolve
precisely as much ambiguity as needed in order to translate a given assemblage of link parser
links into a unique Atom structure.

Lobe: A term sometimes used to refer to a portion of a distributed Atomspace that lives
in a single computational process. Often different lobes will live on different machines.
Localized Memory: Memory that stores each item using a small number of closely-
connected elements.

Logic: In an OpenCog context, this usually refers to a set of formal rules for translating
certain combinations of Atoms into “conclusion” Atoms. The paradigm case at present is the
PLN probabilistic logic system, but OpenCog can also be used together with other logics.
Logical Links: Any Atoms whose truth values are primarily determined or adjusted via
logical rules, e.g. PLN’s InheritanceLink, SimilarityLink, ImplicationLink, etc. The term
isn’t usually applied to other links like HebbianLinks whose semantics isn’t primarily logic-

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EXHIBIT 1
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Even from jail, sex abuser manipulated the system. His victims were kept in the dark
BY Julie K. Brown
NOV. 28, 2018
A decade before #MeToo, a multimillionaire sex offender from Florida got the ultimate break.
��
Palm Beach County Courthouse
June 30, 2008
Jeffrey Edward Epstein appeared at his sentencing dressed comfortably in a blue blazer, blue shirt, jeans and gray sneakers. His attorney, Jack
Goldberger, was at his side.
At the end of the 68-minute hearing, the 55-year-old silver-haired financier — accused of sexually abusing dozens of underage girls — was fingerprinted
and handcuffed, just like any other criminal sentenced in Florida.
But inmate No. W35755 would not be treated like other convicted sex offenders in the state of Florida, which has some of the strictest sex offender laws in
the nation.
Ten years before the #MeToo movement raised awareness about the kid-glove handling of powerful men accused of sexual abuse, Epstein’s lenient
sentence and his extraordinary treatment while in custody are still the source of consternation for the victims he was accused of molesting when they
were minors.
Beginning as far back as 2001, Epstein lured a steady stream of underage girls to his Palm Beach mansion to engage in nude massages, masturbation, oral
sex and intercourse, court and police records show. The girls — mostly from disadvantaged, troubled families — were recruited from middle and high
schools around Palm Beach County. Epstein would pay the girls for massages and offer them further money to bring him new girls every time he was at
his home in Palm Beach, according to police reports.
The girls, now in their late 20s and early 30s, allege in a series of federal civil lawsuits filed over the past decade that Epstein sexually abused hundreds of
girls, not only in Palm Beach, but at his homes in Manhattan, New Mexico and in the Caribbean.
In 2007, the FBI had prepared a 53-page federal indictment charging Epstein with sex crimes that could have put him in federal prison for life. But then-
Miami U.S. Attorney Alexander Acosta signed off on a non-prosecution agreement, which was negotiated, signed and sealed so that no one would know
the full scope of Epstein’s crimes. The indictment was shelved, never to be seen again.
Epstein instead pleaded guilty to lesser charges in state court, and was required to register as a sex offender. He was sentenced to 18 months
incarceration.
But Epstein — who had a long list of powerful, politically connected friends — didn’t go to state prison like most sex offenders in Florida. Instead, the
multimillionaire was assigned to a private wing of the Palm Beach County stockade, where he was able to hire his own security detail. Even then, he didn’t
spend much time in a cell. He was allowed to go to his downtown West Palm Beach office for work release, up to 12 hours a day, six days a week, records
show.
Read Next
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LOCAL
Sex abuser Jeffrey Epstein was surrounded by powerful people. Here’s a sampling
He was permitted to hire his own private psychologist for his required sex-offender counseling, and after his release from jail, his subsequent year of
probation under house arrest was filled with trips on his corporate jet to Manhattan and to his home in the U.S. Virgin Islands — all approved by the courts
with no objections from the state.
On the morning of his sentencing in 2008, none of Epstein’s victims were in the courtroom to protest his soft jail term or the unusual provisions of his
incarceration and probation — and that was by design.
Palm Beach multimillionaire Jeffrey Epstein is a free man, despite sexually abusing dozens of underage girls according to police and prosecutors. His
victims have never had a voice, until now.
By
Emails and letters contained in court filings reveal the cozy, behind-the-scenes dealings between federal prosecutors and Epstein’s indomitable legal
team during the run-up to his federal plea deal, as they discussed ways to minimize his criminal charges and avoid informing the girls about the details of
the deal until after the case was resolved.
That arrangement benefited Epstein in a number of ways. Unlike other high-profile sex crime cases, federal prosecutors agreed to keep his sentencing
quiet, thereby limiting media coverage. His underage victims — identified in FBI documents — weren’t told about the plea deal so they weren’t in court,
where they could voice their objections and possibly sway the judge to give Epstein a harsher sentence or reject the agreement altogether.
Most important, Epstein’s crimes would be reduced to felony prostitution charges, giving him the ability to argue that the girls weren’t victims at all —
they were prostitutes.
Four accomplices named in Epstein’s non-prosecution agreement — Nadia Marcinkova, Sarah Kellen, Adriana Ross and Lesley Groff — were also given
immunity from federal prosecution. Marcinkova was a young girl when Epstein brought her from Yugoslavia to live with him. Several victims told police
that she was involved in orgies with Epstein and underage girls. Ross, Groff and Kellen, now known by her married name, Vickers, were schedulers who
arranged his underage sex sessions, according to the FBI and police.
Marcinkova and Kellen, through their attorneys, declined to comment for this story. The Herald was unsuccessful in reaching Ross and Groff.
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Acosta, who is now President Donald Trump’s secretary of labor, told lawmakers last year at his confirmation hearing that he did not know that Epstein
would receive such liberal treatment while incarcerated. But court records show that federal prosecutors under his authority acquiesced to many of
Epstein’s demands, including that he not go to federal or state prison.
“I can’t remember how I found out that he had taken a plea,’’ said Courtney Wild, identified by the FBI as one of more than three dozen underage girls —
some of them as young as 13 — who had been molested by Epstein at his waterfront estate between 2001 and 2005.
“We were purposefully misled into believing that his sentencing [in state court] had nothing to do with the federal crimes he committed against me or the
other girls.’’
Epstein, now 65, was released in 2009 after serving 13 months.
Wild, who was 14 when she met Epstein, is suing the federal government, alleging that prosecutors kept her and other victims in the dark as part of a
conspiracy to give Epstein — described in the lawsuit as “a powerful, politically connected multimillionaire” — one of the most lenient deals for a serial
child sex offender in history.
Courtney Wild is suing the federal government, claiming that prosecutors deliberately kept her and other victims of Jeffrey Epstein in the dark about the status of his case. The
U.S. Attorney’s Office signed a non-prosecution agreement with the multimillionaire. Emily Michot EMICHOT@MIAMIHERALD.COM
Now 31, Wild is Jane Doe No. 1 in “Jane Doe 1 and Jane Doe 2 vs. the United States,” which seeks to overturn Epstein’s plea agreement on the grounds that
it was executed in violation of the federal Crime Victims’ Rights Act. The measure affords crime victims a series of rights, including to confer with
prosecutors and to be notified about plea negotiations and sentencing.
That lawsuit — and an unrelated state court case scheduled for trial on Dec. 4 — could expose more about Epstein’s crimes, as well as who else was
involved and whether there was any undue influence that tainted the federal case.
https://www.miamiherald.com/news/local/article219494920.html
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Support investigative journalism
The Miami Herald obtained thousands of FBI and court records, lawsuits, and witness depositions, and went to federal court in New York to access sealed documents in the reporting of ""Perversion of
Justice."" The Herald also tracked down more than 60 women who said they were victims, some of whom had never spoken of the abuse before.
Your digital subscription, starting at $0.99 for the first month, supports investigative journalism like this.
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Some of Epstein’s victims will finally have an opportunity to testify for the first time as part of the Dec. 4 case in state court in Palm Beach County. It pits
Fort Lauderdale attorney Bradley Edwards against Epstein, who had accused Edwards of malfeasance in his representation of several victims.
Jack Scarola, the attorney representing Edwards, said Epstein should be held accountable for his unrelenting attacks against Edwards — as well as others
who were involved in his case.
“We are going to demonstrate through this case that no one — no matter how much money they have — can abuse children and then attempt to bully
those who come to the defense of children,’’ said Scarola, a former state prosecutor.
Florida and beyond
Few people had as much insight into Epstein’s lifestyle — and its international reach — as Virginia Roberts. By age 16, Roberts had lived a life that was
beyond that of most high school girls.
At 11, she says, she was sexually molested by a family friend. At 12, she was smoking pot and skipping school. At 13, she was in and out of foster homes, and
at 14, she was on the street.
In Miami, the runaway became a captive of a 65-year-old sex trafficker, Ron Eppinger. For months, she says, she was sexually abused, kept in an
apartment and pimped out to pedophiles. After his indictment in 2000 on trafficking charges, Roberts returned to West Palm Beach and tried to heal.
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Virginia Roberts, now Giuffre, says she was 16 and working as a locker room attendant at Donald Trump’s Mar-a-Lago resort when she was approached by Ghislaine Maxwell,
Jeffrey Epstein’s associate, about becoming a masseuse for Epstein. COURTESY OF VIRGINIA ROBERTS
That summer, when Roberts was 16, she said her father helped her get a job as a locker room attendant at the spa at Donald Trump’s Mar-a-Lago resort in
Palm Beach, records show. Her father worked at the resort as a maintenance man.
There she said she met Ghislaine Maxwell, an Epstein friend and socialite daughter of the late British publishing magnate Robert Maxwell. She offered
Roberts an opportunity to become a massage therapist, working for Epstein.
In a sworn court affidavit and in a recent interview with the Herald, Roberts described how Epstein and Maxwell began grooming her — not just to
perform massages, but to sexually pleasure them and others.
“It started with one and it trickled into two and so on,’’ Roberts told the Herald. “And before you know it, I’m being lent out to politicians and academics
and royalty.’’
Roberts, too, was ordered to find Epstein girls — the younger, the better — by trolling areas where teenagers congregated, such as shopping malls, to lure
girls to whatever residence Epstein was staying in at the time, she told the Herald.
She began to travel with Epstein and Maxwell to Epstein’s other homes, in New York, New Mexico and the U.S. Virgin Islands — and her trips are
documented in flight logs that frequently list her name or her initials as a passenger, court records show.
“His appetite was insatiable. He wanted new girls, fresh, young faces every single day — that was just the sickness that he had,’’ Roberts said.
Neither Epstein nor his lead attorney, Goldberger, responded to requests for comment.
Roberts alleges that Epstein had cameras throughout his homes and said he liked her to tell him about the sexual peccadilloes of various important men
she had sex with.
“Epstein and Maxwell also got girls for Epstein’s friends and acquaintances. Epstein specifically told me that the reason for him doing this was so that
they would ‘owe him,’ they would ‘be in his pocket,’ and he would ‘have something on them,’ ” Roberts said in a court affidavit. “I understood him to
https://www.miamiherald.com/news/local/article219494920.html
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mean that when someone was in his pocket, they owed him favors.’’
Roberts elaborated in her interview with the Herald, saying that Epstein had access to girls through a modeling agency that recruited them from overseas.
Epstein, who was close to Les Wexner, the owner of Victoria’s Secret, often talked about his connections to people in the modeling, fashion and acting
industries, Roberts told the Herald.
“He [Epstein] would tell the girls, ‘Hey, I will give you a modeling contract if you go have sex with this man [whichever acquaintance Epstein
designated],’ ’’ she said.
Roberts’ story about the modeling agency is supported, to a degree, by the sworn statement of a Miami woman named Maritza Vasquez, who was later
interviewed in New York by an FBI agent from Miami. Vasquez worked as a bookkeeper for Mc2, owned by Epstein associate Jean-Luc Brunel. He
employed scouts in South America, Europe and the former Soviet Union to find him models to bring to the United States, Vasquez said in a 2010 sworn
court deposition obtained by the Herald.
Vasquez stated in the deposition that from 2003 to 2006 she handled all the finances and payroll for the agency, including a bank transaction involving
Epstein. She said Epstein invested $1 million in Mc2.
The models were often very young — 13, 14 and 15 — and some of them were housed in apartments at 301 E. 66th St. in New York, a building purportedly
owned by Epstein, the deposition said.
Epstein didn’t charge the girls rent, Vasquez said, but Brunel charged them $1,000 a month, with four of them at a time sharing one apartment. The girls
who were the youngest and most beautiful stayed at the 66th Street apartments, which were more luxurious than the other apartments that were used to
house models who were not as young and desirable, she said.
Vasquez once let one of the models, who was 14, stay overnight with her after the girl ran into trouble with police for trying to get into a Manhattan
nightclub. Vasquez also testified that she helped a lawyer obtain visas for the foreign models, and assisted with their transportation to and from modeling
assignments and parties.
Vasquez said that even though the agency employed 200 to 300 models, the company didn’t make any money and Brunel was always broke. Brunel would
later sue Epstein, alleging that the financier’s sex scandal had caused his business to fail, but the suit was eventually dropped.
Vasquez testified it wasn’t unusual for the agency to send girls to an assignment with a wealthy client for $100,000 or more, but the girl wouldn’t be paid
the full amount — or anything at all — if she refused to be “molested.’’
Vasquez considered herself a mother figure and often coached the youngest girls to stick to the 9-to-5 modeling assignments because she didn’t think it
was appropriate for them to be having sex.
She said she met Epstein only once, but she often helped arrange for girls — many of them underage — to be sent to his homes in New York, Palm Beach
and his island in the Caribbean for parties. She heard salacious rumors about Epstein’s parties, but testified she had no firsthand knowledge about
whether they involved sex.
Vasquez said that she was questioned by the FBI and she tried to tell agents where to look for evidence.
Vasquez was eventually let go from the agency after she was accused of stealing money — money she claims was given to her by Brunel. Vasquez said she
was placed on probation for the theft. She never heard from the FBI about Epstein again.
The Herald was unsuccessful in reaching Brunel through his former attorney.
In a written statement released in 2015, Brunel denied any involvement in trafficking underage models.
“I strongly deny having participated, neither directly nor indirectly, in the actions Mr. Jeffrey Epstein is being accused of,” he said. “I strongly deny
having committed any illicit act or any wrongdoing in the course of my work as a scouter or model agencies manager.”
Too old at 19
In 2003, when Roberts turned 19, it was clear that Epstein had lost interest because she was too old for him, she said. She convinced him to pay for her to
get training to become a real professional masseuse so that she could move on.
In an interview, she explained that Epstein arranged for her to take a class in Thailand, but it came with a hitch: She said she was instructed to pick up a
Thai girl he had arranged to come to the States.
https://www.miamiherald.com/news/local/article219494920.html
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Roberts, who showed the Herald the written instructions for the rendezvous, never picked up the girl because Roberts met a man on the trip who would
become her husband. The couple married and moved to Australia, where they currently live.
In 2007 — at the same time the FBI was investigating Epstein — Roberts, pregnant with her second child, said she unexpectedly received phone calls from
Maxwell and Epstein. She said they were worried that she had told police about them. She assured them she had not spoken to anyone, she said.
Shortly afterward, Roberts said, she was contacted by someone who claimed to be with the FBI. But she was afraid to tell that person details, fearing it was
really an Epstein associate posing as an FBI agent.
That agent, identified in court papers as Timothy Slater, confirmed that he and the other agent on the case, Nesbitt Kuyrkendall, called Roberts in January
or February 2007. In a sworn statement, Slater said he informed Roberts that they suspected she was a victim of Epstein’s.
The agent said Roberts answered basic questions, but became uncomfortable and “asked that I not bother her again.’’
Roberts said the agent didn’t try too hard to convince her to talk, and she was surprised when he hung up after asking her a few graphic questions about
her sex life. She said she was suspicious, but would have cooperated had the FBI talked to her in person and explained why they were asking about
Epstein.
“I was still scared to death,’’ Roberts said. “Jeffrey used to tell me that he owned the entire Palm Beach Police Department. I just didn’t want my family
harmed.’’
She nevertheless was listed by federal prosecutors as one of Epstein’s Palm Beach victims.
As the years went by and Roberts had a daughter, she would be haunted by a fear that Epstein was still taking advantage of young girls. In 2011, she went
public in a paid interview with a British tabloid, the Daily Mail, asserting that she had had sex with Prince Andrew, one of Epstein’s friends, several times
when she was a teen.
In her 2015 affidavit, she discussed in detail some of her alleged sex encounters with the prince and Epstein’s other friends, including lawyer Alan
Dershowitz. Edwards included the affidavit in the court file as part of the Jane Does’ Crime Victims’ Rights Act case, at which time it became public.
Virginia Roberts says she was loaned out by Jeffrey Epstein to his friend Prince Andrew, shown here. He denies they had sex. COURTESY OF VIRGINIA ROBERTS
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In the affidavit, Roberts claimed that Epstein and Maxwell directed her to have sex with Andrew and Dershowitz and others. She had sex with Andrew
three times, she alleged — once in London, when she was 17, again in New York, when she was 17, and a third time, as part of an orgy on Epstein’s island,
when she was 18. By law, at 17, she would have been above the age of consent in New York and England, but not in Florida, where the age of consent is 18.
As part of the affidavit, Roberts furnished a photograph of her with the prince and Maxwell, which she said was taken in London.
Dershowitz, who was part of Epstein’s criminal defense team, was often a guest at Epstein’s homes, she said.
“I had sexual intercourse with Dershowitz at least six times,’’ Roberts wrote in the 2015 court affidavit. “The first time was when I was about 16, early on
in my servitude to Epstein and it continued until I was 19.’’ She detailed some of those alleged trysts, which she said happened at Epstein’s homes in Palm
Beach, New Mexico and on Epstein’s island.
One of Epstein’s housemen, Juan Alessi, testified in a 2009 sworn deposition that Dershowitz visited Epstein’s Palm Beach home four or five times a year.
He said that Roberts was a frequent visitor as well, but he never placed Dershowitz and Roberts at the house at the same time.
Alessi, who testified he worked for Epstein from 1999 to 2002, said there were often young girls who gave massages at the house, even in the middle of the
night. But he said he never checked their ages, and only knew one girl for certain who was underage, because he had picked her up from high school. That
girl, who is now an actress, was not one of Epstein’s masseuses, Alessi said.
He also said he was Maxwell’s driver, and he recalls waiting outside of Mar-a-Lago the day Maxwell met Roberts. He testified he saw Maxwell talking to
Roberts and recalls Roberts coming to Epstein’s mansion later that day. One of Alessi’s jobs was to drive Maxwell to various spas in Palm Beach where she
left business cards in order to “recruit’’ more masseuses, he said in the sworn deposition.
Dershowitz, Prince Andrew and Maxwell have long denied Roberts’ allegations.
In an interview with the Herald, Dershowitz reiterated that he had never met Roberts, and never saw Epstein with any underage girls.
“The story was 100 percent flatly categorically made-up,’’ he said, adding that Roberts and her attorneys fabricated the assertion in order to get money
from other powerful, wealthy people she alleges she had sex with.
“The only possible reason to accuse me in public and [them] in private is so she could get money,’’ Dershowitz said.
Edwards and his co-counsel in the Crime Victims’ lawsuit, University of Utah law professor Paul Cassell, sued Dershowitz for defamation and Dershowitz
countersued in 2015. The case was settled out of court, with Dershowitz saying he had been vindicated.
Dershowitz said he received a massage at Epstein’s Palm Beach home only once — but that it was just a regular, therapeutic massage by a masseuse — not
by Roberts or anyone underage. Dershowitz’s wife was there at Epstein’s house at the time, Dershowitz said in the deposition taken for the case in 2015.
“I never had any knowledge of Jeffrey Epstein having any contact with any underage women — ever,’’ Dershowitz told the Herald.
Edwards and Cassell admitted making a “tactical mistake” in filing the accusations against Dershowitz as part of a lawsuit not involving him. But they
emphasized that the settlement had no bearing on the veracity of Roberts’ allegations.
The judge for the Crime Victims’ Rights Act lawsuit agreed that the affidavit was misplaced in that case, and it was dropped.
Prince Andrew’s spokesman at Buckingham Palace did not respond to an email requesting comment.
Roberts, now 35, said it has taken her a long time to stand up to Epstein. She and 20 other victims received settlements from Epstein, ranging from
$50,000 to more than $1 million. The exact amounts have been kept confidential.
“It takes so long until you are able to speak about it. It took me having a daughter and looking at this young, beautiful innocent baby to say I want to speak
out about it now. I’m hoping that this will bring out more girls so that they say, Me Too.’’
The state court hearing
The judge at Epstein’s sentencing hearing at the Palm Beach County Courthouse knew very little about Epstein’s crimes. The sentencing paperwork was
restricted to Epstein’s specific charges: one count of solicitation of prostitution and one count of procuring a person under the age of 18 for prostitution.
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“Are there more than one victim?’’ Circuit Court Judge Deborah Dale Pucillo asked the prosecutor at Epstein’s sentencing on June 30, 2008.
“There’s several,’’ replied assistant state prosecutor Lanna Belohlavek.
“Are all the victims in both of these cases in agreement with the terms of this plea?’‘ Pucillo later asked.
“Yes,’‘ Belohlavek replied, telling the judge that she had spoken to “several” of Epstein’s victims.
Emails show that federal prosecutors didn’t want the judge to know how many victims and accomplices there were.
Federal prosecutor A. Marie Villafaña — in a September 2007 email to Epstein lawyer Jay Lefkowitz — said: “I will mention co-conspirators but I would
prefer not to highlight for the judge all the other crimes and all the other persons that we could charge.’’
Attorney Spencer Kuvin happened to be in court that day because he’d heard Epstein was to appear, but Kuvin didn’t know why. He figured he’d use it as
an opportunity to serve Epstein with civil court papers involving one of several victims he represented. Instead, he listened to what was happening and
couldn’t believe that no one had contacted him or his clients.
“I was shocked to learn that the proceeding involved my client’s case and there was nothing I could do except watch as they disposed of her case without
ever telling her,’’ Kuvin said.
At the hearing, Belohlavek and Epstein’s attorney, Goldberger, were in sync, the court transcript shows. Epstein would be required to register as a sex
offender, but his probation would not be served under the strict requirements of sex offender probation.
Jeffrey Epstein is a registered sex offender in New York State and Florida. Emily Michot EMICHOT@MIAMIHERALD.COM
The judge didn’t question those provisions, but she did ask why Epstein was going to serve his sentence in the Palm Beach County stockade instead of in a
Florida state prison, like most sex offenders.
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After he pleaded guilty in state court, Jeffrey Epstein was assigned to a private section of the Palm Beach County stockade. Soon, however, he was allowed to leave the
compound six days a week, 12 hours a day, for what was termed work release. Emily Michot EMICHOT@MIAMIHERALD.COM
“We just decided that was the best way to accomplish what needed to be done here and the parties agreed that that sentence satisfied everyone’s
requirements,’’ Goldberger replied.
Said Judge Pucillo: “The taxpayers of Palm Beach County are going to pay 18 months to house this guy instead of DOC [the Department of Corrections]?”
Belohlavek: “Right.’’
Pucillo did not respond to a request for comment on the case.
Villafaña, the lead federal prosecutor in Epstein’s case, was in the courtroom, but there’s no indication she objected to Epstein’s cozier jail
accommodations.
When he entered jail in July 2008, Epstein was arguably the most well-known inmate there. Records also show that Epstein hired Palm Beach sheriff’s
deputies for his security details, paying them for the hours they spent monitoring him on work release at his West Palm Beach office, where he often
stayed until 10 p.m., jail logs show.
The Herald reviewed their time sheets, showing that the deputies logged visitors coming and going to and from his office throughout the day. A record log
of his visitors was kept in a safe, but the log no longer exists, according to a spokeswoman for the Palm Beach County Sheriff’s Office.
One deputy who often worked Epstein’s detail said that his assignment was to stay in a front reception room of Epstein’s office. Epstein was in a separate
office — with the door closed — most of the day as he accepted visitors, both male and female, the deputies’ logs show.
“It was not our job to monitor what he was doing in that office,’’ the deputy,
now retired, told the Herald.
In their early reports in July 2008, the deputies referred to Epstein as
“inmate’’ but within a few weeks the language had changed and he was
called a “client.” He was occasionally allowed to take a break for lunch by
sitting outside in a park, the records show, and they also gave him
permission to scout for a new office. While on work release, he was required
to wear an ankle bracelet to monitor his whereabouts.

https://www.miamiherald.com/news/local/article219494920.html
4/3/2019
Even from jail, Jeffrey Epstein manipulated the system | Miami Herald
Page 11 of 17
Case 1:19-cv-03377 Document 1-1 Filed 04/16/19 Page 12 of 18
The work release was approved by the Palm Beach County Sheriff’s Office,
said spokeswoman Therese Barbera.
“Jeffrey Epstein, while in custody, met the criteria for the Work Release
Program,’’ Barbera wrote in an email. “There was no factual basis to deny
Mr. Epstein the same availability of this program that is offered to other
inmates under similar circumstances. Mr. Epstein was closely monitored
and there were no problems encountered during his time in the program.”
But the sheriff’s own work release policy — a copy of which Barbera provided
to the Herald — specifically notes that sex offenders aren’t eligible for work
While officially confined to the Palm Beach County stockade, serving time for his sex
release.
offenses, Jeffrey Epstein was allowed to spend half his day at this West Palm Beach
office building. It was called work release, although Palm Beach Sheriff’s Office rules
At first, Barbera questioned whether Epstein was a sex offender at all, noting prohibit work-release status for sexual offenders. Emily Michot
that he didn’t have to register officially until after his release from the jail in EMICHOT@MIAMIHERALD.COM
2009. But his court papers clearly listed him as a sex offender. In fact, the papers Epstein signed — obtained by the Herald — included all the laws
governing registered sex offenders in Florida.
Barbera refused to explain why Epstein was seemingly allowed to deviate from the agency’s policies. She also would not respond to requests for an
accounting of the amount of money that Epstein paid the sheriff’s office for his private details.
Palm Beach Sheriff Ric Bradshaw, who has been in office since 2004 — and is widely considered to be one of the most powerful people in the county — did
not respond to requests for comment.
A spokeswoman for Palm Beach County Sheriff Ric Bradshaw declined to say why Jeffrey Epstein was allowed work-release status despite rules prohibiting work release for sex
offenders. Taylor Jones PALM BEACH POST
Epstein’s registration requirements are somewhat confusing, even to those who are responsible for keeping his registration. The Florida Department of
Law Enforcement, which keeps the online registry, and the Palm Beach County Sheriff’s Office, where Epstein has to register in person twice a year, gave
https://www.miamiherald.com/news/local/article219494920.html
4/3/2019
Even from jail, Jeffrey Epstein manipulated the system | Miami Herald
Page 12 of 17
Case 1:19-cv-03377 Document 1-1 Filed 04/16/19 Page 13 of 18
conflicting explanations over the past six months about who is responsible for ensuring that he is complying with the law.
On Nov. 14, the Herald asked the sheriff’s office for a full accounting of Epstein’s check-ins for 2018. The record the office supplied two days later showed
he registered in January and in July — as required. But PBSO also inexplicably had him registering on Nov. 14 — the very same day that the Herald asked
for the records from the sheriff’s office.
When asked about this sudden registration, Barbera replied: “The information we provided you was a snapshot from the FDLE website. Perhaps,
someone from FDLE can provide a reason for you.’’
Said FDLE spokeswoman Gretl Plessinger in an email: “The screenshot is not on the public registry. This is information inputted by the local agency when
the offender comes into the local sheriff’s office to register.’’
Plessinger said Epstein is not covered by the state’s new three-day rule, which requires sex offenders to re-register when they come to stay in Florida for
three days or more. His town of Palm Beach home is already on file, as a temporary residence, she said.
So it’s not clear why he would have suddenly registered a third time on Nov. 14.
State Sen. Lauren Book, a child sex abuse survivor and vocal advocate for tough sex offender monitoring, called the case an appalling example of how
those in the justice system allow wealthy people to skirt the law and bend the rules.
“These prosecutors, and judges and sheriffs who are making these decisions and allowing things to fly — we have to hold these people accountable. They
are supposed to uphold the law — regardless of who a person is and how much money they have in the bank or who they had on their airplane.’’
Piece by piece
Over the years, Courtney Wild, Virginia Roberts and more than a dozen other women who say they were victims of Epstein have been quietly challenging
the traditional legal norms that have failed to punish Epstein and other men in positions of power for sexual abuse.
Epstein has paid millions of dollars in civil compensation that, for the most part, has kept the details about his operation out of the public eye. As a result,
much — but not all — of the testimony and evidence collected as part of the vast litigation has been sealed or redacted from public court records.
https://www.miamiherald.com/news/local/article219494920.html
4/3/2019
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Page 13 of 17
Case 1:19-cv-03377 Document 1-1 Filed 04/16/19 Page 14 of 18
The girls who were abused by Jeffrey Epstein and the cops who championed their cause remain angry over what they regard as a gross injustice, while
Epstein's employees and those who engineered his non-prosecution agreement have prospered.
By
Taking a page from Epstein’s legal team, lawyers representing Epstein’s victims hired private investigators and former police detectives to dig into
Epstein’s life. Over the past decade, they’ve tracked down hundreds of people, including dozens of other potential victims; they’ve interviewed Epstein’s
recruiters, bookkeepers, housekeepers, butlers, pilots and drivers. They’ve traveled around the country and the world, taking statements and sworn
depositions, coaxing people to talk who had previously been too reticent to come forward.
In short, they did what criminal prosecutors didn’t do.
Some of the information they’ve learned was given to federal authorities in New York. Edwards said those authorities have shown no interest in opening a
new investigation focused on crimes he is alleged to have committed in that state, where he is listed as a level 3 sex offender, the most dangerous
category, considered at risk to re-offend, records show. In New York, he has to register every 90 days.
Virginia Roberts holds a photo of herself at age 16, when she says Palm Beach multimillionaire Jeffrey Epstein began abusing her sexually. Emily Michot
EMICHOT@MIAMIHERALD.COM
Holding abusers accountable
In 2015, Roberts sued Maxwell for defamation in New York after Maxwell called her a liar in a news interview. The civil lawsuit was an effort by Roberts
not just to clear her name, but an attempt to prove that Epstein and Maxwell operated an international underage sex trafficking operation. The lawsuit
was settled out of court in 2017 and nearly all the evidence presented in the case has been sealed.
Roberts’ attorney, Sigrid McCawley, claims that Roberts received a sizable settlement, although the amount is confidential.
“She wanted to hold her abusers accountable and we were able to do that by bringing this case … which we ultimately settled very successfully for her,’’
said McCawley, an associate of noted Bush-Gore recount lawyer David Boies, who has also pursued cases against Epstein in federal court in New York.
https://www.miamiherald.com/news/local/article219494920.html
4/3/2019
Even from jail, Jeffrey Epstein manipulated the system | Miami Herald
Page 14 of 17
Case 1:19-cv-03377 Document 1-1 Filed 04/16/19 Page 15 of 18
Maxwell’s lawyer, Laura Menninger, declined to comment, referring the Herald to the court history.
“[Roberts] fabricated a story of abuse at the hands of Ms. Maxwell in exchange for hundreds of thousands of dollars from British tabloids with a motive
for selling papers and advertisements and without regard for truth, veracity or substantiation,’’ Menninger noted in a 2016 response filed in the case.
In February, the Miami Herald filed a federal court motion in the Southern District of New York, seeking access to documents that were sealed in the
Maxwell case. The motion, which was not opposed by Roberts, could have cast light on the full scope of Epstein’s possible sex trafficking operation, who
was involved and whether it was covered up. Maxwell has opposed the Herald’s motion, which was denied in August.
The Herald is appealing.
Today, Epstein has a new private jet, which takes him around the world. Flight records show that he spends most of his time on his private island, Little St.
James in the U.S. Virgin Islands, which he now lists as his permanent residence. He is registered in New York and the U.S. Virgin Islands as a sex offender.
New Mexico, where he owns a sprawling ranch, does not list him as a convicted sex offender.
As part of its investigation, the Herald learned that in 2013, the federal government conceded that it had given Epstein what it called “valuable
consideration” for information he provided to the FBI as part of his plea deal. The documents do not elaborate, but Epstein — a hedge fund manager who
once worked for the investment firm Bear Stearns — was listed as a key investor who lost money in the financial crash of 2008.
Francey Hakes, a former federal child sex crimes prosecutor, said any consideration the government gave to Epstein should be made public.
“The public has a right to know why he got a slap on the wrist, and what was the interest that was so great that allowed him to not get prosecuted?”
https://www.miamiherald.com/news/local/article219494920.html
4/3/2019
Even from jail, Jeffrey Epstein manipulated the system | Miami Herald
Page 15 of 17
Case 1:19-cv-03377 Document 1-1 Filed 04/16/19 Page 16 of 18
Nadia Marcinkova, now a professional pilot, worked for Jeffrey Epstein when he was molesting young women. Victims told police Marcinkova would participate in sex acts,
often as Epstein choreographed every move. Jerod Harris
In recent years, Epstein has been traveling the world in his new Gulfstream V jet. He has been active in various charitable causes and scientific research
projects. The Jeffrey Epstein VI Foundation, based in the U.S. Virgin Islands, has helped fund NeuroTV, an online network that features interviews with
academics and scientists.
Then and now
Both Nadia Marcinkova and Sarah Kellen changed their names after the scandal.
Marcinkova, 32, briefly became Marcinko. She visited Epstein more than 70 times when he was in Palm Beach custody. She went on to a career in real
estate. And she is now an FAA-certified commercial pilot and flight instructor who goes by the name “Global Girl’’ on social media.
(www.facebook.com/GlobalGirlAviation/)
https://www.miamiherald.com/news/local/article219494920.html
4/3/2019
Even from jail, Jeffrey Epstein manipulated the system | Miami Herald
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Case 1:19-cv-03377 Document 1-1 Filed 04/16/19 Page 17 of 18
Sarah Kellen, who used the name Kensington for a while, is now married to NASCAR driver Brian Vickers. The couple divides their time between homes
in North Carolina, New York and Miami Beach.
NASCAR driver Brian Vickers and his wife, Sarah, take part in pre-race ceremonies in Sparta, Ky., on June 28, 2014. She was known as Sarah Kellen when she was an aide to
Jeffrey Epstein. According to police, she scheduled visits of underage girls to Epstein’s Palm Beach estate for massages that turned sexual. She was not charged with a crime. Will
Schneekloth GETTY IMAGES
Maxwell, 56, transformed herself into an internationally known environmentalist. In 2012, she founded the TerraMar Project, a nonprofit environmental
group that works to protect the world’s oceans. In 2013, she gave a TED Talk on ocean conservation, discussing her diving expeditions around the world.
Dershowitz, 80, continues to lecture around the country. A professor
emeritus at Harvard Law School, Dershowitz has been a frequent
commenter on cable TV programs, often defending President Trump.
Prince Andrew, the Duke of York, 58, remained friends with Epstein, and in
2010, a photograph was taken of the two of them strolling in Manhattan. It
was later revealed that Epstein had loaned the prince’s ex-wife, Sarah
Ferguson, $24,000 to pay off some debts. Ferguson later called the loan a
“gigantic error of judgment.”
Plain human beings
Crime victims’ rights advocates have used the Epstein case to strengthen the
federal law in recent years, adding more precise language mandating that
prosecutors notify victims about plea bargains and allow victims to be heard
at sentencing.
Because some statute-of-limitation laws set deadlines for filing civil and
criminal sex crime cases, it’s difficult to bring them years later, said Marci
Hamilton, a University of Pennsylvania professor who is working to ease

https://www.miamiherald.com/news/local/article219494920.html
4/3/2019
Even from jail, Jeffrey Epstein manipulated the system | Miami Herald
Page 17 of 17
Case 1:19-cv-03377 Document 1-1 Filed 04/16/19 Page 18 of 18
those restrictions across the country.
Ghislaine Maxwell, daughter of a British press magnate and Jeffrey Epstein’s close
associate when he was inviting underage girls into his bedroom, leads a TED Talk on
environmental issues.
But she points out that there has been no statute of limitations for federal sex crimes involving children since 2002.
Children who are sexually abused often take decades to reveal what happened to them, in part because their brains aren’t wired at a young age to
understand the trauma they’ve experienced, said Kenneth V. Lanning, a retired FBI agent who investigated and studied child sex crimes for 40 years.
“We want to hold children to some superhuman standard because they behave this way. In reality, police, prosecutors and judges have to understand that
children are not all angels from heaven. They are just plain human beings who are emotionally immature so we have to protect them from their own
decisions.’’
Wild, who continues to fight her federal case on behalf of all of Epstein’s victims, said she hopes that the federal judge hearing the Crime Victims’ Rights
case will make a ruling soon, one that will send a message to prosecutors who fail to consider the rights of crime victims.
“Really if you think about this too hard, it’s scary because this is our government that is supposed to protect us but has done everything to protect a
pedophile,’’ she said.
Support investigative journalism
The Miami Herald obtained thousands of FBI and court records, lawsuits, and witness depositions, and went to federal court in New York to access sealed documents in the reporting of ""Perversion of
Justice."" The Herald also tracked down more than 60 women who said they were victims, some of whom had never spoken of the abuse before.
Your digital subscription, starting at $0.99 for the first month, supports investigative journalism like this.
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011826.txt,"/ BARAK / 69

municipal functions and daily life would be divided between Israel and the
Palestinians under a peace agreement.

When I convened our negotiators in my cabin to take stock of the logjam, I was
getting more and more skeptical of finding a way to get to actual negotiation on the
“hard decisions” I assumed both sides knew we’d have to make. I told our team we
could not play that game. Until there was at least some movement from Arafat, I
didn’t want them suggesting any Israeli concessions. We’d obviously get nothing
in return. The summit would fail. Despite my repeated insistence both to the
Americans and Palestinians that, without an agreement, any Israeli suggestions
would be null and void, that didn’t mean they would simply be forgotten. The
result is that we’d actually be in a worse situation than before Camp David.
Politically, I’d find myself in much the same position as President Assad, after the
leak of the American draft from Shepherdstown: apparently ready to consider
giving Arafat the great majority of the West Bank, without the slightest sign Arafat
was ready for a full and final peace. But that wasn’t my main concern. It was that
anything that we put on the table here would handcuff future Israeli governments if
and when an “end of conflict” agreement became possible.

Still, when Dennis Ross learned from my negotiators what I’d decided, he was
frustrated and upset. He came to see me on Saturday morning — day-five of what
was looking increasingly like a stillborn summit. “This summit was your idea,” he
said, reminding me that the President had agreed to it over the reservations of a lot
his own aides. He told me that at a minimum, I| had to help give it a chance: by
giving him my true negotiating “red lines.” Either that, or give my negotiators
more leeway to explore compromises. I did not want to make Dennis’s job any
more difficult than it already was. And I told him I was still ready to engage fully
if we ever got to the real substance of a possible deal. “But I can’t do what you’ve
asked me,” I replied. “Not when Arafat is simply holding firm and not showing a
willingness even to ook for compromises.”

Fortunately for my relationship with the President — though not for the
prospects of an agreement — Clinton had considerably more sympathy with my
position after his next meeting with both sets of negotiators that afternoon. It was a
return encounter with Abu Ala’a on territory and borders. Shlomo Ben-Ami now
produced a map of the West Bank with our proposed breakdown into the areas that
would be controlled by a Palestinian state, the part Israel would retain to
accommodate the major settlements, and territory which we suggested would go to

355
HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011826
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030877.txt,"go elsewhere — Canada, Britain, Australia — and start successful companies there. And, in fact, there is lots of evidence
this is already happening.

But Bannon is right that this is a brilliant electoral strategy. The idea of greater immigration controls has an undeniable
mainstream appeal. The Democratic Party is too far to the left on many of these issues, embracing concepts such as
sanctuary cities, which only reinforces its image as a party that is more concerned with race, identity and
multiculturalism than the rule of law.

Where Bannon is analytic and historical, Trump is instinctive. But the president appears to see the situation similarly. |
wrote last month that Trump would try to fight the midterm elections on immigration and added, “Do not be surprised if
Trump also picks a few fights with black athletes.” In recent weeks, the president has labeled immigrant gang members
“animals” and suggested that football players who silently protest police violence against blacks should leave the
country.

Bannon thinks Trump is just getting started in nationalizing the election around immigration. He predicted the next
major battle would be over the proposed wall along the U.S.-Mexico border. “The wall is not just totemic. The wall is
absolutely central to his program. ... As we come up on Sept. 30, if [Congress’s] appropriations bill does not include
spending to fully build his wall . . . | believe he will shut down the government.”

Sadly, but not surprisingly, Bannon doesn’t think the fighting and the rancor in the United States are going away any
time soon. The “battle between nationalists and globalists is at the fundamental roots of what America is, what America
will be,” he said. “This is very healthy, and... | think this is going to go on for a long time... . We’ve got a lot more
fighting and a lot more scar tissue to go over.”

You can watch my CNN special ""The Steve Bannon Interview"" on Friday at 9 pm ET and Sunday at 10 am ET.

NOTE: This e-mail message is subject to the Dubai World Group disclaimer see http://Awww.dubaiworld.ae/email disclaimer

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030877
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016566.txt,"Code Enforcement Board Meeting Minutes 07/17/08

A. Case # 08-2432, Beachfront Vista Property, Nightingale Beach Club Association
Violation of Chapter 134, Section 134-1472 (3) of the Town of Palm Beach Code
of Ordinances, no additional walls, fences, hedges or other structures or growth
shall be erected or be grown eastwardly of Ocean Boulevard to a height greater
than four (4) feet above the surface of the Ocean Boulevard.

(Ms. Duemler recused herself as part of a previously declared conflict and Mr.
Hoffman advised Mr. Vanneck would be a voting member in this case)

Lead Code Enforcement Officer Walton said Nightingale Beach Club had
previously been found in violation and was given time to obtain a permit. A permit
was obtained but there were some conditions attached to it. There have been two
inspections with the Florida Wildlife Commission and an agreement was reached to
not require the vegetation to be trimmed until after turtle season. Since they have
already been found in non-compliance, the Town recommends the time for
compliance be extended to November 7, 2008 and if compliance is not achieved by
that date, a fine of $250.00 a day be imposed.

Jack Maxey, 244 Nightingale Trail, presented some documents to the Board and
advised he was president of the Nightingale Trail Beach Club Association. He said
one of the documents was his application under duress for the permit. Mr. Maxey
advised he had not been sworn in and was administered the oath of office by
Recording Secretary Houston.

Mr. Maxey said he has had a long correspondence with the legal department of the
Department of Environmental Protection and he believes on an emotional level,
they do not believe the trees should come down but they told him they could not
find any statutory way to force the Town not to enforce the permit. They told him
it should be the jurisdiction of a court, not the DEP. Mr. Maxey said the Town
was cutting down its own sea grapes in violation of the permitting process. Mr.
Maxey said there were all kinds of burdens in this permit he needed to comply
with, one of which was replacement of the whole plant if anything over 6 feet tall
which was larger than 3 inches in diameter was cut down. He said he was
supposed to provide a signature on the document putting himself at risk of a
$10,000 a day fine if he did not comply with the requirements of the permit. Mr.
Maxey said Jean Higgins, a biologist for the State Fish & Wildlife, recommended
sea grapes should not be trimmed because they are the best source of protection
against the lighting. Ms. Higgins made some suggestions such as changing light
fixtures and extinguishing lights during turtle season and maintaining a substantial
healthy vegetation light blocking buffer.

Mr. Maxey said an approximate 24 inch piece of aluminum is hanging from the
light on Nightingale Trail and it seemed highly unusual that a shield of that nature
would only be necessary on that light when the recommendations given by Fish &
Wildlife are recommendations with broad reaching impact for the entire island. He

13

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016566
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024729.txt,"OQ},

QO
Ho
els)

CHAPTERV_ Global Cannabis Regulation

International partnerships and business plans are being formed as countries increasingly allow
importation and exportation of cannabis products and more companies recognize the global potential
of the cannabis industry. Canadian companies are cultivating cannabis in South America and sup-
plying markets in Europe, Australian companies are forming research partnerships with producers in
Israel, and European companies are securing cannabis-related patents in the United States. And, as
discussed in more detail in Chapter VII, Capital Markets for Cannabis Companies, more cross-border
investment activity is taking place as industry participants position for the expected further opening of
global cannabis markets.

Despite the growing recognition of the potential medical value of cannabis, the current legalization
momentum and the increasingly international scope of cannabis business, the movement of products
and flow of capital required for a truly global industry continue to be inhibited by incongruous laws,
regulations and international treaties. For example, concerns about violating U.S. federal banking and
anti-money laundering regulations have caused certain U.S. banks to refuse to be connected to the
cannabis industry, avoiding even indirect association with cannabis activity that is legal where con-
ducted. In one instance, a number of U.S. banks threatened to cease business with certain Uruguayan
banks that serviced pharmacies legally distributing recreational cannabis within Uruguay. In turn, those
Uruguayan banks effectively forced the pharmacies to stop participating in Uruguay’s cannabis market.
(In a similar way, lack of access to the U.S. federal banking system continues to inhibit growth of the
domestic cannabis industry.) Until the largest economies in the world more fully embrace cannabis, we
must stop short of calling cannabis a truly global industry. However, we believe that the legalization
momentum will continue worldwide.

= United Nations Conventions

International regulation of cannabis, cannabis derivatives and many other narcotic, psychotropic and
similar substances is addressed primarily by three international treaties (Conventions) adopted through
the United Nations (UN) between 1961 and 1988.

The Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs of 1961 (1961 Convention) addresses regulation of
the cannabis plant, the coca flower and the opium poppy; certain of their derivatives (such as hash-
ish, cocaine and heroin, respectively); and any other substance found in accordance with the 1961
Convention to be “liable to similar abuse and productive of similar ill effects.” The 1961 Convention
establishes four schedules of substances subject to increasingly strict controls in the following order:
Schedule HI, Schedule II, Schedule I and Schedule IV. Schedule IV substances (the most strictly con-
trolled) are those Schedule I substances found to be particularly liable to abuse and to produce ill effects
and for which such liability is not offset by substantial therapeutic advantages. Cannabis, cannabis
resin, and extracts and tinctures of cannabis are included on Schedule I; cannabis and cannabis resin
are also included on Schedule IV.

The Convention on Psychotropic Substances of 1971 (1971 Convention) addresses regulation of
certain “psychotropic” substances, which the Convention recognizes generally as substances that may
stimulate or depress the central nervous system causing “hallucinations or disturbances in motor func-

© 2017 Ackrell Capital, LLC | Member FINRA/SIPC 93

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024729
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022663.txt,"From: Michael Wolff 
Sent: 1/10/2015 2:22:04 PM 
To: jeffrey E. [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Subject: Re: 
Importance: High 
Can you talk at noon? Probably need about 30 minutes. What is best number? 
On Fri, Jan 9, 2015 at 1:44 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
anytime tomorw ok 
On Fri, Jan 9, 2015 at 2:33 PM, Michael Wolff <________________________________I> wrote: 
Is Clinton willing to say he was not there? Btw, I've just filed a column for USA Today for Monday 
explaining how Dershowitz and Andrew allegations were picked up from unverified civil court docs, 
transferred to UK tabs, which go wild because of no libel rules on U.S. court papers, and then translated back 
here as ""reported fact."" Problem with story is that tabs are too invested in present story line, and 
unlikely that the Times or WSJ will want to touch it--tho, depending on who is willing to on record, they 
might. There is another politico reporter I know who might do it, again, if the on-the-record sources are public 
people. Or, I will use it for New York Magazine, but that won't be until Feb. Can you still talk tomorrow? 
When works? Woody and Soon-Yi coming for dinner tonight. m 
On Fri, Jan 9, 2015 at 1:20 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
. the story teller , crafted much of it out of whole cloth. . part of her story, is that she was at 
multiple orgies with clinton and speciifically, the minute details of a dinner had on the island with him, "" 
he sat on my left. came by black. heli. flown by ghislaine. clinton was NEVER EVER there, never, it 
punches a hole in the dershowitz , andrew allegation. making it all apparent that it was fantasy. and 
delusional. thoughts. who should break the story. 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 022663 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 022664 
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027669.txt,"Is Invitation: No

T,

GUID: 6F97916E-7B72-45FC-BA93-64F77F193A36

Message:

Did u view second hour???

Sender:

2J

itunes@gmail.com

Time: 05/01/19 06:15:34 AM (578409334)

Flags: 1085445

ITs Read:

No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: AEF

Message:

ESA4

Yes

fun

EC-C58B-4F00-ADAB-BBAC65A5226D

Time: 05/01/19 06:20:30 AM (578409630)

Flags: 1060865

Is Read:

Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: OFD328CB-B301-4BFB-9E76-97094D42D05C

Message:

Different style but worked ,

and they are not dopes

Sender:

Time: 05/01/19

2J

itunes@gmail.com

Flags: 1085445

Is Read:

No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: A15F2C2E

06:52:03 AM (578411523)

161F-42F8-8641-F143F0599FAD

Messag

Please giv

lesley. Names and passports of all flying.

Time: 05/01/19 07:13:55 AM (578412835)

Flags: 1060865

Is Read:

Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 096B0002-07BA-4710-A41C-61559F1384AC

Message:

K

Time: 05/01/19 07:22:20 AM (578413340)

Flags: 1060865

Is Read:

Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: DSD61F00-6FF8-46B1-A4D4-1D1338C3F13F

amazing how much my crew is learning / fascinated

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027669
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026577.txt,"Global Asset Allocation
The J.P. Morgan View
09 November 2012

Jan Loeys
(1-212) 834-5874
jan.loeys@jpmorgan.com

J.P Morgan

Global Economic Outlook Summary

Real GDP

% over a year ago

Real GDP

% over previous period, saar

Consumer prices

% over a year ago

2011 2012 2013 1Q12 2012 3Q12 4Q12 1013 2013 3Q13 4Q11 2012 4Q12 2013
The Americas
United States 18 2.2 f 2.0 3 2.0 2.0 1.0 1.5 2S 3.3 19 19 17
Canada 26 22 2.1 18 9 19 2.0 2.1 21 22 27 16 24 2.0
Latin America 42 29 3.9 2.8 24 3.91 45 34 37 40 12 6.0 6.0 6.8
Argentina 89 27 3.6 24 -3.2 5.0 10.0 2.0 25 2.0 96 99 10.0 11.0
Brazil 27 14 4 0.5 6 48 46 3.8 40 43 6.7 5.0 55 56
Chile 6.0 54 45 51 71 3.0 40 40 5.0 5.0 40 3.1 25 3.1
Colombia 5.9 43 45 0.9 67 28 3.8 42 53 55 3.9 34 3.1 3.2
Ecuador 8.0 5.0 40 42 48 3.0 55 5.0 3.0 3.0 55 51 54 54
Mexico 3.9 3.9 3.6 49 30 21+ 3.5 40 3.2 3.3 55 3.9 44 44
Peru 6.9 6.0 7.0 83 6.0 55 6.0 8.0 8.0 7.0 45 41 3.0 28
Uruguay 57 3) 40 11.8 21 9.0 -90 12.0 70 9.0 83 8.0 76 12
Venezuela 42 5.0 0.0 10.1 0.6 3.5 0.0 40 0.0 3.0 28.5 22.3 18.5 30.2
Asia/Pacific
Japan -07 17 0.1 53 0.7 -3.5 -20 0 16 Le -03 0.2 0.0 -0.2
Australia 21 3.5 25 56 26 15 18 3.8 25 18 3.1 2 17 27
New Zealand 13 26 29 44 23 15 S5 3.7 3.3 2.0 8 0 14 1.8
Asia ex Japan 714 6.1 64 72 58 of 6.2. 6.3 65 68 49 3.9 34 3.9 T
China 93 16 8.0 6.6 “1 a 8.2 8.0 8.2 8.2 46 29 22 3.3
Hong Kong 5.0 1.2 3.2 24 -0.4 2.0 25 3.5 35 5.0 57 42 34 34
India 65 56 6.0 6.1 53 Oo) 5.0 58 6.0 68 84 10.1 98 9.0
Indonesia 65 57 3.5 477 6.0. 4.9 T 3.0 3.0 40 40 41 45 3.9 2.2
Korea 3.6 23 3.2 25 1.1 0.6 35 3.0 40 45 40 24 19 3.0
Malaysia 51 5.0 t 3.7 t 58 59 25 3.5 T 3.5 T 3.0 3.5 3.2 d 1.1 2
Philippines 3.8 53 35 12.6 0.9 12 2 45 45 45 47 29 23 23
Singapore 49 154 2.54 95) -07 3.90 3.24 49. 1.6 T 41 55 53 4.5 T 4.0 T
Taiwan 4.0 12 34 1.6 22 SS 3.8 55 3.5 3.8 4 Al 21 8
Thailand 0. 58 27 50.8 13.9 2.0 5 1.5 2.0 2.0 40 25 3.3 3.0
Africa/Middle East
Israel 46 3.0 3. 3.1 34 2.0 28 49 6.1 6.1 25 6 13 §
South Africa 3. 22 27 27 3.2 16 -13 54 3.3 3.6 6.1 57 56 58
Europe
Euro area 5 04 0. 0.0 07 0.0 15 0.0 08 13 29 2) 2S 9
Germany Be 0 114 2.0 1.1 1.0 A104 1.0 2.0 25 26 2.1 2.1 8
France d 0.1 -0. 0.1 -0.1 00+ 15 -0.5 0.5 1.0 2.6 2.3 1g 3
Italy 067 23 057 327 33 A154 -20T 05 1.0 T 1.37 37 3.6 3.2 2.3
Spain 04 13 A7L 13 17 2 -2.5 3.0. 0.0. 0.0. 27 19 34 2.9
United Kingdom 0.9 0.0 18 -12 15 41 0.5 1.5 2.0 25 46 28 26 25
Emerging Europe 48 2.6 2.6 + 24 13 0.4. 1.8) 27. 24. 3.7 / 64 5.0 60. 63 T
Bulgaria wi 0 1.5 a a a we a a a a a a a
Czech Republic d -11 0.9 -3.1 -08 -12 -13 21 1.0 43 24 34 29 24
Hungary 6 12 0.5 3.5 -0.9 -1.0 -10 1.0 15 8 44 55 58 47
Poland 43 23 1.61 24 16 0.5 0.5 4 1.34 23. 3.0. 46 40 3.1 25
Romania 25 0.0 0.8 0.5 1.9 -24 12 1.2 -0.4 3.2 34 1.9 47 64
Russia 43 3.6 3.0 37 15 1.01 3.0 35 3.0 40 67 3.8 6.8 T 14
Turkey 85 28 37 92 94 7.3 7.5 T
Global 3.0 24 25 3.0 18 2.0 1.9 24 27 3.2 3.8 28 28 28
Developed markets 3 1.2 1.0 17 04 0.6 0.2 0.9 14 9 27 18 1.9 1.6
Emerging markets 6.1 47 5.4 54 43 45. 5.0 + 5.4 52 56 OY 46 44 5.0 T

Source: J.P. Morgan

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026577
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015269.txt,"Now, back home, the marketing of conspiracy was on a roll.
Mgestic, an interactive computer game revolving around a conspiracy
involving corporate intrigue, was available. For $10 a month, tens of
thousands of online players would receive screaming phone calls at
midnight, faxes, anonymous emails and instant messages from mysterious
informers directing them to research strange alien conspiracies and
nefarious government activities. Majestic was suspended on September 12,
2001.

The invasion of the United States on September 11th was the
mother of all conspiracies. Immediately there were those who began
spinning scenarios of an inside job, an American version of the Reichstag
Fire, carried out in order to justify the rise of a police state in the guise of
security procedures. In any case, political opportunism has been providing
the same results.

That Halloween, | was invited by producer Andy Meisler to be a
panelist at the taping of a new TV series, 7he Conspiracy Zone. Although
the plot behind the 9/11 terrorists was certainly a topic of conversation in
the Green Room— “Do you think this is the endgame?” --the official

subject that evening was the assassination of Robert Kennedy in 1968.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015269
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020625.txt,"166

But Japanese activists have never needed encouragement from China on this front.
They lead homegrown movements with specific political targets in Japan itself,
notably attacking the conservative establishment and defending the country’s “peace
constitution.” These well-established groups, the origins of which lie in the Cold War
splits of 1950s Japanese politics, have long been attacked from the right in Japan for
being unpatriotic. But none has been linked credibly to Beijing’s United Front Work
Department. Nor is there evidence that they have been manipulated and managed by
CCP-aligned or directed interests.

The Japanese Communist Party, which still retains a substantial electoral base, is little
help to Beijing on the ground in Japan. The JCP was pro-Soviet through the Cold War
and has no special affinity with Beijing.

Japan’s cultural and institutional familiarity with China makes it, in different
ways, less amenable to Chinese influence than it would appear to be at first blush.
After all, Japan has absorbed much from China over many centuries, taking in
what it wanted and adapting it to its own ends, and keeping out much else. On
top of that, any notions of Asian solidarity have been subverted since the early
twentieth century by war and politics and by the failure of the two countries to
reach an equilibrium in the aftermath of Japan’s defeat in 1945 and the victory of
the Chinese communists in 1949.

Productive Back Channels

The opaque political cultures of both countries have shaped the way that bilateral
relations are conducted. Aside from conventional diplomacy, leaders of the dominant
political parties in China and Japan have extensively used back channels to establish
understandings on sensitive issues, including the overt use of CCP organs, outside of
normal state-to-state relations.

The Chinese People’s Association for Friendship with Foreign Countries, headed by
Li Xiaolin, the daughter of former Chinese president Li Xiannian, has long been

a forum through which the two sides have conducted dialogues. The Friendship
Association is effectively the public face of the CCP’s UFWD., It is not covert and,

for all the connotations conjured up in its name, it remains avowedly an arm of the
party-state. In that respect, the Friendship Association remains a reliable conduit for
passing messages between the two countries, especially at a time, as in recent years,
when senior-level political exchanges have been fraught. When bilateral relations
froze in 2012 after the clash over the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands, it was a measure of
how dangerous things became that the back channels, or the “pipes,” as the Japanese
describe them, froze, making diplomatic signaling difficult across the East China Sea.

Appendix 2

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020625
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023765.txt,"Teaching Kids to Walk and Talk 19

Let’s start with walking and talking.

Walking and talking are intrinsically rewarding. No kid needs en-
couragement to do either. They do have to be discouraged from crying
when a word will serve them better. I want milk works better than wah.
But they learn this quite naturally without very much parental help.
They learn to walk when their parents hold their hands and cheer
when they succeed, but they would have learned to walk anyway.

The parents’ role as the teachers of their children can be seen very
clearly when we consider walking and talking. Kids can learn to do
either without much help, but they do these things quicker and better
with parental help. Children who are spoken to by their parents, and
listened to and corrected when they make an error, learn to speak well
and more clearly as adults. While everyone learns to walk, parental
care prevents falls when steps and other hazards present themselves.

So, is the parent teaching the child? What does the parent actually
know about how to teach walking and talking? Actually the parent
knows quite a bit about teaching. We are wired to teach our children
and help them. All higher level animals do this as well. It is not a par-
ticularly conscious process,

So, at what point are children better taught by professional teachers
instead of their parents? This is an important and interesting question.

A professional teacher is better than a parent if and only if the
teacher knows more about what is being taught than the parent does.
Teachers may take education courses and that may seem to qualify
them to teach, but really those courses are not so much about the art
of teaching per se. Teachers learn to teach by teaching, like anyone
else learns how to do anything. But teachers learn to teach in the
system they find themselves in. This means that typically they learn
how to manage classrooms and deal with administrators and handle
various issues that are very specific to school.

Teaching outside of school usually does not entail managing mul-
tiple children nor should it entail dealing with state standards and oth-
er governmental interference (although that often happens anyway).

So, knowledge is the real issue in teaching, not teaching skill. Or
so it would seem.

Actually this idea is clearly wrong if one thinks about university
teaching. Professors become professors by writing a Ph.D. thesis, not
by learning anything about teaching. They may have some teach-
ing experience prior to becoming professors because they may have
taught an introductory course or two as graduate students, but nobody

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023765
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017678.txt,"Page 43 of 78
2007 Utah L. Rev. 861, *920

Unless a statute or these rules permit otherwise, the government must prosecute an offense in a district where the offense was
committed. The court must set the place of trial within the district with due regard for the convenience of the defendant, any
victim, and the witnesses, and the prompt administration of justice. 3>7

The Advisory Committee adopted this proposal verbatim. **4

[*921] Discussion:

Little needs be said about the Advisory Committee's agreement with my proposal here, other than to note that the Committee's
rationale for this change was ""to implement the victim's ""right to be treated with fairness’ under the Crime Victims' Rights Act.""

355 Why the Advisory Committee chose to implement the victims’ fairness rights in Rule 18 - and only Rule 18 - is not

immediately clear. *°°

Rule 20 - Victims’ Views Considered Regarding Consensual Transfer The Proposals:

I proposed that Rule 20 be amended to allow the court to consider the victim's views in any decision to transfer a case as
follows:

Rule 20. Transfer for Plea and Sentence

(a) Consent to Transfer. A prosecution may be transferred from the district where the indictment or information is pending, or
from which a warrant on a complaint has been issued, to the district where the defendant is arrested, held, or present if:

(1) the defendant states in writing a wish to plead guilty or nolo contendere and to waive trial in the district where the
indictment, information, or complaint is pending, consents in writing to the court's disposing of the case in the transferee
district, and files the statement in the transferee district; and

(2) the United States attorneys in both districts approve the transfer in writing after consultation with any victim. If any victim

objects to the transfer, the United States attorney in the transferring district or the victim's attorney shall advise the court where

the indictment or information is pending of the victim's concerns. 7°”

I also proposed a similar change should be made to Rule 20(d) regarding transfer of juvenile proceedings. 7°8

The Advisory Committee recommended no change to Rule 20. 3°?

[*922] Discussion:
The Advisory Committee rejected this proposed change for the following reasons:

The CVRA does not specifically address transfer. It does give the victim a right to confer with the attorney for the government,
18 U.S.C. § 3771(a)(5), but that 1s not the same as requiring the attorney for the government to notify the court of the victim's
views regarding transfers. Indeed, the CVRA provides that ""nothing in this chapter shall be construed to impair the
prosecutorial discretion of the Attorney General or any officer under his direction."" /8 U.S.C. § 3771(d)(6). Accordingly, the

353 Cassell, Proposed Amendments, supra note 4, at 878-79.

354 See Proposed Amendments, supra note 71, R. 18, at 9.
355 Td. at 352.

356 See supra notes 95-97 and accompanying text (discussing this point).

357 Cassell, Proposed Amendments, supra note 4, at 879-80.

358 Td. at 879-80.
359 Proposed Amendments, supra note 71.

DAVID SCHOEN

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017678
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025437.txt,"Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 02/28/19 12:41:59 AM (573036119)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 7D7D/D5F-2E32-4E08-84BA-8F9A8FC7DBA7T

Message: sorry its been so busy

Sender:

Time: 02/28/19 06:39:36 AM (573057576)
Flags: 1060865

Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 0A137F29-5A90-4598-A27 9-CAE8D5 9DEAAE

Message: No worries I understand

Sender:
Time: 03/01/19 01:51:44 PM (573169904)

Flags: 1126401
Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 2BE3AD60-04B4-43C1-AFB4-8AAB4D1CB4C3

Message: Do you want to come over for dinner tonight?

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 03/01/19 03:41:17 PM (573176477)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: D6A85C27-8C25-48 9A-9 9RFA-B222B5261A28

Message: No thx. Call if you are free

Time: 03/01/19 04:25:37 PM (573179137)
Flags: 1060865
Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 919ESF15-49D0-4747-98C6-FBDC1A2882A1

Message: <Unsupported Message Content>

Time: 03/01/19 05:01:31 PM (573181291)

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025437
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023003.txt,"Jeffrey Epstein repeatedly engaged in sexual activity with underage girls at his
waterfront Palm Beach home on El Brillo Way, according to police in the Town of
Palm Beach. Epstein also owns residences in New York City and the U.S. Virgin

Islands, among other locales. Emily Michot emichot@miamiherald.com

April: Palm Beach police begin trash pulls at Epstein’s home, discovering a
telephone message for Epstein with the girl’s name on it, and a time that matched
the time that she told police she was there. They find the names and phone numbers
of other girls on message slips in his trash.

October: With the police probe in full swing, one of Epstein’s assistants calls one of
the girls just as she is being questioned by police. Investigators begin interviewing
more girls, as well as Epstein’s butlers, who tell them that Epstein had frequent
visits from girls throughout the day. On Oct. 20, they execute a search warrant at his
house on El Brillo Way in Palm Beach.

2006

May: Police sign a probable cause affidavit charging Epstein and two of his
assistants with multiple counts of unlawful sex acts with a minor. The Palm Beach
state attorney, Barry Krischer, instead refers the case to a grand jury.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023003
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025351.txt,"and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025351
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014611.txt,"78 | Goldman Sachs | JANUARY 2017

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014611
"
IMAGES-012-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032566.txt,"On Thu, Aug 24, 2017 at 10:11 AM, Stanley Rosenberg EE Wrote:

Dear Jeffrey,

can you please tell me about your interest in the vagus nerve? Why is the vagus nerve important to you?

Perhaps you can refer me to web site where | can learn more about your take on it.

best wishes,

Stanley

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032566
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014258.txt,"IMPORTANT MESSAGE

: 7 _ MAbs 2) | q
| are Y 4/OS rime U2 IO BM |

f OF
f PHONE/ <
MOBILE.

: [TELEPHONED | , Lo
| [eaer0 see vo0 |_|
| |_|

WANTS TO SEE YOU

| | REFURNED YOUR CALL

: FOR =

Cresco]
Pfwurcauracan |_| |
7 ml

am

[use
| [ReTumeD voun cau] | SPECIAL ATTENTION

| MESSAGE
| She weet pupiet |

i [TELEPHONED | a PL

[wast seevou} fuse ||

MESSAGE

| IMPORTANT MESSAGE | |
FORw
pare 4] col 4 fo | OS ve ___ P| 3
| of : :

PHONE/

I | TELEPHONED

| [omic ro se= V6 |_|

| MESSAGE

.o

CAME TO SEE YOU WILL CALL AGAIN

y

MOBILE,

| PLEASE CALL mie
Jwurcatracan | fh
| RUSH mis
[SPECIALATTENTION | FE 5

3

CAt bunngtt

GIUFFRE001541

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014258

"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013537.txt,"professionals (and lonely mates) may label these interpersonally distant,
engineering rocket science people, “high functioning” sufferers of Asperger's autistic
spectrum disorder. Things going on inside get most of the attention, having more
impelling importance than those on the outside involving other people. A recent
study by Cambridge University’s Autism Research Center compares the
empathizing (E) versus systemizing (S) ability of normal controls and adults with
Asperger Syndrome and find the quasi-autistic adults are deficient in E and superior
in S. They call it the E-S theory of autistic spectrum diseases. Psychotherapists of
these autistic spectrum personality types, patients who characteristically do not
seek therapy but are forced into the office by marital or family conflict, speak of their
long, patient and mighty struggles to make intimate contact with these clients. A
more philosophical question involves issues of what are acceptable individual
differences and why it is that these high functioning, highly paid and successful
professionals have any diagnosis at all.

It is not surprising that the highest paid members of corporations producing
technical products and services such as IBM and Oracle are those rare individuals
in technical sales that are able to combine the skills and insights of introverted
scientists and technicians with those of the gregariously successful salespersons. In
business schools such a blend is seen in people who combine talents in both
marketing and finance. In architecture this combination might take the form of a
graphic-design artist with computational mechanical engineering skills. Recruiters
know that it is difficult to find people for what is called engineering sales.

From all over the United States, professional instrumental musicians that
began to experience severe technical difficulties that defied their teachers as well as
more extended practice time came to see Chicago’s music guru, Carl Boardstadt.
He was a nationally known consultant to classical and jazz professionals in the
1920’s and 30’s. His particular specialty involved those who had “hit the wall,” those
whose progress toward advanced musical mastery and accession into the higher
echelons of the business had been truncated. His recommendations were often
eccentric indeed. For the wind musician with breadth control problems, it might be

blowing uniform bubbles through a long tube held at increasing depths of a filled

37

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013537
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016006.txt,"316 Are the Androids Dreaming Yet?

(C bilge

th

Domino Toppling

Determinism

To firmly grasp the idea of determinism let’s look at a fun example,
domino toppling. If I arrange a set of dominoes on their edge in a
long line and push over the first it will fall, knock over the next, then
the next, and so on until all the dominoes have fallen. It is inevitable,
and fun to watch. The same is thought to happen with particles in our
Universe, albeit at a much smaller scale. The laws of physics governing
these particles describe precisely what will happen as they interact. Our
Universe could be thought of as a mechanical clock, wound and set at the
Big Bang, or a fractal equation generating the wonders we see around us.

When I push over the first domino it should be possible to capture
all the information about the particles in the dominoes, my hand, the
table, and the surrounding environment to precisely determine what will
happen next. Will all the dominoes fall perfectly, or is there a break in the
pattern — one domino just a tiny bit out of alignment — which will spoil
the fun? All the information is there in front of me and I should be able
to predict it perfectly.

The laws of physics, as we understand them, are not only
deterministic, they are reversible. This means if we know the position
and momentum of every particle in the dominoes and the surrounding
environment, we can extrapolate their motion back into the past. It
should be possible to trace back the path of each particle to reconstruct
the past history of the dominoes.

If we were to cast a wide enough net, and collect all the available
information, we could go back and see the events in the factory where
the dominoes were made, or even see the trees that was felled to make
them. We would need a Jot of information and huge computing power,
but we could do it! With a sufficiently powerful computer we could travel

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016006
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018664.txt,"seduction. Well-known pickup artist ""gurus"" can make millions of dollars per year: they
may sell books; they may sell hours of ""coaching""; they may organize training
""bootcamps"" or conventions with pricy tickets; they may run companies full of
instructors trained in their methods. The community even generates its own well-thought-

out internal critiques.

I am a sex-positive feminist lecturer and writer. I write primarily about my experiences
with sadomasochism, but I have a general interest in sexuality. I first encountered pickup
artists when smart ones started attending my educational events and commenting on my
blog.

Some aspects of pickup artistry are hugely problematic; many parts of the community
showcase and encourage misogyny. While exploring the PUA jungle, I observed things
that turned my stomach and brought tears to my eyes. On the other hand, I had to admit
that some pickup artist perspectives were very interesting. Some had fascinating insights
about gender theory and social power. I also felt drawn by their exploits. Learning
seduction, and watching hypothetically-dazzling Casanovas run a courtier-like game,
sounded like an extremely fun way to spend my time.

I started my journey by talking to a few pickup artists and reading their fora. By the end, I
had given a lecture at a seduction convention, and I had decided against developing my
own coaching business. Today, I can offer a quick synopsis of my own history, and why I
became so interested in PUAs. I will break down some elementary distinctions among the
men of the seduction community. Finally, I will offer a few PUA-influenced thoughts on
feminist goals.

te Kk ok

I was an awkward little bookworm of a child, but at least I was creative. I liked to draw,
invent games, and run amateur social experiments. When I was in high school, most of
my friends were on the Internet; I did not date a real-life boyfriend until college. I was
inevitably teased by my peers, but even when treated well, I rarely engaged with the
social hierarchies around me. I had difficulty grasping how social mechanics were
""supposed"" to work. A lot of things seemed obvious to other people that were not obvious
to me.

For example, in sixth grade, a female friend of mine teased me about flirting with a boy.
""What was I doing?"" I asked. ""Come on, you were flirting!"" she responded. While I
thought I almost understood what she meant, I was unsure -- so I set out to poll everyone
I knew about what constitutes ""flirting."" Responses were inconsistent. One person said,
very definitely: ""Giggling."" Others cited examples such as ""intense looks"" or ""making
jokes.""

By the end of this experiment, I concluded that no one seemed able to explain ""flirting"" in
terms of consistent behaviors; there were few commonalities in my final list. From what I
could tell, flirting could only be explained in terms of invisible interpersonal dynamics. I
found this both entertaining and frustrating.

I sometimes wonder what would have become of me if the modern pickup artist
community had existed back then, and I had discovered it. PUAs devote a lot of time to

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018664
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012629.txt,"—_

Hi Jay - To move things along, I also have enclosed the proposed text of a

letter to the Special Master.
<<PROPOSED Letter to Special Master.pdf>>
A. Marie Villafafia

Assistant U.S. Attorney

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012629
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011198.txt,"L'apertura de @ilmanifesto
https://t.co/QuBD9rM6GH

orionfishing | ""To stay, or not to stay, that is the question"". Today 23 Jun 2016, | Urk, The O | negative
for all UK people.... Interesting what the voting Will 06:39 - CEST | Netherl
show...... ands
#Brexit or #Bremain
Booking _off | RT @CLM_net: How will UK tourism be affected by 23 Jun 2016, | Latvija 1 | neutral
ers Brexit?: Britain's tourism industry, while resilienta€ | 06:39 - CEST
https://t.co/CqF3500zkA
OpenMfnde | RT @ASAPNewsLIVE: The nonBrits guide to Brexit 23 Jun 2016, | Norther 219 | positive
dRecs @CNN https://t.co/BOL8fC4Bac 06:39-CEST | n
Arizona
SebastianIn | RT @Forbes_ Mexico: Peso se tranquiliza ante posible | 23 Jun 2016, | Mexico 3 | negative
Vi derrota del #Brexit en referendo. 06:39 - CEST
https://t.co/PF7YMI3yTQ
acucobol RT @undercovermag: Judgement day #Brexit OUT 23 Jun 2016, | iPhone: 1 | negative
OUT OUT OUT OUT OUT OUT OUT OUT OUT OUT OUT | 06:39-CEST | 51.4664
OUT OUT OUT OUT OUT OUT OUT OUT OUT OUT OUT 92,-
OUT O€€ | 2.60562
1
beshe0327 RT @nhk_news: 4€24,a, °f24,'a»> Kee ‘aeSec¥ a€ 23 Jun 2016, | 2°’ aefa 15 | positive
a,na, °afa, 'ab§ej Ea, Fa, a,«éo¢é, tab®é* ae) 4,’aeRarl | 06:39-CEST | H4an, af
tarweeeeSec¥ AM AMA, aM? aPPeeSec¥ ance a§« ana, 33,¢4,'
SAPMAaL™ AE, cece€ze—de 4 —Ba—
@3¢aeY»aR§all a®«ce™afndo ce, tab ae—
‘AP ae” ceCERARCE AaRMARE aS — A€HA2 ce—-
a,’@"" +alle aF2a2, cef...ac Call a2 arf ab | al, aR“aL™ a€,
https://t.co/pwn3BrPkxT https://t.ca€ |
bleu48 RT @nhk_news: 4€24,a, °f24,'a» “ee ‘aeSec¥ “a€’ 23 Jun 2016, | a7jat+tc 15 | positive
4,84, °Af2a, 'ab§ej Ea, Fa, Ea, é>cé, tab? é3 an] a,’ aePlae | 06:39-CEST | ce a7ia
tarweeeeSec¥ Al AP%a, ar? aPeeSec¥ ance a§« ana, +44,
SAPMAaL™ AE, zece€ze—de 4 —Ba—
@3¢aeY»aR§all ce®«ce™Afndo ce, tab a—
‘API ae”” ceCEPARCE ARMA aS — A€MA2 2e—-
a,’e"" +8Ple af242, cef...ac Cal a2 aFl£ ab | al, a“al™a€,
https://t.co/pwn3BrPkxT https://t.ca€ |
stewart_ws | RT @AMTrump4PRES: I'd like 2 dedicate this tweet 2 23 Jun 2016, | England, 432 | positive
former lovely cultures that will only B found between | 06:39-CEST | United
the pages of a book. #Brexit httpsa€ | Kingdo
m
Trumpindah | The EU doesn't care about you. Why care for them? 23 Jun 2016, | Tampa, 0 | negative
ouse #VoteLeave #Brexit #Bremain 06:39 - CEST | FL
shaunmcg3_ | RT @Dwalingen: Very telling, very true: the Remain 23 Jun 2016, | Southa 24 | negative
7 campaign cannot say anything positive about HEU and | 06:39-CEST | mpton,
its ""future"". #BREXIT #EU https://t.a€ | UK
billonaria RT @nytimes: Brexit vote already has a winner: the 23 Jun 2016, | Espana 69 | positive
gambling industry 06:56 - CEST
https://t.co/U8W3WO0GdYs
Patty_Ely RT @euronewses: BREXIT: El Reino Unido llega al 23 Jun 2016, | ChillAin, 2 | neutral
referA©@ndum con un empate tA@cnico en los 06:56 - CEST | San

sondeos https://t.co/zdkoh2tC4P

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011198
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030501.txt,"Date: Thursday, January 28 2010 11:21 AM 
Subject: Re: Fw: 
From: Jeffrey Epstein <jeevacation@grnail.com> 
To: Jes Staley ; 
kate kelly is a snake. im glad they said no interview„ ask peters advice he is the pr genius 
On Thu, Jan 28, 2010 at 6:18 AM, Jes Staley < 
This is what my PR person said. 
1I'm seeing Darling tomorrow morning. 
-----Original Message----- 
From:___________________ 
To: Jes Staley; Joseph Evangelisti; 
Sent: Thu Jan 28 06:12:14 2010 
Subject: Re: 
> wrote: 
I wouldn't do it. Not yet and not from Davos. As you know, Davos has had some criticism in the press for bank 
CEOs attending and I feel like it's the wrong way to go for your first interview as IB CEO. I also think print has 
much more impact than TV. Talk to Lionel and Robert while you're there -- they are the two guys who can 
move the needle on this. And let's do more in print when you get back. In fact, Matt Zames and I spent an hour 
and a half with WSJ's Kate Kelly from the Journal on this issue for a major story she's doing on the Obama 
proposal. Let's have you quoted in that. 
-----Original Message----- 
From: Jes Staley 
To: Joseph Evangelisti; 
Sent: Thu Jan 28 04:56:55 2010 
Subject: 
Daley and frankel are saying that I need to go on TV (CNBC) to defend our hedge funds. Thoughts? 
*********************************************************** 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
Jeffrey Epstein 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com , and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 030501 
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013523.txt,"developed the ability to anticipate the most highly prized but often embarrassing-to-
say longing for a particular sexual act without being asked. She told me that she
had to “empty out my personal sex manual” to feel the cravings of her clients. What
the john most wanted appeared suddenly in her mind in the form of a cartoon. A
university criminologist later explained that the word “griv” was probably derived
from what pick pockets call grift sense, the ability to intuit who was likely to have
enough money in their billfold to justify the risk, even if they appeared in the worn
clothes and dated cars of old money.

In his 1913 Dernieres Penses, Henri Poincare’, France’s seminal theorist in
nonlinear dynamical systems theory, described intuition as a mental faculty which
allows us to “...immediately see the end from afar...” In the context of mathematical
epistemology, the instantaneous images of a geometer contrast with the labored
sequential logic of the mathematical analyst. Poincare’ claimed that inclinations
toward one or the other of these two cognitive styles and their associated
mathematical tools arise from different kinds of minds. He contrasted the 19""
Century German mathematicians, Weierstrass, who he said reduced his general

tt

theory of functions to “...a prolongation of arithmetic...without a single (pictorial)

n

figure in any of his books...” with Riemann who called geometry to his aid in
describing functions. He created “...an image that no one can forget... once he
understood it.”

Experiencing the behavior of others, we create a set of anticipations about
whom and how they are that align with parts of ourselves. Aware of one aspect of a
person, we imagine the others. With a small amount of initial information, we
connect the dots, fitting features we have seen and heard to personality
configurations stored by informal category in our brain files. Our conclusions about
them “being one of those” can both facilitate and impair our perceptions. Eastern
metaphysicians, Western mystical religionists, socially liberal secular humanists,
Shannon information theorists and today’s students of dynamical systems in brain
and behavior can, in different ways, make the case that the content of these
stereotypes reflect a pattern of constraints, our personal limitations resulting from

the rutted roads of worldly experiences. Baba Muktananda, the Hindi Saint from the

23

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013523
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018670.txt,"The book is filled with writing exercises that prompt readers to reflect on everything from
body image to sexual assault. It's essentially a guide to writing one's own personal sexual
manifesto.

Among BDSMers, an example of this approach is the multi-page checklists that some
BDSMers use. (I already wrote about this in my piece ""Sex Communication Tactic
Derived From S&M: Checklists,” reprinted earlier in this book; just in case you haven't
read it, I'll briefly describe them.) Checklists are essentially lists of every conceivable
BDSM.-related act; each act on the checklist looks something like this:

FLOGGING -- GIVING O0O000
FLOGGING -- RECEIVING O0O000

Each partner rates each entry by filling out 1-5 bubbles, with 1 darkened bubble meaning
""Not interested"" and 5 bubbles meaning ""I crave this!"" This type of explicit
communication is both an excellent way to help partners understand each other's desires
-- and to help partners understand each other's boundaries. In a way, this sort of thing
could be seen as ""Master Class"" consent communication.

This was the context whence I emerged when I started investigating pickup artistry. Iam
a feminist, but I'm a flavor of feminist with a troubled history within the movement. I am
an advocate for explicit communication, but I believe that no aspect of consent should be
ignored, and I am concerned that many feminists and BDSMers give a certain
unwarranted privilege to explicit verbal communication over implicit or non-verbal
communication.

People seem likely to develop a preference for explicit communication if it seems more
necessary. For instance, many BDSMers develop a preference for explicit communication
because our desires are unusual and precise, and complicated words will help us get what
we want. Feminists develop the same preferences because explicit communication is the
clearest way to ensure sexual consent. Accordingly, some people attempt to promote
explicit sexual communication by saying: We should make it necessary.

Here's an example exchange from the comments on a thoughtful feminist BDSM blog. A
male commenter asks:

I once had an argument with a very good female friend of mine about kissing. She was
perturbed about a date who asked her if he could proceed to kiss her. She said the man
Should just know. It should be instinctual and u lose the moment as soon as u ask. I said
that was bs, the first move is one of the most nerve wracking things, the very fact that he
asked shows his politeness and tact and frankly a lack of presumptuousness.... What do
you think? What's the line between politeness and passivity?

The feminist blogger, an intelligent and awesome lady who goes by the name Holly
Pervocracy, responds that:

I don't say this very often, but ""you lose the moment as soon as you ask"" girls really are
ruining it for the rest of us.

As far as I'm concerned, they can go without ever being kissed until they wise up.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018670
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016012.txt,"322 Are the Androids Dreaming Yet?

will have an effect on this decision — constructively or destructively. The
photon can't make up its mind at the first surface. It has not yet seen the
second surface.

The photon travels on and reaches the second surface. It needs to
make a decision: Shall I reflect or not? It cannot decide that it should
have been reflected from the first surface because it is already at the
second surface; it’s too late.

The photon is stuck. It cannot make the decision at the first surface
because that is too early, nor at the second surface because that is too late.
The glass surfaces cannot be the source of the decision.

This leaves only one remaining option: I, the observer, tell the
photon what to do. The word ‘tell’ is probably a little strong. Sadly, I am
not that powerful. All I can do is tell the photon to make up its mind.
When the photon reaches my eye, it must decide what happened to it
along the journey, but this decision appears purely random and I have
no effect upon it. The best way physicists have found to describe what is
going on is to say particles, such as a photons, behave according to a wave
function. Particles oscillate between all the possible options available to
them and when we take a measurement this freezes the oscillations and
gives a single result.

Where exactly is the measurement made? At my eye when the
photon is refracted by the lens, when the photon enters the aqueous
humor, or perhaps as it interacts with the rods and cones in the retina.
Maybe we must wait until the detection of the photon is converted into
an electrical impulse in the optic nerve or even the point at which my
human consciousness perceives it.

This prompted the physicist John Bell to ask a slightly tongue-
in-cheek question, “Was the world wave function waiting to jump for
thousands of millions of years until single-celled creatures appeared? Or,
did it have to wait a little longer for some more highly qualified measurer
— with a Ph.D.?” You see his point. Where is the bar set that defines a
measurement?

One of the most extreme answers to Bell's question is the strong
anthropic principle. It argues humans — or at least sentient beings,
perhaps even cats — cause the Universe to exist. The Universe bubbles
along in a state of superposition with every possible event occurring and
bifurcating until an observer emerges in one of the branches and the
whole edifice collapses to that state. It is not clear if this produces many
concurrent universes or if the first universe with a sentient being wins!

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016012
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023017.txt,"communication and all copies thereof, including all attachments.
Copyright of Darren K. Indyke - © 2019 Darren K. Indyke — All rights reserved.

KKKKEKKKEKEKEK KEKE KKK KKK KEKE KEK KEKE KEKE KEK EEK ERK EK EK KKK EK KEK KKK KKK EK KEK EK KEK EK KEK EEK EEK EERE KEKE EKKEK EEK KEKE EKEKEK EEK EKEEKEREK

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023017
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025345.txt,"SEE YOUR FLIPBOARD ON THE WEB
OR DOWNLOAD THE MOBILE APP

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025345
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018239.txt,"It was here, when he was 92 years old, that I first came to know him.
2.

Before I moved to Beijing in 2002 a friend took me aside and offered this thought:
“Your life in China will change the way you see the world. But if you want to get the
most out of it, you have to understand that as important as being bilingual is, it is as
important to be bicultural.” I had not honestly thought of this as part of my plan, but
it seemed like good advice. | have hewed to it as a personal law ever since. From my
first days in China, | lived almost entirely among the Chinese. I can, for instance,
nearly number on one hand the meals | shared with Westerners over my years
there. This advice to learn to be bicultural really did change my experience of living
in China. It changed how! saw the world. It presented moments of really honest and
searching confusion. I had conversations where I understood every word and yet
had no idea what my interlocutor meant. I had periods where | did not know which
culture was pulling on my mind. But the decision produced, at least, a fortunate
encounter that led me to Master Nan’s school.

Several years after I arrived in Beijing, I was out for dinner one evening with a close
Chinese friend. My friend is a remarkable woman. If you ask how China has gone
from poverty to prosperity in record time, it is partly because of people like her. She
had studied in the Chinese educational system, had moved overseas and mastered
the technical arts of economics and finance, and had returned eagerly to help in the
construction of modern post-reform China. Nearly any time the government had
some new and difficult financial problem to manage, she would be shuffled into the
nervous hands of some baffled Minister or Vice Premier. She had, in her various
activities, helped put the Chinese stock exchange on its feet, rebuilt bankrupt banks,
and had overseen the construction of China’s first sovereign wealth fund. Though
only a few years older than me, her unique skills and absolute loyalty meant she had
seen much of the development of China’s speed-train economy - part miracle, part
near accident - from zero-distance range.

As she and I were finishing dinner that evening, a door opened to a private dining
room near us in the restaurant. Chinese often eat out in private rooms, and the best
restaurants are usually warrens of well-appointed secret spaces, a reminder that in
China door after door after door leads to ever more secure sanctums—think of the
nested power architecture of the Forbidden City. When the door near us opened, a
stream of senior Chinese party figures paraded past, hovering around an intense,
square-jawed and smiling man who was soon to become one of the most powerful
figures in China. As this man walked past, he nodded hello to both of us. | asked my
friend once he had left: “How do you know him?” | expected her contact with senior
leaders on financial matters would explain the connection. Her answer surprised
me.

“We both,” she said, “have the same Master.”

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018239
"
IMAGES-012-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032572.txt,"Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032572
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014605.txt,"further rate cuts and lowered the deposit rate to
-0.40%. Second, it increased the size of its asset
purchase program from €60 billion to €80 billion
per month, effectively buying more Eurozone
bonds each year than are actually issued (see
Exhibit 90). Finally, it continued to limit its buying
to bonds with yields above the deposit rate,

which concentrated its purchases toward long-
maturity bonds.

These measures created an extreme scarcity
effect in long-term German bunds, as investors
scrambled to buy today for fear of even lower
interest rates tomorrow. In response, German
10-year rates fell to an all-time low of -18 basis
points in July of 2016. During these same summer
months, all German government bonds with less
than a 15-year maturity offered negative yields.

However, monetary policy does not operate in
a vacuum. With negative interest rates impairing
the profitability of the European banking system,
the ECB has already begun to alter its policy mix.
At its December 2016 meeting, the ECB reversed
the increase in asset purchases mentioned above,
targeting €60 billion per month for the upcoming
March—December 2017 period. Moreover, it lifted
the restriction on purchasing bonds with yields
below the deposit rate, alleviating the scarcity
premium attached to long-maturity bonds meeting
this criterion. While these adjustments are well
short of QE “tapering,” they have shifted the
market focus toward the eventual end of asset
purchases and the timing of the first ECB rate
hike—currently priced for late 2018.

With less ECB policy pressure on long-maturity
bonds, coupled with continued above-trend
Eurozone growth and some further normalization
in global term premiums, we expect 10-year bund
yields to increase to 0.5-1.0% by the end of 2017.
While overall peripheral bond spreads should be
mostly range-bound in 2017, political woes in
Italy and France pose upside risks to the spreads of
those countries.

In the UK, we expect gilt yields to reach 1.5-
2.25%. Here, persistently high headline inflation
induced by the depreciation of sterling and a
less-than-feared economic drag from Brexit thus
far could encourage the BOE to unwind a portion
of the preemptive easing it deployed in response to
the surprise referendum outcome.

Given this outlook and today’s still depressed
bond yields, we remain underweight UK and
Eurozone government bonds for European

Exhibit 90: European Government Bond Issuance
and ECB Purchases
ECB buying is outpacing net issuance of Eurozone bonds.

€bn
400 MNet Issuance MECB Purchases Net Issuance Including ECB Purchases

200

°

-200 5

-600

-800

2016 2017

Data as of December 31, 2016.
Source: Investment Strategy Group, JP Morgan.

investors. After all, just a 2 basis point increase in
German 10-year bund yields generates a capital
loss sufficient to offset an entire year of income.
That said, we should not confuse an underweight
with a zero weighting, as European clients should
retain some exposure to German bunds and other
high-quality Eurozone bonds in the “sleep-well”
portion of their portfolios. These high-quality
bonds would provide an attractive hedge in the
event of a Eurozone recession or the return of
deflationary concerns.

Emerging Market Local Debt

Last year’s 10% return for emerging market local
debt (EMLD) provided some solace to those who
have suffered through nearly three years of losses
totaling more than 30%. But investors had to
endure considerable volatility to realize this gain,
as returns fluctuated between -4% and +18% in
2016. In fact, the asset class lost roughly 5% in just
the last two months of the year.

This last point is important, since many of the
tailwinds that drove EMLD’s strong returns in the
first half of 2016 reversed toward year-end and are
likely to impact the asset class again in 2017. Here,
we refer specifically to the resumption of Federal
Reserve rate hikes, renewed US dollar appreciation
and a resumption of Chinese renminbi depreciation
against the dollar. Just as falling global interest
rates helped the asset class for the first part of
2016, so too should the rising rates we expect

72, | Goldman Sachs | JANUARY 2017

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014605
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028228.txt,"/ BARAK / 94

end of the day, dozens of Israelis and Palestinians were injured. Five Palestinians
lay dead. Though the media almost instantly labelled it a new “intifada”, this one
was very different. It was not a burst of anger, however misdirected, by stone-
throwing youths convinced that a road accident in Gaza had been something more
sinister. There had been no serious unrest on the day of Arik’s visit. We would
later learn this was a deliberate campaign, waged with guns and grenades, by
Hamas and Islamic Jihad, the Fatah offshoot Tanzim, and Arafat’s own police
force.

The media had changed, too, in the 13 years since the first intifada, with the rise
of twenty-four-seven news broadcasters, including the Arabic-language Al Jazeera.
Images of pain and suffering and fear stoked anger on both sides. None, in the first
days of the violence, was more powerful, or heart-rending, than the picture of a
terrified 12-year-old Palestinian boy named Mohammed al-Durrah, sheltered by
his father as they took cover from the crossfire in Gaza. The facts of the incident,
as best we could establish immediately afterwards, were that the Palestinian
security forces had opened fire on Israeli troops near the settlement of Netzarim.
Ten Palestinians, including the little boy, lost their lives when the soldiers returned
fire. We later established with near certainty that the boy had in fact been killed by
Palestinian gunfire. But even if we’d been able to prove that at the time, I’m sure
that in the increasingly poisonous atmosphere, it would have made little difference.

Nor would it have changed the next, deeply disturbing escalation: the spread of
the violence into Israel itself, with unprecedentedly serious clashes between our
own Arab citizens and the police in the Galilee, in Wadi Ara, in the main mixed
Arab-Jewish cities, and the Negev. Beyond the political implications, the
demonstrations of solidarity with the Palestinian violence presented a security
challenge of a different order: to the ability of the Israeli police, and by extension
the government, to ensure basic law and order inside our borders. The worst of the
clashes lasted barely a week. But they left thirteen Arab Israeli protestors dead,
sparking demonstrations as far afield as Jaffa, as well as ugly incidents of mob
violence by Israeli Jews against Arabs in some areas.

President Clinton tried his best to help us halt the violence on the West Bank
and in Gaza. I doubted the Americans would succeed, but was fully ready to join in
their efforts to try. About ten days into the new intifada, I attended a crisis meeting
with Arafat, mediated by Madeleine Albright and Dennis Ross, at the US
ambassador’s residence Paris. It was nominally under the aegis of President

380
HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028228
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021249.txt,"actions that imply particular timing
patterns such as synchrony or rhythmic
turn taking such as applauding in unison
or the ‘wave’ that is produced by
thousands of individual sports fans in a
stadium. A model to explain such
synchronized behavior is proposed in
terms of the neural processes that are
jointly recruited. One of the main
implications suggested by this model is
that taking part in or being part of a
synchronized social interaction gives rise
to a qualitative shift in subjective
experience due to the difficulty of
applying an individual centered
explanation to collectively produced
spontaneous co-action.

You and I as One

7. Action at a Distance: The Invisible

Force of Language
Language forms the fabric of our social
institutions and makes tangible the nature
of our relationships. Although the
function of language 1s typically viewed
in terms of the information content that it
provides, some of the social function of
language may depend on the way it
affects us. The idea of language impact
— how language directly affects our
emotions and social connections — may
be fundamental to the way the social
brain functions to connect people.

Systems and Signals for Social
Coordination

8. Hidden Forces in Understanding
Others: Mirror Neurons and
Neurobiological Underpinnings

Specific brain regions in the monkey
contain individual brain cells, or neurons,
that respond to both observation and
execution of identical hand and mouth
actions. Brain imaging in humans has
demonstrated that our brains have
similarly localized regions with similar
properties. These areas respond to
execution of goal-directed actions of the
hand and mouth and during observation

of the same or similar actions.
Interestingly, these brain regions in the
human are also responsive to observation
and imitation of facial movements, and
appear to be sensitive to their emotional
content.

Connecting and Binding Social Brains
and Minds

9. Empathy and Interpersonal Sensitivity
Empathy is thought to play a key role in
motivating prosocial behavior, guiding
our preferences and behavioral
responses, and providing the affective
and motivational base for moral
development. While folk conceptions of
empathy view it as the capacity to share,
understand and respond with care to the
affective states of others, neuroscience
research demonstrates that these
components can be dissociated. Empathy
is not a unique characteristic of human
consciousness, but it is an important
adaptive behavior that evolved with the
mammalian brain. However, humans are
special in the sense that high-level
cognitive abilities (language, theory of
mind, executive functions) are layered on
top of phylogenetically older social and
emotional capacities. These higher level
cognitive and social capacities expand
the range of behaviors that can be driven
by empathy.

Seeing into My Mind and Other Minds

10. Seeing Invisible Minds
Other minds are inherently invisible.
Being able to ""see"" them requires
learning about other minds, attending to
other minds, and projecting one’s own
mind onto others, and seeing minds in
other agents can mean the difference
between treating others as humans versus
as objects.

Inferring Minds When None Can be
Seen

11. Anthropomorphism: Human
Connection to a Universal Society

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021249
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016572.txt,"Code Enforcement Board Meeting Minutes 07/17/08

a day but he would review it. Mr. Walton reviewed the transcript and noted that it
showed $125.00 a day but the Board order specified $250.00 a day and he would
have to do further research.

Mr. Fried advised he could make a motion to postpone the matter to the next
meeting and have Mr. Walton bring back the correct information. There was
additional discussion about the amount of the fine and Mr. Lynch said he was
seeking a reduction of the $17,125.00 which would be the amount of the fine if it
was $125.00 a day. Mr. Hoffman said he would find that hard to accept. Mr.
Hoffman read from the minutes that a motion was made by Mr. Fried that the
defendant was found in non-compliance, ordered to pay an administrative fee in
the amount of $150.00, obtain a final building inspection by October 25, 2008 and
a fine of $125.00 to commence on October 26, 2007. He said that motion passed
4-3. Mr. Walton said he could not dispute that but he would have to do some
research. Mr. Hoffman said he would not be in favor of reducing the $17, 125.00
any further.

Mr. Ochstein said he was hesitant to do anything until they know what the number
is. Mr. Walton suggesting postponing the case until next month.

MOTION BY MR. OCHSTEIN TO POSTPONE THE FINE REDUCTION
HEARING UNTIL AUGUST 21, 2008

SECONDED BY MR. FRIED

MOTION OPPOSED

ROLL CALL VOTE:

MR. OCHSTEIN YES
MR. FRIED YES
MS. DUEMLER YES
MS. GREENBERG NO
MS. VAN BUREN NO
MR. BALLENTINE YES
MR. HOFFMAN NO
MOTION PASSES 4-3

B. Case # 08-2302, 9 Via Vizcaya, Macari Building & Design, Casa Picchio, LLC
Violation of Chapter 18, Section 18-242, Subsection 104.5.1.6, medium projects,
all new or remodel construction projects 4000 sq. ft, to 8,999 sq. ft. under roof be
allowed 22 months

Lead Code Enforcement said the property was found in non-compliance and they
requested a fine reduction hearing. The owner of the property was called out of
town and they requested a postponement until the August hearing.

19

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016572
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030863.txt,"From: Daniel Sabba
Sent: 7/21/2015 1:31:09 PM

To: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com]
Subject: on trump [C]

Attachments: image001.jpg

Importance: — High

Classification: Confidential

http://fivethirtyeight.com/features/donald-trum

-is-the-worlds-greatest-troll

thought provoking stats

The Republican Field Has Been Trumped

Google News hits and Google searches (June 14, 2015, through July
12, 2015), compared with Betfair odds (as of July 19, 2015)

Media coverage
(Google News hits)

Trump Sa «5°
Bush i;
Christie Jj 9
Walker js
Jindal IJ 6
Cruz 94
Rubio 4
Paul J 2
Kasich | 2
Huckabee | 1
Graham ]1
Perry |1
Fiorina |1
Carson |1
Santorum |1
Pataki | <1

Public interest
(Google searches)

Chance of winning
nomination (Betfair)

B 5%
as ;:
iE

89 FIVETHIRTYEIGHT SOURCE: GOOGLE, PREDICTWISE, BETFAIR

This communication may contain confidential and/or privileged information. If you are not the intended
recipient (or have received this communication in error) please notify the sender immediately and
destroy this communication. Any unauthorized copying, disclosure or distribution of the material in
this communication is strictly forbidden.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030863
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025118.txt,"From: LHS [ 
Sent: 5/29/2017 12:49:27 AM 
To: jeffrey E. [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
CC: lhsoffice [lhsoffice@lawrencesummers.com] 
Subject: Re: Is Donald still feeling good 
Importance: High 
With demand happy to consider and likely do. Dont want to go sucking up. 
Did Klein do it again? Agree bad business. Or are u referring to what u talked about months ago. 
Sent from my iPhone 
Please direct all scheduling inquiries to my office at: 
Follow me on twitter glhsummers 
www.larrysummers.com 
On May 28, 2017, at 7:49 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
BTW, still not sure why michael klein decided to try to attack me. wasn't smart or necessary, . used our 
friendship as a source, . thought you should know. not nice 
On Sun, May 28, 2017 at 7:36 PM, LHS <IMI> wrote: 
More would represent Donald if Kaslowitz out of picture. Not surprising, very hard to be law firm 
representing POTUS and know what to do when potus lies to u. 
My world thinks poorly of Gorelick for representing Jared. 
How guilty is Donald? 
Of crudity surely 
Of gross ignorance surely 
Of being utterly without the intellect temperament for job surely 
Of being over line on family profiting very likely 
Of gross disregard for appearances almost surely. 
Of Russians having financial leverage. Less clear 
Of Russians helping in. Election w complicity of his campaign plausible but not certain 
Strikes me if u work for Donald u don't free lance so he is guilty of whatever his campaign did. 
Do u agree w foregoing? 
Sent from my iPad 
Please direct all scheduling inquiries to my office at: 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 025118 
Follow me on twitter glhsummers 
www.larrysummers.com  
From: jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> 
Sent: Sunday, May 28, 2017 7:28 PM 
Subject: Re: Is Donald still feeling good 
To: LHS 
wild, there will be some changes this week.. funny but kaslowitz is getting turned down repeatedly, by 
firms unwilling to represent donald. 
On Sun, May 28, 2017 at 7:22 PM, LHS < > wrote: 
R u still plugged in to the show? 
Sent from my iPhone 
Please direct all scheduling inquiries to my office at: 
Follow me on twitter glhsummers 
www.larrysummers.com 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 025119 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 025120 
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026563.txt,"From: Boris Nikolic

Sent: 5/7/2012 11:27:15 PM
To: Jeffrey Epstein (jeevacation@gmail.com) [jeevacation@gmail.com]
Subject: FW: Zeitplan amfar Gala 19.5.2012

Importance: — High

MM is my friend there who will host us. She is very close friend with i as well.

MMM and I are still trying to get QBNMJto join at the last moment.

She and her family own 80% or so of Austrian media (Heute etc). She is describing program below.
The plan would be that we arrive to Vienna on Thursday 17th mid day.

On Thursday there is a big Premiere of Mozart La Clemenza de Tito and we go to that.

ON Friday i: organizing a dinner/reception with her friends. We can schedule some other
meetings/visits during day.

On Saturday the night starts at 5pm and goes through early next morning.

I leave first flight Sunday morning for San Francisco to meet Bill.
If you are staying in Vienna and have time (and like J you should go to her brunch.

How this seems to you???

B

Sent: Monday, May 07, 2012 5:51 AM
To: ""Cavan Mahony'; Boris Nikolic;
Subject: wG: Zeitplan amfar Gala 19.5.2012

Hallo everybody!

Attached (sorry in Germain) the Programm fort he lifeball on the 19th.

Actually there will be a Galadinner with our prime minister and Bill Clinton and all kinds of stars jin
the Hofburg (former Imerial estate - very impressive to see from inside)) It is only 250 people,. A
seated dinner and more upscale than the rest oft he evening. It start's at 5pm with a Champagne cocktail
and from there we go directly to the opening oft he ball where we'll have a really cool Box first row! !

Dresscode: actually the lifeball is really crazy and ‘half naked’ We always do a intermediare because
otherwise you feel like an idiot at the Amfar Gala dinner before. People now don't wear Tuxedos anymore.
Christoph wear's normal black trouseres with a white shirt and a dar sakko because he doesn't want to be
in any crazy stuff on all the pics. Half oft he people oft he gala dinenr also waer some ‘little’ crazy
stuff like pink velvet sakkos Cand a mask for later) or so. girls: Crazy as you like. There are a lot of
atrists that are really dressed up. I will wear a quiet see-through short dress with high high heels+ a
chanel Tatoo and will take a face mask fort he ball later.

So I hope this helped at least a little bit. For pics got to: lifeball.org

Friday night: we would like to invite you all for dinner and will organize a nice place with a cool bar.
Aress follows. Pls let me know who wants to join!!

Sunday: I'm very sure we'll be dead :-) BUT we would like to invite you to our house/garden/pool
Cswimmwear) for brunch starting at 11. Furfanggasse 4, 1190 wien. From hotel Sachen max. 15 min with

Taxi. If you fly late we can walk from our house to one oft he famous Austrian heurigen ...and get some
more alcholic to drink :-) :-)

On Thursday there is a big Premiere of Mozart La Clemenza de Tito. Very hard to get tickets but for 2 of
you I could still organize (hopefully9 if some of you already arrive on Thursday.

Big kiss to everbody...I promise you...not often you will have seen something that crazy :-)

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026563
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020631.txt,"172

(UNITEC), and Xidian University (Otago, VUW). New Zealand regularly hosts doctoral
students who were graduates of these universities and also hosts current students
and staff on short-term fellowships. Some New Zealand academics have roles at PLA-
linked universities. The potential for these relationships to be exploited requires a
reevaluation of government policies on scientific exchange.®

Civil Society

Media are a key target of China’s influence efforts. New Zealand’s local Chinese-
language outlets all have content cooperation agreements with China’s Xinhua News
Service, participate in annual media training conferences in China, have at times
employed senior staff affiliated with the Communist Party, and have hosted CCP
propaganda officials. CCP officials have given direct editorial instructions to Chinese-
language media in New Zealand as part of the CCP’s strategy to blend overseas
content with that in the PRC. On television, a Chinese-language channel has removed
Taiwanese programming from its network. Xinhua has also established its own
television station.

With respect to English media, China Daily in 2016 established a partnership with

the Fairfax newspapers in Australia and New Zealand. The Chinese embassy has
sponsored the travel of journalists and politicians. In other instances, donors with
close connections to the Chinese government have donated to organizations that
provide research funding and subsidize journalist and youth visits to China, as well as
exhibitions, book publications, and other activities that “promote a non-critical view
of China.”

China’s representatives in New Zealand also put considerable pressure on New
Zealanders who speak up critically on China-related issues. Since publication of her
initial report on Chinese influence operations in the country, Anne-Marie Brady
has experienced break-ins at her office and home, according to testimony before the
Australian Parliament’s Intelligence and Security Committee.’

Conclusion

New Zealand’s government, unlike that of Australia, has taken few steps to counter
foreign interference in its internal affairs. Charity fund-raising, which has been used
by Chinese United Front organizations to mask contributions, remains excluded from
disclosure requirements. New Zealand’s intelligence service still cannot investigate
cases of subversion and foreign influence inside its political parties without the
approval of the service’s minister, whose political calculations may inhibit action. And
media regulations remain inadequate to address improper influence by means other
than outright ownership, which may also merit reform.

Appendix 2

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020631
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023771.txt,"Teaching Kids to Walk and Talk 25

It is important, when teaching Socratically, which is my preferred
methodology, to make students question their beliefs. No one is a bet-
ter teacher than a teacher who makes students wonder whether he has
been wrong about something.

Do I think that teachers should lie to students?

I think teachers should make students think harder than they
might have been capable of doing without the teachers. I also think
that teachers should not tell answers to students. Students do not learn
from memorizing answers. They learn from developing questions for
themselves that they then can begin to find answers to.

| believe that effective teaching makes .. .

students develop questions to which they then will seek answers
students look for answers from people other than the teacher
students confused and less certain than they were before

Now, I realize that these are pretty nonstandard ideas. That is, of
course, the point.

This next writer worked for me (after getting his Ph.D. elsewhere)
in the academic world and later in the business world.

Probably the most important lesson I learned from you was the
value of overstatement and oversimplification in communicating
ideas and getting people’s attention. I recently retired and was
roasted at my retirement party by a group of longtime employees
and there were some interesting anecdotes about what I’d taught
them about selling their ideas through management. Software
engineers are often uncomfortable making a point without
giving every possible nuance, caveat, and detail. This typically
causes management’s eyes to gloss over and their ideas never

get a fair hearing. So, I’ve (apparently relentlessly) encouraged
employees to make their points quickly and to use overstatement
and oversimplification as rhetorical devices. I’m still wincing
over the roasts that portrayed my predilection for interrupting
presenters and asking, “What’s your point?”—I learned that one
from you.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023771
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025423.txt,"Source — H\Macintosh HD\ root \Users\jee\Library\Messages\Archive\2019-02-25

6n 2019-02-12 at. 06.29.59. ichat

Service: iMessag

Start Time: 02/25/19 05:04:24 PM (572835864)
End Time: 02/25/19 08:49:24 PM (572849364)
Last Message ID: 25553

Chat Room:
Presentity IDs: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com, Po

Messages -

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com 1:
Time: 02/25/19 05:04:24 PM (572835864)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

T,

GUID: 8A1C2D1E-0644-46BO0-9096-AE428DE0F843

Message: You around?

Time: 02/25/19 06:10:23 PM (572839823)
Flags: 1060865

Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 71097128-520C-4914-93FE-7A8DF9877419

Message: Hey I am Abu Dhabi and Dubai this week watching the hypocrisy from a distance!

Time: 02/25/19 06:10:31 PM (572839831)
Flags: 1126401
Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: OCOE4AB5-4E06-4904-8D34-A445888A3834

Message: I am back Monday

Sender: Po

Time: 02/25/19 06:10:49 PM (572839849)
Flags: 1060865

Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 503AF2CB-C265-4135-A076-6F4EF4B9A981

Message: Are you in NYC next week?

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025423
"
TEXT-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032804.txt,"From: Neal Kassell_________________________________ 
Sent: 9/4/2018 12:50:33 AM 
To: jeffrey E. [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
CC: Lesley Groff_________________________ 
Subject: Re: Introduction 
Importance: High 
Will do 
Does Leslie do your schedule? 
Sent from my iPad 
N F Kassell MD 
434 326 9835 
On Sep 3, 2018, at 8:49 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
yes, will be in town , coordiante a time closer . look forward to it 
On Mon, Sep 3, 2018 at 8:46 PM, Neal Kassell wrote: 
Thanks Melanie 
Jeffery — look forward to meeting you. Wish Melanie was with us. I will be in New York from Tuesday the 
25th through Friday, 28 September. Let me know if you are available. 
Be well. 
Sent from my iPhone 
N F Kassell MD 
434 981 0100 
On Sep 3, 2018, at 8:42 PM, Melanie Walker wrote: 
Jeffrey - Neal 
Neither of you requires introduction. I've known Jeffrey 28 years and this isn't a joke - 
Donald Trump introduced us. I first met Neal in 16 years ago when Bob Pine introduced 
uS 
Neal will be visiting NYC end of month. 
I think you would both enjoy spending time together - 
Thanks to you both for always supporting me. 
You are both copied. 
Melanie 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 032804 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 032805 
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022026.txt,"PATTERSON

-ately, he tried to sell the informa-

rage girls and the places where
list included locations in Califor-
York, and Michigan. The papers
idresses, and phone numbers of
‘issinger, Mick Jagger, Dustin Hoff-
och, Ted Kennedy, Donald Trump,
and former Israeli prime minister

yt at all damning. Epstein made a
nation for future use. But informa-
ould have bolstered the state’s case
by withholding it from the Palm
ruez had committed a crime.

would say that the papers were an
them, he believed, Epstein would

ed the money. And so a few weeks ~
e Stockade, he approached a lawyer 4
of Epstein’s masseuses. He had the
golden nugget.” The names of hun-
ad been abused by Epstein. ;
z in no uncertain terms that he was
ie had over to the authorities. By

iformation, Rodriguez was commits

tement by Christina Pryor, 4 ae
z “persisted that he would only tt
ossession in exchange for $50, 000.

Firtay Ricu

Two months later, on October 28, the lawyer called Rodriguez,
who insisted once more on being paid for the information. The
lawyer told him that an associate would be in touch.

What the lawyer knew and Rodriguez did not know was that
the associate in question was an undercover employee (UCE) of
the FBI. A few days later, on November 2, the UCE calls Rodri-
guez and sets up a meeting, which takes place the following day.

“During the meeting, Rodriguez produced a small bound
book and several sheets of legal pad paper containing handwrit-
ten notes,” Special Agent Pryor would say in her statement. She
continues:

Rodriguez explained that he had taken the bound book from
his former employer’s residence while employed there in
2004 to 2005 and that the book had been created by persons
working for his former employer. Rodriguez discussed in
detail the information within the book and identified import-
ant information to the UCE. In addition, Rodriguez admitted
he had previously lied to the FBI. Rodriguez asked the UCE
about the $50,000, took possession of the money, and began
counting it.

Rodriguez was then detained for Obstruction of Official
Proceedings, Title 18, U.S. Code, Section 1512(©), and ques-
tioned. After Miranda warnings were administered by agents,

_ Rodriguez waived his rights and signed a written waiver of
| those rights. Rodriguez admitted that he had the documents
4 and book in his possession and had never turned them over
3 to local law enforcement or the FBI. In addition, Rodriguez

219

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022026
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013245.txt,"Glossary of Specialized Terms 329

the weight of evidence and k is a parameter. In the case of an Indefinite Truth Value, the
confidence is associated with the width of the probability interval.

Confidence Decay: The process by which the confidence of an Atom decreases over time,
as the observations on which the Atom’s truth value is based become increasingly obsolete.
This may be carried out by a special MindAgent. The rate of confidence decay is subtle and
contextually determined, and must be estimated via inference rather than simply assumed
a priori.

Consciousness: CogPrime is not predicated on any particular conceptual theory of con-
sciousness. Informally, the AttentionalFocus is sometimes referred to as the “conscious”
mind of a CogPrime system, with the rest of the Atomspace as “unconscious” but this is
just an informal usage, not intended to tie the CogPrime design to any particular theory of
consciousness. The primary originator of the CogPrime

design (Ben Goertzel) tends toward panpsychism, as it happens.

Context: In addition to its general common-sensical meaning, in CogPrime the term Con-
text also refers to an Atom that is used as the first argument of a ContextLink. The second
argument of the ContextLink then contains Links or Nodes, with TruthValues calculated
restricted to the context defined by the first argument. For instance, (ContextLink USA
(InheritanceLink person obese )).

Core: The MindOS portion of OpenCog, comprising the Atomspace, the CogServer, and
other associated “infrastructural” code.

Corrective Learning: When an agent learns how to do something, by having another
agent explicitly guide it in doing the thing. For instance, teaching a dog to sit by pushing
its butt to the ground.

CSDLN: (Compositional Spatiotemporal Deep Learning Network): A hierarchical pattern
recognition network, in which each layer corresponds to a certain spatiotemporal granularity,
the nodes on a given layer correspond to spatiotemporal regions of a given size, and the
children of a node correspond to sub-regions of the region the parent corresponds to. Jeff
Hawkins’s HTM is one example CSDLN, and Itamar Arel’s DeSTIN (currently used in
OpenCog) is another.

Declarative Knowledge: Semantic knowledge as would be expressed in propositional or
predicate logic facts or beliefs.

Deduction: In general, this refers to the derivation of conclusions from premises using
logical rules. In PLN in particular, this often refers to the exercise of a specific inference
rule, the PLN Deduction rule (A + B, B > C, therefore A> C)

Deep Learning: Learning in a network of elements with multiple layers, involving feedfor-
ward and feedback dynamics, and adaptation of the links between the elements. An example
deep learning algorithm is DeSTIN, which is being integrated with OpenCog for perception
processing.

Defrosting: Restoring, into the RAM portion of an Atomspace, an Atom (or set thereof)
previously saved to disk.

Demand: In CogPrime’s OpenPsi subsystem, this term is used in a manner inherited from
the Psi model of motivated action. A Demand in this context is a quantity whose value the
system is motivated to adjust. Typically the system wants to keep the Demand between
certain minimum and maximum values. An Urge develops when a Demand deviates from
its target range.

Deme: In MOSES, an “island” of candidate programs, closely clustered together in program
space, being evolved in an attempt to optimize a certain fitness function. The idea is that

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013245
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019208.txt,"For example, in October 2014, he told the editor of the Nation, “I’m in exile. My
government revoked my passport intentionally to leave me exiled” and “chose to keep me
in Russia.” According to Mr. Snowden, the U.S. government accomplished this
entrapment by suspending his passport while he was in midair after he departed Hong
Kong on June 23, thus forcing him into the hands of President Vladimir Putin’s regime.
None of this is true. The State Department invalidated Mr. Snowden’s passport while he
was still in Hong Kong, not after he left for Moscow on June 23. The “Consul General-
Hong Kong confirmed that Hong Kong authorities were notified that Mr. Snowden’s
passport was revoked June 22,” according to the State Department’s senior watch officer,
as reported by ABC news on June 23, 2013.

Mr. Snowden could not have been unaware of the government’s pursuit of him, since the
criminal complaint against him, which was filed June 14, had been headline news in
Hong Kong. That the U.S. acted against him while he was still in Hong Kong is of great
importance to the timeline because it points to the direct involvement of Aeroflot, an
airline which the Russian government effectively controls. Aeroflot bypassed its normal
procedures to allow Mr. Snowden to board the Moscow flight—even though he had
neither a valid passport nor a Russian visa, as his newly assigned lawyer, Anatoly
Kucherena,said at a press conference in Russia on July 12, 2013.

By falsely claiming his passport was invalidated after the plane departed Hong Kong—
instead of before he left—Mr. Snowden hoped to conceal this extraordinary waiver. The
Russian government further revealed its helping hand, judging by a report in Russia’s
Izvestia newspaper when, on arrival, Mr. Snowden was taken off the plane by a security
team in a “special operation.”

Nor was it any kind of accident. Vladimir Putin personally authorized this assistance after
Mr. Snowden met with Russian officials in Hong Kong, as Mr. Putin admitted in a
televised press conference on Sept. 2, 2013.

To provide a smokescreen for Mr. Snowden’s escape from Hong Kong, WikiLeaks (an
organization that the Obama administration asserted to be a tool of Russian intelligence
after the hacking of Democratic Party leaders’ email in 2016) booked a dozen or more
diversionary flight reservations to other destinations for Mr. Snowden.

WikiLeaks co-founder Julian Assange also dispatched Sarah Harrison, his deputy at
WikiLeaks, to fly to Hong Kong to pay Mr. Snowden’s expenses and escort him to
Moscow. In short, Mr. Snowden’s arrival in Moscow was neither accidental nor the work
of the U.S. government.

Mr. Snowden’s own narrative asserts that he came to Russia not only empty-handed but
without access to any of the stolen material. He wrote in Vanity Fair in 2014 that he had
destroyed all of it before arriving in Moscow—the very data that he went to such lengths
to steal a few weeks earlier in Hawaii.

As it turns out, this claim is also untrue. It is belied by two Kremlin insiders who were in
a position to know what Mr. Snowden actually brought with him to Moscow. One of
them, Frants Klintsevich, was the first deputy chairman of the defense and security
committee of the Duma (Russia’s parliament) at the time of Mr. Snowden’s defection.
“Let’s be frank,” Mr. Klintsevich said in a taped interview with NPR in June 2016, “Mr.
Snowden did share intelligence. This is what security services do.”

The other insider was Anatoly Kucherena, a well-connected Moscow lawyer and Mr.
Putin’s friend. Mr. Kucherena served as the intermediary between Mr. Snowden and

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019208
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011832.txt,"/ BARAK / 75

stake. I didn’t know whether peace was within reach. I was still deeply skeptical.
But if it was, we had to accept that Jerusalem would be key. And if the summit
failed, for whatever reason, what inevitably awaited us was “confrontation.”

Israel Hasson, the Shin Bet veteran, spoke first. He saw two choices. Either we
could retain Isrsaeli sovereignty over a “united Jerusalem” with functional, day-to-
day autonomy for the Palestinians in their neighborhoods, or we could in effect
divide the city. “Divide sovereignty.” He didn’t say which he favored, only that it
was essential that we made the decision now if we could, however difficult or
reluctant Arafat was as a negotiating partner. If we waited, we’d end up having to
deal with Islamists: Hamas and Islamic Jihad. Oded Eran, the career diplomat
whom I'd put in charge of frustrating, formal talks with the Palestinians in the
months preceding the summit , said he was convinced that we should give the
Palestinians full sovereignty over at least the “outer” Arab neighborhoods in East
Jerusalem, which had become part of the city only when we’d expanded the city
boundaries after 1967. He said that was in Israel’s own interest. We had no historic
connection to these Arab villages, and something like 130,000 Palestinian lived
there. “Why should we want to annex them,” he asked. It would be like accepting
the “right of return” through the back door.

Dan Meridor’s voice, for me, was especially important. I knew he was as
determined as I was to try to get a peace agreement with the Palestinians. But he
was also a former Likudnik, and a native Jerusalemite. “I’m against any
concessions when it comes to Israeli sovereignty,” he said. “Any attempt to divide
Jerusalem would be a serious blow, and not just for Jews in Israel.” For centuries,
Jewish communities all over the world, had looked to Jerusalem, prayed for
Jerusalem. The yearly Seder meal, on Passover, ends with the Hebrew phrase:
Shanah haba b’Yerushalaim. Next year, in Jerusalem. “What we decided here in
Camp David,” Dan said, “also affects Jews in New York. In Moscow. In
Johannesburg.” He urged us to focus instead on offering Arafat as attractive as
possible a package of concessions on all the other issues. “Then let him decide.
But even if sovereignty over Jerusalem means that the deal collapses, I’m not
willing the pay that price.”

No voices were raised. It was the rarest of political discussions. People offered
their views, and listened to others’. Amnon Lipkin pointed out that a large area of
what was now came inside the boundaries of Jerusalem was not part of the city
he’d known before 1967. Echoing Oded Eran, he said: “It’s in our interest for as

361
HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011832
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019787.txt,"Epilogue
The Snowden Effect

Governments can reduce our dignity to something like that of
tagged animals.

—EDWARD SNOWDEN, Moscow, 2016

HE ENORMOUS EFFECT that Snowden has had on America can

be divided into three categories: the good, the bad, and the ugly.
The good proceeds from the national conversation on the issue of
surveillance in 2013 that his disclosures ignited. There is no denying
that Snowden’s dramatic disclosures, despite the damage they did to
U.S. intelligence, accomplished a salutary service in alerting both the
public and the government to the potential danger of a surveillance
leviathan. The steady expansion of the NSA‘s collection of telephone
billing records under the cloak of secrecy, for example, revealed a
bureaucratic mission creep that badly needed to be brought under
closer oversight by Congress. Snowden’s breach provided another
benefit. It pointed to the security dangers proceeding from the NSA’s
headlong rush to outsource its computer servicing to private con-
tractors. Opening this back door, as Snowden amply demonstrated,
greatly increased the risk that America’s secrets would fall into the
hands of its enemies. An intelligence service has little if any value if
it cannot keep secret its sources from its adversaries.

| | Epst_9780451494566_2p_all_r1.indd 299 ® 9/30/16 8:13AM | |

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019787
"
TEXT-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032353.txt,"From: Erika Kellerhals 
Sent: 11/10/2016 10:19:12 PM 
To: jeffrey E. [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Subject: Re: 
Importance: High 
© I'll try not to. Need to meet with you Tuesday. 
Sent from my iPhone 
On Nov 10, 2016, at 6:14 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
its funny, dont lose your sense of humor 
On Thu, Nov 10, 2016 at 11:12 PM, Erika Kellerhals I_________________________________wrote: 
I'm so sorry this happened to you. It's terrible. And sad. 
Sent from my iPhone 
On Nov 10, 2016, at 6:09 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-3914012/Troubled-woman-history-drug-use-claimed-assaulted-
Donald-Trump-Jeffrey-Epstein-sex-party-age-13-FABRICATED-story.html  
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 032353 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 032354 
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013912.txt,"For sophisticated tools and free spreadsheets that do all sorts of calculations for you, visit the reader-only
resources at www.fourhourblog.com.

Johanna and Sherwood decide to keep it simple at this stage: How much did they spend on PPC ads
and how much did they “sell”?

Johanna has done well. The traffic wasn’t enough to make the test stand up to statistical scrutiny, but
she spent about $200 on PPC and got 14 sign-ups for a free 10-tip report. If she assumes 60% would
purchase, that means 8.4 people x $75 profit per DVD = $630 in hypothetical total profit. This is also not
taking into account the potential lifetime value of each customer.

The results of her small test are no guarantee of future success, but the indications are positive enough
that she decides to set up a Yahoo Store for $99 per month and a small per-transaction fee. Her credit
isn’t excellent, so she will opt to use www.paypal.com to accept credit cards online instead of

approaching her bank for a merchant account.4® She e-mails the 10-tip report to those who signed up and
asks for their feedback and recommendations for content on the DVD. Ten days later, she has a first
attempt at the DVD ready to ship and her store is online. Her sales to the original sign-ups cover costs of
production and she is soon selling a respectable 10 DVDs per week ($750 profit) via Google Adwords.
She plans to test advertising in niche magazines and blogs and now needs to create an automation
architecture to remove herself from the equation.

Sherwood didn’t fare as well but still sees potential. He spent $150 on PPC and “sold” three shirts for
a hypothetical $225 in profit. He had more than enough traffic, but the bulk of visitors left the site on the
pricing page. Rather than drop pricing, he decides to test a “2x money-back guarantee” on the pricing
page, which will enable customers to get a $200 refund if the $100 shirts aren’t the “most comfortable
they’ve ever owned.” He retests and “sells” seven shirts for $525 in profit. Based on these results, he sets
up a merchant account through his bank and Authorize.net to process credit cards, orders a dozen shirts
from France, and sells them all over the following ten days. This gives him enough profit to buy a small
display ad at 50% off (asking for a “first-time advertiser discount” and then citing a competing magazine
to get another 20% off) in a local weekly art magazine, in which he calls the shirt “Jackson Pollock
Shirts.” He orders two dozen more shirts with net-30 payment terms and puts a toll-free number* in the
print ad that forwards to his cell phone. He does this instead of using a website for two reasons: (1) He
wants to determine the most common questions for his FAQ online, and (2) he wants to test an offer of
$100 for one shirt ($75 in profit) or “buy two, get one free” ($200 - $75 = $125 profit).

He sells all 24 shirts in the first five days the magazine runs, most through the special offer. Success.
He redesigns the print ad, putting answers to common questions in the text to cut down on calls for
information, and decides to negotiate a longer-term ad agreement with the magazine. He sends his sales
rep a check for four issues at 30% of their published rates. He calls to confirm that they received his
check via FedEx and, with check in hand and deadlines looming, they don’t refuse.

Sherwood wants to go to Berlin during a two-week break from his job, which he is now considering
quitting. How can he roll out his success and escape his own company’? He needs to build the
architecture and get his mobile M.B.A.

That’s where the next chapter comes in.

New Rich Revisited: How Doug Did It

R onemver Doug from ProSoundEffects.com? How did he test the idea and go from $0 to $10,000

per month in the process? He followed these steps.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013912
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020106.txt,"main event in Bedminster that day was the ceremonial signing of an act extending the
funding of a program that let veterans obtain medical care outside VA hospitals. The
signing was held in a big ballroom at the Clubhouse two hours after Alex Field’s attack.

During the signing, Trump took a moment to condemn the “hatred, bigotry, and
violence on many sides” in Charlottesville. Almost immediately, the president came under
attack for the distinction he had appeared to refuse to draw between avowed racists and
the other side. As Richard Spencer had correctly understood, the president’s sympathies
were muddled. However easy and obvious it was to condemn white racists—even self-
styled neo-Nazis—he instinctively resisted.

It wasn’t until the next morning that the White House finally tried to clarify Trump’s
position with a formal statement: “The President said very strongly in his statement
yesterday that he condemns all forms of violence, bigotry, and hatred. Of course that
includes white supremacists, KKK neo-Nazi and all extremist groups. He called for
national unity and bringing all Americans together.”

But in fact he hadn’t condemned white supremacists, KKK, and neo-Nazis—and he
continued to be stubborn about not doing it.

In a call to Bannon, Trump sought help making his case: “Where does this all end? Are
they going to take down the Washington Monument, Mount Rushmore, Mount Vernon?”
Bannon—still not receiving his summons to Bedminster—urged this to be the line: the
president should condemn violence and misfits and also defend history (even with
Trump’s weak grasp of it). Stressing the literal issue of monuments would bedevil the left
and comfort the right.

But Jared and Ivanka, with Kelly backing them, urged presidential behavior. Their plan
was to have Trump return to the White House and address the issue with a forceful
censure of hate groups and racial politics—exactly the unambiguous sort of position
Richard Spencer had strategically bet Trump would not willingly take.

Bannon, understanding these same currents in Trump, lobbied Kelly and told him that
the Jarvanka approach would backfire: Jt will be clear his heart’s not in it, said Bannon.

The president arrived shortly before eleven o’clock on Monday morning at a White
House under construction and a wall of shouted questions about Charlottesville: “Do you
condemn the actions of neo-Nazis? Do you condemn the actions of white supremacists?”
Some ninety minutes later he stood in the Diplomatic Reception Room, his eyes locked on
to the teleprompter, and delivered a six-minute statement.

Before getting to the point: “Our economy is now strong. The stock market continues
to hit record highs, unemployment is at a sixteen-year low, and businesses are more
optimistic than ever before. Companies are moving back to the United States and bringing
many thousands of jobs with them. We have already created over one million jobs since I
took office.”

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020106
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011365.txt,"10

id.

12

13

14

L5

16

ne)

18

life)

20

21

22

23

24

25

62
H3VOGIU1

reputation at issue, all of these specific instances going to
your honesty are fair game.

In this case, we have asked plaintiff whether she

filed tax returns. She said, ""No."" Tax fraud is not a private
matter, as plaintiff contends, it is a crime. It is a crime of
dishonesty.

She likewise put into her complaint that her

reputation was injured in her professional capacity as

President of Victims Refuse Silence. We inquired whether

Victims Refuse Silence was, indeed, a legitimate enterprise.

We learned that they had not met their tax obligations and they

had not been funded. That is, as your Honor knows, the subject

of 702 motions, so I won't repeat it all here.

I will say, however, that both of those issues,

failure to file tax returns and tax fraud, are exactly the

kinds of evidence permissible under 405(b) when you are

attempting to establish the truth of your statement that

plaintiff is a liar.

Motion 14, evidence of being a victim of domestic
violence. Your Honor, in this case, plaintiff claims
$30 million in pain, suffering, and emotional distress.
Plaintiff's expert, Dr. Kliman, testified that domestic
violence by her husband is likely a cause of exacerbation of
her PTSD. He also testified it was a very violent episode and

more likely happened more than once. He also testified that

SOUTHERN DISTRICT REPORTERS, P.C.
(212) 805-0300

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011365
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018499.txt,"positive and feminist messages about sex, my own sexuality remained invisible,
bewildering and hard to talk about.

When I started having sex around my mid-teens, I liked it -- I liked it a lot -- but it
seemed weirdly lacking. I'd never figured out how to masturbate, so I couldn't show my
partners how to pleasure me. And although I occasionally suspected that I wanted
something like S&M, I didn't understand how far I wanted to go.

A couple of teenage boyfriends tied me up... but then they acted solicitous and went
down on me, which didn't send me over the moon (though it was fun). From this, I
concluded that S&M was boring, but the truth is, I hadn't come close to the extremes that
form my preferences. It was years later that I released my need for agony, tears, bruises
and blood.

te Ok ok

Ill. Frigid

As I got older and had more sex, my apparent inability to orgasm became the most toxic
secret I had. Most of my closest friends didn't know. For a while I thought I must be
""frigid,"" and ripped myself apart over the idea that I was a ""frigid bitch,” even though that
made no sense. It was ridiculous to conceptualize myself that way -- my sexual desire
was undeniable, unavoidable. But I had no other words, no other images or stereotypes,
that described a pre-orgasmic woman.

When I did tell my friends, it almost never went well. The best-case scenario was a
conversation with anecdotal fragments: ""I knew a girl,” one friend advised, ""who couldn't
have orgasms. Then one day she was tripping, and having sex, and she fell asleep, and
when she woke up she was having an orgasm.”

I also found a book on my father's top shelf, written by a guy who said he could give
""any"" girl a squirting orgasm. The author claimed that the key was for the woman to be
comfortable. He also claimed that the woman had to not know what he was trying to do.
In fact, the book explicitly recommended that men prevent their girlfriends from reading
it.

Needless to say, it was hard to extrapolate a Unified Orgasm Theory from these tales.
The only things that seemed clear were that I somehow needed to both ""let go"" and to
""keep trying.” But how?

Every once in a while I made the mistake of telling someone who was convinced they
knew the answer -- which was: sleep with them. When I got drunk with one sexually
experienced male friend and asked for advice, he insisted that if I'd just fuck him I'd be
sure to come. ""Anytime you want,” he slurred, ""I'll give you an orgasm. Guaranteed!""
The fact that I was not attracted to him was, in his view, unimportant.

Worse was my lesbian female friend who declared that I had ""issues."" She said that I
ought to sleep with a woman. Ultimately, she turned out to be right that the problem was
one of sexual identity, but she was wrong that I was a repressed bisexual. Her campaign
to get me to sleep with her ended in a threesome with a guy I had a crush on. I liked bits
of that evening, but most of it was boring -- if not distasteful. When I tried to talk to my

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018499
"
IMAGES-012-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033485.txt,"From: Nicholas Ribis

Sent: 5/7/2019 11:53:10 PM
To: Jeffrey Epstein [jeevacation@gmail.com]
Subject: NYTimes: Decade in the Red: Trump Tax Figures Show Over $1 Billion in Business Losses

Here's a link from The New York Times that I thought you'd find interesting:

Newly obtained tax information reveals that from 1985 to 1994, Donald J. Trump’s businesses were in far
bleaker condition than was previously known.

See More...

Get The New York Times on your mobile device

Sent from my iPhone

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033485
"
IMAGES-012-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032943.txt,"From: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com]

Sent: 12/13/2016 1:48:54 PM
To: Michael Wolff
Subject: Re:

btw, liked your fake news article

On Tue, Dec 13, 2016 at 8:46 AM, Michael Wolff i: wrote:

I can't. With the Trump people today.

On Tue, Dec 13, 2016 at 8:40 AM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:
michael can you do today at 12 instead of tomorw?

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032943
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027494.txt,"Flags: 1085445
Is Read: No
Is Invitation: No

GUID: 92900C54-C476-4C68-84A7-683C25A440D7

Message: How was it

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 11/19/18 04:19:26 PM (564365966)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: BB6D9D3C-2AE2-4940-89R0-B13DC837DDAF

Message: Did lambchop take 5

Sender:

Time: 11/19/18 04:23:54 PM (564366234)
Flags: 1060865
Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

Tr
2

GUID: D9D154BC-1DAA-46FE-958A-E84FEED1639B

Message: Dude : 8 and 1/2 hours

Sender:

Time: 11/19/18 04:24:03 PM (564366243)
Flags: 1060865
Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 621F7199-614D-44E3-9381-C4574B669A2B

Message: 15 minutes on u

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 11/19/18 04:27:44 PM (564366464)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 31D86BE8-204E-45A1-9383-82AE03096AB8

Message: Members or staff

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com
Time: 11/19/18 04:29:01 PM (564366541)
Flags: 1085445

Ts Read: No

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027494
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025812.txt,"From: Tyler Shears ay

Sent: 7/16/2014 5:56:14 PM

To: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com]

cc: Christina Galbraith i Richard Kah
Subject: Re: Shears Update

Importance: — High

yes agree

result got worse with recent negative press, clinton, as we discussed

we were down to | negative (forbes) before that - Christina can confirm this.

It will get back to 1 and then 0 so long as negative things stop coming out. if new negative keeps coming out it
really dismantles much of our effort... especially when it involves an ex-president

no excuses here i'm not pleased with where it is at and am still working to make it happen

On Wed, Jul 16, 2014 at 1:25 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:
Results still very bad

On Wednesday, July 16, 2014, Christina Galbraith [iS vote:
Hi Tyler,
The social media sites are constantly updated: LinkedIn, Facebook, Twitter, google +.
I'll be in touch later today re: feature article.

Could you put a site map into the Net site.? This helps rankings. Also could you add it to google analytics
using Jeffrey's gmail account? This allows me to monitor it's progress and index it periodically.

I'll call you later. Thanks,
Christina

Christina Galbraith

On Jul 16, 2014, at 12:01 PM, Tyler Shears Po wrote:

Christina,

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025812
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026952.txt,"Management a

Iran Threatens to Close the Strait of Hormuz Division

Investment Goldman

Strait of Hormuz: April 2019 Crude Oil Production Per Country and Export Flows

Arabia ; (85%)
(9.8)

Others
15%)

= A third of world’s LNG and a fifth of global oil production goes through the Strait of Hormuz.

= “Tran relies on the Strait not only for its oil exports, but also for the imports of some needed food and medical products.” !

(1) Michael Ratner, “Iran’s Threats, the Strait of Hormuz, and Oil Markets: In Brief,” Congressional Research Service, August 6, 2018. 8
Source: Investment Strategy Group, Goldman Sachs Enterprise Risk Management, EIA, Bloomberg.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026952
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022686.txt,"laced reports hinting that the former president must have been in some way complicit when he voyaged with a billionaire known for

preying on underage girls.

It’s a story with plenty to gape at, from horrific and excruciatingly detailed allegations against Epstein to the frequent presence of a

former president who was, after all, nearly chased from office for a (consensual) affair with an intern.

But sometimes stories that seem too good to be true — just might be. A detailed review by a team of BuzzFeed News reporters of
more than 2,000 pages of pleadings, depositions, affidavits, police reports, flight logs, and other documents filed in state and federal
court found that many of the most provocative allegations about Clinton have little to no factual foundation and are exaggerated at
best; that the documents — which appear to be the source for nearly all current reporting on this subject — themselves never
suggest that Clinton was doing more than using his wealthy friend as a kind of global taxi service; and that many of the most lurid

insinuations have been floated without any visible support from verifiable information.

While it’s still possible that some Rosetta stone of Clintonian depravity will surface from a pair of ongoing lawsuits involving Epstein,
the fact that nothing even close to that has been dug up over the course of a half-dozen years of heated litigation should not be

encouraging for Republican operatives and other Clinton critics hotly anticipating the very worst.

One sign that the connection is a bit weak: The lawyers who have used the Clinton link to help publicize their cases have been

markedly vague on details.

When asked to present actual proof, Jack Scarola, the Florida attorney responsible for filing some of the most attention-grabbing
documents that have come to light in recent weeks, warned darkly in an email of “extortionate threats, power, wealth or political

pressure.”

“The time will come when all your questions will be answered,” said Scarola, who represents another trial attorney suing Epstein in

Palm Beach County Court. “But that time is not now.”

Unwilling to wait, perhaps, publications on both sides of the Atlantic have gleefully dipped into those documents to publish
breathless descriptions of Epstein’s “black book,” which contains a host of Clinton phone numbers (along with just about every other
powerful figure in the Western world); dissections of handwritten flight logs for the financier’s private 727 aircraft that frequently
capture Bubba at 30,000 feet; and extensive allegations from a woman, Virginia Roberts, who claims she was Epstein’s sex slave as
a teenager and whose recollection places the former commander-in-chief on “Orgy Island” in 2002 to participate in a sexual romp,

possibly with women who were not yet of age.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022686
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023598.txt,"Table 6: Summary of open trades as of 5-Jun-17

Trade Description Open Open

Date Level
Long 1x EEM 3m 97.5% put vs. short ~0.09x units each of 3m 97.5% puts on 15% 0.0%
FXI, EWY, EW2Z, EPI, EWT, RSX, EZA, and EWW 7“ “e
Buy Tencent Jul1? 250/300 strangle 22-May-17 2.45%
Buy A-shares (2823 HK) Jul17 105% call 22-May-17 1.15%

Buy 1x contract of ESTX50 Jun17 3525, sell 4x contracts of V2X Aug future 22-May-17 1.00%

Buy SX5E Dec17 3450-3700 bullish risk reversal vs short IBOXX HY TRS
. : _ 30-May-17 1.17%
with equal notional sizing
6.9%
(FB),

1.2%

(AMZN),

Buy 6m ATM calls on FB, AMZN, NFLX and GOOGL 30-May-17 9.40%
1/0

(NFLX),

6.2%

(GOOGL)

Buy a 6m outperformance call on FANG stocks vs. SPX conditional on SPX>
current levels at expiry
Buy HSI Sep17 90% put, sell ASX200 Sep-17 90% put 30-May-17 0.15%

30-May-17 3.4%

Expected Trade
Term

3m

Jul-17 expiry
Jul-17 expiry

Jun-17 expiry

Dec-17 expiry

6m

Sep-17 expiry

Rationale

Buy EEM puts financed by a basket of EM puts to lever near record low correl

Hedge the China tech bubble; Tencent unlikely to stand still after a 45% rally YTD

Hedge the upside into MSCI announcement on 20-Jun

Fundamental case to be long EU equities remains intact but stretched bullish positioning could
lead to near-term consolidation

BofAML Equity & Credit strategists highlight they favour equities over HY credit as div yields have
surpassed HY credit yield & equities offer more gearing to rising PMI's, earnings and FCF

Stock replace FANG stocks

Lever extremely depressed FANG volatility and low correlation to buy upside

HSl is unlikely to outperform if AS51 drops more than 10%; HSI vol below AS51 vol

Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research. Prices reflective of most recently available data which may be delayed in some cases. “Trade Value” represents current valuation of trades initiated on the “Open Date”.

24 Global Equity Volatility Insights | 06 June 2017

BankofAmerica
Merrill Lynch

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023598
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031994.txt,"From: Tonja Haddad Coleman Po

Sent: 1/29/2015 8:33:35 PM
To: Darren a Jack Goldberger
Subject: FW: National Enquirer Comment Request Re: Jeffrey Epstein

Importance: — High

Tonja Haddad Coleman, Esq.
TONJA HADDAD, P.A.

Advocate Building

315 SE 7"" Street

Fort Lauderdale, FL 33301

This e-mail contains PRIVILEGED AND CONFIDENTIAL information intended only for use of the addressee(s) named above. If you are not the intended recipient of this
e-mail, or an authorized employee or agent responsible for delivering it to the intended recipient, you are hereby notified that any dissemination or copying of this e-
mail is strictly prohibited. If you have received this e-mail in error, please notify us by reply e-mail and delete this e-mail from your records. Thank you for your
cooperation.

From: Gonzalez, Patricia [mailto

Sent: Thursday, January 29, 2015 3:29 PM

To: Tonja Haddad Coleman

Cc: Cartwright, Lachlan

Subject: National Enquirer Comment Request Re: Jeffrey Epstein
Importance: High

Tonja--

The National ENQUIRER is preparing to publish a story that Bill Clinton used a private ""orgy"" jet to travel to
Brunei for an extraordinary dinner with a royal accused of duping American women into ""white slavery.""

The ENQUIRER will report that Bill was accompanied by the 727's owner, billionaire pedophile Jeffrey Epstein,
when he landed in the tiny South-East Asian country on May 25, 2002. His entourage also included two
women who allegedly worked as ""madams"" for Epstein, luring teenaged girls into sex trysts with the tycoon
and his powerful and famous friends.

According to The ENQUIRER's investigation, Bill spent the day playing golf at a seven-star hotel -- and then was
invited to dine with Brunei's sultan, Hassanal Bolkiah .....who was charged with holding a deeply-religious
Christian beauty queen as a ""human chattel."" Far from being embarrassed by the ruler’s tawdry

reputation, moreover, records for Bill’s nonprofit foundation reveal that Brunei made a donation towards his
Clinton Presidential Library that year of between $1 million and $5 million.

Please kindly attempt to provide any comment by 4 pm ET tomorrow, Friday January 30th to Lachlan

Cartwright, Executive Editor, at EE [Office] 0 I.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031994
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017485.txt,"4.2.12
WC: 191694

Being mentored by Elie Wiesel

Since the beginning of my career, Elie Wiesel—the world’s most famous and influential Holocaust
survivor—has served as a guide, mentor and friend. I have sought his advice on many issues, and
he has sought mine.

As a professor of public law, I get to nominate candidates for the Nobel Peace Prize. In 1986, I
nominated him. In my letter of nomination, I wrote the following:

No one in the world today deserves the Nobel Peace Prize more than Elie Wiesel.
Professor Wiesel represents the survivors of the most massive genocide ever perpetrated
on a segment of humankind—with the implicit approval of so many bystanders. It is
particularly disappointing that the Nobel Peace Prize Committee—which, because of its
North European heritage, in some sense represents a portion of these bystanders—has
never seen fit to recognize Professor Wiesel’s contribution to peace.

To understand Professor Wiesel’s unique and immeasurable contribution to peace, one
must only imagine how it might have been without a Wiesel. It is impossible to imagine
the rage that must be continually experienced by direct and indirect survivors of the
Holocaust. Other victims have responded by non-peaceful means—for example, the
continuing violence of some Armenians against Turks. Jewish survivors have not. There
has been no terrorism against innocent Germans—or even guilty Germans who live in
luxury and sometimes in honor. For this alone, the Jewish survivors as a group deserve
recognition for their contribution to peace.

Professor Wiesel’s role in helping to shape the attitude of the first and second generations
of survivors is, of course, widely acknowledged.

There are many excellent reasons for recognizing Professor Wiesel. But none is more
important than for his role in teaching survivors and their children how to respond in
constructive peace and justice to a worldwide conspiracy of genocide, whose complicitous
components included mass killing, mass silence, and mass indifference. Professor Wiesel
has devoted his life to teaching the survivors of a conspiracy which excluded so few, to
reenter and adjust in peace to an alien world that deserved little forgiveness. He has also
taught the rest of the world the injustice of silence in the face of genocide. Wiesel’s life
work merits the highest degree of recognition—especially from representatives of the
world that stood silently by.

In an article several years later, I urged the Nobel committee to use Elie Wiesel as its model for
selecting future Nobel Prize winners. This is part of what I wrote:

Many of the Nobel Peace Prize winners were recognized by the Nobel Committee
for their work on behalf of their own people: Most recent winners - Rigoberto

Menchu of Guatemala, Aung San Suu Kyi of Burma, the Dalai Lama of Tibet, Bishop
Desmond Tutu of South Africa, Lech Walesa of Poland - were honored primarily for

398

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017485
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016943.txt,"the same city, nominally, but it’s as if it were two completely different cities—and this is
perhaps the most important cause of today’s plague of polarization.

On Extreme Wealth

Some two hundred of the world’s wealthiest people have pledged to give away more than
50 percent of their wealth either during their lifetimes or in their wills, creating a plurality
of voices in the foundation space.*° Bill Gates is probably the most familiar example.
He’s decided that if the government won’t do it, he’ll do it. You want mosquito nets?
He’ll do it. You want antivirals? He’ll doit. We’re getting different stakeholders to take
action in the form of foundations dedicated to public good, and they have different
versions of what they consider the public good. This diversity of goals has created a lot
of what’s wonderful about the world today. Actions from outside government by
organizations like the Ford Foundation and the Sloan Foundation, who bet on things that
nobody else would bet on, have changed the world for the better.

Sure, these billionaires are human, with human foibles, and all is not necessarily
as it should be. On the other hand, the same situation obtained when the railways were
first built. Some people made huge fortunes. A lot of people went bust. We, the average
people, got railways out of it. That’s good. Same thing with electric power; same thing
with many new technologies. There’s a churning process that throws somebody up and
later casts them or their heirs down. Bubbles of extreme wealth were a feature of the late
1800s and early 1900s when steam engines and railways and electric lights were
invented. The fortunes they created were all gone within two or three generations.

If the U.S. were like Europe, I would worry. What you find in Europe is that the
same families have held on to wealth for hundreds of years, so they’re entrenched not just
in terms of wealth but of the political system and in other ways. But so far, the U.S. has
avoided this kind of hereditary class system. Extreme wealth hasn’t stuck, which is good.
It shouldn’t stick. If you win the lottery, you get your billion dollars, but your grandkids
ought to work for a living.

On AI and Society

People are scared about AI. Perhaps they should be. But they need to realize that AI
feeds on data. Without data, AI is nothing. You don’t have to watch the AI; instead you
should watch what it eats and what it does. The trust-network framework we’ ve set up,
with the help of nations in the E.U. and elsewhere, is one where we can have our
algorithms, we can have our AI, but we get to see what went in and what went out, so that
we can ask, Is this a discriminatory decision? Is this the sort of thing that we want as
humans? Or is this something that’s a little weird?

The most revealing analogy is that regulators, bureaucracies, and parts of the
government are very much like Als: They take in the rules that we call law and
regulation, and they add government data, and they make decisions that affect our lives.
The part that’s bad about the current system is that we have very little oversight of these
departments, regulators, and bureaucracies. The only control we have is the vote—the
opportunity to elect somebody different. We need to make oversight of bureaucracies a
lot more fine-grained. We need to record the data that went into every single decision

36 https://givingpledge.org/About.aspx.

140

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016943
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015094.txt,"For example, | occasionally went too far while wearing my anti-
Communist mask. When former Attorney General Nicholas Katzenbach
exposed the DuBois Clubs as a Communist front organization, poison-pen
letters and threatening telephone calls were received by many of the Boys
Clubs from patriotic Americans who were understandably confused by the
ostensibly coincidental pronunciations. But in my function as National
Board Chairman of the Boys Clubs of America, | charged that the name
choice was “an almost classic example of Communist deception and
duplicity” and that the W.E.B. DuBois Clubs “are not unaware of the
confusion they are causing among our supporters and among many other
good citizens.”

In retrospect, however, | admit that this was a slightly foolish

position to espouse.

In August of 1945, while | was still serving in the Navy, stationed in
Maryland, there was a Committee of 100 seeking—according to an
advertisement they placed in several California newspapers—a candidate
for Congress “with no previous political experience, to defeat a man who
has represented the district in the House for ten years.” This was a

reference to Jerry Voorhis.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015094
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011403.txt,"10

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compliance, if there is questions about that, could be
introduced. We think that there shouldn't be tax compliance
issues coming in with regard to Ms. Giuffre. They've said,

well, that goes to her credibility. What's good for

Ms. Giuffre should be good for the defendant. But again, to be

clear, we don't want to turn this into a tax trial; we want it
to be a defamation trial. But they've made an argument, tax
issues are relevant to Ms. Giuffre. Then we would like to have

a parallel opportunity then with respect to Ms. Maxwell.

The other thing we have, for example, we're alleging

there's a organization that is paying girls to give sex to

Epstein. And who's making the payments? Well, Ms. Maxwell,

among others. We have her on bank records, at the Epstein

mansion, where she's in charge of the --

THE COURT: Well, that's different.

7,

MR. CASSELL: Yes, and that's exactly --

lida

ES

COURT: That's not her financial status.

MR. CASSELL: Right. So that's not her financial
status. For example, we want to show those kinds of payments.
We also want to show more broadly that Ms. Giuffre and the
other girls were not coming into a bungalow in the middle of
Hoboken or whatever. They were coming into a mansion in one of

the most --

THE COURT: Well, that's got nothing to do with her

financial status.

SOUTHERN DISTRICT REPORTERS, P.C.
(212) 805-0300

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011403
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028654.txt,"The Washington Institute

Year of Decision: U.S. Policy toward Iran in
2013

James F. Jeffrey and Thomas Pickering

February 12, 2013 -- On February 7, 2013, James F. Jeffrey and Thomas
Pickering addressed a Policy Forum at The Washington Institute.
Ambassador Jeffrey, a former assistant to the president and deputy
national security advisor, is author of the new Institute study Moving to
Decision: U.S. Policy toward Iran. Ambassador Pickering served in
numerous key posts at home and abroad over a five-decade career,
including undersecretary of state for political affairs. The following is a
rapporteur's summary of their remarks.

JAMES F. JEFFREY

The move to decision on Iran is the most pressing and dangerous issue on
the U.S. and international agenda in 2013. The year ahead will largely
define the longstanding struggle between Washington and Tehran, and the
considerable stakes involved make it absolutely crucial that a swift and
decisive resolution be achieved. Regardless of the outcome of the nuclear
issue, however, Iran will continue to present a long-term challenge to the
United States because of clashing ideologies, conflicting foreign policy
goals, and Iran's claim to regional hegemony.

There are four likely outcomes to the nuclear issue: a unilateral Iranian
decision to halt or dramatically slow its progress toward a nuclear weapon;
a negotiated outcome, whether through the P5+1 (1.e., the five permanent
members of the UN Security Council plus Germany) or bilateral
negotiations; a military strike, as threatened by President Obama and
Israeli prime minister Binyamin Netanyahu; and an explicit or implicit
shift to containment, indicating that Washington would be prepared to
coexist with a nuclear-armed Iran.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028654
"
TEXT-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032435.txt,"﻿•UOC 
AT&T 
7:48 AM 100% [Ml. 
Sunday, January 15, 2017 
Front Page 
Choice for ERA. a Frequent Ally 
of the Regulated 
For Cubans, an Expulsion Long 
Delayed 
Finding His Voice on Race 
After Downton; Affluent 
Chinese Seek Butlers 
For Early 'Jersey Boys' Investors, 
Oh, What a Run 
Women Who Voted for Donald 
Trump, in Their Own Words 
International 
1jcA:7eto. pork gimes 
""What they would like to say to their friends is, 'Look, I have a butler, an English-style 
butler in my home,' to show how wealthy they are,"" said Neal Yeh, a Chinese-born 
Briton living in Beijing, who for over a decade has helped train and find jobs for 
butlers. 
""The country now with the biggest trend in butlers is China,"" said Mr. Yeh, whose 
English accent would be at home on ""Downton Abbey,"" the television series about a 
blue blood family in England, which was avidly watched in China. ""I dare say I have 
played a part in starting this trend."" 
Butler training schools and agencies have been doing business in China for more than 
a decade, but the number of recruits has grown sharply in recent years, according to 
those in the business. Most are Chinese and many are women. The International Butler 
Academy China opened in 2014 here in Chengdu, a haze-covered city in southwest 
China, and offers a six-week boot camp on dinner service, managing homes and other 
minutiae of high living. 
""The Chinese are vacationing more now 
than ever in history, and so they're being 
exposed to the West more and more,"" said 
Christopher Noble, an American trainer at 
the academy who previously ran bars in 
Cleveland. ""But Chinese people see that, 
experience top-class personal service 
abroad, and they want to experience it 
here."" 
A boom in butler service might seem 
incongruous as President Xi Jinping 
A student uses a ruler to set the cutlery on the table 
for a formal dinner. Gilles Sabrie for The New York 
Times 
International 
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031384.txt,"From: J [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Sent: 3/5/2019 11:12:41 PM 
To: Martin Weinberg Scott J. Link Darren Indyke 
; Jack Goldberger 
Subject: Fwd: Herald 
Forwarded message 
From: Lilly Sanchez < 
Date: Tue, Mar 5, 2019 at 6:08 PM 
Subject: Herald 
To: jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> 
Miami U.S. Attorney's Office recuses itself from Jeffrey Epstein case 
Play Video 
DurationA 3:51 
AG nominee Barr pledges to look into handling of Epstein case 
Sen. Ben Sasse questioned attorney general nominee William Barr about the Jeffrey Epstein case on January 15, 
2019, getting the nominee to commit to having the Department of Justice look into the handling of that case if 
confirmed. C-SPAN Meta Viers 
BY JULIE K. BROWN 
jbrown@miamiherald.corn 
• 
• 
• 
R REPRINT OF THIS STORY 
Just days before a Friday deadline, the Justice Department has reassigned the Jeffrey Epstein victims' rights 
case to the U.S. Attorney's Office in Atlanta, the attorneys representing Epstein's victims' attorneys said 
Tuesday. 
Miami federal prosecutors, in letter to attorneys for the victims's lawyers on Monday, said they had recused 
themselves from the case, according to Brad Edwards and Jack Scarola, representing Epstein's victims. 
'Mar. 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031384 
The reassignment means that the U.S. attorney for the Northern District of Georgia, Byung J. ""BJay"" Pak, will 
oversee the case for the government. Pak, a former Georgia lawmaker, was appointed Atlanta's chief federal 
prosecutor by President Trump in October 2017. 
The Justice Department is still under a Friday deadline for prosecutors to confer with the victims' attorneys in 
an effort to settle the case. On Feb. 22, U.S. District Judge Kenneth A. Marra in Palm Beach ruled that federal 
prosecutors, under former Miami U.S. Attorney Alexander Acosta, broke the law when they concealed a plea 
agreement from more than 30 underage girls in Palm Beach who had been sexually abused by Epstein, a 
multimillionaire New York hedge fund manager. 
Marra stopped short of voiding the agreement, which granted Epstein and an untold number of accomplices 
immunity from federal prosecution for sex trafficking crimes, provided Epstein plead guilty to minor charges in 
state court. At the time of the plea deal, federal prosecutors had gathered enough evidence against Epstein to 
write a 53-page federal indictment, court records show. 
Play Video 
DurationA 
12:20 
The story behind a Palm Beach sex offender's remarkable deal 
The story behind a Palm Beach sex offender's remarkable deal 
Emily Michot 
An investigation by the Miami Herald, ""Perversion of Justice,"" found that after Acosta met privately with one 
of Epstein's lawyers, the government agreed to seal the plea agreement so that no one — not the victims, not 
even the state court judge who sentenced Epstein — would know the full extent of his crimes. Epstein, now 66, 
was allowed to plead guilty to prostitution charges and served 13 months in the Palm Beach County jail, where 
he was given liberal work release, and allowed to travel to New York and his private island in the Caribbean 
during his subsequent house arrest. He was released in 2009, and now divides his time between New York, 
Palm Beach and the U.S. Virgin Islands. 
The Herald interviewed four of Epstein's victims, who were as young as 13 at the time they were abused by 
Epstein. They said they felt betrayed by state and federal prosecutors, who treated them like prostitutes instead 
of victims. Two of them sued the federal government in 2008 under the Crime Victims' Rights Act, which 
grants crime victims the right to be informed about plea deals and to confer with prosecutors. 
Marra, in a 33-page opinion, said prosecutors not only intentionally violated the Crime Victims' Rights Act, but 
they misled the girls into believing that the FBI's sex trafficking case against Epstein was ongoing — when, in 
fact, prosecutors had secretly closed it after sealing the plea bargain from the public record. 
Marra, noting that he reviewed affidavits, depositions and interrogatories, said ""Epstein worked in concert with 
others to obtain minors not only for his own sexual gratification, but also for the sexual gratification of others."" 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031385 
The victims' attorneys — Edwards, Scarola and Paul Cassell — have asked the Justice Department to throw out 
Epstein's plea agreement and reopen the criminal investigation. 
Edwards, who brought the victims' rights case against the government, said transferring the case to another 
jurisdiction is a prudent decision. 
""I think it's good that we're going to get fresh eyes and a fresh opinion on the way the case was handled,"" 
Edwards said Tuesday. ""We were obviously in an adversarial posture with the U.S. Attorney's Office in Miami 
because they handled the case to begin with."" 
Miami's new U.S. Attorney, Ariana Fajardo Orshan — who was appointed by President Trump in September 
— did not respond to a request for comment. 
Play Video 
DurationA 
5:29 
Jeffrey Epstein apologizes, but not to his victims 
Jeffrey Epstein apologizes, but not to his victims 
Emily Michot 
Edwards predicted that it would take some time for Pak's office to review the case, which includes more than 
500 docket entries and thousands of documents. He said If the sides can't agree on a resolution, then Marra 
would likely have to come up with one. The case is being closely watched by crime victims' rights advocates, 
as it will likely set a precedent. 
Acosta, who was appointed by Trump as the U.S. secretary of labor in 2017, is the focus of a separate Justice 
Department investigation into whether there was any prosecutorial misconduct in the Epstein case. That probe, 
by the DOJ's Office of Professional Responsibility, was initiated in response to demands from a bipartisan 
group in Congress, led by Republican Sen. Ben Sasse of Nebraska and Democratic Rep. Debbie Wasserman 
Schultz of Florida. 
In the meantime, a court hearing will be held at 4 p.m. Wednesday in New York in another Epstein-related case. 
A federal appeals court will hear oral arguments in a motion by the Miami Herald, supported by 32 other news 
organizations, asking the court to unseal documents that could reveal details about the extent of Epstein's 
crimes and any other people who may have been involved. 
Three of Epstein's former attorneys — who helped negotiate his plea deal in 2008 — wrote a letter published in 
the New York Times on Monday, defending the plea bargain cut with Acosta as a fair deal. The letter was in 
response to a Times editorial that called on Congress and the Trump administration to hold Acosta and others 
involved in the case accountable. 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031386 
Epstein's lawyers said the editorial's conclusions were ""in profound conflict with the reality,"" noting that there 
was no evidence that Epstein committed federal sex trafficking offenses. The letter was signed by former 
Epstein lawyers Kenneth Starr, Jack Goldberger and Lilly Ann Sanchez, as well as Epstein's current attorney, 
Martin G. Weinberg. 
Read more here: https://www.miamiherald.com/news/politics-
government/article227136459.html#storylink=cpy 
Lilly Ann Sanchez 
The LS Law Firm 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031387 
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032245.txt,"extension of the Patterson franchise into nonfiction, as it has been used in fiction and children's book--
effectively other authors writing under the Patterson name—presents a host of journalism ethical issues.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032245
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026834.txt,"From: 
Sent: 
To: 
Subject: 
Attachments: 
Dangene and Jennie Enterprise 
2/19/2016 2:23:22 AM 
Jeffrey Epstein [Jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
TRUMP! POPE SCORECARD 
EWLarge2.jpg 
Importance: High 
TRUMP 1 POPE 
Enterpriseworld 
CORE: Jennie Enterprise I 
dand'enter rise I Founder & Chairman I 66 East 55th Street New York NY 10022 I Main: 
I Mobile: 
www.coreaccess.net I 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 026834 
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011417.txt,"10

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H3vlgiu2

and second of all -- so that's a rule of completeness, and

second of all, you were there and you heard it and therefore,

it would go to your state of mind and not for the truth of the

matter asserted.

The next case is United States v. Dupree. That's

another criminal case in this circuit, where a bank fraud
defendant was the subject of a temporary restraining order
issued to that defendant, okay? So, you know, he has a

temporary restraining order, you can't take any money out of

this bank unless you do X, Y, and Z. Well, he took the money
out of the bank without doing X, Y, and Z, and when he came to

trial in his criminal case, the government was allowed to

introduce that restraining order because it was his restraining

order, he knew about it, and it showed his willful intent to

defraud as part of the bank fraud. So that's that case.

Arista Records, LLC v. Lime Group, LLC was another

case they rely on. Again, these are emails that are being

talked about that were written by the defendant's employees and

then the responses to those emails. So clearly the defendants
LLC had corporate knowledge of those things. Screenshots of
software programs, statements made by an agent of the
defendant, those are all the things that we're talking about in

that case, and so there's actual knowledge of the entity of

those statements, which then can go for state of mind.

There are two more cases. Crescenz v. Penguin Group,

SOUTHERN DISTRICT REPORTERS, P.C.
(212) 805-0300

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011417
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028640.txt,"Calestous Juma, international development professor at the Kennedy school of government and a nominator, judge and
promoter of new types of prizes, sees awards as part of a complex ecology of financing innovation that includes many other
instruments. He believes there should be more prizes for humanitarian work and development.

""Doing humanitarian work may look like a thankless job. Yet itis driven by the instinct of empathy that makes us human,""
said Juma, author of The New Harvest: Agricultural Innovation in Africa. ""Honouring, rewarding, celebrating and inspiring
work in this area is more needed today than ever. This is an area that can use more societal recognition, especially at a time
when the whole aid industry is under scrutiny.""

However, Juma says prizes need to be carefully thought out. ""Many organisations are launching them without thinking
carefully about what prizes can do or cannot do.""

The AidEx challenge's lead judge, Michael Pritchard, inventor of the Lifesaver water bottle, says the award is not so much
about the money — £2,000 — as validation, although the publicity can be a much-needed boost.

""The validation goes an awfully long way to get the product developed and provides a big leg-up into getting it into the
market,"" he said. ""It gets written up all over the world and gets the oxygen of publicity.""

As for Thakkar, he says winning the AidEx award has been a positive experience: ""Winning the award made a huge

difference, it increased publicity. People look more favourably on us and [that] gives us an extra edge. We don't have to sell it
as much. But we don't want to be just appreciated, we want the lamp to be used extensively.""

Back to top
Education — Full text articles

A Chance at Learning
Ginia Bellafante — New York Times

This year, a study administered by researchers at Harvard and Stanford drew significant attention for what it revealed about
how inadequately low-income students are represented at selective colleges and universities. Only 34 percent of the
highest-achieving high-school seniors whose families fell in the bottom quarter of income distribution — versus 78 percent
in the top quarter — attended one of the country’s most selective colleges, based ona list of nearly 250 schools compiled by
Barron’s.

In New York City, where a neighborhood like Bushwick, in Brooklyn, can seem like a satellite campus of Wesleyan and a
prewar apartment building on the Upper East Side can feel like an lvy League dormitory for 46-year-olds, there has been
considerable philanthropic attention, of the kind other cities ought to envy, paid to finding the most gifted low-income
students and putting them ona similar path.

In 1978, Gary Simons, a Bronx teacher, founded Prep for Prep with the goal of identifying talented students of color in the
city and readying them for attendance at private schools like Dalton and Groton and so on. Hundreds of the program’s
alumni have gone on to law, medical and business schools, and employment at Goldman Sachs, JPMorgan Chase and
Time Warner.

Adecade ago, hoping also to advance the best students attending public high schools, Mr. Simons and others founded
another organization, Leadership Enterprise for a Diverse America, or LEDA, which draws exceptional children from around
the country, regardless of race, almost entirely from families who make less than $55,000 a year. Applicants are required to
be in the top 10 percent of their class, having taken the most difficult courses their schools offer. The 60 who gain entry to the
program each year spend the summer before 12th grade at Princeton, studying ethics, political theory and public policy, and
preparing for standardized college entrance exams.

In awondrous righting of the current disequilibrium, however small its scale, they are tutored for those tests by the same
instructors who work with some of Manhattan’s wealthiest teenagers: the staff of Advantage Testing, whose services cost
parents up to $795 an hour. Arun Alagappan, the founder and president of Advantage and a major benefactor of LEDA,
provides his employees (whose résumés typically resemble those of the people at Google or McKinsey) pro bono.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028640
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028898.txt,"e¢ Every third-grade dictator will be
able to ensure his survivability against
the outside world by following in the
footsteps of Pakistan, North Korea and
Iran.

¢ The ""countdown"" towards the
troubling vision of Prof. Graham
Allison of Harvard about nuclear
weapons in the hands of terrorists —
this countdown, even if it takes 15
years, will start. Therefore, blocking
Iran from becoming a ""threshold
nuclear state"" is crucial, and justifies
every effort.

¢ Right now diplomacy ts in hiatus at
least until March 2015. It's hard to
imagine a good agreement with the
P5+1, and a bad agreement would be
best left unsigned. The problem 1s that
the Iranians have no real incentive to
reach a “final agreement” that would
keep them from becoming a nuclear
power.

¢ As far as they're concerned, at any

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028898
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032251.txt,"amp up the attention 10-fold, in fact, possibly, a hundred fold. Possibly more than anything you've
encountered before.

Meanwhile--

In a lawyer's letter, I'd suggest including the following points--not necessarily legal, but a warning about how a
press campaign might unfold (publishers are more worried about being caught in negative media controversy
than they are of legal threats):

1) Little, Brown has made on the record representations to at least one well-known journalist that it was not
publishing a book by James Patterson about Jeffrey Epstein--possibly an effort to avoid inquiries about the
questionable nature of the book;

2) The actual author of the book, John Connolly, is someone other than the stated author, James Patterson.
Connolly is known to have developed an obsession with Epstein, such that, his longtime employer, Vanity Fair,
has refused to allow him to write about Epstein for the magazine;

3) Sources have confirmed for us that Patterson has had little more than a minimal consulting role in the book,
and that Connolly has functioned in every material way as the book's researcher and writer. We believe
Patterson's ""authorship"" of the book will not stand up to scrutiny. And, indeed, that the entire notion of an
extension of the Patterson franchise into nonfiction, as it has been used in fiction and children's book--
effectively other authors writing under the Patterson name—presents a host of journalism ethical issues.

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032251
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010709.txt,"Reference # |
476 Wollman Rink Operations LLC

OGE Form 278c (March 2014)

Instructions for Part 2
Note: This is a public form. Do not include account numbers, street addresses, or family member names. See instructions for required en

Filer’s Name

Owned by:

% Ownership
100

DJT Holdings LLC

477 YORKTOWN REAL ESTATE LLC (F/K/A Yorktown Development Associates LLC) *(3)

Owned by:

478 HWA 555 Owners, LLC

Owned by:

% Ownership
100

% Ownership
100

Name
DJT Holdings LLC

Name
Hudson Waterfront Associates |, L.P.

479 1290 AVENUE OF THE AMERICAS, A TENANCY-IN-COMMON

Owned by:

480 Trump Management Inc.

Owned by:

481 HWA 1290 III LLC *(1)

Owned by:

Has ownership interest in:

482 HWA 1290 IV LLC *(1)

Owned by:

Has ownership interest in :

483 HWA 1290 V LLC *(1,

Owned by:

Has ownership interest in :

% Ownership
52

20.2

27.8

% Ownership
25

75

% Ownershi,

100

Entity Name
1290 Avenue of the Americas

% Ownership
100

Entity Name
1290 Avenue of the Americas

% Ownership
100

Entity Name
1290 Avenue of the Americas

486 Travel Enterprises Management Inc. *(5)

Owned by:

% Ownership
100

490 The Donald J. Trump Company LLC *(3)

Owned by:

% Ownership
100

493 DT BALI GOLF MANAGER LLC *(4)

Owned by:

% Ownership
1

99

494 DT BALI GOLF MANAGER MEMBER CORP *(4)

Owned by:

Has ownership interest in :

% Ownership
100

Entity Name

Name

HWA 1290 III LLC
HWA 1290 IV LLC
HWA 1290 V LLC

Name
The Donald J, Trump Revocable Trust

Trump Family Members

Name
Hudson Waterfront Associates III,
LP.

Ownership
52.00%

Name
Hudson Waterfront Associates IV,
LP:

Ownership
20.20%

Name

Hudson Waterfront Associates V, L.P.

Ownership
27.80%

Name
DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC

Name
The Donald J, Trump Revocable Trust

Name

DT BALI GOLF MANAGER MEMBER
CORP

TTTT VENTURE LLC

Name
DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC

Ownership

Role
Member

Role
Member

Role
Partner

Role

Partner
Partner
Partner

Role

Shareholder

Shareholder

Role
Partner

Role
Partner

Role
Partner

Role
Shareholder

Role
Member

Role
Managing Member

Member

Role
Shareholder

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010709
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031758.txt,"| was scheduled to perform stand-up at Budd Friedman's
Improvisation comedy club in Hollywood in April. He asked me
to try and get some advance publicity. On April 2, the Los
Angeles Herald-Examiner quoted a dispatch from the New
Solidarity \nternational Press Service:

A group of terrorists and drug traffickers linked to Playboy
magazine met in New York City's Greenwich Village area
and publicly discussed an assassination of President
Ronald Reagan and Vice-President George Bush. The
meeting convened by the Yippie organization, featured
former Playboy editor Paul Krassner and numerous
individuals associated with High Times magazine, Hustler
magazine and the Chicago Sun-Times.

In a statement this afternoon, national Democratic Policy
Committee advisory board chairman Lyndon LaRouche
urged that this information be made public at this time as
a means of assisting government investigators pursuing
the assassination attempt against President Reagan.
Playboy magazine, as an international dossier released in
the March 30, 1981, issue of New Solidarity indicates, is at
the center of an international apparatus that has in the
past been directly implicated in high-level political
assassinations.

Playboy’ s response: “Absolute, unequivocal nonsense.” And

Budd Friedman said, “Paul, that's not exactly what | meant by

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031758
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027480.txt,"Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 5A528782-FB83-46A7-9316-Al1F2E76A3D77

Message: Exactly my fear. Pencil neck and all

Time: 11/16/18 07:02:56 AM (564073376)
Flags: 1060865
Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: AB/761ACF-343B-4F23-8784-D78353CCD

L,

my

Message: Boris ; Gove; Rees Mogg; David Davis -- somebody has to step up

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 11/16/18 10:05:47 AM (564084347)
Flags: 1150981

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 12B14908-6F34-437A-94BA-2B4D0B31C75A

Message: Tomorrow meeting powerful. Reminder. Phones not secure AT ALL

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 11/16/18 10:06:08 AM (564084368)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: ACE7C51C-B4A0-417C-A17F-3A413B99D763

Message: Wait until you return for downloads

sender: ay

Time: 11/16/18 10:38:05 AM (564086285)
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Message: Protesters slowed down speech----don't think I can make the flight---we r
nroute to heathrow

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HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027480
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025806.txt,"TJP summary. Syria Iran is a game changer for Israel which requires them to
completely rethink their threats, opportunities, strategies and interests. They can
hunker down until more clarity or they act (big or small). There is a feeling that
Israel has some acts they can take that would improve their positioning. Iran is
the most immediate and big issue. Cannot have an Iran with nukes. Will lead to
proliferation and significantly increased probability of nuclear event. Israel
cannot sit by.

Dennis Ross, Jane Harmon and Walter Isaacson.

DR: Syria is most secure border that Israel has. Syria is unraveling is very
significant. WMD could go to terrorists. Everyone should share concerns about
Syria’s WMD. _ Hezbollah loses supplier, but unraveling of Syria has huge
consequences for Jordan. Bibi is sensitive to Jordan issues. We need to have a
very serious conversation with Bibi. (does Obama have the credibility reserve to
have that conversation).

Jane H: Israelis misplayed this. They encouraged us not to play in Syria. They
failed to anticipate Arab Spring and its consequences. Iran needs to be our
focus. US narrative on ME is lost. So is Israel’s.

Walter: What effect on Israel : Palestine issues. Israel: Turkey issues. Will
Israel think big? Can Israel coalesce parties around a solution to Iran issue. Can
they do this by agreeing to a Palestinian solution.

DR: Now would be a moment for Israel to take a brave initiative with Turkey.
Having an Islamic country as an ally may give cover to other Islamic countries.
Israel and Turkey have common interests in Syria. This outcome is possible,
Bibi needs assurances on Turkey’s response to an Israeli apology.

Jane. Maybe rise of Islamists in Egypt has some good aspects. If Muslim Bro
keeps treaty (w Israel) then you have an Islamic country owning a treaty with
Israel.

DR. Muslim Bro is very busy with domestic issues. But let’s remember who
they are. Morsi sent letter to Shimon Perez. Perez said thank you and asked
Morsi if Israeli’s could take letter public. Morsi said yes, it was written with that
in mind. Perez made it public, Egyptian Muslim Bro got angry so Morsi denied
he had ever sent a letter. Tunisia’s Muslim Bro are drafting a constitution that

makes it criminal to support a peace with Israel.
10

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025806
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022692.txt,"w AOS cl , LV
x Sk , ORES EIR cme

USM Nie, Te5S$ a

SAME BS Apove Re 2
YOAV a

ol Lalo ks

View this image >

Palm Beach County Court

Among the other people who most frequently flew with Clinton are Maxwell and Adriana Ross (formerly Adriana Mucinska), another
Epstein assistant and a former model. The logs also show him flying with former advisor Ira Magaziner, ex-Transportation Secretary

Rodney Slater, and fashion model Naomi Campbell.

The pilots’ documents also leave numerous and — understandably — intriguing questions unanswered: Clinton was on four flights
with women identified as only “Janice” and “Jessica,” who have not been identified; he once flew with a person identified only as
“one female” and also, during part of the trip throughout Africa, a young woman named Chauntae Davies, who appears in Epstein’s
phone directly under the massage category and whose expertise in Swedish massage was described in Gawkers story mentioning
her last week. And because the entries are hand-written in a very cramped log form, it’s impossible to know if important names

ended up illegible or left out altogether, nor if there are other logs that have not been revealed.

But based on what's in the court files, there are no further clues about those flights, other than the testimony and public statements
of Roberts, who has described the airplane as a kind of high-altitude Gomorrah. What is on the record is a deposition of Larry
Visoski, one of Epstein’s former pilots, who recalls having Clinton on his plane as many as 20 times. When asked, “Do you remember

him being on the airplane with younger girls?” Visoski replies, simply, “No.”

Clinton flew literally around the world with Epstein, traveling from New York to London, to Hong Kong, Singapore, Thailand,
Morocco, Portugal, Russia, and throughout Africa. In almost every case, according to cross-referenced information on his speaking
engagements, Clinton was apparently traveling for professional reasons, and, according to the logs, he never flew with his wealthy

friend anywhere near the U.S. Virgin Islands.

That does little to bolster statements by Roberts, who in a 2011 conversation with her lawyers (which both Vew York Post's Page Six
and Radar Online described as an “interview”) claimed Clinton traveled to Epstein’s infamous retreat on Little St. James Island in
2002.

Earlier this month, it was reported that Roberts is writing a “tell-all” memoir about her experiences. In a sworn affidavit filed in court
last week, she claimed to have had sex with Epstein, Dershowitz, England’s Prince Andrew, and several other men on numerous
occasions, and portrayed a three-year period ending in 2002 when Epstein passed her off to his friends continually. But, she added,
“I have never had sexual relations with Clinton, nor have I claimed to have had such relations. I have never seen him have sexual

relations with anyone.”

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022692
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026946.txt,"Investment
. . Management
Risks to Our Views (Presented in our 2019 Outlook) Division Pr

= In the near term, the most likely source of a domestic shock is the fallout from one of the
investigations—by multiple state attorneys general and the House of Representatives—of President
Trump.

= The ebb and flow of these investigations will inevitably lead to great market volatility. But there is
greater likelihood that exogenous shocks will come from external sources, rather than domestic ones.

= External exogenous shocks

Trade War with China (S/1722019 ISG Client Call) or continued slowing growth in China
Brexit

Auto Tariffs

Russia

Middle East

North Korea

Cyberattacks

Terrorism

2

Source: Investment Strategy Group.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026946
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017491.txt,"ATTEN

APPEARANCES: Thereupon:

SCOTT ROTHSTEIN,

was called as a witness and, having been duly sworn,
was examined and testified as follows:

THE WITNESS: 1} do.

MS. HADDAD: Good moming, Scott. How are
you?

THE WITNESS: Good morning, Tonja. How are
you?

MS. HADDAD: Fine, thank you. It's nice to
see you.

THE WITNESS: Good to see you, too.

MR. SCAROLA: Mr. Rothstein, ] don't know
that you and ] have met. I'm Jack Scarola, I'm
representing Brad Edwards and J know you know Brad
who's to my immediate left.

THE WITNESS: Hey, Brad, how are you?

Jack, good to see you.

MR. SCAROLA: Thank you.

MR. GOLDBERGER: Also present is another
Jack, Jack Goldberger, and ] also represent Jeffrey
Epstein. To my right is Darryn Indyke --

THE WITNESS: Good morning, Jack.

MR. GOLDBERGER: How are you today?

And to my right is Darryn Indyke, who is

LAW OFFICES OF TONJA HADDAD, P.A. by
Tonja Haddad, Esq.
Attorney for the Plaintiff.

ATTERBURY, GOLDBERGER & WEISS, P.A., by
Jack Goldberger, Esq.
Attomey for the Plaintiff.

SEARCY DENNEY SCAROLA ET AL, by
Jack Scarola, Esq.
Attomey for the Defendant, Brad Edwards.

MARC NURIK, P.A., by

Mare Nurik, Esq.

Attorney for Scott Rothstein.
(Appearing via Video Conference.)

U.S. ATTORNEY'S OFFICE, by
Laurence LaVecchio, Esq.
Attorney for the Department of Justice.

Ore WNHOrF COMO DADO BWNHYEF OW DOwaAnonwA WH BH

NNMMNMNMNHRPRPHP PP Be Yee

¢
i
:
&
£
i
&
:
i
4
:
Ea
2
g
i

Page 4

!

INDEX Mr. Epstein's in-house counsel.

MR. INDYKE: Good morning.

THE WITNESS: Good moming, sir.

MR. NURIK: Good morning, everyone.

MR. GOLDBERGER: Hi, Marc, how are you?

MR. NURIK: Good. You'll be seeing my
shoulder most of the day.

MR. GOLDBERGER: Okay.

DIRECT EXAMINATION
BY MS. HADDAD:

Q. Well, Scott, ] know you've talked about this
probably more than you even care to, but ]'d like to
start a little bit asking you about the scheme at your
firm and how and when it started and things of that
nature just very briefly because ] know you've covered
it many times.

MR. SCAROLA: It has been covered and
protocol precludes asking questions that have already
been answered and covering areas that have already
been covered, so we do object.

MR. GOLDBERGER: Your objection is noted.
BY MS. HADDAD:

Q. When did this first start?

A. It started back in '05, '06. The question
is a little bit vague for me because it started in a
Page 5

WITNESS DIRECT CROSS REDIRECT RECROSS
SCOTT ROTHSTEIN
(By Ms. Haddad) 5
(By Mr. Goldberger) 92
(By Mr. Scarola) 12]

EXHIBITS
PLAINTIFF'S FOR IDENTIFICATION

64

69
72

ELLA ERENT SEALS PESTER IS ENS EB TRIS DEES SEAN ESSAI SRE UIE RES SRAM GAIN RUS ERAN RNR NNO RESTS DS NIT

NNNNNNHPE RPE Peep ps
OBWNHE OW AWIAUBWNHE OW ANDO BWNH

ERNST

2 (Pages 2 to 5)

FRIEDMAN, LOMBARDI & OLSON
305-371-6677

5ed93085-0554-447f-bcdd-ca2d8fe941df

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017491
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031980.txt,"From: Jay Lefkowitz

Sent: 3/8/2011 4:41:04 PM
To: Michael S. Sitrick iS: Jeffrey Epstein
Subject: Fw: Alexandra Wolfe called from Newsweek

----- Original Message -----

From: Kristin Andersen

Sent: 03/08/2011 11:09 AM EST

To: Jay Lefkowitz

Subject: Alexandra wolfe called from Newsweek

Privileged - Redacted

----- Forwarded by Kristin Andersen/New
York/Kirkland-Ellis on 03/08/2011 11:05 AM -----

“wolfe,
Alexandra
si] To
~ Lefkowitz""

cc
03/07/201 Subject
1 02:09 RE:
PM

Dear Mr. Lefkowitz,

Here are the questions I'd like to ask Jeffrey Epstein.
would he be available to answer any of these on the
phone or by email? People have told me some of his
thoughts on background but I wanted to see if he could
tell me or email me anything directly I could use on
the record. Also I'd like to run the information I
already have by you or him.

Thank you,
Alexandra

-what is he chiefly focusing on now? Is he spending
more time on The Jeffrey Epstein Science Foundation?
Could he talk about his interest in science and the
2011 grants/conference?

-How has his business been affected? Is there any new
direction he's taking it? Does he still have the same
clients or new ones? Is it still at $15 billion?

-Did he still work while in prison? How was that
arranged? with whom was he working/advising?

-where is he spending his time now? How has his social
life changed from three years ago?

-Is he still close with Ghislaine Maxwell?

-what were friends/colleagues/acquaintances reactions
to his conviction?

-what does he think about the sentence he got- was it
too lenient or too harsh and why?

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031980
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015080.txt,"The Parts Left Out of the Kennedy Book

An executive in the publishing industry, who obviously must remain
anonymous, has made available to The Realist a photostat copy of the
original manuscript of William Manchester's book, The Death of a
President. Those passages which are printed here were marked for deletion
months before Harper & Row sold the serialization rights to Look
magazine; hence they do not appear even in the so-called “complete”
version published by the German magazine Stern.

#

At the Democratic National Convention in the summer of 1960, Los
Angeles was the scene of a political visitation of the alleged sins of the
father upon the son. Lyndon Johnson found himself battling for the
presidential nomination with a young, handsome, charming and witty
adversary, John F. Kennedy.

The Texan in his understandable anxiety degenerated to a strange
campaign tactic. He attacked his opponent on the grounds that his father,
Joseph P. Kennedy, was a Nazi sympathizer during the time he was United
States Ambassador to Great Britain, from 1938 to 1940. The senior

Kennedy had predicted that Germany would defeat England and he

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015080
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016957.txt,"In computer terms, I started out with a “generative model” that includes abstract
concepts like greed and deception and describes the process that produces email scams.
That lets me recognize the classic Nigerian email spam, but it also lets me imagine many
different kinds of possible spam. When I get the journal email, I can work backward:
“This seems like just the kind of mail that would come out of a spam-generating
process.”

The new excitement about AI comes because AI researchers have recently
produced powerful and effective versions of both these learning methods. But there is
nothing profoundly new about the methods themselves.

Bottom-up Deep Learning

In the 1980s, computer scientists devised an ingenious way to get computers to detect
patterns in data: connectionist, or neural-network, architecture (the “neural” part was, and
still is, metaphorical). The approach fell into the doldrums in the ’90s but has recently
been revived with powerful “deep-learning” methods like Google’s DeepMind.

For example, you can give a deep-learning program a bunch of Internet images
labeled “cat,” others labeled “house,” and so on. The program can detect the patterns
differentiating the two sets of images and use that information to label new images
correctly. Some kinds of machine learning, called unsupervised learning, can detect
patterns in data with no labels at all; they simply look for clusters of features—what
scientists call a factor analysis. In the deep-learning machines, these processes are
repeated at different levels. Some programs can even discover relevant features from the
raw data of pixels or sounds; the computer might begin by detecting the patterns in the
raw image that correspond to edges and lines and then find the patterns in those patterns
that correspond to faces, and so on.

Another bottom-up technique with a long history is reinforcement learning. In the
1950s, B. F. Skinner, building on the work of John Watson, famously programmed
pigeons to perform elaborate actions—even guiding air-launched missiles to their targets
(a disturbing echo of recent AI) by giving them a particular schedule of rewards and
punishments. The essential idea was that actions that were rewarded would be repeated
and those that were punished would not, until the desired behavior was achieved. Even
in Skinner’s day, this simple process, repeated over and over, could lead to complex
behavior. Computers are designed to perform simple operations over and over on a scale
that dwarfs human imagination, and computational systems can learn remarkably
complex skills in this way.

For example, researchers at Google’s DeepMind used a combination of deep
learning and reinforcement learning to teach a computer to play Atari video games. The
computer knew nothing about how the games worked. It began by acting randomly and
got information only about what the screen looked like at each moment and how well it
had scored. Deep learning helped interpret the features on the screen, and reinforcement
learning rewarded the system for higher scores. The computer got very good at playing
several of the games, but it also completely bombed on others just as easy for humans to
master.

A similar combination of deep learning and reinforcement learning has enabled
the success of DeepMind’s AlphaZero, a program that managed to beat human players at
both chess and Go, equipped only with a basic knowledge of the rules of the game and

154

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016957
"
IMAGES-012-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033491.txt,"From: vic

Sent: 6/7/2014 5:00:22 PM
To: jeevacation@gmail.com
Subject: Fwd: Photos

---------- MB_8D1508919E8E668_F4c_19E8A0_webmai1-d292.sysops.aol.com
Content-Transfer-Encoding: QUOTED-PRINTABLE
Content-Type: TEXT/PLAIN;

charset=us-ascii

=20
=20
=20

ama Original Message-----

Fron: Lv ct

To: jeevacation <jeevacation@gmail .com>
Sent: Sat, Jun 7, 2014 12:45 pm

Subject: Fwd: Photos

Jeffrey,
photos of unmasked B727,. Paint shop indicated we can use Vinyl for your ""E=
""Logo and ""Flag"" as oppose of painting. this would enable easy removal if =
plane sells in the future. Trump and other airlines uses Vinyl for logos, .=

=20

can you sketch the style of ""E"" for the tail, and I'll request rendering wi=
th slanted Flag for Right side of Vertical Stabilizer,.

=20

thank you,

Larry=20

=20

=20

----- Original Message-----

From: Guy Anico iy

To: Larry Visoski
Cc: Scott Stambau

; JR Stambaugh I

Sent: Sat, Jun
Subject: Photos

=20

=20

=20

=20

=20

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033491
"
IMAGES-012-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032957.txt,"From: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com]

Sent: 1/12/2017 4:35:42 AM
To: Kathy Ruemmler Si
Subject: Re:

Importance: — High

yes . im afraid you are right

On Wed, Jan 11, 2017 at 9:02 PM, Kathy Ruemmlcr (a wrote:

Not to disturb you, but I am struck by the similar mannerisms between Trump and McGyver

Sent from my iPad

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032957
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019793.txt,"Acknowledgments

I am deeply grateful to the many individuals who put their knowl-
edge and expertise at my disposal during the course of writing this
book. Unfortunately, I cannot give due credit to some of those people
to whom I owe the greatest debt in understanding the intelligence
issues, because they spoke to me on condition that I keep secret their
identities.

I greatly benefited from the insights, erudition, and criticisms pro-

© vided by those who read draft chapters at various stages of my inves- ©
tigation. I am particularly indebted in this regard to Tobias Brown,
Rachelle Bergstein, Richard Bernstein, Sidney Blumenthal, David
Braunschvig, Ash Carter, Susana Duncan, Joe Finder, Ben Gerson,
Andrew Hacker, William Haseltine, Eli Jacobs, Bruce Kovner, Robert
Loomis, Gary Lucas, John Micklethwait, Frederick Mocatta, Andrew
Rosenberg, Curt Sawyer, Sean Wilentz, and Ezra Zilkha.

I am especially grateful to Harold Edgar, the Julius Silver Profes-
sor in Law, Science, and Technology at Columbia Law School; and
to Jack Goldsmith, Henry L. Shattuck Professor at Harvard Law
School, for sharing with me their legal perspective on the espionage
statutes and other legal issues.

I thank Edward Lucas of The Economist for recommending
Catherine A. FitzPatrick, a writer and translator at The Interpreter
magazine as someone who “posseses a unique knowledge of the lab-
yrinthine world of Russian disinformation.” She proved a godsend
for this book. With her deep understanding of the workings of the
Internet, she helped me retrieve information from the dark side of
the Internet that I would otherwise would not have found.

| | Epst_9780451494566_2p_all_r1.z.indd 305 ® 9/30/16 11:09 AM | |

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019793
"
TEXT-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033059.txt,"From: jeffrey E. [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Sent: 1/4/2018 3:46:44 PM 
To: Weingarten, Reid 
Subject: Re: Re: 
i tried a coupe of times 
On Thu, Jan 4, 2018 at 10:37 AM, Weingarten, Reid < > wrote: 
Call me.. 
From: Jeffrey E. [mailto:jeevacation@gmail.com] 
Sent: Wednesday, January 03, 2018 8:11 PM 
To: Weingarten, Reid 
Subject: Re: Re: 
On Wed, Jan 3, 2018 at 7:24 PM Weingarten, Reid < > wrote: 
As usual you nailed it....tomorrow will be an interesting day 
From: Jeffrey E. [mailto:jeevacation@dmail.com] 
Sent: Wednesday, January 03, 2018 2:03 PM 
To: Weingarten, Reid 
Subject: Re: 
it also includes barrack, saying not is only donald crazy but hes stupid. SO MCH FUN 
On Wed, Jan 3, 2018 at 2:01 PM, Weingarten, Reid <___________________________.> wrote: 
Does he have a lawyer? Is he dealing with mueller? 
Sent from my BlackBerry 10 smartphone. 
From: Jeffrey E. 
Sent: Wednesday, January 3, 2018 1:53 PM 
To: Weingarten, Reid 
Subject: Re: 
told you 
On Wed, Jan 3, 2018 at 1:11 PM, Weingarten, Reid < > wrote: 
Internet is crashing right now about this....trump apparently off his rocker 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 033059 
From: Jeffrey E. [mailto:jeevacation@dmail.com] 
Sent: Wednesday, January 03, 2018 1:05 PM 
To: Weingarten, Reid 
Subject: 
http://nymag.com/daily/intelligencer/20 1 8/0 1 /michael-wolff-fire-and-fury-book-donald-trump.html 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 033060 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 033061 
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013906.txt,"can mention my name with PR Leads to get two months for the price of one.

»PRWeb Press Releases (www.prwebdirect.com) The press release is dead for most purposes, but
using this service has some serious search-engine benefits, such as appearing at the top of related Google
News and Yahoo! News results.

=» ExpertClick ( www.expertclick.com )

This is another secret of the PR pros. Put up an expert profile for media to see, receive an up-to-date
database of top media contacts, and send free press releases to 12,000 journalists, all on one website that
gets more than 5 million hits per month. This is how I got on NBC and ended up developing a prime-
time TV show. It works. Mention my name on the phone, or use “Tim Ferriss $100” online, to get a
$100 discount.

» LIFESTYLE DESIGN IN ACTION

Bon Jour Tim,

I was in Barnes & Noble at the help desk this past Saturday, April 25, waiting for an employee to get a
book for me (Tropic of Cancer if you must know). While I was waiting, I noticed a copy of 4-Hour
Workweek on the counter that someone else had ordered. Not one to be shy, I reached over the counter
and started reading their copy. As you might guess, I had the employee go back and get me my own
copy. Haven’t finished Tropic of Cancer but finished your book ...

... On Monday I got a yes when I asked my boss to work two days remotely per week. I start next
week.

On Monday I also booked the most stunning apartment in Paris for the month of September, at a cost
of half of the rent I pay in Southern California. I plan to increase my remote time now through August so
that September will be an easy ask to leave for remote work. If the answer happens to be no (which I
now doubt), I will be prepared to quit my job.

Now at work on my Income Autopilot project.

Tim: amazing. My life has changed in three days. (Plus, your book was funny as hell.) Thank
you!!! —CINDY FRANKEY

21. There are a few limited exceptions, such as online membership sites that don’t require content
generation, but as a general rule, products require much less maintenance and will get you to your
TMI faster.

22. Muses will provide the time and financial freedom to realize your dreamlines in record time, after
which one can (and often does) start additional companies to change the world or sell.

23. Distributors are sometimes also referred to as “wholesalers,” depending on the industry.

24. It is illegal to control how much someone sells your product for, but you can dictate how much
they advertise it for. This is done by including a Minimum Advertised Pricing (MAP) policy in your
General Terms and Conditions (GTC), which are agreed to automatically when a written wholesale
order is placed. Sample GTC and order forms are available at www.fourhourblog.com.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013906
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020112.txt,"EPILOGUE:
BANNON AND TRUMP

n a sweltering morning in October 2017, the man who had more or less single-

handedly brought about the U.S. withdrawal from the Paris climate accord, stood on
the steps of the Breitbart town house and said, with a hearty laugh, “I guess global
warming is real.”

Steve Bannon had lost twenty pounds since his exit from the White House six weeks
before—he was on a crash all-sushi diet. “That building,” said his friend David Bossie,
speaking about all White Houses but especially the Trump White House, “takes perfectly
healthy people and turns them into old, unhealthy people.” But Bannon, who Bossie had
declared on virtual life support during his final days in the West Wing, was again, by his
own description, “on fire.” He had moved out of the Arlington “safe house” and
reestablished himself back at the Breitbart Embassy, turning it into a headquarters for the
next stage of the Trump movement, which might not include Trump at all.

Asked about Trump’s leadership of the nationalist-populist movement, Bannon
registered a not inconsiderable change in the country’s political landscape: “I am the
leader of the national-populist movement.”

One cause of Bannon’s boast and new resolve was that Trump, for no reason that
Bannon could quite divine, had embraced Mitch McConnell’s establishment candidate in
the recent Republican run-off in Alabama rather than support the nat-pop choice for the
Senate seat vacated by now attorney general Jeff Sessions. After all, McConnell and the
president were barely on speaking terms. From his August “working holiday” in
Bedminster, the president’s staff had tried to organize a makeup meeting with McConnell,
but McConnell’s staff had sent back word that it wouldn’t be possible because the Senate
leader would be getting a haircut.

But the president—ever hurt and confused by his inability to get along with the
congressional leadership, and then, conversely, enraged by their refusal to get along with
him—had gone all-in for the McConnell-backed Luther Strange, who had run against
Bannon’s candidate, the right-wing firebrand Roy Moore. (Even by Alabama standards,
Moore was far right: he had been removed as chief justice of the Alabama Supreme Court

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020112
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011371.txt,"10

id.

12

13

14

L5

16

ne)

18

life)

20

21

22

23

24

25

68
H3VOGIU1

THE COURT: But how is that going to figure into

damages in our case?

MS. MENNINGER: Your Honor, I think the jury would be

instructed here not to hold Ms. Maxwell responsible for any
harm to plaintiff's reputation caused by third parties or
alternate sources, including stories that were generated by
statements made by her own counsel, by Alan Dershowitz, by
Prince Andrew, by anyone else.

THE COURT: Well, yes. But what I'm trying to figure

out, what about that case was damaging to Giuffre?

MS. MENNINGER: I can't tell you that, your Honor.

It's actually plaintiffs who are asking for $1.9 million in

reputational cleanup costs, and when you ask them what

reputational cleanup costs are you trying to clean up, they

point to stories having to do with the Dershowitz litigation.

They say her reputation was damaged by that litigation and by

the stories related to it, and they want to push all of those

stories down on the internet searches. Not stories that relate

to Ms. Maxwell, stories that relate to her litigation with --

her lawyer's litigation with Alan Dershowitz.

THE COURT: Okay.

MS. MENNINGER: I don't think that evidence should

come in because I don't think it's based on science, but I

realize that's not for today.

Likewise, your Honor, her failure to sue Alan

SOUTHERN DISTRICT REPORTERS, P.C.
(212) 805-0300

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011371
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025190.txt,"From: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com]

Sent: 4/8/2017 9:46:30 AM
To: Lesley Groff = |
Subject: Fwd: Kuhn - The Science of Sleep and Dreams

Importance: — High

---------- Forwarded message ---------- 1

From: Robert Kuhn i>

Date: Sat, Apr 8, 2017 at 2:28 AM

Subject: Re: Kuhn - The Science of Sleep and Dreams
To: ""jeffrey E."" <jeevacation@gmail.com>

Just arrived NY, here for ~10 days.
Now with the Trump-Xi Summit over (utterly overwhelmed by Syria strike), back to Closer To Truth.
When good to meet?

Robert

On Mar 23, 2017, at 4:23 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:

Look forward to seeing you

On Thu, Mar 23, 2017 at 3:54 PM Robert Kuhn <i wrote:
Hi: Just returned from a month in China. Attached is my summary of recent politics (in South China Morning
Post), and pics of moderating (at request of govts of China and Israel) the PM’s discussion with leading
Chinese technologist (Baidu CEO, dominant Chinese search engine). The PM was in China for 25th
anniversary of diplomatic relations

Back to CTT, my ‘true love’... Love to discuss Science of Sleep & Dreams project. I’m in LA for week and
then NY April 8-18.

Warm regards, Robert

On Feb 15, 2017, at 1:29 PM, Robert Kuhn <> wrote:

501 (c) (3) - private operating foundation - The Kuhn Foundation, which I set up in 1999 to support Closer To
Truth. IRS letter attached.
Thank you.

<Kuhn Foundation IRS Tax Exempt Determination Letter 1999, 2015.pdf>

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025190
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015916.txt,"226 Are the Androids Dreaming Yet?

The Proof

Let’s write a list of all the possible programs my laptop could ever run. A
comprehensive way to do this is to start at one and try every number.As
I count up Iam simply generating numbers, for example, 5,433,232, then
turning each number into a program file and running it. For a bit of fun,
I created a couple and tried them out on my laptop. They did nothing, so
it was not very edifying. Most numbers are just junk because programs
have to be in the right format for the computer you are working on. It’s
just like words. If you randomly take a handful of scrabble tiles out of a
bag, most of the time you will have nonsense, but every now and they
you will have an actual word. Be careful with this; you could accidentally
write, “delete every item on my hard disk.” Of course, the probability is
astronomically low, but Murphy’s Law says it will happen, so back up
your data!

As you count up, you will generate every possible program along the
way. A mathematician would say programs are recursively enumerable.
The word recursive means there is an algorithm and enumerable means
to count. Therefore, there is a counting algorithm that would run every
imaginable program. Here is a list of them, or at least a some of the

highlights:

0 (probably doesn’t run)

1 (ditto)

00 (ditto)

01 (ditto)

011001001001000100 (makes the computer beep once)

... (from here on T'll give the program names since the numbers are
too large to print)

Does Nothing (there are many of these)

Is Gibberish (there are an infinite number of these)

Junk (an infinite number of these)

Print Something (again an infinite number of these)

More Gibberish

Excel

Word

PowerPoint

Mathematica...

Fermat’s Last Theorem enumerator (runs for ever)

A nonworking version of the Halting Program

A nonworking version of the Crashing Program

Really big programs that don't fit on my hard drive

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015916
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031016.txt,"Armando Fernandez,D.D.S.

De ee ee ee ee ee ee ee ee ee a

The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of

Jeffrey Epstein

Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031016
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019352.txt,"﻿FEDERAL BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION FOI/PA DELETED PAGE INFORMATION SHEET Civil Actionff 17-cv-03956 Total Deleted Page(s) = 258 
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I; 
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(Rev. 01-31-2003) 
FEDERAL BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION 
Precedence: ROUTINE 
To: Miami 
From. Miami 
Squad PB-2, 
Contact: SA 
Approved By: 
Drafted By: 
Case ID #: 31E-MM 
Title: JEFFREY .EPSTE 
N; 
Attn: SSA 
WSTA - CHILD PROSTITUTION 
Synopsis: To request case be opened 
Date: 07/24/2006 
PEM 
C I
b 
WHO. b6 _2 
3  
OiiittiA le— DATE 22V/A b7A 11 
b.7c 1, 
L_-
and assigned. 4--40 5,4 
Details: From March 2005 through February 2006, the Palm 
Beach County Police Department conducted an investigation  
DOB 	DOlifl 
lEps ein 	1177777-is-. 	b3 b6 b7C 
b3 -1 
b6 -1, -3 
b7C -1, -3 
a‘o 3eo14&0116C"" 
Hr.( .4.108'004'4 I 
03956-17 
To: Miami From: 10Pami 
Re: 31E-MM, 07/24/2006 
It is requested by SA 
captioned case be opened and assigned. 
• • 
2 
b3 -1 
b6 -1, -3 
b7C -1, -3 
that the above 
b6 -2 
b7C -2 
03956-18 
ObbableCauseAffidavit • 
Palm Beach Police Department 
Agency ORI# FLO 500600 
Police Casett: 05-368 (1) 
Defendant: 
Race/Sex: 
DOB: 
Charges: 
Jeffrey Epstein 
White Male 
b6 -1 
b7C -1 
From March 15, 2005, through February 2006, the Palm Beach Police Department conducted a sexual 
battery investigation involving Jeffrey Epstein, 
iPalm Beach. 
b3 -1 
b6 -1, -3 
b7C -1, -3 
The facts, as reported, are as follows: 
b3 -1 
b6 -1, -3 
b7C -1, -3 
b7D -1 
The foregoing instrument was sworn to or affirmed 
before me this r day of May, 2006 by 
DM' who is personally known to me. 
b6 -4 
b7C -4 
State of Florida 
County of Palm Beach 
Signature/Arresting Officer 
Signature of Police Officer (F.S.S. 117.10) Date: 05/01/2006 
b3 -1 
b6 -1, -3 
b7C -1, -3 
b7D -1 
Page of 22 
fogoi,o2.5_)1.956-19 
jC 
fAbable Cause Affidavit 
Palm Beach Police Department 	b3 	-1 
Agency ORI# FLO 500600 	b6 	-1, 	-3 
b7C 	-1, 	-3 
On November 21, 2005 I intervie e 
stated 
he was 
b3 	-1 
b6 b70 b7D 	-1, -1, -1 	-3, -3, 	-5 -5 
On January 4, 2006 I interviewed another former houseman, Mr Alfredo Rodriguez. During a sworn 
taped statement, Mr. Rodriguez stated he was employed by Jeffrey Epstein for approximately six months, from 
November 2004 through May of 2005. His responsibilities as house manager included being the butler, 
Co. ouse an rim errands for E • stein and rovide for E • stein's ests. I asked Rodriguez about 
The foregoing instrument was sworn to or affirmed 
before me this lst day of May, 2006 by 
Deti lvvho is personally known to me. 
Signature of Police Officer (F.S.S. 117.10) 
b6 -4 
b7C -4 
State of Florida 
County of Palm Beach 
Signature/Arresting Officer 
Date: 05/01/2006 
b3 1 
b6 1, -3 
b70 -1, -3 
b7D -1 
Page of 22 
03956-39 
4 '1"" k 
ibable Cause Affidavit 
Palm Beach Police Department 
Agency ORM PLO 500600 
b3 -1 
b6 -1, -3 
b7C -1, -3 
b7D -1 
b3 -1 
b6 -1, -3 
b7C -1, -3 
b7D -1 
b3 
b6 b7C b7D 	-1, -1, -2 	-3 -3 
b7E 	-1 
b6 -1 
b7C -1 
b7D -2 
b7E -1 
Therefore, as Jeffrey Epstein, who at the time of these incidents was 
b3 -1 
b6 -1, -3 
b7C -1, -3 
The foregoing instrument was sworn to or affirmed 
before me this r day of May, 2006 by 
Pet____________who is personally known to me. 
b6 -4 
b7C -4 
State of Florida 
County of Palm Beach 
Signature/Arresting Officer 
Signature of Police Officer (F.S.S. 117.10) Date: 05/01/2006 
Page of 22 
03956-40 
Mystery money man faces soliciting charge 
By NICOLE AMOK 
Palm Beach Post Ste Wnter 
Part-time Palm Beacher who has 
socialized with Donald Trump, Bill 
Clinton and Kevin Spacey was jailed 
early Sundaywith accused drug dealers 
drunken drivers and wife beaters after 
he was charged with soliciting a prosti-
tute. 
Manhattan money manager Jeffrey 
Epstein, 53, was picked up at his home 
on El Brillo Way at 1:45 a.m. He was 
released hours later on $3,000 bond. 
Epstein was indicted last week by a 
state grand jury, according to state at-
torney's spokesman Mike Edmondson. 
Despite Epstein's arrest, the indictment 
containing the allegations remained 
sealed Sunday and Edmondson provid-
ed no details. 
Unlike most accused johns, Epstein 
was charged with a third-degree felony 
instead of a misdemeanor. Under state 
law, a solicitation charge usually is ele-
vated to a more-serious felony when the 
defendant has at least two solicitation 
convictions. 
However, checks of court records 
here and in New York Sunday turned up 
no such convictions. 
Epstein could not be reached. 1-
mondson said he was being representiii 
by West Palm Beach attorney Jack 
Goldberg, who declined comment 
Epstein is the president of J Epstein 
& Co., a money management company 
based in Manhattan that caters to ultra-
wealthy clientele, according to pub-
See SOUCMNG, 68 to-
effrey Epstein 
Indictment 
related to 
prostitution. 
'Mysterious billionaire' 
has been on probation 
SOLICITING from is 
lished reports. National 
magazines have described 
him as a ""mysterious billion-
aire"" who lives in a 45,000-
square-foot New York City 
mansion. 
He has been in trouble 
before. In 1993, he and two 
other defendants were 
charged in federal court with 
three counts of postal larceny 
and theft and one count of 
property theft. Epstein plead 
guilty to a single charge of 
conspiring to steal U.S. 
Treasury checks from resi-
dential . mailboxes and re-
ceived 5 years' probation. 
The remaining charges were 
dropped. 
Since then, Epstein's 
name has turned up in New 
York City's tabloids. The New 
York Post noted he flew Pres-
ident Clinton and Kevin 
Spacey to Africa on his pri-
vate Boeing 727. In 2003, the 
paper dubbed him one of the 
Big Apple's ""top studs."" 
In 2004, Epstein bid 
against Trump for a 43,000-
square foot Palm Beach es-
tate once owned by health-
care magnate Abe Gosman. 
Trump topped Epstein with a 
$41.35 million bid. 
Stu) f Researcher Angelica 
Cortez contributed to this story. 
•C) nicolejanok@pbpostcom 
>7; 
C', 
03956-63 
f- 210301- NIA--31q 
4E4 THE PALM BEACH POST • TUESDAY, !MY 25,2006 
Indictment: Billionaire solicited 3 times 
Palm Beach police will report 
today about their prostitution 
probe of the money manager. 
By LARRY KELLER 
Palm Beach Post Ste Miter 
Billionaire money manager and 
Palm Beach part-time resident Jeffrey 
Epstein solicited orprocured prostitutes 
three or more times between Aug. 1 and 
Oct 31 of last year, according to an in-
dictment charging him with felony so-
licitation of prostitution. 
Epstein, 53, was booked at the Palm 
Beach County jail at 1:45 am. Sunday. 
He was released on $3,000 bond. 
Epstein's case is unusual in that 
suspected prostitution johns are usually 
charged with a misdemeanor, and even 
a felony charge is typically made in a 
criminal information —an alternative to 
an indictment charging a person with 
the commission of a 
crime. 
His attorney, Jack 
Goldberger, declined to 
discuss the charge. 
State attorney's of-
fice spokesman Mike 
Edmondson also had 
little to say. 
""Generally speak- Epstein 
ing, there is a case that 
has a number of different aspects to it,' 
Edmondson said of a prostitution 
related charge being submitted to a 
grand jury. `We first became aware of 
the case months ago by Palm Beach 
police."" 
Prosecutors and police worked to-
gether to bring the case to the grand 
jury, he said. 
Palm Beach police confirmed that 
and said the department will release a 
report today regarding its investigation. 
Epstein has owned a five-bedroom, 
71/2-bath, 7,234-square-foot home with a 
pool and a boat dock on the Intracoastal 
Waterway since 1990, according to 
property records. A man answering the 
door there Monday said that Epstein 
wasn't home. A Cadillac Escalade reg-
istered to him was parked in the drive-
way, which is flanked by two massive 
gargoyles. 
Epstein sued Property Appraiser 
Gary Nikolits in 2001, contending that 
the assessment of his home exceeded 
its fair market value. He dismissed his 
lawsuit in December 2002. 
A profile of Epstein in Vanity Fair 
magazine said he owns what are be-
lieved to be the largest private homes in 
Manhattan —51,000 square feet— and 
in New Mexico — a 7,500-acre ranch. 
Those are in addition to his 70-acre is-
land in the U.S. Virgin Islands and fleet 
of aircraft. 
Epstein's friends and admirers, ac-
cording to the magazine, include prom-
inent businessmen, academics and sci-
entists and famed Harvard law professor 
Alan Dershowitz. 
oiany_keller@pbpostcom 
Mount Clipping in Space Below) 
03956-64 
(1.81-9 .A8):00GC-433 
P0-350 (Rev. 5-6-81) 
•It 
• 
Mount Clipping in Space Below) 
After long probe, 
billionaire faces 
solicitation charge 
By LARRY KELLER 
Palm Beach Post Staff Writer 
Palm Beach billionaire Jeffrey Epstein 
paid to have underage girls and young 
women brought to his home, where he re-
ceived massages and sometimes sex, ac-
cording to an investigation 
by the Palm Beach Police 
Department. 
Palm Beach police spent 
months sifting through Ep-
stein's trash and watching 
his waterfront home and 
Palm Beach International 
Airport to keep tabs on his 
private jet An indictment 
charging Epstein, 53, was 
unsealed Monday, charging him with one 
count of felony solicitation of prostitutbn. 
Palm Beach police thought there was 
probable cause to charge Epstein with un-
lawful sex acts with a minor and lewd and 
lascivious molestation. 
Police Chief Michael Reiter was so angry 
with State Attorney Barry Krischer's han-
dling of the case that he wrote a memo 
See EPSTEIN, 5B 
Epstein 
(Indicate page, name of 
newspaper, city and state.) 
8, 58 / The Palm Beach Post 
West Palm Beach, FL 
Date: 0726/2006 
Edition: 
Title: After long probe, 
billionaire faces 
solicitation charges 
Character 
or 
Classification 31 E-MM-108062 
Submitting Office: MM 
ndexing: 
03‘5.1/4-6.5 
31 C- Alk - )080(22. - Ce 
w s c THE PALM BEACH POST • WEDNESDAY, JULY 26, 2006 5B 
Police kept watch on home, airport, sifted through trash 
Ow EPSTEINfrom1n 
suggesting the county's top 
prosecutor disqualify himself 
""I must urge you to ex-
amine the unusual course that 
your office's handling of this 
inematter has taken and consider 
Erisegood and sufficient reason 
exists to require your dis-
qualification from the prose-
cution of these cases,"" Reiter 
wrote in a May 1 memo to 
Krischer. 
While not commenting 
specifically on the Epstein 
case, Mike Edmondson, 
spokesman for the state at-
torney, said his office pre-
sents eases other than mur-
ders to a grand jury when 
there are questions about 
witnesses' credibility and 
their ability to testify. 
By the nature of their jobs, 
police officers look at evi-
nce from a ""one-sided per-
t 
...oective,"" Edmondson said. 
""A prosecutor has to look at it 
in a much broader fashion,"" 
weighing the veracity of wit-
nesses and how they may fare 
under defense attorneys' 
questioning, he said. 
Epstein's attorney, Jack 
Goldberger, said his client 
committed no crimes. 
'The reports and state-
ments in question refer to 
false accusations that were 
not charged because the Palm 
Beach County state attorney 
questioned the credibility of 
the witnesses,"" Goldberger 
said. A county grand jury 
""found the allegations wholly 
unsubstantiated and not 
credible,"" and that's why his 
client was not charged with 
sexual activity with minors, 
he said. 
Goldberger said Epstein 
passed a lie detector test ad-
ministered by a reputable 
polygraph examiner in which 
he said he did not know the 
girls were minors. Also, a 
search warrant served on 
Epstein's home found no evi-
dence to corroborate the 
girls' allegations, Goldberger 
said. 
According to police docu-
ments: 
• A Palm Beach Commu-
nity College student said she 
gave Epstein a massage in the 
nude, then brought him six 
girls, ages 14 to 16, for mas-
sage and sex-tinged sessions 
at his home. 
• A 27-year-old woman 
who worked as Epstein's 
personal assistant also facili-
tated the liaisons, phoning 
the PBCC student to arrange 
for girls when Epstein was 
coming to town. And she es 
corted the girls upstairs when 
they arrived, putting fresh 
sheets on a massage table and 
placing massage oils nearby. 
• Police took sworn 
statements from five alleged 
victims and 17 witnesses. 
They contend that on three 
occasions, Epstein had sex 
with the girls. 
The chiefs letter 
See the letter Palm Beach Police 
Chief Michael Reiter wrote to 
State Attorney Barry Krischer 
on the Epstein case. 
PalmBoachPost cam 
A money manager for the 
ultra-rich, Epstein was named 
one of New York's most eligi-
ble bachelors in 2003 by The 
New York Pont. He reportedly 
hobnobs with the likes of 
former President Clinton, 
former Harvard University 
President Lawrence Sum-
mers and Donald Trump, and 
has lavish homes in Manhat-
tan, New Mexico and the Vir-
gin Islands. 
He has contributed tens of 
thousands of dollars to Dens 
ocratic Party candidates and 
organizations, including Sen. 
John Kerry's presidential bid, 
and the Senate campaigns of 
Joe Lieberman, Hillary Clin-
ton, Christopher Dodd and 
Charles Schumer. 
Goldberger is one of five 
attorneys Epstein has re 
tamed since he became the 
subject of an investigation, 
Edmondson said. Among the 
others: Alan Dershowitz, the 
well-known Harvard law pro-
fessor and author, who is a 
friend of Epstein. Dershowitz 
could not be reached for 
comment 
Police said the woman 
who enlisted young girls for 
Epstein was Haley Robson, ' 
20, of Royal Palm Beach. 
Robson has worked at an Ol-
ive Garden restaurant in 
Wellington and said she was a 
journalism major at Palm 
Beach Community College 
when she was questioned by 
police last October. She has 
an unlisted phone number 
and could not be reached for 
comment. 
Robson said she met Ep-
stein when, at age 17, a friend 
asked her if she would like to 
make money giving him a 
massage. She said she was 
driven to his five-bedroom, 
71h-bath home on the Intra-
coastal Waterway, then es 
corted upstairs to a bedroom 
with a massage table and oils. 
Epstein and Robson were 
both naked during the mas-
sage, she said, but when he 
grabbed her buttocks, she 
said she didn't want to be 
touched. 
Epstein said he'd pay her 
to bring him more girls—the 
younger the better, Robson 
told police. When she tried 
once to bring a 23-year-old 
woman to him, Epstein said 
she was too old, Robson said. 
Robson, who has not been 
charged in the case, said she 
eventually brought sirgirls to 
Epstein who were paid $200 
each time, Robson said. ""I'm 
hie a Heidi Fleiss,"" police 
quoted her as saying. The 
girls knew what to expect 
when they were taken to Ep-
stein's home, Robson said. 
Give a massage — maybe na-
ked — and allow some 
touching. 
One 14-year-old girl Rob-
son took to meet Epstein led 
police to start the investiga-
tion of him in March 2005. A 
relative of the girl called to say 
she thought the child had re 
cently engaged in sex with a 
Palm Beach man. The girl 
then got into a fight with a 
classmate who accused her of 
being a prostitute, and she 
couldn't explain why she had 
$300 in her purse. 
The girl gave police this 
account of her meeting with 
Epstein: 
She accompanied Robson 
and a second girl to Epstein's 
house on a Sunday in Febru-
ary 2005. Once there, a wom-
an she thought was Epstein's 
assistant told the girl to follow 
her upstairs to a room featur-
ing a mural of a naked woman, 
several photographs of naked 
women on a shelf, a hot pink 
and green sofa and a massage 
table. 
She stripped to her bra 
and panties and gave him a 
massage. 
Epstein gave the 14-year-
old $300 and she and the oth-
er girls left, she said. She said 
Robson told her that Epstein 
paid her $200 that day. 
Other girls told similar 
stories. In most accounts, 
Epstein's personal assistant at 
the time, Sarah Kellen, now 
27, escorted the girls to Ep-
stein's bedroom. 
Kellen, whose most re 
cent known address is in 
North Carolina, has not been 
charged in the case. 
Palm Beach police often 
conducted surveillance of 
Epstein's home, and at Palm 
Beach International Airport 
to see if his private jet was 
there, so they would know 
when he was in town. Police 
also arranged repeatedly to 
receive his trash from Palm 
Beach sanitation workers, 
collecting papers with names 
and phone numbers, sex toys 
and female hygiene products. 
One note stated that a fe-
male could not come over at 7 
p.m. because of soccer. An-
other said a girl had to work 
Sunday — ""Monday after 
school?"" And still another 
note contained the work 
hours of a girl, saying she 
leaves school at 11:30 am. 
and would come over the next 
day at 10:30 an. 
Only three months before 
the police department probe 
began, Epstein donated 
$90,000 to the department for 
the purchase of a firearms 
simulator, said Jane Struder, 
town finance director. The 
purchase was never made. 
The money was returned to 
Epstein on Monday, she said. 
Staff writers Andrew Mama 
and Tim O'Meilia and St mf re-
searcher ibmelica Cortez con-
tributed to this story. 
0 lany_kelletiPpbpostcam 
..03956-66 
FD-350 (Seg. 5-8-81) 
• 
• 
Mount Clipping in Space Below) 
Police say 
lawyer tried 
to discredit 
teenage girls 
By LARRY KELLER 
Palm Bead Post Staff Writer 
Famed Harvard law professor Alan 
Dershowitz met with the Palm Beach 
County State Attorney's Office and pro-
vided damaging information about teen-
age girls who say they gave his client, 
Palm Beach billionaire Jeffrey Epstein, 
sexually charged massages, according to 
police reports. 
The reports also state that another 
Epstein attorney agreed to a plea bargain 
thatwould have allowed Epstein to have no 
criminal record His current attorney de-
nies this happened. 
And the documents also reveal that the 
father of at least one girl complained that 
private investigators aggressively fol-
lowed his car, photographed his home and 
chased off visitors. 
Police also talked to 
somebody who said she 
was offered money if she 
refused to cooperate with 
the Palm Beach Police 
Department probe of Ep-
stein. 
The state attorney's 
office said itpresented the 
Epstein case to a county 
grand jury this month 
rather than directly 
charging Epstein because 
of concerns about the 
girls' credibility. The 
grand jury indicted Ep-
stein, 53, on a single count of felony solic-
itation of prostitution, which carries a 
maximum penalty of five years in prison. 
Police believed there was probable 
cause to charge Epstein with the more 
serious crimes of unlawful sex acts with a 
minor and lewd and lascivious molesta-
tion. Police Chief Michael Reiter was so 
angry that he wrote State Attorney Barry 
Krischer a memo in May suggesting he 
disqualify himself from the case. 
Epstein: His 
former attorney 
agreed to a 
plea bargain, 
police say. 
(Indicate page, name of 
newspaper, city and state.) 
113, 7B / The Palm Beach Post 
West Palm Beth, PL 
Date: 7/29/2006 
Edition: 
Title: Police say lawyer tried to 
discredit teenage girls. 
Character 
Or 
Classification: 31E-MM-108062 
Submitting Office: MM 
Indexing: 
The case originally was going toe 
presented to the grand jury in February, 
but was postponed after Dershowitz pro-
duced information gleaned from the Web 
site myspace.com showing some of the 
alleged victims commenting on alcohol 
and marijuana use, according to the police 
report prepared by Detective Joseph Re-
carey. 
Haley Robson, a 20-year-old Royal 
Palm Beach wonaau who told police she 
recruited girls for Epstein, also is profiled 
on myspace.com. Her page includes pho-
tos of her and her friends, including one 
See EPSTEIN, 713 
0395r-67 
31e-Rm --vocw“, 
Polygraph shows he didn't know girls' ages, lawyer says 
EPSTEIN from 1B 
using the name ""Pimpin' 
Made EZ."" Robson, who was 
not charged in the case, is a 
potential prosecution wit-
ness. 
According to Recarey, 
prosecutor Lanna Belohlavek 
offered Epstein attorneys 
Dershowitz and GuyFronstin 
a plea deal in April. Fronstin, 
after speaking with Epstein, 
accepted the deal, in which 
Epstein would plead guilty to 
one count of aggravated as-
sault with intent to commit a 
felony, be placed on five 
years' probation and have no 
criminal record. The deal al-
so called for Epstein to sub-
mit to a psychiatric and sex-
ual evaluation and have no 
unsupervised visits with mi-
nors, according to Recarey's 
report. The plea bargain was 
made in connection with only 
one of the five alleged vic-
tims, the report states. 
Fronstin — who declined 
to comment on the case — 
• was subsequently fired and 
veteran defense attorney 
Jack Goldberger was hired. 
Ile denies there was any 
agreement by any of Ep-
stein's attorneys to a plea 
deal. 
'We absolutely did not 
agree to a plea in this case,"" 
he said. Neither Belohlavek 
nor a state attorney's 
spokesman could be reached 
for comment 
The parent or parents of 
alleged victims who corn-
plained of being harassed by 
private investigators provid-
ed license tag numbers of two 
of the men. Police found the 
vehicles were registered to a 
private eye in West Palm 
Beach and another in Jupiter, 
according to Recarey's re-
port. 
""I have no knowledge of 
it,"" defense attorney Gold-
berger said. 
The report also says a 
woman connected to the Ep-
stein case was contacted by 
somebody who was still in 
touch with Epstein. That 
person told her she would be 
compensated if she didn't 
cooperate with police, Re-
carey's report says. Those 
who did talk ""will be dealt 
with,"" the woman said she 
was told. Phone records 
show the woman talked with 
the person who allegedly in-
timidated her around the 
time she said, Recarey re-
ported. 
Phone records also show 
that the person said .to have 
made the threat then placed a 
call to Epstein's personal as-
sistant, who in turn called a 
New York corporation affili-
ated with Epstein, the report 
states. 
The issue in the Epstein 
case is not whether females 
came to his waterfront home, 
but whether he knew their 
ages. 
""He's never denied girls 
came to the house,"" Gold-
berger said. But when Ep-
stein was given a polygraph 
test, ""he passed on knowl-
edge of age,"" the attorney 
said. 
After the indictment 
against Epstein was unsealed 
this week, Police Chief Reiter 
referred the matter to the 
FBI. 'We've received the re-
ferral, and we're reviewing 
it,"" said FBI spokeswoman 
Judy Orihuela in Miami. 
The chief himself has 
come under attack from Ep-
stein's lawyers and friends in 
New York, where he has a 
home. The New York Post 
quoted Epstein's prominent 
New York lawyer, Gerald 
Lefcourt, as saying his client 
was indicted only ""because of 
the craziness of the police 
chief."" 
Reiter has declined to 
comment on the case. , 
Prosecutors have not 
presented a sex-related case 
like Epstein's to a grand jury 
before, said Mike Edmond-
son, spokesman for the state 
attorney's office. 'That's what 
you do with a case that falls 
into a gray area,"" he said. 
The state attorney's office 
did not recommend a partic-
ular criminal charge on 
which to indict Epstein, Ed-
mondson said. The grand ju-
iy was presented with a list of 
charges from highest to low-
est, then deliberated with the 
prosecutor out of the room, 
he said. 
""People are surprised at 
the grand jury proceeding,"" 
West Palm Beach defense 
attorney Richard Tendler 
said. ""It's a way for the pros-
ecutor's office to not take the 
full responsibility for not ffi-
ing the (charge), and not do-
ing what the Palm Beach Po-
lice Department wanted. I 
think something fell apart 
with those underage wit-
nesses."" 
Defense attorney Robert 
Gershman was a prosecutor 
for six years. 'Those girls 
must have been incredible or 
untrustworthy, I don't know,"" 
he said. 
Other attorneys said Ep-
stein's case raises the issue of 
whether wealthy, connected 
defendants like Epstein — 
whose friends include former 
President Clinton and 
Donald Trump — are treated 
differently from others. Once 
he knew he was the subject of 
a criminal probe, Epstein 
hired a phalanx of powerful 
attorneys such as Dershowitz 
and Lefcourt, who is a past 
president of the National As-
sociation of CriminalDefense 
Lawyers. 
Miami lawyer Roy Black 
— who became nationally 
known when he successfully 
defended William Kennedy 
Smith on a rape charge in 
Palm Beach — also was in-
volved at one point 
Said defense attorney 
Michelle Suskauer: ""I think 
it's unfortunate the public 
may get the perception that 
with power, you may be 
treated differently than the 
average Joe."" 
lany_keller@pbPost.com 
03956-68 
(Rev. 01-31-2003) 
FEDERAL BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION 
Precedence: ROUTINE 
Date; 08/01/2006 
To: Miami Attn: IMA/2B2 
From: Miami 
PB2/PBCRA 
Contact: SA 
Approved By: 
Drafted By: 
Case ID #: 31E-MM-108062 (EcAi-g) 
Title: JEFFREY EPSTEIN; 
b3 -1 
1,6 -1, -2 
b70 -1, -2 
WSTA - CHILD PROSTITUTION 
Synopsis: To request the opening of sub-files in captioned case. 
Details: It is requested that the following sub-files be opened 
to assist in document management in captioned case. 
SUB - SOP to capture subpoena request. 
SUB - FE' to capture forfeiture related materials. 
• 
s-Frs o Ec_ 
3 ye, ict _woof/16-69_ 
FD-350 (Rev. 5-8-81) 
o 
Mount Clipping in Space Below) 
Indicate page, name of 
newspaper, city and state.) 
208 / The Palm Beach Post 
West Palm Beach, FL 
Date: 8/4/2006 
Edition: 
Title: He was over 50 
And they were girls 
Character 
Or 
Classification 31E-MM-108062 
Submitting Office: MM 
He was over 50. And they were girls 
lithe women whom Palm Beach 
police say a part-time town resident 
invited to his home and paid for 
sex acts were, in fact, women, the 
solicitation charge against Jeffrey 
Epstein might feel more sufficient 
But, according to police records, 
they weren't. He was over 50. And 
they were girls. 
14. 
15. 
16. 
17-year-old girls. 
That should 
count for some-
thing — the dif-
ference between 
prostitution and 
pedophilia. 
So, it is baffling 
that Mr. Epstein, who was indicted 
last month by a grand jury on one 
felony count of solicitation of pros-
titution, has not been charged, as 
Palm Beach police strenuously 
urged, with unlawful sex acts with 
a minor and lewd and lascivious 
molestation. 
Conviction of crimes against mi-
nors would mean steeper penalties 
than the maximum five-year prison 
term Mr. Epstein faces if convicted 
of the single count of felony solicita-
tion. It also would help carry a mes-
sage of intolerance to perverts who 
prey on girls. 
Prosecutors did not pursue charg-
es against Mr Epstein reflecting 
the age of the victims because they 
assumed a jury would view the girls 
not as victims but as promiscuous, 
untrustworthy, willing participants. 
The presumption is offensive. 
Mt Epstein, a 53-year-old Man-
hattan money manager who has 
hired Harvard law professor Alan 
Dershowitz and defense attor-
ney Jack Goldberger, has denied 
knowing how old the girls were. 
Elise 
Cramer 
Jury should have decided 
i f Epstein is a pedophile. 
But police interviews with five 
alleged victims and 17 witnesses 
under oath, as well as phone mes-
sages, a high school transcript and 
other items that police found from 
searching Mr Epstein 's trash and 
7,234-square-foot waterfront home, 
provide evidence that he knew the 
girls were teenagers. 
One girl couldn't show up when 
Mr. Epstein wanted because she 
had soccer. Another time, Mr. Ep-
stein had to wait for his 'Massage"" 
session because the girl he wanted 
was still in class. 
Why didn't State Attorney Barry 
Krischer let a jury decide whether 
to believe the teenagers — in-
cluding a 16-yea1told who went to 
Mr. Epstein 's house to ""work"" in 
December 2004 after being asked 
whether she needed to make money 
for Christmas gifts? 
Prosecutors gave greater weight 
to the details Mr Dershowitz pro-
vided about the girls in an apparent 
effort to assail their character. Mr. 
Dershowitz pointed out to prosecu-
tors that some of the teenagers had 
talked on myspace.com about mari-
juana and alcohol use. 
The 20-year-old Royal Palm 
Beach woman who told police she 
recruited girls for Mr. Epstein has 
a Web page on myspace.com that 
features one girl using the name 
""Pimpin' Made El"" 
Although no charges of witness 
tampering have been filed, the par-
ents of at least one of the teenage 
victims complained to police of be-
ing followed and intimidated by two 
men. Police determined that their 
vehicles were registered to two pri-
vate investigators. Mr Goldberger 
denied knowing anything about it. 
Police also note in their reports 
that the state attorney's office of-
fered Mr. Epstein a plea deal that 
would have placed him on proba-
tion for five years, allowing him 
ultimately to walk away with no 
criminal record at all. 
I asked Mr. Krischer's spokes-
man, Mike Edmondson, why the 
case was referred to a grand jury in-
stead of Mr. Epstein being charged 
and facing a trial before a jury And 
shouldn't the victim& credibility 
be a factor to determine whether a 
crime's been committed, not wheth-
er a jury will convict? (After all, as 
Mr Goldberger told The Palm Beach 
Post of Mt Epstein, ""He never de-
nied girls came to the house."") 
Especially, I asked Mr. Edmond-
son to explain: Why shouldn't the 
public look at this case and think 
there are two kinds of justice — one 
for the wealthy and one for the rest 
of us? 
Mt Edmondson said he could 
not comment on the case because it 
is active, but on the latter point, he 
offered, for the sake of ""philosophi-
cal debate"": ""Whether wealth buys a 
different standard of justice across 
the country ... the answer to that 
would, of course, be yes."" 
But in this case, he said, ""regard-
less of the battery of attorneys, the 
outcome would be the same. Every 
issue that was debated in public was 
debated in our office before this 
case went to the grand jury"" 
In this case, it is not the victims' 
credibility but the state attorney's 
that deserves questioning. 
Elisa Cramer is an editorial writer for The Palm Beach Post. Her e-mail 036-7 
is ei 
address elisa_cramer@pbpost.com • 
1 
th)-380 (Rev. 5-8-81) 
• 
• 
Mount Capping in Space Below) 
Expert: Ignorance of age 
isn't defense in sex cases 
By LARRY KELLER 
Palm Beach Post Staff Writer 
Even if Palm Beach mon-
ey manager Jeffrey Epstein 
didn't know that girls who 
police say gave him sexual 
massages at his Intracoastal 
home were under the legal 
age, that alone wouldn't have 
exempted him from criminal 
charges of sexual activity with 
minors. 
""Ignorance is not a valid 
defense,"" said Bob Dekle a 
legal skills professor who was 
a Lake City prosecutor for 
nearly 30 years, half of that 
time specializing in sex 
crimes against children. 
""There is no knowledge 
element as far as the age is 
concerned? Dekle said. 
After an 11-month investi-
gation, Palm Beach police 
said there was probable cause 
to charge Epstein, 53, with 
unlawful sex acts with a minor 
Epstein: Two 
polificians have 
returned dona-
tions since he 
was charged 
with soliciting 
minors. 
and lewd and lascivious mo-
estation. They contend that 
Epstein — friend of the rich 
and fatuous and financial pa-
tron of Democratic Party or-
ganizations and candidates—
committed those acts with 
five underage girls. 
In the past week, New 
York Attorney General and 
gubernatorial candidate Eliot 
Spitzer has returned about 
$50,000 in campaign contri-
butions he received from Ep-
stein, and Mark Green, a 
candidate to replace Spitzer in 
See EPSTEIN, 513 
(Indicate page, name of 
newspaper, city and state.) 
I B / 58 lThe Palm Beach Post 
West Palm Beach, FL 
Date: 8/5/2006 
Edition: 
Title: 
Expert Ignorance of age 
isn't defense in sex cases 
Character 
OT 
lassification.31E-MM-108062 
Submitting Office: MM 
ndexing: 
03956-76 
31&-14N-- /06O72ft 
-
Lawyer: Juroft often believe Alas over kids 
EPSTEIN from 113 
his current job, has returned 
$10,000 to him because of the 
Palm Beach scandal, the New 
York Daily News has reported. 
Rather than file charges, 
the state attorney's office 
presented the case to a 
county grand jury. The panel 
indicted Epstein last week on 
a single, less serious charge 
of felony solicitation of pros-
titution. 
The case raised eyebrows 
because the state attorney's 
office rarely, if ever, kicks 
such charges to a grand jury. 
And it increases the difficulty 
of prosecuting child sex 
abuse cases, especially when 
the defendant is enormously 
wealthy and can hire high-
priced, top-tier lawyers. 
At least one of Epstein's 
alleged victims told police he 
knew she was underage 
when the two of them got 
naked for massages and sex-
ual activity. She was 16 years 
old at the time and said Ep-
stein asked her questions 
about her high school, ac-
cording to police reports. 
A girl who, said she met 
Epstein when she was 15 said 
he told her if she told any-
body what happened at his 
house, bad things could hap-
pen, the police reports state. 
Epstein's youngest al-
leged victim was 14 when she 
says she gave him a massage 
that included some sexual 
activity. She is now 16. The 
girl's father says he doesn't 
know whether she told Ep-
stein her age. 
""My daughter has kept a 
lot of what happened from me 
because of sheer embarrass-
ment,"" he said. ""But she very 
much looked 14. Any prudent 
man would have had second 
thoughts about that"" 
Defense attorney Jack 
Goldberger maintains that 
not only did Epstein pass a 
polygraph test showing he 
did not know the girls were 
minors, but their stories 
weren't credible. The state 
attorney's office also implied 
that their credibility was an 
issue when it decided not to 
charge Epstein directly, but 
instead give the case to the 
grand jury. 
""A prosecutor has to look 
at it in a much broader fash-
ion,"" a state attorney's 
spokesman said last week. 
Epstein hired Harvard 
law Professor Alan Der-
showitz when he became 
aware he was under investi-
gation, and Dershowitz gave 
prosecutors information that 
some of the alleged victims 
had spoke of using alcohol 
and marijuana on a popular 
Web site, according to a Palm 
Beach police report. 
Prosecutors typically 
consider two things m decid-
ing whether to charge some
with sex-related offens-
es againstminors— whether 
there is sufficient evidence 
and whether there is a public 
interest in doing so, Dekle 
said. 
Child sex abuse cases 
often are difficult 
to prosecute, an 
attorney says. 
If two teens are in a sexual 
relationship and the boy 
turns 18 before the girl, he 
could be charged with a sex 
crime if the sex continues. 
There would be no public in-
terest in pursuing that, Dekle 
said. 
But where there is a large 
gap in ages — and especially 
in cases of teachers with stu-
dents — there is a public in-
terest in prosecuting, he said. 
Likewise if the accused has a 
track record of sex with mi-
nors. 
Still there is a ""universal 
constant"" in prosecuting 
these cases, Dekle said. Men 
who exploit underage chil-
dren for sex often carefully 
choose their victims in ways 
that will minimize the risk to 
them, he said. 
'Victims usually are from a 
lower social status, and they 
may suffer from psychologi-
cal problems, Dekle said. 
""Lots of child sexual 
abuse victims have been vic-
timized by multiple people 
over a period of time. Then 
the act of abuse produces 
behavior in the victims that 
further damages their credi-
bility."" Examples include 
promiscuous behavior and 
drug abuse. 
Some of the alleged vic-
tims in the Epstein case re-
turned to his home multiple 
times for the massage ses-
sions and the $200 to $300 he 
typically paid them per visit 
'That would be a definite 
problem for the prosecutor,"" 
said Betty Resch, who prose-
cuted crimes against children 
in Palm Beach County for five 
years and now is in private 
practice in Lake Worth. 
'The victim becomes less 
sympathetic"" to a jury, Resch 
said. ""But she's a victim nev-
ertheless. She's a kid."" 
Most men charged with 
sex crimes against minors 
look normal, Dekle said. A 
jury expecting to see a mon-
ster seldom will. And the vie-
Ems' ages work against them 
and in favor of the defendant 
in a trial, Dekle said. 
If a child and an adult tell 
different stories and both 
swear they're telling the 
truth, adult jurors are more 
likely to believe the adult, 
Dekle said 
""You have all these things 
working against you in a child 
sex abuse case. Prosecutors 
normally try to be very care-
ful in filing those cases be-
cause they know what they're 
getting into. There is no such 
thing as an iron-clad child 
sexual abuse case"" 
0 Ianykelie @pbpostcom 
03956-77 
Palm Beach chief focus of fire in Epstein case 
Defendant's lawyers take him on; he slams state attorney 
By LARRY KELLER 
Palm Rwrh Post Ske Miter 
In the case of Pan 
Beach financier Jeffrey Ep-
stein, it seems, at times, as if 
two men are accused of 
wrongdoing: Epstein and 
Palm Beach Police Chief 
V -to) 090' -}H-' 
Michael Reiter. 
Epstein, 53, was indict-
ed last month on a charge of 
felony solicitation of prosti-
tution solely because of Re-
iter's ""craziness,"" one of 
Epstein's lawyers said. His 
department disseminated 
""a distorted view of the 
case"" and behaved in a 
""childish"" manner when the 
grand jury didn't indict Ep-
stein on the charges it 
sought, another Epstein 
lawyer complained. 
To hear the Epstein 
camp tell it, Reiter, 48, is a 
loose cannon better suited 
to be the sheriff of Mayber-
ry. They whisper that he's 
embroiled in a messy di-
vorce. 
Reiter did in fact file for 
divorce from his wife, Jill, 
last year, after 24 years of 
marriage. They have a son, 
18, and a daughter, 14. The 
couple is scheduled to go to 
mediation Wednesday. 
Nothing in the court file 
suggests their split is par-
ticularly ugly. 
Reiter incurred the 
wrath of the Epstein camp 
as well as the state attor-
See REITER, 7B I. 
Mount Clipping in Space Below) 
• 
• 
a 
co 
03956-78 
Colleagues cite chief's professionalism, integrity 
Ow:REITER from m 
ney's office for two reasons. 
First, he pressed for Epstein 
to be charged with the more 
serious crimes of sexual ac-
tivitywith minors. Second, he 
slammed State Attorney Bar-
ryKrischer in blunt language 
seldom used by one law-
enforcement official con-
cerning another because of 
what he perceived as that of-
fice's mishandling of the 
case. 
Lr In a letter to Krischer 
Mitten May 1, Reiter called 
his actions it the Epstein 
case ""highly unusual."" He 
added, ""I must urge you to... 
consider if good and suffi-
cient reason exists to require 
your disqualification from the 
prosecution of these cases."" 
In short, Reiter told the 
county's top prosecutor for 
the past 13 years that he 
ought to get off the case. ""It 
looks like a departure from 
professionalism,"" Miami-
Dade State Attorney 
Katherine Fernandez Rundle 
said of Reiter's letter. 
Following Epstein's in-
dictment, Reiter referred the 
case to the FBI to determine 
whether the super-rich, 
super-connected defendant 
had violated any federal laws. 
Reiter won't discuss the 
case or the broadsides aimed 
at him. But others almost 
uniformly use one word to 
describe the chief: profes-
sional. 
""I have always been im-
pressed by Mike's profes-
sionalism and his leader-
ship,"" said Rick Lincoln, chief 
of the Lantana Police Depart-
ment and a Palm Beach 
County cop for 32 years. 
""The town of Palm Beach 
has a very professional police 
department. We all consider 
Mike to be our peer and a 
man of integrity."" 
Reiter Town 
Manager Peter 
Elwell says the 
Palm Beach 
police chiefs 
well worth his 
$144,000 sal-
ary. 
Juno Beach Police Chief 
H.C. Clark II agreed. Al-
though he doesn't know Re-
iter well, he has metwith him 
on countywide law enforce-
ment issues. ""I've never seen 
him lose his cool. I've never 
seen anything but a profes-
sional demeanor from him."" 
Reiter joined the Palm 
Beach Police Department in 
1981, leaving a $20,000-a-year 
patrol job at the University of 
Pittsburgh. His personnel 
jacket shows consistently ex-
cellent job evaluations. 
Posh Palm Beach is no 
hotbed of crime, and in his 
first year on the job, a resi-
dent confined to his home 
with a sick child thanked Re-
iterfor delivering afew Cokes 
to the house. Reiter refused 
payment for the beverages. 
Another resident thanked 
Reiter for shutting off his 
car's headlights in his drive-
way, saying a valet must have 
been at fault 
Reiter worked everything 
from road patrol to organized 
crime, vice and narcotics. 
And he's no novice at investi-
gations involving the island's 
rich and famous. He was the 
lead detective probing the 
drug overdose death of David 
Kennedy in 1984. He also was 
one of the officers who 
worked the investigation of 
William Kennedy Smith, who 
was charged in 1991 — and 
later acquitted — with raping 
a woman at the Kennedy 
family compound in Palm 
Beach. 
Reiter, who has a master's 
degree in human resource 
development from Palm 
Beach Atlantic University, at-. 
so has attended the FBI Na-
tional Academy in Quantffio, 
Va., and management coursa 
es at Harvard. He's been acW 
five in countywide interagen-
cy law enforcement 
organizations and has a ""top 
secret"" national security 
clearance. 
""He has a perspective 
that's broader than just ad-
dressing the needs of the 
town"" said Town Manager 
Peter Elwell, who promoted 
Reiter from assistant chief to 
chief in March 2001. Reiter 
makes more than $144,000 as 
the town's top cop. Elwell 
thinks he's worth it 
""He's very businesslike, 
very straightforward. He's 
not easily agitated or flam-
boyant. He's about the work,'W 
Elwell said. ""I think that his 
service as chief has been 
outstanding in five-plus 
years."" 
0 'arty kelleapbpastcam 
03956- 79 
,FD-350 tRev. 5-8-81) 
Mount Clipping in Space Below) 
West Palm Beach, FL 
Date: 8/14/2006 
Edition: 
Title: 
The man who had 
everything 
Character 
or 
Classification 31E-MM-108062 
Submitting Office: MM 
0 
CO 
(Indicate page, name of kb 
co 
newspaper, city and state.) On 
IA/ 6A / The Palm Beach Post rn 
0 
Indexing: 
in's Palm Beach mansion at 358 El Brillo Way. 
31e- tifrt- (&S%'z-fs
Jeffrey Epstein has donated more than $100,000 
to Democratic candidates' campaigns, including John Kerry's presidential bid, 
the reelection campaign of New Mexico Gov. Bill Richardson and the Senate bids 
of Joe Lieberman, Hillary Clinton, Christopher Dodd and Charles Schumer. 
WINGED GARGOYLES guarded the gate at Jeffrey 
Epstein's Palm Beach mansion. Inside, hidden cameras 
trolled two rooms, while the girls came and went. 
For the police detectives 
who sifted through the gar-
bage outside and kept 
records of visitors, it was the 
lair of a troubling target. 
Epstein, one of the most 
mysterious of the country's 
mega-rich, was known as 
much for his secrecy as for 
his love of fine things: mag-
nificent homes, private jets, 
beautiful women, friendships 
with the world's elite. 
But at Palm Beach police 
headquarters, he was be-
coming known for something 
else: the regular arrival of 
teenage girls he hired to give 
him massages and, police 
say, perform sexual favors. 
Epstein was different 
from most sexual abuse sus-
pects; he was trir more pow-
erful. He counted among his 
friends former President Bill 
Clinton, Donald Trump and 
Prince Andrew, along with 
some of the most prominent 
legal, scientific and business 
minds in the country. 
When detectives started 
See EPSTEIN, 6A 
Epstein's mysterious lifestyle 
began to unravel after claims 
of sexual activity with minors. 
03956-81 
A life of luxury and secrecy 
1INA FINEBERG/The Assmated Ness 
Jeffrey Epstein's Manhattan townhouse dominates a block on the Upper East 
Side. Thought to be the largest private residence M Manhattan, it is reported 
to have closed-cimult television and a heated sidewalk ts melt fallen snow. 
Powerful legal team 
stymies detectives. 
Women in his life 
Ghislaine Maxwell, a 
fixture at elite parties 
and the intensely 
private daughter of a 
media tycoon, dated 
Epstein in the 1990s. 
'I'm like a Heidi 
Reiss: Haley Robson 
told police she took at 
least six girls to visit 
Epstein, all between the 
ages of 14 and 16. 
PalmBeachPost.com 
Read previous stories on the Epstein investigation. 
03956-82 
EPSTEIN from 1A • tittle is known or said about 
asking questions and teenage girls 
started talking, a wave of legal 
resistance followed. 
If Palm Beach police didn't know 
quite who Jeffrey Epstein was, they 
found out soon enough. 
Epstein, now 53, was a quintes-
sential man of mystery. He amassed 
his fortune and friends quietly, 
always in the background as he 
navigated New York high society. 
When he first attracted notice in 
the early 1990s, it was on account of 
the woman he was dating: Ghislaine 
Maxwell, daughter of the late British 
media tycoon Robert Maxwell. 
In a lengthy article, headlined 
""The Mystery of Ghislaine Max-
well's Secret Love,"" the British Mail 
an Sunday tabloid laid out specula-
tive stories that the socialite's beau 
was a CIA spook, a math teacher, a 
concert pianist or a corporate head-
hunter. 
""But what is the truth about 
him?"" the newspaper wondered. 
""Like Maxwell, Epstein is both 
flamboyant and intensely private."" 
The media frenzy did not begin 
in full until a decade later. In Sep-
tember 2002, Epstein was flung into 
the limelight when he flew Clinton 
and actors Kevin Spacey and Chris 
Tucker to Africa on his private jet 
Suddenly everyone wanted to 
know who Epstein was. New York 
magazine and Vanity Fair published 
lengthy profiles. The New York Post 
listed him as one of the city's most 
eligible bachelors and began 
describing him in its gossip calming 
with adjectives such as ""mysterious"" 
and ""reclusive."" 
Although Epstein gave no inter-
views, the broad strokes of his past 
started to come into focus. 
Building a life of extravagance 
He was born blue-collar in 1953, 
the son of a New York City parks 
department employee, and raised in 
Brooklyn's Coney Island neighbor-
hood. He left college without a 
bachelor's degree but became a 
math teacher at the prestigious 
Dalton School in Manhattan. 
The story goes that the father of 
one of Epstein's students was so 
impressed with the man that he put 
him in touch with a senior partner at 
Bear Steams, the global investment 
bank and securities firm. 
In 1976, Epstein left Dalton for a 
job at Bear Stearns. By the early 
1980s, he had started J. Epstein and 
Co. That is when he began making 
his millions in earnest 
Epstein's business except this: Ik 
manages money for the extremely 
' wealthy. He is said to handle 
accounts only of $1 billion or great-
er. 
, It has been estimated he has 
roughly 15 clients but their identi-
ties are the subject of only specula-
tion. All except for one: Leslie Wex-
ner, founder of The Limited retail 
chain and a former Palm )3eacher 
who is said to have been a mentor to 
Epstein. 
Wexner sold Epstein one of his 
most lavish residences: a massive 
townhouse that dominates a block 
on Manhattan s Upper East Side. It 
is reported to have, among its finer 
featm-es, closed-circuit television 
and a heated sidewalk to melt away 
Mien snow. 
That townhouse, thought to be 
the largest private residence in 
Manhattan, is only a piece of the 
extravagant world Epstein built over 
time. 
In NewMeidco, he constructed a 
27,000-square-foot hilltop mansion 
on a 10,000-acre ranch outside Santa 
Fe. Manybelieved it to be the largest 
home in the state. 
In Palm Beach, he bought a 
waterfront home on El Brillo Way. 
And he owns a 100-acre private 
island in the Virgin Islands. 
Perhaps as remarkable as his 
lavish homes is his extensive net-
work of friends and associates at the 
highest echelons of power. This 
includes not only socialites but also 
business tycoons, media moguls, 
politicians, royalty and Nobel Prize-
winning scientists whose research 
he often funds. 
""Just like other people collect 
art, he collects scientists,"" said 
Martin Nowak, who directs the 
Program for Evolutionary Dynamics 
at Harvard University and was 
reportedly the recipient of a $30 
million research donation from 
Epstein. 
Epstein is said to have 
befriended former Harvard Presi-
dent Larry Summers, prominentlaw 
Professor Alan Dershowitz, Donald 
Trump and New York Daily News 
Publisher Mott Zuckerman. 
And yet he managed for decades 
to maintain a low profile. He avoids 
eating out and was rarely photo-
-grirehed. 
""The odd thing is I never met 
him, said Dominick Dunne, the 
famous chronicler of the trials and 
tribulations of the very rich. ""I wasn't 
even aware of him,"" except fora 
Vanity Fair article. 
Epstein'sfriendship with Clinton 
has attracted the most attention. 
Epstein met Clinton as early as 
1995, when he paid tens of thou-
sands of dollars to join him at an 
intimate fund-raising dinner in Palm 
Beach. But from all appearances, 
they did not become close friends 
until after Clinton leftthe Oval Office 
and moved to New York. 
Epstein has donated more than 
$100,000 to Democratic candidates' 
campaigns, including John Kerry's 
presidential bid, the reelection 
campaign of New Mexico Gov. Bill 
Richardson and the Senate bids of 
Joe Lieberman, Hillary Rodham 
Clinton, Christopher Dodd and 
Charles Schumer. 
Powerful friends and enemies 
A Vanity Fair profile found 
cracks in the veneer of Epstein's life 
story. The 2003 article said he left 
Bear Stearns in the wake of a federal 
probe and a possible Securities and 
Exchange Commission violation. It 
also pointed out that Citibank once 
sued him for defaulting on a $20 
million loan. 
The article suggested that one of 
his business mentors and previous 
employers was Steven Hoffenberg, 
now serving a prison term after 
""bilking investors out of more than 
$450 million in one of the largest 
Ponzi schemes in American histo-
rT"" 
As he amassed his wealth, 
Epstein made enemies in disputes 
both large and small. He sited the 
man who in 1990 sold him his 
multimillion-dollar Palm Beach 
home over a dispute about less than 
$:46,000 in furnishings. 
03956-83 
irrner friend claimed Epstein 
out of a promise to reim-
gurse him hundreds of thousands of 
dollars after their failed investment 
in Texas oil wells. A judge decided 
Epstein owed him nothing. 
""It's a bad memory. I would 
rather not have ever met Jeffrey 
Epstein,"" said Michael Stroll, the 
retired former president of Williams 
Electronics and Sega Corp. ""Suffice 
it to say I have nothing good to say 
about him."" 
Among the characteristics most 
attributed to Epstein is a penchant 
for women. 
He has been linked to Maxwell, 
a fixture on the high-society party 
circuits in both New York and Lon-
don. Previous girlfriends are said to 
include a former Ms. Sweden and a 
Romanian model. 
""He's a lot of fun to be with,"" 
Donald Trump told New York maga-
zine in 2002. ""It is even said that he 
likes beautiful women as much as I 
do, and many of them are on the 
younger side. No doubt about it, 
Jeffrey enjoys his social life."" 
Investigation leads to Epstein 
Although he was not a fre-
quenter of the Palm Beach social 
scene, he made his presence felt 
Among his charitable donations, he 
gave $90,000 to the Palm Beach 
Police Department and $100,000 to 
Ballet Florida, 
In Palm Beach, he lived in luxu-
ry. Three black Mercedes sat in his 
garage, alongside a green Harley-
Davidson. His Jet waited at a hangar 
at Palm Beach International Airport 
At home, a private chef and a small 
staff stood at the ready. From a 
window in his mansion, he could 
look out on the Intracoastal Water-
way and the West Palm Beach sky-
line. He seemed to be a man who 
had everything. 
e' But extraordinary wealth can 
Ifuel extraordinary desires. 
llIn March 2005, a worried mother 
ntacted Palm Beach police. She 
said another parent had overheard a 
conversation between their chil-
dren. 
Now the mother was afraid her 
14-year-old daughter had been 
molested by a man on the island. 
The phone call triggered an 
extensive investigation, one that 
' would lead detectives to Epstein but 
• leave them frustrated. 
Palm Beach police and the state 
attorney's office have declined to 
discuss the case. But a Palm Beach 
police report detailing the criminal 
probe offers a window into what 
detectives faced as they sought to 
close in on Epstein. 
Detectives interviewed the girl, 
• who told them a friend had invited 
Iher to a rich man's house to perform 
a massage. She said the friend told 
her to say she was 18 if asked.At the 
house, she said she was paid $300 
after stripping to her panties and 
massaging the man while he mas-
turbated. 
Police interview 5 alleged victims 
The investigation began in full 
after the girl identified Epstein in a 
photo as the man who had paid her. 
Police arranged for garbage trucks 
to set aside Epstein's trash so police 
could sift through it. They set up a 
video camera to record the comings 
and goings at his home. They mon-
itored an airport hangar for signs of 
his private jet's arrivals and depar-
tures. 
They quickly learned that the 
woman who took the 14-year-old girl 
to Epstein's house was Haley Rob-
son, a Palm Beach Community Col-
lege student from Loxahatchee. In a 
sworn statement at police head-
quarters, Robson, then 13, admitted 
she had taken at least six girls to visit 
Epstein, all between the ages of 14 
and 16. Epstein paid her for each 
visit she said. 
During the drive back to her 
house, Robson told detectives, Wm 
like a Heidi Fleiss."" 
Police interviewed five alleged 
victims and 17 witnesses. Their 
report shows some of the girls said 
they had been instructed to have sex 
with another woman in front of 
Epstein, and one said she had direct 
intercourse with him. 
In October, police searched the 
Palm Beach mansion. They discov-
ered photos of naked, young-looking 
females, just as several of the girls 
I had described in interviews. Hidden 
cameras were found in the garage 
area and inside a clock on Epstein's 
desk, alongside a girl's high school 
transcript. 
• 
• 
Two of Epstein's former 
employees told investigators that 
young-looking girls showed up to 
perform massages two . i 
or three 
times a day when Epstem was n 
town. 
They said the girls were permit-
ted many indulgences. A chef 
cooked for them. Workers gave 
them rides and handed out hun-
dreds of dollars at a time. 
One employee told detectives he 
was told to send a dozen roses to one 
teenage girl after a high school 
drama performance. Others .were 
given rental cars. One, according to 
police, received a $200 Christmas 
bonus. 
The cops moved to cement their 
case. But as they fried to tighten the 
noose, they encountered other 
forces at work. 
hi Orlando they interviewed a 
possible victim who told them noth-
ing inappropriate had .happened 
between her and Epstein. They 
asked her whether she had spoken. 
to anyone else. She said yes, a pri-
vate investigator had asked her the 
same questions. 
When they subpoenaed one of 
Epstein's former employees, he told 
them the same thing. He and a pri-
vate eye had met ata restaurant days 
earlier to go over what the man 
would tell investigators. 
Detectives received complaints 
that private eyes were posing as 
police officers. When they told 
Epstein's local attorney, Guy Frons-
tin, he said the investigators worked 
for Roy Black, the high-powered 
Miamilawyer who has defended the 
likes of Rush Limbaugh and William 
Kennedy Smith. 
While the private eyes were 
conducting a parallel investigation, 
Dershowitz, the Harvard law pro-
fessor, traveled to West Palm Beach 
with information about the girls. 
From their own profiles on the pop-
ular Web site MySpace.com, he 
obtained copies of their discussionsabout their use of alcohol and mari-
juana 
He took his research to a meet-
ing with prosecutors in early 2006, 
where he sought to cast doubt on the 
teens' reliability. 
— The private eyes had dug up 
03956-84 
• enough dirt rm the girls torn 
prosecutors skeptical. Not only did 
some of the girls have issues with 
drugs or alcohol but also some had 
criminal records and other troubles, 
Epstein's legal team claimed. And at 
least one of them, they said, lied 
when she told police she was 
younger than 18 when she started 
performing massages for Epstein. 
After the meeting, prosecutors 
postponed their decision to take the 
case to a grand jury. 
In the following weeks, police 
received complaints that two of the 
victims or their families had been 
harassed or threatened. Epstein's 
legal team maintains that its private 
investigators did nothing illegal or 
unethical during their research. 
By then, relations between 
police and prosecutors were fraying. 
At a key meeting with prosecutors 
and the defense, Detective Joseph 
Recarey, the lead investigator, was a 
no-show, according to Epstein's 
attorney. 
""The embarrassment on the 
prosecutor's face was evident when, 
the police officer never showed up 
for the meeting,"" attorney Jack 
Goldberger said. 
Later in April, Recarey walked 
into a prosecutor's office at the state 
attorney's office and learned the 
case was taking an unexpected turn. 
• The prosecutor, Lerma 
Belohlavek, told Recarey the state 
attorney's office had offered Epstein 
a plea deal that would not require 
him to serve jail time or receive a 
felony conviction. 
Recarey told her he disapproved 
of the plea offer. 
The deal never came to pass, 
however. 
Future unclear after charge 
On May 1, the department asked 
prosecutors to approve warrants to 
arrest Epstein on four counts of 
unlawful sexual activity with a minor 
and to charge his personal assistant, 
Sarah Kellen, now 27, for her alleged 
role in arranging the visits. Police 
officials also wanted to charge Rob-
son, the self-described 11.1di Fleiss, 
with lewd and lascivious acts. 
By then, the department was 
frustrated with the way the state 
attorney's office had handled the 
case. On the same day the warrants 
were requested, Palm Beach Police 
Chief Mrchael Reiter wrote a letter 
to State Attorney Barry Krischer 
suggesting he disqualify himself 
from the case if he would not act 
• 
Two weeks later, Recarey was 
told that prosecutors had decided 
once again to take the case to the 
grand jury. ' 
It is not known how many of the 
girls testified before the grand jury. 
But Epstein's defense team said one 
girl who was subpoenaed — the one 
who said she had sexual intercourse 
with Epstein — never showed up. 
The grand jury's indictment was 
handed down in July. It was not the 
one the police department had 
wanted. 
Instead of being slapped with a 
charge of unlawful sexual activity 
with a minor, Epstein was charged 
with one count of felony solicitation • 
of prostitution, which carries a 
maximum penalty of five years in 
prison. He was booked into the Palm 
Beach County Jail early July 23 and 
released hours later. 
Epstein's legal team ""doesn't 
iglispute that he had girls over for 
Massages,"" Goldberger said. But he 
said their claims that they had sex-
ual encounters with him lack credi-
bility. 
""They are incapable of being 
believed,"" he said. ""They had crimi-
nal records. They had accusations of 
theft made against them by their 
employers. There was evidence of 
drug use by some of them."" 
What remains for Epstein is yet 
to be seen. 
The Palm Beach Police Depart-
ment has asked the FBI to investi-
gate the case. It also has returned 
the $90,000 Epstein donated in 2004. 
In New York, candidates for 
governor and state attorney general 
have vowed to return a total of at 
least $60,000 in campaign contribu-
tions from Epstein. Meanwhile, 
Epstein's powerful friends have 
remained silent as tabloids and , 
Internet .blogs feast on the public ' 
details of the police investigation. 
Goldberger maintains Epstein's 
innocence but says the legal team 
has not ruled out a future plea deal. 
He insists Epstein will emerge in the 
end with his reputation untarnished. 
""He will recover from this,"" he 
said. 
Staff writer Larry Keller and stet 
researehets Bridget Bulger, Angelica 
Cortez, Amy Hanaway and Melanie ' 
Mena contributed to this story. 
andrecmana@pbpost.com 
03956-85 
Epstein camp calls female accusers liars 
By LARRY KELLER 
Palm Beach Post Staff Wilter 
Attorneys and publicists for 
Palm Beach financier Jeffrey 
Epstein went on the offensive 
Monday, contending that 
teenage girls who have ac-
cused Epstein of sexual she-
nanigans at his waterfront 
home are liars and saying that 
the Palm Beach Police De-
partment is ""childish."" 
""There never was any sex 
between Jeffrey Epstein and 
any underage 
women,"" his 
lead attorney, 
Jack Gold-
berger, said 
from Idaho 
where he was 
vacationing 
with his faith-
Epstein ly. 
Epstein did have young 
women come to his house to 
give him massages, Goldberg-
er said. ""Mr. Epstein absolute-
ly insisted anybody who came 
to his house be over the age of 
18. How he verified that, I don't 
know. The question is, did 
anything illegal occur. The law 
was not violated here."" 
He had no explanation as to 
why Epstein would pay girls or 
women with no massage train-
ing — as the alleged victims 
said was the case — $200 to 
$300 for their visits. 'The 
credibility of these witnesses 
has been seriously pies-
'Mr. Epstein 
absolutely 
insisted 
anybody 
who came to 
his house be 
over the age 
of 18: 
JACK GOLDBERGER, 
Epstein's lead attorney 
tioned,"" Goldberger said. 
Epstein, 53, was indicted 
by a county grand jury last 
month on a charge of felony 
solicitation of prostitution. Af-
ter an 11-month investigation 
that included sifting through 
Epstein's trash and surveillirig 
his home, Palm Beach police 
concluded there was enough 
evidence to charge him with 
sexual activity with minors. 
When the grand jury indicted 
Epstein on the less serious 
charge, Police Chief Michael 
Reiter referred the case to the 
FBI to determine whether 
there were federal law viola-
tions. 
After a spate of stories 
about the case last week, New 
York publicist Dan Flores — 
whose client list has included 
Paris Hilton andJennifer Lopez 
— said on Saturday that Ep-
stein's camp was ready ""to get . 
their story out"" 
See EPSTEIN, 93 
)'-
(L8-8""9 ""Ae40gVadP! 
• 
• 
03956-94 
4 
Attorney: Police gave media 'distorted view' 
III. EPSTEIN from is 
They did that Monday via Gold-
berger and a Los Angeles publicist 
for Miami criminal defense attorney 
Roy Black, who also has represented 
Epstein in the case. 
""We just think there has been a 
distorted view of this case in the me-
dia presented by the Palm Beach po-
lice,"" Goldberger said. 
Reiter has consistently declined 
to comment on the case and did not 
respond to a request for comment 
Monday. 
The implication that State Attor-
ney Barry Krischer was easy on Ep-
stein by presenting the case to a 
grand jury rather than filing charges 
directly against him is wrong, Gold-
berger said. 
The Palm Beach Police Depart-
ment was ""happy and ecstatic"" that 
the panel was going to review the 
evidence. ""I think what happened is 
they weren't happy with the result. 
They decided to use the press to 
embarrass Mr. Epstein."" 
But records show that Reiter 
wrote Krischer on May 1 — well be-
fore the case went to the grand jury — 
suggesting that Krischer ""consider if 
good and sufficient reason exists to 
require your disqualification from the 
prosecution of these cases."" 
Rather than fiat-out decline to 
charge Epstein, Krischer referred 
the case to the grand jury to ""ap-
pease"" the chief, Goldberger said. 
A state attorney's spokesman 
would say only that the office refers 
cases to the grand jury when there 
are issues with the viability of the 
evidence or witnesses' credibility. 
Both the state attorney and the 
grand jury concluded there was not 
sufficient evidence that Epstein had 
sex with minors, according to Gold-
berger. ""It was just a childish perfor-
mance by the Palm Beach Police 
Department,"" Goldberger said. 
The defense attorney said one of 
the alleged victims who claimed she 
was a minor was in fact over the age 
of 18. Another alleged victim who 
was subpoenaed to testify to the 
grand jurk failed to do so. Epstein's 
_ 
Epstein investigation 
Read a letter from Palm Beach Police 
Chief Michael Reiter to State Attorney 
Barry Krischer on the Epstein probe. 
PalmBeachPost.com 
accusers, he added, have histories of 
drug abuse and thefts. 'These wom-
en are liars. We've established that"" 
But why would they all invent 
their stories about meeting Epstein 
for sexual massages? 
""I don't have an answer as to what 
was the motivation for these women 
to come forward and make these al-
legations,"" Goldberger said. 
0 lany keller@pbpostcom 
4fr 
03956-95 
(Rev. 01-31-2003) 
• 
FEDERAL BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION 
Precedence: ROUTINE 
To: Miami • 
Miami-FIG 
From. Miami 
Squad PB-2 PBCRA 
Contact: SA 
Date: 09/13/2006 
Attn: SSA 
SIA 
Approved By: 	1,3 	-1 
b6 	-1, 	-2 
Drafted By: 	auk 	b7C 	-1, 	-2 
Case ID 
Title: 
: 31E -MM -108062 (DL.R.IiLgH 
JEFFREY EPSTEIN; 
WSTA - CHILD PROSTITUTION 
Synopsis: To request analytical assistance regarding 
b7E -1 
Enclosure(s):  
b6 -1 
b7C -1 
b7D -2 
b7E -1 
Details: An ongoing federal investigation has revealed that 
Enclosed for analytical review are 
b3 -1 
1,6 -1, -3 
b7C -1, -3 
b3 	-1 
b6 b7C b7D 	-1, -1, -2 	-3 -3 
b7E 	-1 
„2.(0(ey,k,40,e(p3956-96 
. 31E- f-t.""-L -1°1°4 -//7 
To: Miami From: Miami 
Re: 31E-MM-108062, 09/13/2006 
• • 
Please contact SA 
_lat 
should any further n orma on be needed. 
2 
b6 -1 
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b6 -2 
b7C -2 
03956-97 
(Rev. 01-31-2003) 
FEDERAL BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION 
Precedence: ROUTINE 
To: Miami 
From: Miami 
P3-2/West Palm Beach 
Contact: SA 
Date: 09/14/2006 
RA 
Approved By: __________________ 
Drafted By: 1 las* 
Case ID #: 
Pending Inactive) 
(PcAding) 
b7A -1 
ePema-p...g.) b7E -3 
(Pon ing) 
frcAliAyl 
(Pen ing) 
(Rending) 
Title: Case update. 
Synopsis: Delayed Investigation. 
Details: For information of the file, investigation in 
this matter has been delayed due to writer's assignment to a 
kidnaping investigation1 1 since 1/17/2006. 
• • 
b6 -2 
b7C -2 
b7E -3 
-Htt 
FD-350 (Rev. 5-8-121) 
(Indicate page, name of 
newspaper, city and state.) 
Belo 
Date: 07/30/2006 
Edition: PALM BEACH POST 
Title: BILLIONAIRE FACES CHARGE OF 
SOLICITATION OF MINORS 
Billionaire faces charge 
of solicitation of minors 
MONDAY: Palm Beach billionaire Jeffrey 
Epstein paid to have underage girls and 
young women brought to his home, 
where he received mas-
sages and sometimes 
sex, according to an in-
vestigation by the Palm 
Beach Police Depart-
ment An indictment 
was unsealed that 
charged Epstein, 53, 
with one count of felony 
Epstein solicitation of prostitu-
tion, which carries a 
maximum penally of five years in pris-
on. He was released on $3,000 bond. 
Epstein's attorney, Jack Goldberger, 
said his client, a money manager for the 
wealthy, committed no crimes and 
passed a lie detector test in which he 
said he did not know the girls were mi-
nors. 
Character: 3 IE-MM108062 
or 
Classification: 
Submitting Office: 
Indexing: 
O396 -1Q 
(Rev. 01-31-2003) 
• 
FEDERAL BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION 
Precedence: ROUTINE 
To: New York 
Prom: Miami 
PB2/PBCRA 
Contact: SA 
Approved By: 
Drafted By: 
Case ID #: 31E-MM-108062 
Title: JEFFREY EPSTEIN. 
Attn: 
(Pontiing) 
WSTA - CHILD PROSTITUTION 
Date: 09/18/2006 
Crimes Against Children 
SSAI 
Squad C-20 
Synopsis: To set lead for captioned investigation. 
b3 -1 
b6 -1, -2 
b7C -1, -2 
Enclosure(s): One Grand Jury Subpoena forl 
(FBI), Palm Beach County esident Agency (PBCRA), opened an 
Details: On 
lthe Federal Bureau of Investigation 
investigation involving multi-millionaire Jeffery Epstein and 
captioned subjects. The investigation involves  
b3 -2 
b3 -1 
b6 -1, -3 
b7C -1, -3 
b7E -4 
b6 -1 
b7C -1 
hi' 
,26/1r5 el. EC-
_fi)coe,2395-7! 
• 
To: New York From: Miami ' 
Re: 31E-MM-108062, 09/18/2006 
FBI Miami, PBCRA, request 
• 
Division, 
b3 -2 
b6 -2 b7C -2 
Any questions or concerns contact 
SA Miami 
PBCRA, 
biographical information 	is the following: 
Name DOB SSAN 	b6 -1 b7C -1 
Hair 
Eyes 
Height 
Weight 
2 
03956-102 
To: 
Re: 
New York From. Miami 
31E-MM-108062, 09/18/2006 
LEAD(s): 
Set Lead 1: (Action) 
NEW YORK 
AT NEW YORK 
It is requested that FBI New Yorkl 
• 
addition, if needed, serve the enclosed subpoena. 
• • 
3 
b3 -2 
b6 -1 
b7C -1 
03956-103 
Automated Serial Permanent Charge-Out 
FD-5a (1-5-94) 
Date: 06/21/07 Time: 14:03 
Case ID: 31E-MM-108062 Serial: 20 
Description of Document: 
Type : 
b3 -2 
Date : 
To : 
From : US DIST COURT 
Topic: EXECUTED FGJ SUBPOENA 
Reason for Permanent Charge-Out: 
transfer to subpoena sub 
Transferred to: 
Case ID: 31E-MM-108062-SBP Serial: 62 
Employee: 
b6 -2 
b7C -2 
31e- Aitt-/oft2e0-1-,ao 
03956-104 
(Rev:01-31-2003) 
FEDERAL BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION 
Precedence: ROUTINE Date: 10/17/2006 
To: Miami Attn: SA' 
PB2/PECRA 
From. New York 
Squad C-20 
Contact: SA 
Approved By: 
b3 	-1 
Drafted By: 	b6 	-1, 	-2 
Case ID 	#: 31E	-MM-108062 	4-pend-i-F±g4 	b7C __.2 5--	-1, 	-2 
Title: 	JEFFREY EPSTEIN-
WSTA- CHILD PROSTITUTION 
Synopsis: Lead  covered for captioned investigation; Grand Jury 
subpoena served'  
Reference: 31E-MM-108062 Serial 19 
Enclosure(s): Enclosed for Miami is the server copy of the 
referenced Grand Jury subpoena issued by the United States 
District Court, Southern District of Florida on 10/06/2006 and 
served___________________________on 10/16/2006. 
Details: On 10/16/2006, SA received from SA 
Federal Express delivery 
subpoena. On that date. SA1 land SA' 
service, the referenced Grand 
via 
Jury  
b3 -2 
b3 -2 
b3 -2 
b6 -2, -5 
b7C -2, -5 
03956-14 
3IC- MA-4— / of PC0,2 
• xis 
sir 
To: Miami From: New York 
Re: 31E-MM-108062, 10/17/2006 
• 
States District Courthouse 
Palm Beach, Florida. 
located 
at 701 
at the United 
Clematis Street, West 
At this time, no further action will be taken by the 
New York Office in this matter. Lead is covered. 
• • 
2 
b3 -2 
b6 -5 
b7C -5 
03956-110 
United States District kart 
SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF FLORIDA 
TO: 
SUBPOENA TO TESTIFY 
BEFORE GRAND JURY 
FGJ 05-02(WPB)-Fri./No. OLY-19 
SUBPOENA FOR  
b3 -2 
YOU AREHEREBY COMMANDED to appear and testifybefore theGrand Jury of theUnited StatesDistrict 
Court at the place, date and time specified below. 
PLACE: 
United States District Courthouse 
701 Clematis Street 
West Palm Beach, Florida 33401 
ROOM: 
Room 4-A 
DATE AND TIME: 
YOU ARE ALSO COMMANDED to bring 
you the following document(s) o object(s): 
Please coordinate your compliance of this subpoena and confirm the date and time of your 
appearance with Special lent_____________________Federal Bureau of Investigation, 
Telephone:_________________  
b3 -2 
b6 -2 
_b7C -2 
This subpoena shall remain in effect until you are granted leave to depart by the court or by an officer acting on behalf 
of the court. 
This subpoena is issued upon application 
*If not applicable, enter ""none."" 
DATE: 
October 6, 2006 
Name Address and Phone Number of Assistant U.S. Attorney 
Assistant U.S. Attorney 
500 So. Australian Avenue, Suite 400 b7C -6 
West Palm Beach, FL 33401-6235 
Te1:1_________________________ 
Fax (561) 802-1787 
T be used in lieu of A0110 
FORM ORD-227 
JAN .86 
03956-111 
(Rev. 01-31-2003) 
• 
FEDERAL BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION 
Precedence: ROUTINE 
To: Miami 
From: Miami 
PB2/West Palm Beach RA 
Contact: SAI 
Approved By: 
Drafted By: 
Case ID\ #: 
_r 
Date: 11/09/2006 
b3 	-1 
b6 	-1, 	-2 
31E-MM-108062 — S3 	b7C 	-1, 	-2 
Title: JEFFREY EPSTEIN; 
ItWSTA 
- ROSTITUTION 
Synopsis. Request that SA____________________________ 
receive holiday pay on November 10, 2006, 
a Federal Holiday. 
with SOC# 
Veteran's 
Day, 
Details: SAI Iwill be working on gathering data for 
the Intelligent Analyst that will be coming to the Palm Beach RA 
on Monday. 
4. 
b6 -2 
-2 
b7C -2 
b6 -2 
b7C -2 
j/C- MM g/Z)40,950-a. 
IN T CIRCUIT COURT OF THE FIFTE.TH 
JUDICIAL CIRCUIT, CRIMINAL DIVISION 
IN AND FOR PALM BEACH COUNTY, FLORIDA 
IN RE Search Warrant, Affidavit and Application for Search 
Warrant, and Inventory and Return 
DATED AND SIGNED: 10-19-05 
AFFIANTS: Det. Palm Beach Police 
b6 -4 
b7C -4 
ORDER SEALING AFFIDAVIT AND APPLICATION FOR SEARCH WARRANT AND  
RELATED SEARCH WARRANT AND INVENTORY AND RETURN  
THIS CAUSE having come before the Court and the Court having been appraised, 
IT IS HEREBY ORDERED pursuantto Florida Statues Chapter 119.07(3)(b)thatthe 
Affidavit and Application forSearch Warrant signed by Investigator 
as affiant 
dated and related Search Warrant dated October 18,2005 hereby sealed until further order 
of the Court. 
The Clerk of Court, Criminal Division is hereby ordered to seal said Search Warrant 
and Affidavit and Application for Search Warrant until further order of the Court. 
It is further 
ORDERED that the Inventory and Return for Said Search Warrant shall be sealed 
when filed with the Clerk of Court until further order of the Court. 
DONE AND ORDERED this 19th day of October at West Palm Beach, Palm Beach 
County, Florida. 
XC: 
Laura Johnson 
Circuit Court Judge 
Assistant State Attorney 
b6 -7 
b7C -7 
b6 -4 
b7C -4 
(CON 
03956-235 
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029291.txt,"From: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com] 
Sent: 1/6/2018 9:20:31 PM 
To: Michael Wolff 
Subject: Re: 
It looks to me as you might have driven him over the edge. DJT: 'I do things proper !!/ "" im really, like. 
smart. !! sounds like elizas father- donald dolittle. . . or dopey donald or demented donald. as I told you his 
statement from camp david was laced with ""he has made billions and billions of dollars. he is 
reportedly petrified that his bluff will be called. . His 100 million dollar plane he said be bought from paul 
allen, is really a 1991 boeing 757 previously used by a mexican airline. repainted . His- ladder capital 
finance 11c, - ladder capital 1 finance 11c, deutsche bank trust co americas . chicago unit acquistion .( it 
says ""springing loan"" over 50m -I never even heard of the term . as part of june 17 disclosure form he 
owes each more than 50 m apiece. but of course, not disclosed just -how much more. . declared the revenue 
of his real estate as INCOME without deducting expenses or taxes. all a sham 
On Sat, Jan 6, 2018 at 4:00 PM, Michael Wolff <_______________________________> wrote: 
I feel he truly must be off his rocker. Could there be a strategy here? 
On Sat, Jan 6, 2018 at 3:39 PM jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
how does it feel to have the president of the united states. at camp david. focus on you.. ! . 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 029291 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 029292 
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014099.txt,"Case 9:08-cv-80736-KAM Document 319-1 Entered on FLSD Docket 03/24/2015 Page 16 of
34

IN THE CIRCUIT COURT OF THE
SEVENTEENTH JUDICIAL CIRCUIT
IN AND FOR BROWARD COUNTY, FLORIDA
CASE NO.: CACE 15-000072
EDWARDS, et al.,
Plaintiffs / Counterclaim Defendants,
V.

DERSHOWITZ,

Defendant / Counterclaim Plaintiff.
/

DEFENDANT / COUNTERCLAIM PLAINTIFF ALAN M. DERSHOWITZ’S
OBJECTIONS AND RESPONSES TO PLAINTIFFS’
INITIAL REQUESTS FOR PRODUCTION

Defendant/Counterclaim Plaintiff Alan M. Dershowitz (“Defendant”) submits the
following objections and responses to the Plaintiffs’ Initial Request for Production (“Document
Requests”) propounded by Plaintiffs/Counterclaim Defendants Bradley J. Edwards and Paul G.
Cassell (“Plaintiffs”).

PRELIMINARY STATEMENT

These responses and objections reflect the current state of Defendant’s knowledge
regarding the matters discussed herein. Defendant has not completed his discovery or trial
preparation in this matter. Accordingly, Defendant reserves the right to revise, correct, clarify,
supplement, or amend his objections and responses to reflect information hereafter discovered or
acquired. These responses and objections are provided without prejudice to the rights of
Defendant to use or rely upon subsequently discovered information or documents at any time,

including at trial. The fact that a Document Request has been complied with in part shall not be

construed as a waiver of all or any part of any objection that Defendant might or could make to

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014099
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029210.txt,"Neil

Ed Boyden, Ph. D.

Leader, Synthetic Neurobiology Group

Associate Professor, MIT Media Lab and McGovern Institute,
Departments of Biological Engineering and Brain and Cognitive Sciences

Co-Director, MIT Center for Neurobiological Engineering

New York Stem Cell Foundation-Robertson Investigator

MIT, Room E15-421, 20 Ames St., Cambridge, MA 02139

ena -_ as

office - i

cell -

skype -

web - http://syntheticneurobiology.org

twitter - http://twitter.com/eboyden3

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029210
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019963.txt,"and anti-CIA crony, and the coauthor of Flynn’s book, whose daughter now worked for
Flynn—advised Flynn that he ought not to accept fees from Russia or the larger
“consulting” assignments from Turkey.

It was in fact the sort of carelessness that almost everyone in Trump’s world, including
the president and his family, was guilty of. They lived with parallel realities in which,
while proceeding with a presidential campaign, they also had to live in a vastly more
likely world—rather a certain world—in which Donald Trump would never be president.
Hence, business as usual.

In early February, an Obama administration lawyer friendly with Sally Yates remarked
with some relish and considerable accuracy: “It certainly is an odd circumstance if you
live your life without regard for being elected and then get elected—and quite an
opportunity for your enemies.”

In this, there was not only the Russian cloud hanging over the administration, but a
sense that the intelligence community so distrusted Flynn, and so blamed its bad blood
with Trump on him, that Flynn was the target here. Within the White House there was
even a feeling that a soft trade was being implicitly offered: Flynn for the goodwill of the
intelligence community.

At the same time, in what some thought a direct result of the president’s rage over the
Russia insinuations—particularly the insinuation about the golden shower—the president
seemed to bond even more strongly with Flynn, assuring his National Security Advisor
over and over again that he had his back, that the Russia accusations, those related both to
Flynn and to himself, were “garbage.” After Flynn’s dismissal, a narrative describing
Trump’s increasing doubts about his adviser would be offered to the press, but in fact the
opposite was true: the more doubts gathered around Flynn, the more certain the president
became that Flynn was his all-important ally.

OOK Ok

The final or deadliest leak during Michael Flynn’s brief tenure is as likely to have come
from the National Security Advisor’s antagonists inside the White House as from the
Justice Department.

On Wednesday, February 8, the Washington Post’s Karen DeYoung came to visit Flynn
for what was billed as an off-the-record interview. They met not in his office but in the
most ornate room in the Eisenhower Executive Office Building—the same room where
Japanese diplomats waited to meet with Secretary of State Cordell Hull as he learned of
the attack on Pearl Harbor.

To all outward appearances, it was an uneventful background interview, and DeYoung,
Columbo-like in her affect, aroused no suspicions when she broached the de rigueur
question: “My colleagues asked me to ask you this: Did you talk to the Russians about
sanctions?”

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019963
"
TEXT-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033071.txt,"From: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com] 
Sent: 1/15/2018 3:17:18 PM 
To: Weingarten, Reid 
Subject: Re: 
Importance: High 
yes, he refused their resignations . so i am told. 
On Mon, Jan 15, 2018 at 10:05 AM, Weingarten, Reid <> wrote: 
And...???? Trump stopped them? He cannot stand mcgahn 
From: Jeffrey E. [mailto:jeevacation@dmail.com] 
Sent: Monday, January 15, 2018 10:02 AM 
To: Weingarten, Reid 
Subject: 
mcgann and mcmasters tried to resign 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 033071 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 033072 
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011359.txt,"10

id.

12

13

14

L5

16

ne)

18

life)

20

21

22

23

24

25

56
H3VOGIU1

using drugs now that may affect her memory, or if she's

inappropriately used drugs in the meantime, all of that would
go to whether or not she truly has the emotional distress that
she claims.

Motion in limine 9, plaintiff's criminal history. If

I understand plaintiff's argument, they do not want her to be

cross examined either under 608(b) or 405(b) with regard to a
specific instance of dishonesty; that is, her theft from her
employer.

There are legions of cases, your Honor, that find

theft to be a crime of dishonesty and admissible for proof of

character of dishonesty.
Not only, your Honor, did she get charged by the

authorities in Florida with this crime of theft from her

employer, an arrest warrant was issued for her, that arrest

warrant was outstanding at the time she, quote/unquote, fled to

Thailand. That arrest warrant remained outstanding until the

year, I think 2009 or 2010, when it was quashed. Plaintiff

failed to come back to this country during that entire time.
It got quashed because it had been such a long passage of time.

THE COURT: Who was the employer?

MS. MENNINGER: It was the Roadhouse Grill, your

Honor. It was a burger joint. And she was working at that
Roadhouse Grill in March of 2002 during the period of time she

claims that she was a sex slave. She claimed that she was a

SOUTHERN DISTRICT REPORTERS, P.C.
(212) 805-0300

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011359
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028668.txt,"been to show the Soviets that the United States meant business, testing
nearly twice a month throughout the entire Cold War would have been
overkill. In fact, Operation Sandstone -- a series of three tests at Enewetak
Atoll in 1948 -- was not intended to warn off the Soviets as tensions rose
over Berlin. Nor was the series of 48 underground tests launched in the
summer of 1964 designed to impress the newly installed premier, Leonid
Brezhnev. And the United States would not have conducted a dozen
atomic blasts at its Nevada test site in the first half of 1977 -- including the
Cove, Dofino, Marsilly, Bulkhead, Crewline, Forefoot, Carnelian, Strake,
Flotost, Gruyere, Scantling, and Scupper detonations -- just because new
President Jimmy Carter was vulnerable to right-wing criticism.

The United States did what it did because it needed its ultimate deterrent
to actually work, and because the technical requirements of the nuclear
mission continually changed. The ruins of Hiroshima and Nagasaki were
evidence enough that the United States could destroy cities, but deterring
the Soviet Union was a far greater challenge. If the Soviets had invaded
Western Europe, for example, U.S. bombers would have had to penetrate
alerted Soviet air defenses, identify Soviet ground forces and industrial
centers, and attack them. Accordingly, U.S. bombers had to be highly
maneuverable and able to carry multiple weapons, so the bombs
themselves had to be lighter and smaller than the ones the United States
used against Japan. The Soviets put another wrinkle in Washington's plans
when they began to deploy large numbers of their own nuclear weapons.
The United States needed to find a way to potentially destroy the Soviet
arsenal on the ground. Eliminating those targets -- numerous and often
hardened -- required even greater numbers of bombs, even lighter designs,
and more accurate delivery systems. So the United States updated its
designs and tested. And tested. And tested again.

Like the United States during the Cold War, North Korea has apparently
decided that nuclear weapons are central to its national security strategy.
With few friends, its conventional military forces outgunned, an economy
in tatters, and facing off against a superpower prone to deposing
dictatorships across the globe, the Kim regime set about building an
operational nuclear arsenal. And just as NATO planned to thwart a Soviet

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028668
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030027.txt,"newyorker.com / Joan Acocella In safeguarding the legacies of
innovators like Merce Cunningham and Paul Taylor, we risk losing their
spirit. There may be no one in the arts with a...

11 life-saving skills everyone should
know

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030027
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029576.txt,"please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

Elisa New

Powell M. Cabot Professor of American Literature
Director, Poetry in America

Harvard University

148 Barker Center

12 Quincy Street

Cambridge, MA

02138

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029576
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013090.txt,"174 9 General Intelligence in the Everyday Human World

The Second Brain

. The gastrointestinal neural net contains millions of neurons and is capable of operating inde-
pendently of the brain. It modulates stress response and other aspects of emotion and motivation
based on experience — resulting in so-called ""gut feelings"" [Ger99].

The Heart’s Neural Network
. The heart has its own neural network, which modulates stress response, energy level and
relaxation/excitement (factors key to motivation and emotion) based on experience [Arm(4].
Pattern Recognition and Memory in the Liver
. The liver is a complex pattern recognition system, adapting via experience to better identify
toxins [C06]. Like the heart, it seems to store some episodic memories as well, resulting in liver
transplant recipients sometimes acquiring the tastes in music or sports of the donor [EMC12].
Immune Intelligence
. The immune network is a highly complex, adaptive self-organizing system, which ongoingly
solves the learning problem of identifying antigens and distinguishing them from the body
system [F P86]. As immune function is highly energetically costly, stress response involves subtle
modulation of the energy allocation to immune function, which involves communication between
neural and immune networks.
The Endocrine System: A Key Bridge Between Mind and Body
. The endocrine (hormonal) system regulates (and is related by) emotion, thus guiding all
aspects of intelligence (due to the close connection of emotion and motivation) [PH12].
Breathing Guides Thinking
. As oxygenation of the brain plays a key role in the spread of neural activity, the flow of breath
is a key driver of cognition. Forced alternate nostril breathing has been shown to significantly
affect cognition via balancing activity of the two brain hemispheres [SKBB91].

Much remains unknown, and the totality of feedback loops between the human cognitive

cortex and the various specialized intelligences operative throughout the human body, has not
yet been thoroughly charted.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013090
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010721.txt,"Graydon Carter and
Anna Scott Carter

- Andre Balazs

Philomena producers Gaby Tana and
Tracey Seaward invited me to Steve Coogan’s
home where music man Alexandre Desplat
and Jon Hamm were having beers. Coogan
captivated me with conversation of how he
and the real Philomena Lee, who was a red
carpet regular, took their “full disclosure”
adoption campaign to the Vatican, meeting
The Pope. Only Harvey Weinstein could
have pulled off that jaw-dropping marketing
miracle.

Traditionally, there are three private agency
parties on Friday night—WME, CAA, and
UTA. They were hosted by Ari Emanuel,
Kevin Huvane, and Jim Berkus and were
press free, leaving the stars uninhibited and
happy. Justin Theroux, about to explode in
HBO’s miniseries The Leftovers, canoodled
with Jennifer Aniston. Past and present
Oscar nominees and winners including
Ben Affleck, Matt Damon, Oprah Winfrey,
Charlize Theron, Bradley
Cooper, Jonah Hill, Alexander Payne, Steve

Sean Penn,

58 | AVENUE MAGAZINE « APRIL 2012

McQueen, and Alfonso Cuarén were among
the evening’s migrating tribe.
SATURDAY, MARCH 1

Barry Diller and Diane von Furstenberg
canceled their annual, highly anticipated
outdoor lunch for Graydon Carter at their
Coldwater Canyon home atop a steep hill
because of impending torrential rain that
never came. Three hundred power hungry
showbiz executives were sent into a tailspin
for an alternative activity.

Luckily, Sony Pictures Classics’ and
industry icons Tom Bernard, and Michael
Barker took pity on me and invited me to
their table at the Independent Spirit Awards
under a wobbly tent that billowed with the
wind in Santa Monica.

Bob Balaban and I headed to the 6th
annual Chanel-sponsored dinner hosted
by the debonair Charles Finch at Madeo.
Girls donning $20k Chanel dresses included

Anne Hathaway, Sienna Miller (with baby

arvey Weinstein and: |
Georgina Chapman
ae

Sandra Bullock Terry Richardson

daddy Tom Sturridge), Lily Collins, Greta
Gerwig and Poppy Delevingne. Jessica de
Rothschild and her director husband Sacha
Gervasi were in attendance as well as Adrien
Brody, David O. Russell, Oliver Stone, Danny
Huston, Jean Pigozzi, Ben Silverman, Peter
Morton, and Elon Musk.

Harvey and Bob Weinstein along with
Chopard honored their nominees, including
the RADiUS-TWC’s _ Best
Documentary winner 20 Feet from Stardom,

singers in

with a seated dinner at the Montage Hotel in
the “Marchesa Ballroom” (The dining room
was rechristened for the evening in honor
of Harvey’s wife Georgina Chapman’s dress
label.) After dinner, guests were wowed by
a performance from Weinstein’s upcoming
Broadway musical, Finding Neverland, based
on their Oscar-nominated film about Peter
Pan creator J. M. Barrie. Celebrities Bono, U2,
Mery] Streep, Julia Roberts, Oprah Winfrey,
Olivia Wilde and Jason Sudeikis, Christoph
Waltz, and Taylor Swift gave Neverland’s
stars, Jason Alexander and Gary Barlow, a
standing ovation.

My Oscar date this year was GMAs
glamorous Lara Spencer. | arrived, as usual,
two hours early at the Dolby Theater in order
to plant myself on the mother ofall red carpets.
Only this year, I was incognito with the dark

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010721

© COPYRIGHT 2013 STARTRAKSPHOTO.COM AND BFANYC.COM
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032279.txt,"From: soon yi previn [is

Sent: 9/13/2016 11:04:37 AM
To: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com]
Subject: Re:

Importance: — High
Woody said it doesn't mean anything.
Sent from Soon-Yi's iPhone @

On Sep 12, 2016, at 5:30 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:

http://origin-nyi.thehill.com/blogs/ballot-box/presidential-races/295423-bill-clintons-cia-chief-joins-trump-
campaign

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032279
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031770.txt,"From: Richard Kahn

Sent: 1/25/2019 1:11:27 PM
To: Jeffrey Epstein [jeevacation@gmail.com]
Subject: US special counsel's office: Trump ally Roger Stone arrested in Florida

Importance: — High

https://www.cnbe.com/2019/01/25/us-special-counsels-office-trump-ally-roger-stone-arrested-in-florida.html

Richard Kahn

HBRK Associates Inc.

575 Lexington Avenue, 4th Floor
New York, NY 10022

Phone

Fax
Cell

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031770
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021922.txt,"Oo O DN OO FF WwW NY =|

NO RO PO PNP NM NO | S| S| HS SF S| S| S| S| S|
non BP WO NO -|- ODO OO WDN OO OT BP WO NYO —

99

there were multiple -- according to the Chief of Police,
there had been multiple, you know, requests to interview
Mr. Epstein and Mr. Dershowitz had repeatedly said, oh,
yeah, we will schedule that. And then it hadn't
happened.

Now, obviously, there could have been a
Situation there where an emergency had come up for
Mr. Epstein and he wasn't able to make a schedule or
something like that. But what I saw was a pattern of
offers to meet and then withdrawals and that seems to me
to be a deliberately calculated strategy to sort of
stall the investigation to say, oh, we will get you
Epstein, oh, we can't meet now. Oh, we will get it
now -- and so forth.

And one of the things that I noted from all
that was that Mr. Dershowitz, as Mr. Epstein's attorney,
never ultimately produced Epstein for a meeting with the
Palm Beach Police Department, having made another
offers -- now, obviously, something could have happened
there. I mean, I don't -- I don't know what was the
communications and so forth, but as an attorney trying
to get information and unable to do that, I had to make
some reasonable inferences.

And so one of the inferences I began to draw

was that this was a stall tactic by Mr. Dershowitz, and

ROUGH DRAFT ONLY

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021922

"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012136.txt,"KIRKLAND & ELLIS LLP

AND AFFILIATED PARTNERSHIPS

777 South Figueroa Street

Los Angeles, California 90017
Kenneth W. Starr :

To Call Writer Directly: FP Facsimile:
www.kirkland.com Dir. Fax:
June 19, 2008
John Roth, Esq.

Principal Associate Deputy Attorney General
Office of the Deputy Attorney General
United States Department of Justice

950 Pennsylvania Avenue, N.W., Room 4115
Washington, D.C. 20530

Dear Mr. Roth:

I again want to thank you for this opportunity to explain why we believe that a federal
prosecution of Jeffrey Epstein is unwarranted. I appreciate your having informed us that you
already have our May 19 and May 27 communications to the Deputy Attorney General, as well
as our prior written submissions to CEOS and to the Southern District of Florida.

In light of the significant volume of our prior submissions and to facilitate your review,
we have drafted four supplemental submissions that will provide a roadmap for your
investigation of this matter. Given the bulk of these documents and their appended supporting
attachments, you will receive this packet by messenger tomorrow. A brief description of each of
the four submissions follows. First, I have included a succinct summary of the facts, law and
policy issues at hand. This document sets forth a basic overview of the issues and summarizes
our principal contentions as to why federal prosecution of this matter is neither appropriate nor
warranted,

The three other submissions include: a summary of the irregularities and misconduct that
occurred during the federal investigation; a letter from former CEOS attorney Stephanie Thacker
that responds to CEOS’s assessment of its limited review of Mr. Epstein’s case; and a point-by-
point rebuttal to First Assistant United States Attorney Jeffrey Sloman’s recent letter which we
believe contains factual inaccuracies typical of our correspondence from the United States
Attorney’s Office in Miami (the “USAO”). Also, for your reference, the package you receive
tomorrow will contain a binder including all documentation to which we refer in our
submissions. Finally, we will be providing a detailed checklist of each submission or substantive
communication to the USAO. Our intention is that you have copies of each such document to
enhance your review. If there are any that you have not received from the USAO or CEOS,
please advise and we will fedex them to you without delay.

Chicago Hong Kong London Munich New York San Francisco Washington, D.C.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012136
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022862.txt,"well suited to a long running cable drama—need to be sacrificed not just to moral
certainty but to a rather preposterous fantasy of moral certainty.
Anyway, I hope I get invited back to Jeffrey’s house soon.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022862
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031764.txt,"From: Weingarten, Reid [a

Sent: 8/18/2018 4:51:06 PM
To: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com]
Subject: Fw: GOP fundraiser Broidy under investigation for alleged effort to sell government influence, people familiar with

probe say - The Washington Post

Importance: — High

Sent from my BlackBerry 10 smartphone.

From: Heberlig, Brian

Sent: Friday, August 17, 2018 6:47 PM

To: Weingarten, Reid; Silverman, Nicholas

Subject: GOP fundraiser Broidy under investigation for alleged effort to sell government influence, people familiar with
probe say - The Washington Post

https://www.washinetonpost.com/politics/gop-fundraiser-broidy-under-investigation-for-alleged-effort-to-sell-

government-influence-people-familiar-with-probe-say/2018/08/17/c9e55792-a185-11e8-8¢87-
c869fe70a721_story.html?utm_term=.f7126cd4d51c

GOP fundraiser Broidy under investigation
for alleged effort to sell government
influence, people familiar with probe say

Carol D. Leonnig

The Justice Department is investigating whether longtime Republican fundraiser Elliott
Broidy sought to sell his influence with the Trump administration by offering to deliver U.S.
government actions for foreign officials in exchange for tens of millions of dollars,
according to three people familiar with the probe.

As part of the investigation, prosecutors are scrutinizing a plan that Broidy allegedly
developed to try to persuade the Trump government to extradite a Chinese dissident back to
his home country, a move sought by Chinese President Xi Jinping, according to two of the
people.

They are also investigating claims that Broidy sought $75 million from a Malaysian business
official if the Justice Department ended its investigation of a development fund run by the
Malaysian government. The Malaysian probe has examined the role of the former prime
minister in the embezzlement of billions of dollars from the fund.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031764
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021936.txt,"Oo O DN OO FF WwW NY =|

NO RO PO PNP NM NO | S| S| HS SF S| S| S| S| S|
non BP WO NO -|- ODO OO WDN OO OT BP WO NYO —

113

2nd, July 3rd, I believe it was 2010, where a woman that
I was representing along with my colleague, Brad

Edwards, I'll refer to her by initials, if that's all

right with you.

(Phone Interruption. )

MR. SIMPSON:

THE WITNESS:

MR. SIMPSON:

MR. SCAROLA:
could we identify who is on the phone now,
please? Who is on the phone?

MR. SIMPSON:

MR. SWEDER:

MR. SIMPSON:

MR. SWEDER:
MR. INDYKE:

MR. SIMPSON:

those? Okay.

THE WITNESS:
because I kind of got distracted there. Let's
see. We had -- oh, right. Okay.

That was the other point I wanted to make.

And I've only got about another minute or
two, but the point was, I had had personal

experience on about July 2nd, I believe it was,

On the phone, could you --
Can we mute them?
Would you mute it, please?

Before the phone is muted,

Yeah. Who is on the phone?
Ken Sweder.

Anyone else?

Alan Dershowitz.

Darrin Indyke.

Anyone else? Did you get

I just need to make a note

ROUGH DRAFT ONLY

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021936
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022876.txt,"an institutional interest. You are part of government, or
you want to be in government, or you are connected to a
bank or other portfolio, or you have key relationships
with certain corporations or industries. Because of my
situation, I have none of that. I have no institutional ties
which makes me in some sense one of the few wholly
independent sources of information and actual honest
brokers. That’s the usefulness of disgrace.”

It’s also true that Epstein’s circle might be more
forgiving of disgrace than the rest of the world. Many of
these men have themselves been on the wrong side of a
negative story or a scandal or a damaging public
lawsuit. Any hyper-prominent person might run afoul of
prosecutors, the political moment, the media, or the
Internet hoi polloi. And they know that the media’s (or
prosecutor’s) version of events seldom square’s with
their own. In that way, they are, even with jail time,
quite willing to give Epstein the benefit of the doubt.
For some of his visitors, there’s a clear order of
identification: there but for the grace of God. For others
tthere is even a wry sense of humor about it. People who
know Jeffrey exchange “Jeffrey” stories. “That’s
Jeffrey,” says Mort Zuckerman, (whose paper, the Daily
News, is ever vitriolic in its coverage of Epstein), with a
twinkle in his eye and obvious enjoyment, to tales of
Epstein escapades. It is an outréness that Epstein seems
to cultivate. In his Paris apartment, 10,000 square feet
on the Avenue Foch, a neighborhood otherwise
occupied by foreign potentates, there is a stuffed baby

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022876
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012122.txt,"Edwards adv. Epstein
Telephone interview with Virginia Roberts
Page 16 of 23

JS: Let me see if we can try to narrow it down a little bit. Is there any doubt in your mind
that it was more than 10?

V: Yes, there was definitely more than 10.

JS: Ok, what I want you to do is to give me the highest number that you are comfortable in
saying there were definitely more than X number of underage girls that I know Jeffrey
Epstein engaged in sex with while I had a relationship with him. How would you fill in
that blank? Definitely more than how many?

V: I'd say definitely more than a hundred.
JS: Alright. Did Jeffrey ever help to pick out your clothes?

V: Oh yes. I mean he wasn’t out to dress me like a porn star or anything. He would always
dress me very classy, but we'd just go shopping all the time together.

JS: Did he ever express any style preferences in terms of how he wanted you to dress?
Besides dressing classy, I’m, you know, any other suggestion to you about how he
wanted you dressed?

V: He didn’t, like I said, wasn’t trying to dress me in any prostitute way or anything like
that. It was nice, classy outfits I was wearing like Gucci, Dolce Gabbana, Chanel, things
like that. He was buying me a lot of very, very nice clothing. It was provocative. I mean
I was wearing miniskirts, and tight short shorts and little shirts that showed my belly and
my cleavage and everything, but they were very expensive clothes.

JS: | Was there every any dress up role playing?

Vv: Yes. There was. Lots of it. Jeffrey loved the latex outfits Ghislane had for us girls, he
had bondage outfits, he had all different kinds of outfits, but his favorite was the
schoolgirl.

JS: Tell me about that.

V: Well, you know, Ghislaine would take me to dress me up to surprise J.E or Jeffrey would
ask me to get dressed up, that would include wearing a tiny little skirt with nothing
underneath, a white collared shirt that you would be wearing to school with a tie in it, tied
up _in a bow_, my hair in pigtails, stockings on up to my knees, and I would go in there
and act like a kid and we’d do role playing sexing.

JS: Did Jeffrey ever brag to you about the age of any of the girls with whom he had
relationships?

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012122
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030033.txt,"4

about how to deal with the growing protests has led to increasingly
violent confrontations inside the regime between would-be reformers
and hard-liners. The outcome of this internal contest remains
uncertain.

What is certain, however, is that what happens in Syria is of great
concern to the whole region. Together with its two principal allies,
the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Lebanese Shiite resistance
movement Hezbollah, Syria is viewed with great hostility by Israel
and with wary suspicion by the United States. The Tehran-Damascus-
Hezbollah axis -- of which Syria is the linchpin -- has long been seen
by many leaders in the region as the lone bulwark against Israeli and
American hegemony. With backing from Washington, Israel has
sought to smash Hezbollah (notably through its 2006 invasion of
Lebanon) and detach Syria from Iran, a country Israel views as its
most dangerous regional rival. Neither objective has so far been
realized. But now that Syria has been weakened by internal problems,
the viability of the entire axis is in danger -- which could encourage
dangerous risk-taking behavior by its allies as they seek to counter
perceived gains by the United States and Israel.

If the Syrian regime were to be severely weakened by popular dissent,
if only for a short while, Iran's influence in Arab affairs would almost
certainly be reduced -- in both Lebanon and the Palestinian
territories. In Lebanon, it would appear that Hezbollah has already
been thrown on the defensive. Although it remains the most powerful
single movement, both politically and on account of its armed militia,
its local enemies sense a turning of the tide in their favor. This might
explain a violent speech delivered earlier this month by the Sunni
Muslim leader and former prime minister Saad Hariri, in which he
blatantly played the sectarian card.

Cheered by his jubilant supporters, he charged that Hezbollah's
weapons were not so much a threat to Israel as to Lebanon's own

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030033
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029562.txt,"""Well, frankly, the US didn't have the wisdom. It just wanted to celebrate its peace dividend. The two Clinton terms
and the two George W. Bush terms, that's four presidential terms, have cost US mightily.”

For Keating, the malaise in US politics is the problem. He says: ""The most compelling thing I've seen in years is that
in the great burst of American productivity between 1990 and 2008, of that massive increment to national income,
none of it went to wages. By contrast, in Australia real wages over the same period had risen by 30 per cent.""
Keating sees this ""as the breakdown of America's national compact"", the shattering of its prosperity deal. He says
American conservatives abandoned the middle ground represented by Republican presidents such as Dwight D.
Eisenhower, Richard Nixon and Bush Sr and became radicals. The derailment, he argues, began under Ronald
Reagan and reached its zenith under George W. Bush.

With the goodwill gone the US “is not able to produce a medium-term credible fiscal trajectory or get agreement on
rebuilding its infrastructure”. This paralysis “is significant not just for the US but for the world.""

Keating links the collapse of this “prosperity compact"" to the financial crisis. Too many Americans were unable to
sustain themselves from wages and salaries.

How did they get by? They used the easy credit of the banking system, thereby feeding the frenzy that ended in bad
loans and meltdown.

Keating's book has an abiding message for Australia: in the transformed world we “will find ourselves increasingly
on our own"" having to master our own destiny.

The job is to rediscover the productivity and savings agenda of the 1990s. Why did Australia survive the 2008
financial crisis? ""Because of the flexibility of the economy,"" Keating says. ""Flexibility which came from the reform of
Australia's financial, product and labour markets that began 25 years ago. This has given us one of the most flexible
economies in the world - arguably the most flexible. But further structural changes are ahead of us.""

He lists them. It is a mix of the new and old Keating agenda: a shift in resources to the extractive industries; a lift in
capital inflow driving a high current account deficit putting a premium on savings; recognition that competitiveness
will lie “in the creativity of our people as much as it does in our oil and gas""; a renewed emphasis on the value of hi-
tech and education; and above all, a cultural change that integrates Australia more into East Asia. ""Cultural
transformation is the key for us,"" Keating says. He rates it as more important than economic reform.

“There is less interest now in being part of East Asia than there was in the 1990s,"" he laments.

Keating wants this idea revived. And he ties it to the republic arguing that to succeed in Asia we must become a
republic, a proposition Howard always dismissed.

On China, Keating is an optimist yet alive to the daunting economic challenge China now confronts. ""What is
happening in China knows no precedence in world economic history,"" he says. ""Never before have 1.25 billion
people dragged themselves from poverty at such a pace. China is now half the GDP of the US and incomes have
risen by a factor of 10."" He argues, however, that the origin of the 2008 financial crisis lies in the global imbalances -
China has built huge foreign exchange reserves by exporting too much and America, in turn, is saving too little.

Keating says: “China must shift the basis of growth from net exports and investment to domestic consumption. Will
they achieve this? Probably. Will there be strains along the way? There have to be.""

Unlike many Australian leaders, Keating is a Europhile. ""I think the European project is the most significant project
since the second world war,"" he says. But he sees two huge blunders made in Europe.

From the euro's inception, Keating said it should constitute only Germany, France and the Benelux nations, not the
peripheral countries around the Mediterranean, and ""Greece should never have been allowed in”.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029562
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010735.txt,"Case 9:08-cv-80736-KAM Document 306 Entered on FLSD Docket 02/02/2015 Page 1 of 19

UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF FLORIDA

Case No. 08-80736-CIV-MARRA/JOHNSON
JANE DOE #1 AND JANE DOE #2,
Plaintiffs,
VS.
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA,

Defendant.
/

REPLY IN SUPPORT OF MOTION
FOR LIMITED INTERVENTION BY ALAN M. DERSHOWITZ

Alan M. Dershowitz hereby replies in support of his Motion for Limited Intervention (DE
282). Prof. Dershowitz’s only interest in joining this case is to strike the false, sensational and
irrelevant allegations against him. In its response (DE 290), the government compellingly set
forth the many reasons why Jane Does #3 and #4’s request, filed over 6 years after the
commencement of the CVRA case, should be denied. Jane Doe #3’s false allegations against
Prof. Dershowitz were not included in her statement to the government, were not made to the
FBI when she was initially contacted by that agency, were not included in her civil action against
Epstein in 2009, were not included in her recorded interview with her attorneys in 2011 and were
not included in her interview with the British press in 2011. These allegations first appeared in
Jane Doe #3’s Motion for Joinder in December 2014 (DE 279), and therefore have absolutely no
relevance as to whether there was a CVRA violation when Epstein and the government executed
the Non-Prosecution Agreement in September 2007. The request for limited intervention was

initiated to give Dershowitz a voice in the proceedings if and only if the Court allowed the

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010735
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013084.txt,"168 9 General Intelligence in the Everyday Human World

9.4.2 Events, Processes and Causality

Specific aspects of naive physics related to temporality and causality are:

1. Distinguishing roughly-subjectively-instantaneous events from extended processes
Identifying beginnings, endings and crossings of processes

Identifying and distinguishing internal and external changes

Identifying and distinguishing internal and external changes relative to one’s own body
Interrelating body-changes with changes in external entities

Notably, these aspects of naive physics involve a different processes occurring on a variety of
different time scales, intersecting in complex patterns, and involving processes inside the agent’s
body, outside the agent’s body, and crossing the boundary of the agent’s body.

9.4.3 Stuffs, States of Matter, Qualities

Regarding the various states of matter, some important aspects of naive physics are:

1. Perceiving gaps between objects: holes, media, illusions like rainbows, mirages and holo-
grams

2. Distinguishing the manners in which different sorts of entities (e.g. smells, sounds, light) fill
space

3. Distinguishing properties such as smoothness, roughness, graininess, stickiness, runniness,
etc.

4, Distinguishing degrees of elasticity and fragility

5. Assessing separability of aggregates

9.4.4 Surfaces, Limits, Boundaries, Media

Gibson [Gib77, Gib79] has argued that naive physics is not mainly about objects but rather
mainly about surfaces. Surfaces have a variety of aspects and relationships that are important
for naive physics, such as:

Perceiving and reasoning about surfaces as two-sided or one-sided interfaces

Inference of the various ecological laws of surfaces

Perception of various media in the world as separated by surfaces

Recognition of the textures of surfaces

Recognition of medium/surface layout relationships such as: ground, open environment,
enclosure, detached object, attached object, hollow object, place, sheet, fissure, stick, fibre,
dihedral, etc.

As a concrete, evocative “toy” example of naive everyday knowledge about surfaces and
boundaries, consider Sloman’s [Slo08a] example scenario, depicted in Figure 9.1 and drawn
largely from [SS74] (see also related discussion in [SloO8b], in which “A child can be given one

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013084
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029285.txt,"From: jeffrey E. [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Sent: 10/11/2017 3:15:45 PM 
To: Lawrence Summers [ 
Subject: Re: Trending Now: Friends for three decades, Trump whisperer says he is 'stunned' by president's rhetoric 
he knows. , it is s000 crazy, and now reporting is quite inaccurate, but each reporter feels he needs to tell his 
version, Im in paris if you want to chat 
On Wed, Oct 11, 2017 at 5:04 PM, Lawrence Summers ____________________________> wrote: 
Your pal should stay out of press. 
Public link to manafort will be a disaster. 
This is a staggering shit show. 
Sent from my iPad 
Please direct all scheduling inquiries to my office at: 
Follow me on twitter glhsummers 
www.larrysummers.com  
----------Forwarded message---------- 
From: ""The Washington Post"" <emailge.washingtonpost.com> 
Date: Wed, Oct 11, 2017 at 9:04 AM -0400 
Subject: Trending Now: Friends for three decades, Trump whisperer says he is 'stunned' by president's 
rhetoric 
To: ""Summers, Lawrence H."" < 
Democracy Dies in Darkness 
Trending Now 
Wed., Oct. 11, 2017 9:01 a.m. 
Friends for three decades, Trump whisperer says he is  
'stunned' by president's rhetoric  
Billionaire Thomas J. Barrack Jr. has done what few others in Trump's orbit have 
done: He told the president, in effect, that he was wrong. ""In my opinion, he's better 
than this,"" Barrack said. 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 029285 
Trump's relationship with Barrack is one of the most important, if little understood, of 
the president's life, offering a case study of what it takes to remain close to him in a 
time of such turmoil. 
Read more »  
ADVERTISEMENT 
fitv-E, 
fitv-E, 
VP's. 
.1-414 
You are signed up for the following breaking news alerts: Politics. 
You received this email because you signed up for breaking news alerts. Don't want to receive 
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longer wish to receive email from The Washington Post, click here. Contact us for help. 
'7.47rVt. 
©2017 The Washington Post, 1301 K St NW, Washington DC 20071  
7.47rVt. 
7.4176.P., 
41:-'17Az 
74176.P., 
74176.P., 
41:slAz 
74176.P., 
7.47rVt. 
7.47rVt. 
'41:-'17Az 
7.47rVt. 
'41:-'17Az 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 029286 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 029287 
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029204.txt,"From: Jeffrey Epstein [jeevacation@gmail.com]

Sent: 4/27/2014 6:58:54 PM
To: Loi {to
Subject: Re: NYTimes: Sanctions Revive Search for Secret Putin Fortune

On Sunday, April 27, 2014, Joi Ito <I wrote:

Can you talk now?

On Apr 27, 2014, at 04:41 , Jeffrey Epstein <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:

ia you havetime

>
ss

> On Sun, Apr 27, 2014 at 6:54 AM, Joi Ito EE wrote:

>

> President Obama’s response to the Ukraine crisis, while derided by critics as slow and weak, has
reinvigorated a 15-year global hunt for the Russian leader’s hidden wealth.

> http://www.nytimes.com/2014/04/27/world/sanctions-revive-search-for-secret-putin-
fortune.html?smid=nytnow-share&smprod=nytnow

se

%

> Sent from my iPhone

>

ss

oe

> --

> please note

> The information contained in this communication is

> confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may

> constitute inside information, and is intended only for

> the use of the addressee. It is the property of

> Jeffrey Epstein

> Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this

> communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited

>and may be unlawful. If you have received this

> communication in error, please notify us immediately by

> return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and

> destroy this communication and all copies thereof,

> including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

Please use my alternative address Mo avoid email auto responder

please note

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029204
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019977.txt,"Trump expert—he seemed intent on “poisoning the well,” in which he created a loop of
suspicion, disgruntlement, and blame heaped on others.

When the president got on the phone after dinner, it was often a rambling affair. In
paranoid or sadistic fashion, he’d speculate on the flaws and weaknesses of each member
of his staff. Bannon was disloyal (not to mention he always looks like shit). Priebus was
weak (not to mention he was short—a midget). Kushner was a suck-up. Spicer was stupid
(and looks terrible too). Conway was a crybaby. Jared and Ivanka should never have come
to Washington.

His callers, largely because they found his conversation peculiar, alarming, or
completely contrary to reason and common sense, often overrode what they might
otherwise have assumed to be the confidential nature of the calls and shared the content
with someone else. Hence news about the inner workings of the White House went into
free circulation. Except it was not so much the inner workings of the White House—
although it would often be reported as such—but the perambulations of the president’s
mind, which changed direction almost as fast as he could express himself. Yet there were
constant tropes in his own narrative: Bannon was about to be cast out, Priebus too, and
Kushner needed his protection from the other bullies.

So if Bannon, Priebus, and Kushner were now fighting a daily war with one another, it
was mightily exacerbated by something of a running disinformation campaign about them
that was being prosecuted by the president himself. A chronic naysayer, he viewed each
member of his inner circle as a problem child whose fate he held in his hand. “We are
sinners and he is God” was one view; “We serve at the president’s displeasure,” another.

OOK Ok

In the West Wing of every administration since at least that of Clinton and Gore, the vice
president has occupied a certain independent power base in the organization. And yet Vice
President Mike Pence—the fallback guy in an administration the length of whose term
remained the subject of something like a national office betting pool—was a cipher, a
smiling presence either resisting his own obvious power or unable to seize it.

“I do funerals and ribbon cuttings,” he told a former Republican Hill colleague. In this,
he was seen as either feigning an old-fashioned, what-me-worry, standard-issue veep
identity lest he upset his patron or, in fact, honestly acknowledging who he was.

Katie Walsh, amid the chaos, saw the vice president’s office as a point of calm in the
storm. Pence’s staff was not only known by people outside the White House for the
alacrity with which it returned calls and for the ease with which it seemed to accomplish
West Wing tasks, it also seemed to be comprised of people who liked each other and who
were dedicated to a common goal: eliminating as much friction as possible around the vice
president.

Pence started nearly every speech saying, “I bring greetings from our forty-fifth

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019977
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025184.txt,"destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025184
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015902.txt,"212 Are the Androids Dreaming Yet?

simply translated as ‘the Decision Problem’ - could you decide the truth
of a mathematical statement using some sort of automatic computation
— an ‘algorithm’ as we now call it?

It is difficult to imagine, but Turing worked on ‘computing’ before
the invention of the computer. When he talked of computing, he
meant the abstract idea of doing something mechanically. The nearest
thing he had to a ‘computer’ at the time was a human mindlessly but
methodically calculating something with pencil and paper! The scientific
paper he submitted to the London Mathematical Society described both
the theoretical basis of computing, and the design of a general-purpose
computing machine: the forerunner of all modern computers.

At the time, only a handful people in the world could assess
Turing’s paper. One of them, Alonzo Church, was based at the Institute
of Advanced Mathematics in the USA on the Princeton University
campus, next door to the Institute for Advanced Study that housed
Einstein. Turing travelled to America in 1937 and completed his doctoral
thesis at Princeton. He might have stayed, but Europe was heating up
and war seemed inevitable, so Turing returned to England to take up
a part-time job in the government code-breaking branch. Here he was
able to indulge his passion for hands-on engineering, experimenting
with the newly invented valve technologies. When war finally broke out
Turing was ordered to report to Bletchley Park, just north of London.
This was to be the home of the top-secret British code-breaking group
tasked with cracking Enigma. Turing’s first task was to debrief the
Polish mathematicians and see what they had discovered. The Polish
mathematicians had seen there were flaws in Enigma that made it repeat
itself. They had made a copy of the machine to test different coding
configurations and had been routinely cracking Enigma for 6 years,
but the Germans had been getting smarter and it was taking longer and
longer to crack the codes. Turing realized he could apply the Polish ideas
in a more general way and break the codes on an industrial scale. He was
installed at Bletchley Park to lead the project.

Initially he was successful but as the war continued, Enigma
developed subtleties making it harder to break. At one point, it was
taking a whole month to break a single day’s messages. Turing realized
the only solution was to use computer technology to fully automate the
decryption. He built a computing machine that could simulate thousands
of Enigma machines and try out all the possible settings in a short space
of time. The machine acquired the nickname ‘a bombe; perhaps because
of the ominous ticking sound it made as it calculated (or maybe as a
reference to the smaller Polish machines).

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015902
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021088.txt,"HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021088
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031002.txt,"From: Jeffrey Epstein [jeevacation@gmail.com]

Sent: 10/9/2009 4:52:57 PM
To: Jack Goldberger EE Robert D. Critton |) E-____
Subject: Fwd: Daily News story on Jeffrey Epstein

---------- Forwarded message ----------

From: Darren Indyke

Date: Fri, Oct 9, 2009 at 12:32 PM

Subject: Fwd: Daily News story on Jeffrey Epstein
To: Jeevacation <jeevacation@gmail.com>

Sent from my iPhone

Begin forwarded message:

From: Howard Rubenstein i

Date: October 9, 2009 7:26:54 AM PDT
To:
Subject: FW: Daily News story on Jeffrey Epstein

Hi Darren:
I hope you are well.

Since we are no longer working for Jeffrey, ’'m forwarding this Daily News request to you so you can handle it as you see
fit.

Many thanks,

Howard

From: Rush, George [mailto

Sent: Thursday, October 08, 2009 11:08 PM
To: Howard Rubenstein

Subject: Daily News story on Jeffrey Epstein

Howard:

We’re working on a story for our Sunday column about Jeffrey Epstein. I thought I might send
my questions to you tonight, so you’d have them first thing tomorrow.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031002
"
IMAGES-012-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032758.txt,"destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved
please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
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confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
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communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
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destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
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the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032758
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027331.txt,"Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 07/17/18 12:16:27 PM (553547787)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: ASDF9F1I2-40D6-4505-BA2E-4D652A348234

Message: K

Time: 07/17/18 12:16:44 PM (553547804)
Flags: 1126401

Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: A58A1731-A83B-4D00-B625-1 9F9B2A9231

ral
ed

Message: 7 am?

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 07/17/18 12:16:53 PM (553547813)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: A3F559C7-6E98-4349-8296-99F05F32C261

Message: Done

Time: 07/17/18 08:30:48 PM (553577448)
Flags: 1052673
Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 2BAF6284-BA1C-485B-8875-E9FA7CA16D9

Gl

Message: S$ u then

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027331
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028002.txt,"It was then, suddenly, that I saw Yishai had taken a bullet in the side of his
neck. Blood was spurting from the wound. His face was contorted in pain. He
looked at me, raising his hands upward, as if to say: “I did my best. It’s over
now.” I pressed hard on the wound, trying to stem the flow. But he slipped out
of my grasp and collapsed into Yasha Kedmi’s arms. Yasha propped him up and
kept trying to staunch the bleeding. I turned toward the Egyptian soldier who
had shot Yishai, less than 20 feet to my left. Keeping myself as low as possible
above the turret, I fired into his chest. He tumbled into the foxhole. As I kept
shooting, Yasha told me Yishai was dead. “Are you sure?” I asked. When he
said yes, I ordered the driver to back up. We drove a few dozen feet, to where a
group of the paratroopers was taking cover. With their help, we lowered his
body from the tank, and then returned to the battle.

Barely ten minutes had passed since it began. Two SU-100s were now
spewing smoke and out of action. The third had withdrawn. But the Egyptians
were still firing. Five of our tanks had been hit. Two were on fire. One APC was
smoldering, its commander severely wounded. I knew that if we stayed much
longer, we would end up like other armored units during Israel’s first, failed
counterattack in the early days of the war. We would risk being wiped out. As
far as I could tell, all the surviving paratroopers had been brought out or had
managed to hobble to the irrigation ditch. I ordered Sukenik to abandon his
attempt to take out the Saggers, and we withdrew behind the irrigation ditch.

It was only then that I realized that alongside two of our crippled tanks there
was still a group of a dozen men: six crew members from my battalion and six
of Yitzhik’s men. It took nearly two hours to get them out. We used our tank
guns to try to reduce the intensity of the fire from the Egyptians around them. I
ordered one of our APCs to go get them. I rounded up all our smoke grenades,
and the APC crew used them to create a smokescreen, the only way I could
think of to reduce the danger of being targeted by the Saggers. It worked, but it
required incredible guts for the men in the APC to pull it off.

The battle had required guts of every man in the battalion. They had found a
way to conquer the first and most powerful enemy on a battlefield: fear. I felt it,
too. But it’s easier for a commander. When you’re leading people into combat,
you don’t have time to be afraid. You have to assess and evaluate, second by
second, everything going on around you. You have to make instant decisions
and ensure they’re being carried out. The people under your command are
waiting to hear your voice, and watching your actions, too. If you lose control at
any point, not only is your life at stake. Theirs are too.

154
HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028002
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021063.txt,"... ow Might One Think About Turning Around USA Inc.?

One might consider...

e Options for reducing expenses by focusing on entitlement reform and operating efficiency
— Formula changes could help Social Security's underfunding, but look too draconian for Medicare/Medicaid;
the underlying healthcare cost dilemma requires business process restructuring and realigned incentives.
- Resuming the 20-year trend line for lower Federal civilian employment, plus more flexible compensation
systems and selective local outsourcing, could help streamline USA Inc.’s operations.

e Options for increasing revenue by focusing on driving long-term GDP growth and changing tax

policies

- USA Inc. should examine ways to invest in growth that provides a high return (ROI) via new investment in
technology, education, and infrastructure and could stimulate productivity gains and employment growth.

— Reducing tax subsidies (like exemptions on mortgage interest payments or healthcare benefits) and
changing the tax system in other ways could increase USA Inc.’s revenue without raising income taxes to
punitive — and self-defeating — levels. Such tax policy changes could help re-balance USA’s economy
between consumption and savings and re-orient business lines towards investment-led growth, though
there are potential risks and drawbacks.

e History suggests the long-term consequences of inaction could be severe
- USA Inc. has many assets, but it must start addressing its spending/debt challenges now.

KP
i USA Inc. | Summary 443

Sizing Costs Related to USA Inc.’s Key Financial Challenges

& Potential AND / OR Solutions

e To create frameworks for discussion, the next slide summarizes USA Inc.’s various
financial challenges and the projected future cost of each main expense driver.

— The estimated future cost is calculated as the net present value of expected
‘dedicated’ future income (such as payroll taxes) minus expected future expenses
(such as benefits paid) over the next 75 years.

e Then we ask the question: ‘What can we do to solve these financial challenges?’

— The potential solutions include a range of simple mathematical illustrations (such as
changing program characteristics or increasing tax rates) and/or program-specific
policy solutions proposed or considered by lawmakers and agencies like the CBO
(such as indexing Social Security initial benefits to growth in cost of living).

e These mathematical illustrations are only a mechanical answer to key financial
challenges and not realistic solutions. In reality, a combination of detailed policy
changes will likely be required to bridge the future funding gap.

KP
a USA Inc. | Summary 444

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021063
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015731.txt,"Determinism

have free will.
] Look...

I can choose to type any word I like.

Giotto...

Many philosophers tell me I am deluded. I was always going to type
that word and I have no free will. Everything in my life is predetermined.
I’m rather like a character in an enormous video game. The character
might think it was free to act, and its actions would appear random.
Yet from the moment the player clicked the button to start the game,
every action the character takes is determined by a preprogrammed set
of rules. This is the free will debate. How can we tell we are free? Would
there be any observable effect?

One of the big problems is that philosophers codified much of our
modern theory of free will in the 19"" century, at a time when all the
known physical laws were deterministic and reversible. They could not
see a way for free will to emerge from such physical laws. There was even
a group called the Compatibilists lead by David Hume that thought free
will could coexist with determinism. Provided you felt free it did not
matter that your actions were inevitable.

We all want free will to mean actual freedom to make conscious
choices. We would like to affect the world in which we live; not the other
way around. I dislike making definitions — I find they take away from the
core argument and only result in linguistic jousting, but it seems that two
centuries of philosophers have avoided a proper discussion of free will by
loosely defining the term. Here is my definition:

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015731
"
IMAGES-012-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033446.txt,"Please direct all scheduling inquiries to my office at: ee

Follow me on twitter @lhsummers
www.larrysummers.com

On Mar 17, 2019, at 8:42 AM, J <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:

com

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
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destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
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confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033446
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017320.txt,"4.2.12
WC: 191694

Was Mike Tyson the victim of the changing politics of rape?

The first time I met Mike Tyson was the night before he was to be sentenced and sent to prison.
Mike was deciding whether to accept Don King’s recommendation that he hire me as his appellate
lawyer. He was in a hotel room in Indianapolis, Indiana, with his large entourage. After briefly
discussing the case and the appeal, he turned to me and asked point blank, “So professor, I have
two questions. Do you believe I’m innocent and what do you think of me as a person?” I replied
to the first question that I had no basis at that time to form a judgment about his guilt or
innocence since I had not yet read the transcripts. He replied, “ok that’s the lawyers’ talk. I
understand. Now, man to man, what do you think of me?” I looked him straight in the eye and
said: “If you’re innocent, you’re a real schmuck.” He looked back at me and said, “You calling
me a schmuck?” I said, “Yes, if you’re innocent then you’re a schmuck for going up to a hotel
room at three o’clock in the morning with a woman who you didn’t know, without any witnesses,
thereby putting yourself in a position where she could accuse you of so serious a crime.” He
turned to several members of his entourage and said, “This man’s calling me a schmuck. He’s
right. I want to know why you guys didn’t call me a schmuck. He’s hired. I need somebody
who’s willing to call me a schmuck when I am a schmuck.”

That was Mike Tyson - - direct and to the point. While preparing his appeal I went to visit him in
prison several times. The prison rules required that we sit side-by-side facing a camera.
Whenever I would say something he agreed with, he would give me a gentle love tap on my arm
or on my thigh. A love tap to him! When I got back to my hotel I was black and blue.

One day I saw a guard taunt him mercilessly and watched him strain to control himself. He did
hard time in prison. I sent him books to read—about subjects that interested him such as ancient
Egypt, the “roaring 20s” in the United States, and the history of boxing. When I would come to
visit him, he asked me to test him about what he had read. He passed with flying colors.

Mostly we talked by phone about his appeal. Mike would have to wait in the phone line for hours
to call me. Once, as I picked up the phone, he heard my baby daughter crying in the background.
He told me to “take care of your kid” and he would call back later. He was always considerate.

Some people find it hard to believe, but Mike was a wonderful client, always polite, always
honest, always honorable, and always thinking of others. He ran out of money during the appeal
and I continued to represent him without pay. I never thought I would see a penny of what he
owed me, but several days after he fought his first fight upon being released, he sent checks to
every one of his lawyers for the full amount that he owed.

Tyson’s trial had been a disaster. His prominent white collar trial lawyer had little experience in
rape cases and didn’t seem to like Tyson. He made mistake after mistake, both tactical and legal.
The legal expert who reported on the trial for USA Today described the trial as “filled with
mistakes, omissions and elementary errors” by Tyson’s trial lawyers. I had followed the trial in
the media, but I didn’t realize what a terrible job his chief trial counsel had done until I reviewed

233

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017320
"
IMAGES-012-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032980.txt,"From: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com]

Sent: 2/19/2017 12:31:38 AM
To: Weingarten, Reid as
Subject: Fwd:

---------- Forwarded message ---------

From: Roy Black <a
Date: Sun, Feb 19, 2017 at 1:01 AM
Subject: Re:

To: jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com>

He will be by himself. Perhaps a trump administration aide to assist and accompany him.

Get Outlook for iOS

On Sat, Feb 18, 2017 at 3:30 PM -0800, ""jeffrey E."" <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:

Who will represent Acosta at hearings
please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved
please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by

return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032980
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018013.txt,"Case 1:19-cv-03377 Document 1-8 Filed 04/16/19 Page 15 of 16

http://www.vanityfair.com/news/2003/03/jeffrey-epstein-200303

that he owned $7 million in securities, $1 million in cash, zero in residential property (although
he told sources that he had already bought the home in Palm Beach), and $11 million in other
assets, including his investment in Riddell. A co-investor in Riddell says: “The company had
been bought with a huge amount of debt, and it wasn’t public, so it was meaningless to attach a
figure like that to it ... the price it cost was about $1.2 million.” The co-investors bought out
Epstein’s share in Riddell in 1995 for approximately $3 million. At that time, when Epstein was
asked, as a routine matter, to sign a paper guaranteeing he had access to a few million dollars in
case of any subsequent disputes over the sale price, Wexner signed for him. Epstein has
explained that this was because the co-investors wanted an indemnity against being sued by
Wexner. One of the investors calls this “bullshit.”

Epstein’s appointment to the board of New York’s Rockefeller University in 2000 brought him
into greater social prominence. Boasting such social names as Nancy Kissinger, Brooke Astor,
and Robert Bass, the board also includes such pre-eminent scientists as Nobel laureate Joseph
Goldstein. “Epstein was thrilled to be elected,” says someone who knows him.

After one term Epstein resigned. According to New York magazine, this was because he didn’t
like to wear a suit to meetings. A spokesperson for the Rockefeller board says Epstein left
because he had insufficient time to commit; a board member recalls that he was “arrogant” and
“not a good fit.” The spokesperson admits that it is “infrequent” for board members not to be
renominated after only one term.

Still, the recent spate of publicity Epstein has inspired does not seem to have fazed him. In
November he was spotted in the front row of the Victoria’s Secret fashion show at New York’s
Lexington Avenue Armory; around the same time the usual coterie of friends and beautiful
women were whisked off to Little St. James (which he tells people has been renamed Little St.
Jeff) for a long weekend.

Thanks to Epstein’s introductions, says Martin Nowak, the biologist finds himself moving from
Princeton to Harvard, where he is assuming the joint position of professor of mathematics and
professor of biology. Epstein has pledged at least $25 million to Harvard to create the Epstein
Program for Mathematical Biology and Evolutionary Dynamics, and Epstein will have an office
at the university. The program will be dedicated to searching for nature’s algorithms, a pursuit
that is a specialty of Nowak’s. For Epstein this must be the summit of everything he has worked
toward: he has been seen proudly displaying Harvard president Larry Summers’s letter of
commitment as if he can’t quite believe it is real. He says he was reluctant to have his name
attached to the program, but Summers persuaded him. He rang his mentor Wexner about it, and
Wexner told him it was all right.

An insatiable, restless soul, always on the move, Epstein builds a tremendous amount of
downtime into his hectic work schedule. Yet there is something almost programmed about his
relaxation: it’s as if even pleasure has to be measured in terms of self-improvement. Nowak says
that, when he goes to stay with Epstein in the Caribbean, they’ll get up at six and, as the sun
rises, have three-hour conversations about theoretical physics. “Then he’ll go off and do some
work, re-appear, and we’ll talk some more.”

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018013
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026466.txt,"From: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com]

Sent: 1/24/2018 11:35:28 AM
To:
Subject: Re: Keep the March Alive!

happy to help. but I thought by colorful past might be more of a burden with re conribtuions.
On Tue, Jan 23, 2018 at 9:59 PM, Diane Ziman > wrote:

Jeffrey --

Did you see my son’s email on Sunday?

I was so proud to see him speak at the Women’s March this weekend, joining thousands of
passionate Floridians who want real change in our state, and across the country.

But we both know that change doesn’t come easy. And there are a lot of folks in Tallahassee
that want to keep things the same as usual.

We can’t afford the status quo so they can have their way. We need leadership that will
bring the change that so many have been marching for over the past year.

Can I count on you to help my son bring that change to Tallahassee?

Click here to join his campaign today, and help him do the right thing for our
neighbors across the state.

#ThatsMyBoy

- Diane

| spent the day with thousands of fellow Floridians, celebrating the one year
anniversary of the Women's March.

| was inspired by the crowds, their voice, and their passion.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026466
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016238.txt,"WRONG, BUT MORE RELEVANT THAN EVER
Seth Lloyd

Seth Lloyd is a theoretical physicist at MIT, Nam P. Suh Professor in the Department of
Mechanical Engineering, and an external professor at the Santa Fe Institute.

The Human Use of Human Beings, Norbert Wiener’s 1950 popularization of his highly
influential book Cybernetics: Control and Communication in the Animal and the
Machine (1948), investigates the interplay between human beings and machines in a
world in which machines are becoming ever more computationally capable and powerful.
It is aremarkably prescient book, and remarkably wrong. Written at the height of the
Cold War, it contains a chilling reminder of the dangers of totalitarian organizations and
societies, and of the danger to democracy when it tries to combat totalitarianism with
totalitarianism’s own weapons.

Wiener’s Cybernetics looked in close scientific detail at the process of control via
feedback. (“Cybernetics,” from the ancient Greek for “helmsman,” is the etymological
basis of our word “governor,” which is what James Watt called his pathbreaking
feedback control device that transformed the use of steam engines.) Because he was
immersed in problems of control, Wiener saw the world as a set of complex, interlocking
feedback loops, in which sensors, signals, and actuators such as engines interact via an
intricate exchange of signals and information. The engineering applications of
Cybernetics were tremendously influential and effective, giving rise to rockets, robots,
automated assembly lines, and a host of precision-engineering techniques—in other
words, to the basis of contemporary industrial society.

Wiener had greater ambitions for cybernetic concepts, however, and in 7he
Human Use of Human Beings he spells out his thoughts on its application to topics as
diverse as Maxwell’s Demon, human language, the brain, insect metabolism, the legal
system, the role of technological innovation in government, and religion. These broader
applications of cybernetics were an almost unequivocal failure. Vigorously hyped from
the late 1940s to the early 1960s—to a degree similar to the hype of computer and
communication technology that led to the dotcom crash of 2000-200 1—cybernetics
delivered satellites and telephone switching systems but generated few if any useful
developments in social organization and society at large.

Nearly seventy years later, however, Ze Human Use of Human Beings has more
to teach us humans than it did the first time around. Perhaps the most remarkable feature
of the book is that it introduces a large number of topics concerning human/machine
interactions that are still of considerable relevance. Dark in tone, the book makes several
predictions about disasters to come in the second half of the 20th century, many of which
are almost identical to predictions made today about the second half of the 21st.

For example, Wiener foresaw a moment in the near future of 1950 in which
humans would cede control of society to a cybernetic artificial intelligence, which would
then proceed to wreak havoc on humankind. The automation of manufacturing, Wiener
predicted, would both create large advances in productivity and displace many workers
from their jobs—a sequence of events that did indeed come to pass in the ensuing
decades. Unless society could find productive occupations for these displaced workers,
Wiener warned, revolt would ensue.

18

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016238
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019744.txt,"256 | HOW AMERICA LOST ITS SECRETS

Because the Aeroflot flight to Cuba was the only means of get-
ting directly from Moscow to Latin America, Russian reporters,
encouraged by WikiLeaks posts, continued taking the daily eleven-
hour flight to Cuba until August 1. The charade only ended when
Kucherena said in a press conference at the airport that Snowden
would be taking up residency at an undisclosed location in Moscow
and walked out of the airport with Snowden.

Sarah Harrison, Snowden’s companion on the plane to Moscow,
told Vogue that she and Snowden for thirty-nine days had shared
a windowless room in the transit zone of the airport where they
watched TV, washed their clothes in a sink basin, and ate meals from
the nearby Burger King. The only hotel with windowless rooms
in the transit zone in 2013 was the Vozdushny V-Express Capsule
Hotel, located next to a newly opened Burger King.

The polite V-Express desk clerk, who spoke English, showed me
the standard windowless double room. It was approximately twenty-
four square feet in area. Most of the floor space was taken up by twin
beds. Across from the bed, behind a plastic curtain, was a stall with

© a shower, a toilet, and a sink. It would be very cramped quarters for ©
two people to share for such an extended period. It cost 850 rubles an
hour (about $18 in 2013). For thirty-nine days, that hourly charge
would have added up to $16,600. Snowden claimed to the BBC that
he brought a large cache of cash to Russia, which he could have used
to pay the hotel. But such a long stay was not allowed, according to
the desk clerk. The maximum stay allowed by the hotel was twenty-
four hours. So either the rule was waived for Snowden, or Harrison
did not tell the full truth.

I learned from a former KGB officer that there are VIP quarters
beyond the confines of the airport, including suites at the four-
hundred-room Novotel hotel, which is located about seven miles
away, that are used for debriefing and other purposes by the security
services. According to him, the security services are not restricted
from entering and leaving the transit zone.

The possibility that Snowden was staying elsewhere would help
explain the futile search for him by a large number of reporters
over those thirty-nine days. When they learned from tweets that
Snowden was not aboard the plane to Havana on June 24, for weeks

| | Epst_9780451494566_2p_all_r1.indd 256 ® 9/30/16 8:13AM | |

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019744
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013709.txt,"along the x axis and the logarithm of the ratio of the range to the standard deviation
on the y axis. An independent random system has a Hurst of 0.5. If a sequential
increase or decrease in an amplitude or inter-event time tends to be followed by a
change in the same direction, the Hurst > 0.5. If an increase in the measure tends
to be followed by a decrease, then Hurst < 0.5. Computation of the Fano factor
(power law exponent) exploits the same general strategy using the variance/mean
in place of the range/variance and counting the number of events (such as single
neuron discharges or heartbeats) in time windows of increasing length, generating a
similar log-log graph. There is a relatively long history of the use of spike-number
variance-to mean ratio in studies of response variability in visual cortical neurons
(see Teich et al, 1996 for a review). The Allen factor (power law exponent) tends to
reduce the influence of local trends by a computation of the variance of the
difference between the number of events in two successive time windows divided

by twice the mean number of events in the window.

Each system’s invariant logarithmic slope across sample segment sizes
takes the place of its missing finite variance in characterizing experimental data in
which the distributional tails do not converge (or do so very slowly) to the x axis.
Recent approaches to these measures in the context of stochastic analysis of DNA
sequences, but also applied to normal and pathological cardiac inter-beat intervals
and gait interval sequences, have dealt with the influence of non-stationarity due to
apparent trends in the data on a-equivalent indices by local mean-normalization of
the fluctuations at each window size (Peng et al, 1993; Peng et al, 1995; Hausdorff
et al, 1995).

The rate of decay of the densities in the tails of the probability distribution as
they approach extreme values along the x axis, called the Levy exponent when
represented in Fourier space (technically, as a “characteristic function” of the
probability distribution) (Shlesinger, 1988; Shlesinger et al, 1995), can also be
computed directly on the distribution by fitting the tails with a two parameter curve
quantifying their “fatness” and rates of decay (Mantegna, 1991). We can speak of a

Gaussian tail as having an exponential decay rate representable by a = 2 implying

209

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013709
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014066.txt,"2014] CRIME VICTIMS’ RIGHTS 87

as environmental crimes investigators in the Environmental Protection
Agency (EPA).'°

This coverage provision would seem to answer any lingering question
about whether the CVRA applies before charging. In directing that federal
employees engaged in the “detection” and “investigation” of crime must
respect victims’ rights, Congress wanted broad rights extending beyond just
the prosecution of a case. As the district court concluded in the Epstein
case, this provision “surely contemplates pre-charge application of the
CVRA.”""°!

OLC gamely maintains, however, that Congress was simply trying to
provide that federal law enforcement agents should provide rights to
victims when a criminal case moves to its prosecution phase. OLC noted
the uncontroversial point that law enforcement agents “often develop a
relationship of trust with crime victims during the investigation that
continues as they assist crime victims in negotiating active criminal
proceedings.”!©? OLC then asserted:

Given this continuing active role that agents typically play during criminal
prosecutions, we find the fact that the CVRA assigns responsibility to them, together
with the attorney for the Government, to ... accord them their rights under the CVRA
to be entirely consistent with our conclusion that those rights arise only once the
Government has initiated criminal proceedings. !°

But OLC’s contorted position never explains why Congress found it
necessary to break out three separate phases of the criminal justice process:
the “detection,” “investigation,” and “prosecution” of crime. If the
congressional intent was simply to cover, for example, FBI agents or EPA
agents during the post-charging phase of a case, it could have simply
omitted those words from the CVRA. An FBI agent, for example, would be
engaged in the “prosecution” of the case when assisting the victim after the
formal filing of charges. On OLC’s reading of the statute, the words
“detection” and “investigation” become meaningless, contrary to the well-
known canon of construction verba cum effectu sunt accipienda, which
means that, if possible, every word and every provision is to be given
effect.!

OLC also suggests that the “most significant” argument supporting
pre-charging application of nghts is the venue provision, which allows

100 See Kylet al., supra note 136, at 615 (“Notice should be given to the fact that it applies
not just to the Department of Justice, but to all ‘departments and agencies of the United States
engaged in the detection, investigation, or prosecution of crime.”” (citation omitted)).

161 Does v. United States, 817 F. Supp. 2d 1337, 1342 (S.D. Fla. 2011).

162 OLC CVRA Rights Memo, supra note 2, at 15.

163 Iq

164 See, e.g., Reiter v. Sonotone Corp., 442 U.S. 330, 339 (1979).

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014066
"
TEXT-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032390.txt,"From: Pritzker, Tom 
Sent: 12/15/2016 3:54:53_________________________PM 
To: jeffrey E. [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Subject: RE: 
Importance: High 
I'm stuck in the cold! Five degrees. Aspen next week to warm up. Tilerson is a good move for Trump. Have gotten to 
know him at CSIS, he's the real deal. 
tjp 
From: jeffrey E. [mailto:jeevacation@gmail.com] 
Sent: Thursday, December 15, 2016 8:53 AM 
To: Pritzker, Tom 
Subject: 
?? 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
The contents of this email message and any attachments are intended solely for the addressee(s) and may 
contain confidential and/or privileged information and may be legally protected from disclosure. If you are not 
the intended recipient of this message or their agent, or if this message has been addressed to you in error, 
please immediately alert the sender by reply email and then delete this message and any attachments. If you are 
not the intended recipient, you are hereby notified that any use, dissemination, copying, or storage of this 
message or its attachments is strictly prohibited. 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 032390 
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029589.txt,"HARVARD UNIVERSITY
DEPARTMENT OF ENGLISH
Barker Center - 12 Quincy Street - Cambridge, Massachusetts 02138

ELISA NEW Tel:
Powell M. Cabot Professor of American Literature Fax

November 25, 2018
Dear Ms. Williams:

I am writing now to invite you to be a featured guest on my public
television series, Poetry in America (poetryinamerica.org). If you
agree, we'll spend 45 minutes at a location of your choice
discussing a contemporary poem by Sharon Olds that compares
feats of athletic prowess to childbirth. I will use what we capture in
an upcoming season of Poetry in America, and I'll also use this
content in a course for medical professionals I am creating in
partnership with Harvard Medical School.

Poetry in America’s first season’s guests included Joe Biden,
Cynthia Nixon, Shaquille O’Neal, Yo Yo Ma, Samantha Power,
Herbie Hancock, John McCain, Bill Clinton, Nas, Angela Duckworth,
Bono, Regina Spektor, Frank Gehry, Stuart Weitzman, E.O. Wilson
as well as 12 of the most distinguished poets of our time. Seasons
Two and Three will have a similar line up. The series air on most
public television stations, streams on Amazon Prime and is now
airing on a variety of domestic and international airlines. I thank
you for considering this request. I would be very honored to work
with you.

Sincerely,

Elisa New

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029589
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031347.txt,"From: Tyler Shears 
Sent: 1/24/2014 8:20:13 PM 
To: Jeffrey Epstein [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
CC: Christina Galbraith 
Subject: Re: 
Importance: High 
Mr. Epstein, 
We currently have two negatives on first page in Google but one is at 6th and the other at 7th. (Universal 
search, no history applied). Results will be very different if that PC has been used to click or search any of the 
results and has not been cleared. 
How did you pull the results you just sent? 
Using Google Chrome + InCognito Mode + Clearing Browser Cache = only reliable reporting. I can help set 
you up with this. Screenshot here of results using above method - http://i.imgur.com/tfGN3Zi.png. This is the 
true representation of what your average searcher will find (statistically, most searches will be from users whom 
have not clicked on your negative articles before) 
Much progress has been made since we spoke - premium placements are getting secured over next week, 
hundreds of links have been built to your primary sites and the first movements are kicking in today (NYMag 
moved up to 4th a few hours ago). We still have confidence we are on the right track and doing everything we 
can to get this cleaned up - another 45 days should be enough to have a clean first page based on what has been 
done. 
PS - The foundation site was just hacked and I'm in the process of fixing that today. You can actually see it in 
the screenshot above (it reads Cash Advance advertisement in the short-description). This is something a 
previous company deployed but we are now going through and securing the rest of the domains to prevent basic 
hijacks like this. 
I'm free on my cell for next few hours. 
Sincerely, 
Tyler Shears 
On Fri, Jan 24, 2014 at 3:04 PM, Jeffrey Epstein <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
About 40,700,000 results (0.21 seconds) 
Search Results 
1. Jeffrey Epstein - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia  
en.wilopedia.org/wiki/Jeffrey Epstein 
Wikipedia 
Jeffrey Edward Epstein (born January 20, 1953) is an American financier and science and education 
philanthropist. He worked at Bear Stearns early in his ... 
Life - Financial career - Science funding - Solicitation of prostitution 
2. Jeffrey Epstein: Sex Offender, Yes. Billionaire, No. - Forbes  
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031347 
www.forbes.com/.../jeffrey-epstein-sex-offender-yes-bil... 
Forbes 
by Clare O'Connor - in 138 Google+ circles  
Feb 28, 2011 - The pervert of Palm Beach is back in the news, and back to being described as a 
""billionaire"". Here's why he's not. 
3. Jeffrey Epstein Philanthropy: Overview  
wwwjeffreyepstein.org/ 
Jeffrey Epstein Philanthropy supports innovative research and programs in science, medicine, education and 
international affairs. 
4. Jeffrey Epstein VI Foundation - New York, NY - Medical & Health ...  
https://www.facebook.com/jeffreyepsteinvifoundation 
Jeffrey Epstein VI Foundation, New York, NY. 27 likes • 1 talking about this. The Jeffrey Epstein VI 
Foundation was founded in 2000 by Jeffrey Epstein to sponsor ... 
5. Jeff Epstein profiles I LinkedIn  
www.linkedin.com/pub/dir/Jeff/Epstein 
View the profiles of professionals named Jeff Epstein on LinkedIn. There are 25 professionals named Jeff 
Epstein, who use LinkedIn to exchange information, ... 
6. Dr. Jeffrey M. Epstein, MD - Babylon, NY - Neurosurgery ...  
www.healthgrades.com New York (NY) Babylon  
HealthGrades 
Rating: 4.3 - 6 reviews 
Visit Healthgrades for information on Dr. Jeffrey M. Epstein, MD. Find Phone & Address information, 
medical practice history, affiliated hospitals and more. 
7. Billionaire Jeffrey Epstein: I'm a sex offender, not a predator I New ...  
nvpost.com/.../billionaire-jeffrey-epstein-im-a-... 
New York Post 
by Amber Sutherland  
Feb 25, 2011 - Billionaire pervert Jeffrey Epstein is back in New York City — and making wisecracks 
about his just-ended jail stint for having sex with an ... 
8. Woody Allen spotted with convicted child sex-offender Jeffrey ...  
www.dailymail.co.uk/.../Woody-Allen-spotted-convicted-chil... 
Daily Mail 
Sep 24, 2013 - Woody Allen has been spotted strolling on New York's Upper East Side with millionaire child 
sex-offender Jeffrey Epstein, who served time for ... 
9. Jeffrey Epstein: International Moneyman of Mystery  
nymag.com/nymetro/news/people/n 7912/ 
New York Magazine 
He's pals with a passel of Nobel Prize—winning scientists, CEOs like Leslie Wexner of the Limited, socialite 
Ghislaine Maxwell, even Donald Trump. But it wasn't ... 
10. Jeffrey Epstein 'kept a diary of his under-aged victims' - Telegraph  
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031348 
www.telegraph.co.uk ) ... >North America ) USA  
The Daily Telegraph 
Mar 5, 2011 - The Duke of York's billionaire paedophile friend kept a secret journal, described as ""The Holy 
Grail"" by lawyers, which listed his alleged ... 
--
*********************************************************** 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
Jeffrey Epstein 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031349 
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032286.txt,"http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/t/landon jr thomas/index.h
tml

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032286
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019022.txt,"Date:
Time:

Case

KEEKK
NA

7/13/06 PALM BEACH POLICE DEPARTMENT ° , Page:
927755 Incident Report Program: CMS301L

No. . . . : 1-05-000368 (Continued)
observed a Red Explorer W/F driver leaving the area, Tan subcompact on
roadway and a Red Neon bearing FL tag J10GRV. Then observed 3 W/Fs,
approximately 16 to. 18 years of age jogging. All 3 females ran into
the driveway. There were 2 with blond hair and one brown hair.

On Sunday, 04/03/05, I continued surveillance at 358 El Brillo. At
0719 hours I observed a Tan Honda Civic X98APM in roadway and a Black
Caddy Escalade. At 0934 hours, I observed a Tan Honda Civic X98APM in
roadway and a Black Caddy Escalade in driveway. At 1057 hours I
observed only the Tan Honda Civic X98APM.

On. Tuesday, 04/05/05, I continued surveillance at 358 El Brillo. At
1052 hours, I observed a Red Explorer J98JEI in roadway, a Green
Explorer, bearing Fl. tag F91KAK in roadway, a Grey Altima bearing FL
tag A303AN in roadway, White Ford Truck H58LRA in roadway, Black
Mercedes in driveway being washed by a B/M and an unknown dark car
parked in the garage. At 1059 hours a Blue Chevy Suburban drove to
the house of 358 El Brillo and parked in the driveway. At 1119 hours,
I observed the White Fort Truck H58LRA leave the area and the drive
was the pool man.

At 1126 hours, I observed a Grey unknown make/model car park in
roadway. W/M got out of the car and walked to a house on the south
Side of El Brillo. At 1406 hours, I observed a Red Explorer parked on
roadway and a large white box truck parked behind the surveillance
suburban.

FOTO TOTO TOTO TO HK NARRATIVE # 32 KRKKEKREKEREREREREEKKERERERE
Reported By: BATES, MICHAEL J. 1/03/06
Entered By.: ALTOMARO, NICKIE A. 1/03/06

On 03/31/05, at approximately 1500 hours while conducting surveillance
at 358 El Brillo, I observed a Black Cadillac Escalade, unknown tag, a
Black Chevrolet Suburban, unknown tag, a Black Mercedes S600 FL tag
U90BQL parked in the east driveway next to the 3-car garage. There
was a Tan Honda Civic FL tag X98APM parked on the street in front of
the residence.

At approximately 1700 hours, I observed the Black Suburban, Black
Escalade, Black Mercedes and Tan Honda Civic parked in the same place.
At 1750 hours, there was no change in vehicles. At 1840 hours, I
observed the Black Escalade, Black Suburban and Black Mercedes along
with a Silver Hyundai Accent FL tag A136AN all parked in the east
driveway and a Red Ford Explorer FL tag J98JEI parked on the street in
front of the residence.

At 2000 hours, I observed the Black Escalade, Black Suburban parked in
the ease driveway and the Red Explorer and Tan Civic parked on the
street.

On Friday, 04/01/05 at approximately 1700 hours, I observed the Black

69

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019022
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026300.txt,"e This is what I think a successful third-party candidate looks like; a dream third party ticket would
start off with enough name ID to be an instant contender. Building the name ID to run nationally is
just too long and expensive of a process to accomplish in the 28 months until the next presidential
election. We can’t beat a celebrity without some celebrity of our own, whether from politics,
sports, business, or entertainment. Instantaneous name ID is so crucial because the candidate must
start out in striking distance in any three-way poll against Trump and a fill-in-the-blank
Democratic flavor-of-the day candidate. The media and political class will predetermine

irrelevance otherwise.

e A Democrat-leaning candidate would have to top the ideal third-party ticket. We need someone
with a shot at snaking a plurality of the vote in the blue states Hillary Clinton won (227 electoral
votes), but moderate enough to win a plurality in some combination of Trump states like Florida,
Pennsylvania, Wisconsin and Michigan (another 119 votes). The right candidate may even to put
North Carolina, Ohio, Indiana in play for a centrist bi-partisan ticket as well (totaling an electoral
sweep of 464 elector votes). A right leaning candidate would meet the same fate as a primary
challenger to Trump — for all intents and purposes we need to assume that 36% of voters won’t be
cleaved from Trump under any circumstances and run to win around them. The deep red states

would be off the table entirely.

e With the Trump reality show airing daily, voters are now expecting to take their politics with a side
of entertainment. Heretofore, ratings will matter no matter how dry the policy topic. Surely
Stephen Colbert would gladly sacrifice his executive producer Chris Licht to produce a daily
comedic segment of this dream candidate interviewing Americans in truck stops and McDonald’s
across the country. A few of the “Saturday Night Live” script writers could certainly be enticed to
disguise serious debates as informative amusement. Any candidate must be committed to a near
daily cadence of high quality, compelling video production. It will be especially crucial to keep
the voters’ attention during what will be a raucous Democratic primary season. Rules governing
access to the general election debate stage dictate that a candidate enjoy support of at least 15% of

voters in the months leading up to the general election.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026300
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028697.txt,"trumps its identity as a Lebanese political
movement.

The ties that bind Hezbollah's political
leadership with its international illicit
activities are also unmistakable. According
to a CIA document, even before Hassan
Nasrallah rose to the position of secretary-
general in 1992, he was ""directly involved
in many Hizballah terrorist operations,
including hostage taking, airline hijackings,
and attacks against Lebanese rivals.""

Time and again, Hezbollah's political
personalities have been tied to the group's
terrorist and criminal activities. Consider a
major case in the United States: In 2008,
while Hezbollah operative Ali Karaki was
planning a Hezbollah attack in Azerbaijan's
capital, Baku, his brother, Hasan Antar
Karaki, was helping lead a broad criminal
conspiracy to sell counterfeit and stolen
currency in Philadelphia. Luckily, Hasan
Antar Karaki sold his wares to an
undercover FBI informant posing as a
member of the Philadelphia criminal
underworld. Hasan Antar Karaki proved to
be a major figure in Hezbollah's forgery
operations, and he provided an FBI source
with fraudulent British and Canadian
passports.

Meanwhile, in meetings in Lebanon and
the United States, Hasan Antar Karaki's
associate, Hassan Hodroj, a Hezbollah
spokesman and the head of its Palestinian

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028697
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010906.txt,"Filing # 33754151 E-Filed 10/27/2015 06:33:15 PM

IN THE CIRCUIT COURT OF THE 177""
JUDICIAL CIRCUIT IN AND FOR
BROWARD COUNTY, FLORIDA

CIVIL DIVISION

BRADLEY J. EDWARDS, and CASE NO. CACE 15-000072
PAUL G. CASSELL,

Plaintiffs,

Vv.

ALAN DERSHOWITZ,
Defendant.

CONSOLIDATED REPLY IN SUPPORT OF NON-PARTY JANE DOE NO. 31 AND

BOIES, SCHILLER & FLEXNER LLP’s MOTIONS TO QUASH OR FOR
PROTECTIVE ORDERS REGARDING SUBPOENA SERVED ON THE NON-PARTIES

Defendant served virtually identical subpoenas on non-party Giuffre, and her counsel
Boies, Schiller & Flexner LLP (“BSF”). In an effort to conserve judicial resources, the non-
parties are submitting a consolidated reply requesting that this Court quash the unreasonable and
oppressive subpoenas pursuant to Florida Rules of Civil Procedure 1.410(c)(1), or alternatively,
issue protective orders sharply limiting the scope of the abusive subpoenas pursuant to Florida
Rules of Civil Procedure 1.280(c).

INTRODUCTION

After publicly stating that his main goal in seeking discovery from Giuffre is to put her in

“jail”, Defendant served this non-party with a subpoena containing twenty five (25)

unreasonable and oppressive requests. It is without question that Giuffre was sexually abused as

' Jane Doe No. 3 is Virginia Roberts Giuffre, and will hereinafter be referred to as “Guiuffre.”

> See Exhibit 1, CNN International, New Day, January 6, 2015. See also Exhibit 2, Australian Broadcasting System
(ABC), January 6, 2015. “My goal is to bring charges against the client and require her to speak in court.”

1

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010906
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031957.txt,"17

Immigration/borders: Obama insists that enacting comprehensive
immigration reform, which would likely include a path to citizenship
for at least some illegal immigrants already in the United States, is
still a ""top priority,"" but with little congressional enthusiasm for such
a measure, it has been pushed to the back burner for now.
Meanwhile, deportations of illegal immigrants are continuing at a
record pace, though the administration touts the fact that a higher
percentage of those deported have criminal records.

Obama has substantially increased the number of agents patrolling
the U.S.-Mexico border, but has also mocked the fence-building
enthusiasm of Republicans, saying they won't be happy until there's a
""moat with alligators.""

Israel/Palestine: Obama's engagement in the Israeli-Palestinian
peace process has probably been the most frustrating foreign-policy
initiative of his presidency and the one on which he is most often
criticized by his Republican opponents. Obama continues to support
negotiations on a two-state settlement of the conflict, but his best-
remembered statement on the topic is controversial: his suggestion
that Israel's pre-1967 war borders be taken as a starting point for
negotiations, a position fiercely opposed by Israel. More recently, the
administration has confirmed that it will veto Palestine's statehood
bid in the U.N. Security Council.

Obama's relationship with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has
seemed very strained at times. In a recently overheard conversation
he told French President Nicolas Sarkozy, ""You're fed up with him? I
have to deal with him every day.""

China: Obama has repeatedly criticized China -- most recently at the
APEC summit in Honolulu -- for currency policies that he says have

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031957
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017446.txt,"4.2.12
WC: 191694

Henry Kissinger

359

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017446
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025609.txt,"> the use of the addressee. It is the property of

> JEE

> Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this

> communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
>and may be unlawful. If you have received this

> communication in error, please notify us immediately by
> return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
> destroy this communication and all copies thereof,

> including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025609
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015057.txt,"RELIGION FOR DUMMIES

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015057
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026749.txt,"SALSS 2017 Proudly Presents for the First Time

ek

HealthTech Showroom - Moonshot & Beyond

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COALA HEART MONITOR — EASY SELF-MONITORING AND ANALYSIS
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BIO X - GO-TO 3D BIOPRINTER
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*MS. GUNILLA VON PLATEN
Multiply Awarded Serial Entrepreneur, Philanthropist & Leader

MS. SUSANNE NAJAFI
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MS. BARBRO C, EHNBOM
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HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026749
"
IMAGES-012-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033320.txt,"BW: Certainly, I understand and I would’ve loved to go through a discussion with you about
NATO, because this goes back to early in your administration and your concern about it, and
the agreement that the countries have that they would increase their defense contribution,
what is it, by the year 2024? And you know ... So anyway, we are...

Trump: Well, you know last year, if you see the secretary, [Jens] Stoltenberg, he said I
believe $44 billion just last year, and that was from last year’s meeting. And this year it’s
much more money they’ve agreed to put up. So it’s a tremendous amount of money. No
other president has done it. It was heading down in the opposite direction. So I don’t know if
you’re going to report it that way; probably not. But that’s too bad, but that’s all nght, but
you know, one of those things.

BW: Everything is going to be factual. And it is not a good thing for my business, if I may
say this to you, Mr. President, to the presidency, or to the country, to not have real, full
exchanges on these. And I broke my spear on it trying to get to you.

Trump: Well, other than Lindsey [Graham], who did quickly mention it, nobody mentioned
it.

BW: You say Kellyanne’s there, ask her.

Trump: Nobody told me about it. Well, let me ask her. Why don’t you speak to Kellyanne.
Ask her. She never told me about it.

[Conway takes the phone.]
BW: Kellyanne?
Conway: Bob, how are you? Hi.

BW: Hi. Remember two and a half months ago you came over and I laid out, I wanted to
talk to the president? And you said you would get back to me?

Conway: | do. And I put in the request. But you know, they — it was rejected. I can only
take it so far. I guess I can bring it right to the president next time.

BW: Yeah.

Conway: But I try to follow all the protocols, or else I’m accused of being somebody who
doesn’t follow protocol.

BW: President Trump, I just want you to know I made every effort.

Conway: But you had talked to [former White House communications director] Hope
[Hicks], right, who said no?

BW: Listen, I talked to anyone I could. [Laughs]

Conway: You talked to a number of people and they all said no?
BW: | talked to Raj.

Conway: Raj.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033320
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030491.txt,"Date: Thursday, January 28 2010 10:24 AM
Subject: Re:
From: Jeffrey Epstein <jeevacation@gmail.com>

To: Boris Nikolic <i

you can tell andrew we are friends ,

On Thu, Jan 28, 2010 at 4:39 AM, Boris Nikolic (i wrote:

Different kind of fun.
It is fun for a short time butiam already getting sick of so many meetings!

Met your friend bill clinton yesterday followed up with sarkozy. Later in day meeting your other friend prince andrew as he has

some questions re microsoft.
How are you?
boris

Sent from my AT&T Windows Mobile phone.

From: Jeffrey Epstein <jeevacation@gqmail.com >
Sent: Thursday, January 28, 2010 7:47 AM

To: Boris Nikolic <a

Subject:

any fun?

3s 2g 2s fe 2s 2s 24s ois 2fe 2s oye 2s fs 24s ois 2fe ois fe fs 2s 2c ois 2fe ois fe of 2s 2c ois 2fe ois 2fe 2s of oie ois 2fe ois 2fe ois fe 2s ois 2s ois 2fe os fe 2s ois 2s ois 2fe ois oie 2k ok 2 ok

The information contained in this communication 1s
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of

Jeffrey Epstein

Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments.

Bis 2fe Ie 24s fs 2s 24s ois 24s 2s fe of 2s 2s ois 2fe of fe of 2 2c ois 2s of fe 2s 2g 2c ois 2fe ois 2fe 2s 2 2c ois 2fe ois fe fs fs 2c ois 2fe ois 2fe os fe 2s ois ofc ois 2fe ois 2s 2c ois 2k ok

The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and 1s intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030491
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016980.txt,"Like Senster, the apparatus stimulated (and simulated) an affective rather than
rational interaction. Humans felt they were encountering behaviors indicative of
responsive life; Tsai’s entities were often classed as “vegetal” or “aquatic.” Such
environmental and kinetic ambitions were widespread in the international art world of the
time. Beyond the stable at Howard Wise, there were the émigrés forming the collective
GRAV in Paris, the “cybernetic architectures” of Nicolas Schoffer, the light and plastic
gyrations of the German Zero Gruppe, and so on—all defining and informing the genre
of installation art to come.

The artistic use of cybernetic beings in the late sixties made no investment in
“intelligence.” Knowing machines were dumb and incapable of emotion, these creators
were confident in staging frank simulations. What interested them were machinic
motions evoking drives, instincts, and affects; they mimicked sexual and animal
behaviors, as if below the threshold of consciousness. Such artists were uninterested in
the manipulation of data or information (although Hans Haacke would move in that
direction by 1972 with his “Real-Time Systems” works). The cybernetic culture that
artists and scientists were putting in place on two continents embedded the human in the
technosphere and seduced perception with the graceful and responsive behaviors of the
machinic phylum. “Artificial” and “natural” intertwined in this early cybernetic
aesthetic.

But it wouldn’t end here. Crucial to the expansion of this uncritical, largely
masculine set of cybernetic environments would be a radical, critical cohort of
astonishing women artists emerging in the 1990s, fully aware of their predecessors in art
and technology but perhaps more inspired by the feminist founders of the 1970 journal
Radical Software and the cultural blast of Donna Haraway’s inspiring 1984 polemic, “A
Cyborg Manifesto.” The creaky gender theater of Paik and Pask, the innocent creatures
of Ihnatowicz and Tsai, were mobilized as savvy, performative, and postmodern, as in
Lynn Hershman Leeson’s Dollie Clone Series (1995-98) consisting of the interactive
assemblages CyberRoberta and Tillie, the Telerobotic Doll, who worked the
technosphere with the professionalism of burlesque, winking and folding us viewers into
an explicit consciousness of our voyeuristic position as both seeing subjects and objects-
to-be-looked-at.

The “innocent” technosphere established by male cybernetic sculptors of the
1960s was, by the 1990s, identified by feminist artists as an entirely suffusive condition
demanding our critical attention. At the same time, feminists tackled the question of
whose “intelligence” AI was attempting to simulate. For an artist such as Hershman
Leeson, responding to the technical “triumph” of cloning Dolly the sheep, it was crucial
to draw the connection between meat production and “meat machines.” Hershman
Leeson produced “dolls” as clones, offering a critical framing of the way contemporary
individuation had become part of an ideological, replicative, plastic realm.

While the technofeminists of the 1990s and into the 2000s weren’t all cyber all
the time, their works nonetheless complicated the dominant machinic and kinetic
qualities of male artists’ previous techno-environments. The androgynous tele-cyborg in
Judith Barry’s Imagination, Dead Imagine (1991), for example, had no moving parts:
He/she was comprised of pure signals, flickering projections on flat surfaces. In her
setup, Barry commented on the alienating effects of late-20th-century technology. The
image of an androgynous head fills an enormous cube made of ten-foot-square screens on

177

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016980
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024234.txt,"just oblivious to what others are thinking: a willful and
in a sense fatal tone deafness.

Press accounts recycle the mysterious billionaire
mythology—a man of vast and unsourced riches living
in a parallel universe of absolute entitlement—with brief
glimpses of him stepping out of the house (the same
photos endlessly republished), and the assumption of
depravity inside.

In fact, the life in the house, without wife or
children or conventional domestic demeanor, rather
conforms to the scripted fantasies: somewhere between
Daddy Warbucks and Eyes Wide Shut. There is indeed a
group of young women—in their twenties and thirties—
who act as Epstein’s support staff and companions.
Some have worked for him for many years, marrying,
having children, and continuing as part of his business
and household infrastructure. One woman, on an
afternoon when I was there, had just returned from an
around-the-world honeymoon that Epstein had arranged
for her. Some are, or have been, his romantic interests.
His present girlfriend, whom he met four years ago at a
dinner party in New York, has just graduated dental
school. One former girlfriend, Eva Andersson Dubin, a
Swedish model and Miss Universe finalist whom
Epstein has known for more than thirty years, became a
doctor—Epstein sent her to medical school—and
married hedge funder Glen Dubin. Together they
finance the Dubin Breast Center at Mount Sinai
Hospital.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024234
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027457.txt,"Flags: 1060865
Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 39770D9D-74D1-4AEB- 9F49-63997FD125EC

Message: Hey. My guy told me you have an idea for a better trailer for film?

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 10/24/18 06:02:13 AM (562078933)

Flags: 1085445
Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 88753C74-F49A-408B-940C-E6DS5AB4BD9B1

Message: Add Kavanaugh
congressman Blumenthal
short ground and pound.

f

,

Canada trade, Maxine waters. screaming. . Kavanaugh hearing
the liar. Talking about one lie means all lies. . I think a
Instead of rehashing napoleons battle plans for Waterloo

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 10/24/18 06:41:42 AM (562081302)

Flags: 1085445
Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: F7DA4B11-E841-42C5-89D0-931416C67749

Message: Add Pelosi being asked if she leaked the blade ford document.

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 10/24/18 06:41:47 AM (562081307)

Flags: 1085445
Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: EDFOAD69-B062-4312-89FD-O4FB7BDFC573

Message: Blast

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 10/24/18 06:41:59 AM (562081319)

Flags: 1085445
Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: F492283A-C784-4167-BC9D-D21 9AF602AB3

Message: Blasey

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 10/24/18 06:42:30 AM (562081350)

Flags: 1085445

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027457
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021705.txt,"... Page 9 of 17

Counselling: Virginia at her mother's home at Palm Beach in 1998

‘They would lounge around the Palm Beach house, the ranch or the island, nude or topless,’ she says.
‘But | was one of the very few he trusted as “special” and chosen to “entertain” his friends.’

Virginia took the sedative Xanax to detach herself from sordid reality. ‘It was an escape drug,’ she says.
‘It made me calm and helped me forget about what | had to do. I was up to eight pills a day.’

Epstein had no objection to Virginia's use of prescription drugs, no doubt recognising that they made her
even more malleable. ‘I didn’t want to go back to the life I’d had before’ she says.

‘That made me totally obedient.’ Despite the fact that Epstein was, essentially, her pimp, this life now
seemed normal to Virginia. ‘I felt that he and Ghislaine really cared for me,’ she said.

‘We'd do family things, like watch Sex And The City and eat popcorn. ‘A lot of it was very glamorous. |
met famous friends of his such as Al Gore and Heidi Klum and Naomi Campbell. He introduced me as his
“travelling masseuse.”

Some people mistook me for his daughter. ‘When we were in New York or Palm Beach, Ghislaine and |
would shop all day.

Jeffrey bought me jewellery — diamonds were his favourite — and wonderful furniture. He was paying me
very well because I'd give him sex whenever he wanted it.’

She was, she says, delighted when Epstein invited her to accompany him on a six-week trip in 2001.

‘He said we'd be going to Europe and North Africa to meet architects and interior decorators because he

http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-1361039/Prince-Andrew-girl-17-sex-offender-frie... 3/16/2011

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021705 |
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022645.txt,"°

tonistimmel
March 29, 2014 at 9:40 am — Log in to Reply

The hate “W” machine is still running in spite of the fact that “W” was a better president than Clinton and
Obozo and their combinatuion. I realize that being better than those two is no real accomplishment, but “W” at
least made the list of good presidents, may be not excellent, and definitely not great, a whole lot more than
acceptible.

————— oe

60.
Bob Bitchin'

March 28, 2014 at 6:46 am — Log in to Reply

Call it paranoid, call it conspiracy theory, call it what you watch. I wouldn’t be one bit surprised to find out that
there is/are a puppet master/group of puppet masters in the shadows pushing these douche bag politicians at us
and giving us the illusion that there is a difference in their politics and philosophies when in reality they are all
the same just doing their master’s biding. They will push this liberal agenda just far enough to the edge of the
cliff then pull back and give us back the conservative government so we can take retributions on the liberals for
their treasonous behavior. Heads will roll, asses will get kicked, gays & blacks will once again be of no
consequence and the illegals will be run out of the country. Once things have calmed down, they will change
the politics again and the beat goes on.

SSS wee

61.
willyrho
March 28, 2014 at 7:06 am — Log in to Reply

We knew this when Monica Lewinski “with the Blue Dress with the Semen on it” exposed Billy Clinton, in the
White Hoer House in DC, he had a B.J. with Monica Under the Desk in the Oval Office when he was
impeached, but the Nat See Senate would not convict the Pedophile mur-derer of Vince Foster.

But we see with the new charges coming against the Felon, Hairy Reid, who takes Bribes and Steals as the
DemoNatSee Leader of the Nat See Controlled Senate.

All DemoFascistCrats are Lawless and EVIL.

To think that Ronald Reagan would not remove his Suite Jacket in the Oval Office because he had such respect
and Admiration of the Oval Office. And the DemoNatSees/Fascists/Marxist/Muslims now in the White House
Suck...

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022645
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026991.txt,"11.09.2019

Max Hastings: The Dambusters Story
1943

with Max Hastings

The raid of the Dambusters is one of the

most exhilarating episodes in British history.

In his new book CHASTISE The
Dambusters Story 1943, our most brilliant
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uncovers the truth behind the legend.

READ MORE

05.09.2019
How to Predict the Next Financial Crisis
with Robert J. Shiller & Matthew d'Ancona

Nobel laureate and Yale Professor Robert
Shiller predicts bubbles, busts and other
financial crises years before anyone else.
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his most powerful idea yet.

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HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026991
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016758.txt,"(CGE Foo 278s (larch 2614)

Instructions for Part 2

Reference #

212 TIGL IRELAND MANA IENT LIMITED “(assets & income alrea

DOONBEG; operator of suites)
Owned by:

213 TIHC RESERVATIONS LLE ""(3)

Owned by +

214 TIHH MEMBER CORP */1)

Owned by:

Has ownership Interest in:

215 TIHH MEMBER LL@ */1)

Owned by:

Has ownership Interest in ;

216 THM MEMBER CORP. “(1)
Owned by:

Has ownership interest in:

217 THT CHICA BER AC
Owned by:
Has ownership interest in :

218 TINT COMMERCIAL LLC

Owned by :

219 TIHT HOLDING COMPANY LLE

Owned by:
220 THT MEMBER LLC */1)
Owned by:

Has ownership interest in :

Ownershi
100

100

% Ownership
100

Entity Name
TRUMP INTERNATIONAL HOTEL

HAWAII LLC

% Ownership
100

Entity Name
TRUMP INTERNATIONAL HOTEL
HAWAII LLC

46 Ownership
100

ity Name
TRUMP INTERNATIONAL HOTELS
MANAGEMENT LLC
SITION LLC *(1,

Ownership
100

Entity Name
401. MEZZ VENTURE LLC

0.01
99,99

% Ownership
100

% Ownership
100

Entity Name
TIHT COMMERCIAL LLC

221 TIPPERARY REALTY CORP. */1)

Owned by ;

Has ownership Interest in:

222 TMG Member, LLC *(1)
‘Owned by:

Has ownership interest in +

4 Ownershi
100

Entity Name
The Trump-Equitable Fifth Avenue

Company

% Ownershio.
100

Entity Name

Name
TRUMP INTERNATIONAL GOLF LINKS -
DOONBEG

Name
BJT Holdings LLC

Name
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust

Ownership Title
1.00% Managing Member

Meme
The Donald J, Trump Revocable Trust

Ownership Title
99.00% Member

Name
DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC

Ownership Title
0.10% Managing Member

Name

DUT HOLDINGS LLC

Ownershin Title
50.00% Member

Name
TIKT MEMBER LLC

The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust

Name
DUT Holdings LLC

Name
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust

Ownership Title
0.01% Member
Nome

The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust
Ownership Title
L008 Partner

Name
DIT Holdings LLC

Ownership Title

disclosed on Part 2 under TRUMP INTERNATIONAL GOLF LINKS -

Role
Sole Member

Role
Member

Role
Shareholder

Role
Managing Member

Role
Shareholder

Role
Member

Role

Member
Managing Member

Member

Role

Member

Role
Shareholder

Member

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016758
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025332.txt,"﻿From: editorialstaff@flipboard.com
To: jeevacation@gmail.com; 
Subject: Using CRISPR to resurrect the dead
Sent: 6/20/2019 7:34:52 PM

 <https://ue.flipboard.com/usage?data=%7B%22event_action%22%3A%22open%22%2C%22properties%22%3A%7B%22lang%22%3A%22en%22%2C%22ab_tests%22%3A%22421_2%22%2C%22uid%22%3A3646186%2C%22unique_id%22%3A3646186%2C%22time%22%3A1561059292000%7D%2C%22prod_type%22%3A%22notification%22%2C%22event_category%22%3A%22email%22%2C%22event_data%22%3A%7B%22url%22%3A%22https%3A%2F%2Fcdn.flipboard.com%2Femail%2Fassets%2Fclear.gif%22%2C%22type%22%3A%2210today.ad3li.20190620.421.2%22%2C%22target_id%22%3A%22%22%2C%22redirect_url%22%3A%22https%3A%2F%2Fcdn.flipboard.com%2Femail%2Fassets%2Fclear.gif%3Futm_campaign%3D10-for-today---4.0-styling%26utm_medium%3D10today.ad3li.20190620.421.2%26utm_source%3Demail%22%7D%7D> 
Plus, facts about the summer solstice and the 54 books of the new adventure library. | 
	
	 
	
	
	 <https://cdn.flipboard.com/email/assets/10today2018-868x154.png> 		
	
		Interesting stories worth your time.	 	
	
	

‘My Whole Life Is a Bet.’ Inside President Trump’s Gamble on an Untested Re-Election Strategy <https://flemail.flipboard.com/redirect/ws?lang=en&utm_campaign=10-for-today---4.0-styling&flab_cell_id=2&flab_experiment_id=421&uid=3646186&section_url=flipboard%3A%2F%2FshowSection%2Fresolve%252Fflipboard%252Furl%25252Fhttp%25253A%25252F%25252Fstage.time.com%25252Flongform%25252Fdonald-trump-2020%25252F&utm_content=article&utm_source=email&web_url=&utm_medium=10today.ad3li.20190620.421.2&v=0891b788363d209a&position=0&part=art1&china_variant=False> 

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	+ <https://flemail.flipboard.com/redirect?lang=en&utm_campaign=10-for-today---4.0-styling&flab_cell_id=2&flab_experiment_id=421&uid=3646186&sub_part=share&section_url=&utm_content=share&utm_source=email&web_url=https%3A%2F%2Fshare.flipboard.com%2Fbookmarklet%2Fpopout%3Futm_campaign%3D10-for-today---4.0-styling%26flab_cell_id%3D2%26flab_experiment_id%3D421%26url%3Dhttp%253A%252F%252Fstage.time.com%252Flongform%252Fdonald-trump-2020%252F%26utm_content%3Dshare%26utm_source%3Demail%26utm_medium%3D10today.ad3li.20190620.421.2%26t%3D1561059292000%26v%3D2&utm_medium=10today.ad3li.20190620.421.2&v=251438faf2b934b7&position=0&part=art1&china_variant=False>  	
time.com / Brian Bennett ‘My whole life is a bet,’ the President of the United States says, resting his forearms on the edge of the Resolute desk in the Oval Office. It’s a read more <https://flemail.flipboard.com/redirect/ws?lang=en&utm_campaign=10-for-today---4.0-styling&flab_cell_id=2&flab_experiment_id=421&uid=3646186&section_url=flipboard%3A%2F%2FshowSection%2Fresolve%252Fflipboard%252Furl%25252Fhttp%25253A%25252F%25252Fstage.time.com%25252Flongform%25252Fdonald-trump-2020%25252F&utm_content=article&utm_source=email&web_url=&utm_medium=10today.ad3li.20190620.421.2&v=0891b788363d209a&position=0&part=art1&china_variant=False> 
 
	
	
		 <http://li.flipboard.com/click?p=10today.ad3li.20190620.421.2&s=672717&m=7eb7c906398c2993ffd26c678d61c8c3&li=> 	
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cnet.com / Jackson Ryan De-extinction, bringing extinct species back from the dead, is now on the table thanks to the revolutionary gene-editing technology CRISPR. read more <https://flemail.flipboard.com/redirect/ws?lang=en&utm_campaign=10-for-today---4.0-styling&flab_cell_id=2&flab_experiment_id=421&uid=3646186&section_url=flipboard%3A%2F%2FshowSection%2Fresolve%252Fflipboard%252Furl%25252Fhttps%25253A%25252F%25252Fwww.cnet.com%25252Ffeatures%25252Fusing-crispr-to-resurrect-the-dead%25252F%25253Fcurator%25253DTechREDEF&utm_content=article&utm_source=email&web_url=&utm_medium=10today.ad3li.20190620.421.2&v=580499031d483f6c&position=0&part=art234&china_variant=False> 
 
	

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nytimes.com / JOHN HERRMAN Slack is coming for your job. The workplace chat company, valued at more than $7 billion at the time of its last funding round, is going public this read more <https://flemail.flipboard.com/redirect/ws?lang=en&utm_campaign=10-for-today---4.0-styling&flab_cell_id=2&flab_experiment_id=421&uid=3646186&section_url=flipboard%3A%2F%2FshowSection%2Fresolve%252Fflipboard%252Furl%25252Fhttps%25253A%25252F%25252Fwww.nytimes.com%25252F2019%25252F06%25252F19%25252Fstyle%25252Fslack-replace-email-ipo-listing.html&utm_content=article&utm_source=email&web_url=&utm_medium=10today.ad3li.20190620.421.2&v=9f8eedb9960d2dff&position=1&part=art234&china_variant=False> 
 
	

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technologyreview.com / Tryggvi Adalbjornsson Bitcoin miners and data scientists love cheap, green Icelandic processing power. Maybe a little too much. The southwestern tip of Iceland is a barren read more <https://flemail.flipboard.com/redirect/ws?lang=en&utm_campaign=10-for-today---4.0-styling&flab_cell_id=2&flab_experiment_id=421&uid=3646186&section_url=flipboard%3A%2F%2FshowSection%2Fresolve%252Fflipboard%252Furl%25252Fhttps%25253A%25252F%25252Fwww.technologyreview.com%25252Fs%25252F613779%25252Ficelands-data-centers-are-booming-heres-why-thats-a-problem%25252F&utm_content=article&utm_source=email&web_url=&utm_medium=10today.ad3li.20190620.421.2&v=078561b65d3bd034&position=2&part=art234&china_variant=False> 
 
	
	
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nationalgeographic.com / Michael Greshko Once a year, an astronomical alignment ushers in this seasonal change. Amazing facts and myths surround it. This year, the northern summer solstice read more <https://flemail.flipboard.com/redirect/ws?lang=en&utm_campaign=10-for-today---4.0-styling&flab_cell_id=2&flab_experiment_id=421&uid=3646186&section_url=flipboard%3A%2F%2FshowSection%2Fresolve%252Fflipboard%252Furl%25252Fhttps%25253A%25252F%25252Fwww.nationalgeographic.com%25252Fscience%25252Fspace%25252Fwhat-is-summer-winter-solstice-answer-might-surprise-you%25252F&utm_content=article&utm_source=email&web_url=&utm_medium=10today.ad3li.20190620.421.2&v=86690d9270e674bd&position=0&part=art5678910&china_variant=False> 
 
	

Inside the Highly Organized Lives of ‘Planner Addicts,’ a Massive Instagram Community of Women Who Make Beautiful To-Do Lists <https://flemail.flipboard.com/redirect/ws?lang=en&utm_campaign=10-for-today---4.0-styling&flab_cell_id=2&flab_experiment_id=421&uid=3646186&section_url=flipboard%3A%2F%2FshowSection%2Fresolve%252Fflipboard%252Furl%25252Fhttp%25253A%25252F%25252Fmoney.com%25252Fmoney%25252Flongform%25252Fplanner-addicts-instagram%25252F&utm_content=article&utm_source=email&web_url=&utm_medium=10today.ad3li.20190620.421.2&v=90da903adab50605&position=1&part=art5678910&china_variant=False> 

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money.com / Kristen Bahler Emma Lee is the kind of student your parents always wanted you to be. She carries a hand-bound notebook wherever she goes, pulling it out of her read more <https://flemail.flipboard.com/redirect/ws?lang=en&utm_campaign=10-for-today---4.0-styling&flab_cell_id=2&flab_experiment_id=421&uid=3646186&section_url=flipboard%3A%2F%2FshowSection%2Fresolve%252Fflipboard%252Furl%25252Fhttp%25253A%25252F%25252Fmoney.com%25252Fmoney%25252Flongform%25252Fplanner-addicts-instagram%25252F&utm_content=article&utm_source=email&web_url=&utm_medium=10today.ad3li.20190620.421.2&v=90da903adab50605&position=1&part=art5678910&china_variant=False> 
 
	

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gizmodo.com / Ed Cara It’s not often you get to witness one of the most brutal acts of the natural world up close: bed bug sex. But there I was, at North Carolina State … read more <https://flemail.flipboard.com/redirect/ws?lang=en&utm_campaign=10-for-today---4.0-styling&flab_cell_id=2&flab_experiment_id=421&uid=3646186&section_url=flipboard%3A%2F%2FshowSection%2Fresolve%252Fflipboard%252Furl%25252Fhttps%25253A%25252F%25252Fgizmodo.com%25252Fblood-feasts-and-roach-vacuums-the-life-of-an-urban-pe-1835280695&utm_content=article&utm_source=email&web_url=&utm_medium=10today.ad3li.20190620.421.2&v=34cb65fde6e68729&position=2&part=art5678910&china_variant=False> 
 
	

The marble upstairs <https://flemail.flipboard.com/redirect/ws?lang=en&utm_campaign=10-for-today---4.0-styling&flab_cell_id=2&flab_experiment_id=421&uid=3646186&section_url=flipboard%3A%2F%2FshowSection%2Fresolve%252Fflipboard%252Furl%25252Fhttps%25253A%25252F%25252Fwww.curbed.com%25252F2019%25252F6%25252F17%25252F18650669%25252Fmarbles-sound-ceiling-why-cause&utm_content=article&utm_source=email&web_url=&utm_medium=10today.ad3li.20190620.421.2&v=b13c10123362960b&position=3&part=art5678910&china_variant=False> 

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curbed.com / Sarah Harvey Every night in my apartment in Nice, I heard the sound of marbles rolling across the floor upstairs. Or perhaps they were pins being hurled to the read more <https://flemail.flipboard.com/redirect/ws?lang=en&utm_campaign=10-for-today---4.0-styling&flab_cell_id=2&flab_experiment_id=421&uid=3646186&section_url=flipboard%3A%2F%2FshowSection%2Fresolve%252Fflipboard%252Furl%25252Fhttps%25253A%25252F%25252Fwww.curbed.com%25252F2019%25252F6%25252F17%25252F18650669%25252Fmarbles-sound-ceiling-why-cause&utm_content=article&utm_source=email&web_url=&utm_medium=10today.ad3li.20190620.421.2&v=b13c10123362960b&position=3&part=art5678910&china_variant=False> 
 
	

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harpersbazaar.com / Tom Marchant From remote islands to unexplored deserts and jungles teeming with wildlife... Tom Marchant is the co-founder of luxury travel company and trip planner, read more <https://flemail.flipboard.com/redirect/ws?lang=en&utm_campaign=10-for-today---4.0-styling&flab_cell_id=2&flab_experiment_id=421&uid=3646186&section_url=flipboard%3A%2F%2FshowSection%2Fresolve%252Fflipboard%252Furl%25252Fhttps%25253A%25252F%25252Fwww.harpersbazaar.com%25252Fculture%25252Ftravel-dining%25252Fg9991791%25252Funderrated-travel-destinations%25252F&utm_content=article&utm_source=email&web_url=&utm_medium=10today.ad3li.20190620.421.2&v=3ff3b0511b7deb0c&position=4&part=art5678910&china_variant=False> 
 
	

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outsideonline.com / Shawnté Salabert Desert Solitaire. Alive. Kon-Tiki. Touching the Void. The Perfect Storm. Wild. The shelves of any adventurous book lover are undoubtedly stuffed with read more <https://flemail.flipboard.com/redirect/ws?lang=en&utm_campaign=10-for-today---4.0-styling&flab_cell_id=2&flab_experiment_id=421&uid=3646186&section_url=flipboard%3A%2F%2FshowSection%2Fresolve%252Fflipboard%252Furl%25252Fhttps%25253A%25252F%25252Fwww.outsideonline.com%25252F2397596%25252Fbest-adventure-books-all-time&utm_content=article&utm_source=email&web_url=&utm_medium=10today.ad3li.20190620.421.2&v=7f1ea4345adf10f5&position=5&part=art5678910&china_variant=False> 
 
	
	
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"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024517.txt,"11.3. School Partnerships Unit (3% of Pro Forma FYE December 31, 2005 Revenue)

Through the School Partnerships Unit, KLC OpCo provides customized before and after school
educational enrichment and recreational programs for school age and preschool children in partnership
with elementary schools. KLC OpCo provides these partnership services primarily through 573 sites in 20
states. Average tuition ranges from $35~$75 per week, payable in advance. Parents account for 94% of
total tuition received, while state and grant subsidies account for the remaining 6%.

These before and after school programs are typicaliy conducted in collaboration with public schools and
located on-site at public school campuses. The success of the programs has led to the development of
summer camps, remedial programs, and drop-in care. Programs are operated under the Champions
name. Because each program is relatively small (approximately 40 children per program), operating
costs associated with running each program are minimal. Little or no capital investment is required and
the contracting school typically provides on-site space for the program. Contract tenures range from one
year to evergreen. They often stipulate that KLC pays minimum fees to the elementary schools for use of
facilities.

KLC OpCo's November 2004 acquisition of EdSolutions, Inc. (""ESI"") provided it entry into the
Supplemental Education Services (""SES"") tutoring business. The SES business is part of the federal No
Child Left Behind Act's effort to improve the performance of students at failing schools. KLC OpCo
operates 72 SES sites. ESI is approved to provide SES in 19 states and our plans call for ESI to serve as
a platform for future growth for KLC.

11.4. Distance Learning (1% of Pro Forma FYE December 31, 2005 Revenue)

Through its wholly owned subsidiary, KCDL, KLC OpCo also operates accredited high schocl distance
learning programs that have served over 200,000 students since 1975. Based in Portland, Oregon,
KCDL operates Keystone National High School and iQ Academies. Keystone National High School is
one of the largest and most experienced accredited high school distance learning programs in the country.
Keystone is a private, diploma granting school with parents or schools paying for individual courses
and/or complete curriculum, Keystone served over 14,000 students in 2005 and offers more than 60
distance learning courses. iQ Academies develops and manages online charter schools. It currenily
operates one school in Wisconsin, is working on the approval process for another charter in California,
and has plans to begin several more charters in the next 12 months. iQ Academies provides support
required to launch and operate an online high school including curriculum, instruction, technology,
marketing and support. Though only 1% of KLC OpCo’s pro forma revenues, KCDL is highly profitable
and accounts for almost 2% of KLC OpCo’s pro forma Adjusted EBITDA.

11.5. Business Strategy

KLC OpCo's strategy is to drive revenue growth and enhance profitability through a combination of the
following initiatives:

@ Expansion of existing business lines. Management believes that the opportunity exists to significantiy
expand the scope of its existing business lines:

— Community centers. KLC OpCo has substantial experience in selecting and opening new
community centers. Over the next six years KLC OpCo plans to open 195 new centers which are
expected to generate approximately $200 million of gross revenue.

— Employer-sponsored centers. KLC OpCo expects to continue the expansion of its employer-
sponsored centers. Over the next six years KLC OpCo plans to open 124 new centers with gross
revenue of approximately $120 million.

84

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024517
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017452.txt,"4.2.12
WC: 191694

about the situation in Israel and eventually about Iran, and invited me to the White House for
lunch to continue our discussion.

365

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017452
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031943.txt,"and the support for SCAF is related to that.” SCAF is the Supreme
Council of the Armed Forces, Egypt’s ruling military council.
Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton underscored the shift in a
speech last week that her aides later said was a deliberate warning to
the military council, which assumed power after President Hosni
Mubarak’s ouster. The military had initially pledged to hand over
control to civilians by September, but it now says that a presidential
election will not occur before 2013. And last week it laid out a
blueprint for the next constitution, giving the military special political
powers and protection from civilian oversight into perpetuity.

“If, over time, the most powerful political force in Egypt remains a
roomful of unelected officials, they will have planted the seeds for
future unrest, and Egyptians will have missed a historic opportunity,”
Mrs. Clinton warned.

“When unelected authorities say they want to be out of the business
of governing,” the United States expects them “to lay out a clear road
map” and “abide by it,” she added.

Given Washington’s long support for Mr. Mubarak, and Mrs.
Clinton’s comment last month approving of the military’s extended
timetable for electing a civilian president, there was suspicion over
Washington’s intentions. The shift occurred at the same time as a
broader effort by the Obama administration to counter anti-American
sentiment and reach out to opposition leaders across the political
spectrum.

The United States “wants to have the cake and eat it, too,” said Nabil
Fahmy, a former Egyptian ambassador to Washington, arguing that
the United States wants to promote democracy without dealing with
the pressure it would put on American interests in the region.

The military’s attempts to protect its power and privileges
indefinitely have created an awkward situation for Washington. The
United States, through the Pentagon in particular, has long nurtured

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031943
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016994.txt,"Because what else would make a periodic signal? It turned out to be a rotating neutron
star.

One criterion to apply to a potentially purposeful phenomenon is whether it’s
minimal in achieving a purpose. But does that mean that it was built for the purpose?
The ball rolls down the hill because of gravitational pull. Or the ball rolls down the hill
because it’s satisfying the principle of least action. There are typically these two
explanations for some action that seems purposeful: the mechanistic explanation and the
teleological. Essentially all of our existing technology fails the test of being minimal in
achieving its purpose. Most of what we build is steeped in technological history, and it’s
incredibly non-minimal for achieving its purpose. Look at a CPU chip; there’s no way
that that’s the minimal way to achieve what a CPU chip achieves.

This question of how to identify purposefulness is a hard one. It’s an important
question, because radio noise from the galaxy is very similar to CDMA transmissions
from cell phones. Those transmissions use pseudo-noise sequences, which happen to
have certain repeatability properties. But they come across as noise, and they’re set up as
noise, so as not to interfere with other channels. The issue gets messier. If we were to
observe a sequence of primes being generated from a pulsar, we’d ask what generated
them. Would it mean that a whole civilization grew up and discovered primes and
invented computers and radio transmitters and did this? Or is there just some physical
process making primes? There’s a little cellular automaton that makes primes. You can
see how it works if you take it apart. It has a little thing bouncing inside it, and out
comes a sequence of primes. It didn’t need the whole history of civilization and biology
and so on to get to that point.

I don’t think there is abstract “purpose,” per se. I don’t think there’s abstract
meaning. Does the universe have a purpose? Then you’re doing theology in some way.
There is no meaningful sense in which there is an abstract notion of purpose. Purpose is
something that comes from history.

One of the things that might be true about our world is that maybe we go through
all this history and biology and civilization, and at the end of the day the answer is “42,”
or something. We went through all those 4 billion years of various kinds of evolution
and then we got to “42.”

Nothing like that will happen, because of computational irreducibility. There are
computational processes that you can go through in which there is no way to shortcut that
process. Much of science has been about shortcutting computation done by nature. For
example, if we’re doing celestial mechanics and want to predict where the planets will be
a million years from now, we could follow the equations, step-by-step. But the big
achievement in science is that we’re able to shortcut that and reduce the computation.
We can be smarter than the universe and predict the endpoint without going through all
the steps. But even with a smart enough machine and smart enough mathematics, we
can’t get to the endpoint without going through the steps. Some details are irreducible.
We have to irreducibly follow those steps. That’s why history means something. If we
could get to the endpoint without going through the steps, history would be, in some
sense, pointless.

So it’s not the case that we’re intelligent and everything else in the world is not.
There’s no enormous abstract difference between us and the clouds or us and the
cellular automata. We cannot say that this brainlike neural network is qualitatively

191

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016994
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030485.txt,"communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments.

3s 2fe 2s fe 2s 2 24s ois 2fe 2h oye fs 2s 2c ois 24s of oye ofs 2s 2s ois 2fe ois 2fe ois of ofc ois 24s ois fe of 2s 2c ois 2fe ois 2fe fs fe 2s ois 2fe ois 2fe 2s fe 2s ois ofc ois 2s ois 2s 2c ok 2k ok

The information contained in this communication 1s
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of

Jeffrey Epstein

Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030485
"
IMAGES-012-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033334.txt,"From: Larry Visoski

Sent: 12/14/2018 8:38:47 AM

To: Je vacation [jeevacation@gmail.com]
Subject: POTUS

Jeffrey

Trump is expected to be in PBI
Dec 21st -Jan 6th

From Atlantic Aviaiton:
For your planning purposes, please be advised that PBI is expecting a Presidential TFR from December
21% until January 6"". As of this moment.

Sent from my iPhone

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033334
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022889.txt,"unprecedented, arrangement by which he agreed to pay
the legal fees for 40 girls specified by the FBI in civil
Suits against him and not to oppose their claims,
resulting in an overall settlement costs that may be as
high as $20 million.

It is in part this impossible-to-explain weird-justice
outcome that has made some people think he was
covering for someone else--one person in particular.

“So?” I ask directly, one day late in our interviews.
“Explain this. It does make it look like you were
covering for you-know-who.”

“Covering?” He chuckles. “First, by the way, you-
know-who was never there. Never came to the island.
Not once. Not ever. But you’re right, the settlement was
preposterous. Nobody has ever heard anything like it.
But while it was breathtaking and perverse and, well,
Kafka-esque, it was also straightforward: you sign this
or else we will federally indict you in ways that will
threaten your property, the people who work for you,
and put you in jail for ten years. I took the deal.”

A bit more baroqueness: one of the lawyers
representing some of the plaintiffs, Scott Rothstein,
would also go to jail for recruiting investors to pay for
these suits on the fraudulent basis that settlements had
already been reached and that many of the listed women
had agreed to take reduced immediate cash payments.

Epstein got out of jail in 2009. The experience does
not seem to have much dented his general bonhomie.
One evening over dinner he and the former director of

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022889
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015043.txt,"buzz-would serve as my lifetime filter for perceiving reality and its rules. If
you could somehow translate that buzz into words, it would spell out: One
person's logic is another person's humor.

| finished playing “Vivaldi” by rote. Then | bowed to the audience
and walked off stage. The applause continued, and | was pushed back on
stage by my violin teacher, to play an encore, “Orientale.” | had
previously asked him-while rehearsing the encore—why it wasn't listed on
the program since we already knew that | would play it at the concert. But
instead of answering my question, he poked me in the chest, verbalizing
each poke: “Violin up/ Violin up’ Now, while playing “Orientale,” |
heard the echo of his voice, and | automatically raised my violin higher.

Then | popped my ears and the music sounded clearer. | wondered if
it sounded clearer to the audience too. They had no idea that their
laughter had woken me up. | was overwhelmed by the notion that
everybody in the audience had their own individual 7his-/s-me, but maybe
some of them were still asleep and didn't know it. How could you tell who
was awake and who was asleep? After all, | hadn't known that /was asleep,
and look what | accomplished before | woke up. If it hadn't been for that

itch, | might st///be asleep.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015043
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024220.txt,"Global Utility White Paper CONFIDENTIAL

6. Interest Rate Risk —-A Common Misperception

We find a common misperception among investors to be the degree of interest rate risk in the global utility
sector, as interest rate sensitivity has declined steadily since the modern utility industry came into being in
the early 1990s.

There is a relatively higher degree of interest rate risk in the defensive, fully-regulated utilities given their
bond-like returns and the capital-intensive nature of the industry, which demands heavy use of debt financing.
Such defensive fully-regulated utilities can be found in all regions, however the highest concentration is found
in the US. European, Asian and Latam utilities are more levered to economic growth and therefore tend to be
no more interest rate-sensitive than broad market equities.

Even the performance of the more interest rate-sensitive US utilities is not fully determined by interest rates.
For example, during the market rally from fall 2002 to summer 2007, the US utility sector generated a non-
beta-adjusted annualized total return 5.2% higher (2.8% from better price appreciation and 2.4% from
dividend reinvestment) than the S&P 500, while the 10-year Treasury yield rose from 3.6% to 4.9% (+130 bps)
over this period. Valuation re-rating and earnings growth from generators, as economic growth tightened
power markets and raised commodity prices, outweighed the negative impact of rising interest rates.

We would note furthermore that yield relationships have moved to unprecedented extremes such that, for
example, the dividend yield for US regulated utilities versus the 10-year Treasury yield currently sits at 7
standard deviations above the mean from the historical pre-2008 environment (see graph below). An even
more dramatic relationship exists for the European utilities. This suggests that policy rates are at such levels
that there is substantial cushion against rising rates.

US utilities/US 10-yr Treasury Ratio

BBUTY fedex. / USGGIOVE Index 2.3012. «28

Finally, we track interest rate risk in the Electron risk model for all positions. We are not looking to make
macro calls, and the portfolio’s net interest rate risk is kept within acceptable limits as we select stocks in the
global utility sector. This process has worked well for us as over 7 years we have posted strong returns and
alpha generation in both rising and falling interest rate environments. As a result, many investors are
pleasantly surprised to learn that despite perceptions of the global utility sector’s interest rate sensitivity,
Electron’s return correlation to interest rates is slightly lower than the HFRI Equity Hedge Index’s return
correlation to interest rates.

19 Electron Capital Partners, LLC

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024220
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027443.txt,"Flags: 1085445
Is Read: No
Is Invitation: No

GUID: C4754B66-FBD2-4B2 9-A366-E8280D333047

Message: No rush

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 10/02/18 01:23:06 PM (560204586)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

T,

GUID: 45824B74-F8DE-478C-B8E7-9B1660175575

Message: Sorry my morse code doesn't always work

Time: 10/02/18 01:26:58 PM (560204818)
Flags: 1060865
Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 616C800C-A400-4761-9D2F-117CA12961F5

Message: U in Europe?

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 10/02/18 01:27:13 PM (560204833)
Flags: 1150981

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 50289D38-A87A-4A27-B073-2E7E378790C0

Message: 561 655 7626 palm

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 10/02/18 01:29:08 PM (560204948)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: FD918228-DFAE-4157-ABDF-3825688759AA

ee

Message: Two separate things. Trump piece on taxes , is unfair. 2. Unrelated to 1
your media structure for lots of reasons should be set up sooner rather than later.

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com
Time: 10/02/18 01:29:11 PM (560204951)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027443
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021711.txt,".. Prince Andrew and girl, 17, who sex offender friend flew to Britain to meet him | Mail... Page 15 of 17

is another matter. NO thanks.
- RJ, NW, 27/2/2011 16:12

Click to rate__ Rating 79

Report abuse

Andrew needs to be investigated and if found guilty of impropriety banished as Persona non Grata. He will lose his right as
fourth in line to the throne and all the benefits that come with that, including his extravagant and worthless lifestyle being
funded by public money.

- Julia Larsen, London UK, 27/2/2011 16:09

Click to rate__ Rating 450

Report abuse
Why do we find the lives of these people? REPUBLIC NOW!

- Newell Fisher, Lancing West Sussex, 27/2/2011 15:42
Click to rate __ Rating 260

Report abuse

| was truly disgusted having read this article. Although sadly not surprised, | wonder why people idolize any kind of celebrity or
other such “influential” people, most of whom seem to surround themselves with depraved ""friends"" & whom can turn a blind
eye to anything where status, fame & wealth are concerned (seemingly typical of our “anything goes” society where everything
is justifiable). That aside, | am more disgusted that out of the 24 comments on this article so far, people are either talking about
what a pretty piece of tot she is, how she should have basically kept her mouth shut, how we can't be judged by the actions of
our friends, whether the royal family has any validity (as if it ever had a clean past), & most astonishingly arguments about
whether Fergie has more right to a royal wedding invite than Andrew! Absolutely disgusting, looking forward to further
comments on her weight, whether she looks good for her age, & scrutiny over whether she’s had any work done soon.

- Fiona, Stop the world | wanna get off, 27/2/2011 14:55
Click to rate__ Rating 356

Report abuse

The views expressed in the contents above are those of our users and do not necessarily reflect the views of MailOnline.

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http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-1361039/Prince-Andrew-girl-17-sex-offender-frie... 3/16/2011

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021711
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026985.txt,"From:
Sent:
To:
Subject:

How To Academy

6/25/2019 8:15:05 AM
jeevacation@gmail.com
The Battle for Turkey / Day of the Jackal's Frederick Forsyth / New Yorker essayist Daniel Mendelsohn / superstar

tenor lan Bostridge

View in browser

Newsletter June 2019

www.howtoacademy.com

10.09.2019

Erdogan Rising: The Battle for the
Soul of Turkey

More than 15 years before Trump
ascended to the presidency, Turkey was
the crucible for the new, authoritarian
populism shaking the globe. Now, as
elections in Istanbul suggest support for
Erdogan's regime may be crumbling,
Times correspondents Hannah Lucinda
Smith and Antony Loyd turn to the
future of Turkey's ailing democracy - and
consider the lessons for the rest of the
world.

READ MORE

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026985
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022651.txt,"Bill likes sex with children and Hillary likes sex with Muslim Women and helping to kill American Service
men probably to please her Muslim Girl Fiend! Hang both of them beside Obama!

ee

78.
BOBSAYSO

March 30, 2014 at 3:33 pm — Log in to Reply

I’m not surprised that a proven serial-rapist, murderer and drug trafficker would also be a pedophile. The leader
of the administration before his, yes that guy, was also linked to a pedophile prostitution ring uncovered in the
Franklin pedophile investigation. Research it; and also the name Johnny Gosh. It’s a fascinating true story.

79.
msueh

March 30, 2014 at 3:34 pm — Log in to Reply

When are both of them going to end up on their list of “disappearances”?

SS ee

80.

Doug
March 31, 2014 at 6:45 am — Log in to Reply

The clintons are just evil vial people and I am not surprised about this at all. Also there was a comment asking
about the ages of those girls involved? “Clinton was friends with an unnamed woman who “kept images of
naked underage children on her computer, helped to recruit underage children for Epstein... and photographed
underage females in sexually explicit poses.”

Read more at http://www.westernjournalism.com/clinton-snared-pedophile-ring/#PkFfIXxkTOIMkgS1.99

Pretty much covers that they were in fact underage children. Makes me sick to my stomach and would love to
see “old icky billy” get his just reward but doubt it as the article also states, “because of friends in High Places”.

SSS a Se wee

81.
Jan

March 31, 2014 at 8:11 am — Log in to Reply

This hasn’t surfaced because it’s a bunch of B.S.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022651
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024503.txt,"™@ Increased government focus on education. In many countries, per student public spending on
education represents a larger portion of per capita GDP than in the U.S. For example, in Australia and
the United Kingdom, the government has subsidized a large portion of ECE. Now, countries such as
Saudi Arabia are developing similar programs. The opportunity for increased government spending on
pre-K-12 education is particularly apparent in growing economies such as China and South Korea as
those countries increase their share of world GDP.

@ Potential opportunities in countries with declining populations. \|n countries that have had low fertility
rates for several generations, such as Japan and Italy, there often exists a large family structure
supporting a single child. KUE believes that this leads to several family members (e.g., both parents
and grandparents) contributing to a single child’s schooling, resulting in higher education expenditures
per child. In addition, the high cost and limited availability of quality ECE in countries such as Japan
has been identified as a contributing factor to declining birth rates in the country.

The following paragraphs provide a brief overview of some of the key markets around the world, which
KUE views as attractive. These include China, Saudi Arabia and the United Kingdom.

8.5.1 China: Market Overview

With a population of 274 million children under age 15, and a fertility rate of 1.73, China represents an
attractive market for early education providers.” In China, mandatory education starts with primary
schools, at which most children enroll by age six. Currently, 24 million Chinese children are attending
kindergarten as a growing middle class and the one-child policy are driving multiple incomes to one child
and increasing the amount of capital that can be dedicated to education. These socioeconomic factors
are reflected in the increasing numbers of private kindergartens, which have grown at a rate of 13% over
the past eight years.*""

Public versus Private Pre-School Education

13.7% 17.7% 20.1% 19.7% 8.7% 14.7%

2!
0.7% 0.5% 181 182 479
1 1
180 187 3 181 181 476 50 150 142138
a a Ps Fl e | 112 2. 116
1 37 44 45 48 56
1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003
gamma Private Schools === Total Schools “l= Private Growth mAllicindergantons is Pavate Kindergartens

Note: Private kindergarten enrollment data unavailable before 1998.
Source: Ministry of Education, China Education Industry Development Statistics Report, China Education and Research Network.

Schools tend to be concentrated in larger cities with Beijing, Shanghai, Nanjing, Qingdao and Guangzhou
being the largest pre-school markets. Kindergartens are divided into three categories: Bilingual, Foreign
language and Mandarin. Bilingual kindergartens are typically joint ventures between Chinese and foreign
entities or owned wholly by Chinese private or public entities. Tuitions for bilingual programs can reach
$15,000 per year. Foreign language kindergartens are wholly owned foreign schools that recruit only
foreign students and are typically backed by their embassies. These schools adhere to foreign
educational standards with Mandarin being taught as a second language. The tuitions of foreign
language schools range from $10,000 to $22,000 per year. Mandarin kindergartens are typically owned
by Chinese public entities.

* Source: Central Intelligence Agency, World Factbook 2006.
* Source: Ministry of Education, China Education Industry Development Statistics Report, China Education and Research Network.

70

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024503
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022218.txt,"JEFFREY E. EPSTEIN is a money manager and science philanthropist who currently serves as the
Chairman and Chief Executive Officer of the Financial Trust ...
www.edge.org/3rd_culture/bios/epstein.html - Cached - Similar

6. The Plastic Surgeon: Jeffrey Epstein | Full of Crop

Dec 9, 2010 ... Dr. Jeffrey Epstein is an internationally known reconstructive surgeon, known for
exhibiting the highest standards in the medical field.
fullofcrop.com/2010/12/09/the-plastic-surgeon-jeffrey-epstein/ - Cached

7. Jeffrey Epstein, MD, FACS, Miami, New York Hair Transplant Surgeon

Dr. Epstein and the hair transplant surgeons at the Foundation for Hair Restoration are experts in the
field of hair restoration. Dr. Epstein is one of the ...

www.foundhair.com/pages/about.shtml - Cached - Similar

8. Jeffrey Epstein, Convicted Pedophile And Former Hedge Fund Titan ...

Jul 21, 2010 ... Jeffrey Epstein, the former hedge fund manager who pleaded guilty to soliciting an
underage girl for prostitution, is now free of the ...
www.huffingtonpost.com/.../jeffrey-epstein-disgraced_n_654674.html - Cached

9. Dr. Jeffrey Epstein, MD, FACS | Board Certified Plastic Surgeon ...

Dr. Jeffrey Epstein has been in solo private practice in Miami since 1994, and New York City since
2005, and is a Clinical Professor at the University of ...

www.justformenplasticsurgery.com/AboutDrEpstein.asp - Cached - Similar
10. Jeffrey Epstein on Sports

An old school look at today's sport's world focusing on professional basketball and football byJeffrey
Epstein.

www.jeffreyepsteinsports.com/ - Cached

11. Jeffrey Epstein | Philanthropy

Jeffrey Epstein has three main philanthropic and charitable organizations he uses to fund arts,
sciences, research and other causes.

www.jeffreyepstein.org/ - Cached

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022218
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019036.txt,"Date: 7/13/06 @.. BEACH POLICE DEPARTMEN Page: 83
Time: 9:27:55 Incident Report Program: CMS301L

Case No. .. . : 1-05-000368 (Continued)
10, 2006, at approximately 2:30 p.m., I served L_lat her residence in
| The subpoena was given to her mother]

I learned through one of the victims [| that she was personally
contacted through a_source that has maintained contact with Epstein.
The source assured[__|she would receive monetary compensation for her
assistance in not cooperating with law enforcement. also stated
she was told, ""Those who help him will be compensated and those who
hurt him will be dealt with."" I told[__] that tampering with a
witness/victim is an arrestable offense and_very serious. I asked her
who approached her during this encounter. originally was reluctant
to provide the name of the person who approached her to offer her not
to testify because she felt they were still friends.

On April 11, 2006, Det Dawson and I traveled to Tallahassee, Florida
and met with the victim[_______] identified( —“(st~—“C;C™*SC*é*diCOWW//F zy:

as the person who approached her in Royal Palm Beach while
she was home during Spring Break in March 2006. also stated she
did not want to pursue the intimidation charges on was
concerned that the defense attorney was given a copy of the report as
certain things she had told me in confidence were repeated to her by

Prior to our departure, the victim was given a copy of her

subpoena for the Grand Jury which was scheduled to commence April 18,
2006.
Upon our return from Tallahassee, I notified the State Attorney's Ree
Office of what was told to me. I also notified them that the
subpoenas were delivered to the witnesses and they would be calling
for arrangements for the date and time needed for the Grand Jury. I
spoke with ASA Weiss and informed her of the possible intimidation by
the defense.

On April 13, and April 14, 2006 I attempted contact on several
occasions with ASA Weiss and ASA Belohlavic to ascertain when the
victims needed to report for Grand Jury testimony. Messages were left
on their voicemail. On April 17, 2006, during the hours of 9:00 am
and 11:30 am, I again left messages for ASA Weiss and ASA Belohlavic
for either of them to return my call as I had not heard from the State
Attorney's Office as to the time and date of the Grand Jury.

At approximately 12:30 pm, I went to the State Attorney's Office and
located ASA Weiss and ASA Belohlavic in their offices. I entered ASA
Belohlavic's office who informed me that she was going to return my
call. She explained that an offer was made to the defense, Atty Guy
Fronstin and Atty Alan Dershowitz. The offer is 1 count of Agg
Assault with intent to commit a felony, five years probation, with
adjudication withheld. Epstein would have to submit to
psychiatric/sexual evaluation and no unsupervised visits with minors.
“When asked about the all the other victims, ASA Belohlavic stated
that was the only offer made as to one victim,[___] ASA Belohlavic
cell phone rang and went to voice mail. She checked her voice mail
and played the message on speaker. The caller identified himself as

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019036 >

"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032292.txt,"From: Thomas Jr., Landon

Sent: 9/16/2016 8:56:07 PM
To: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com]
Subject: Re: Trump

Importance: — High

On Fri, Sep 16, 2016 at 4:52 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:
give me a number ill call

On Fri, Sep 16, 2016 at 4:49 PM, Thomas Jr., Landon PO wrote:

If you knew Trump was going to win, how would you position your portfolio?

On Fri, Sep 16, 2016 at 4:38 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:
no place else to invest for alpha, your children are rich

On Fri, Sep 16, 2016 at 4:24 PM, Thomas Jr., Landon PE otc:

Lets catch up next time you are in NYC. NYT is making me write more on markets now and I don't
really know who to believe any more re where the market is going these days.

On Fri, Sep 16, 2016 at 4:08 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:
ask again 30th

On Fri, Sep 16, 2016 at 4:07 PM, Thomas Jr., Landon 0%:

you think he will win?

On Fri, Sep 16, 2016 at 4:02 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:
too late

On Fri, Sep 16, 2016 at 1:08 PM, Thomas Jr., Landon iii rote:

I am getting worried. Is he ever going to implode?

Landon Thomas, Jr.
Financial Reporter
New York Times

http: //topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/t/landon_ jr thomas/i
ndex.html

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032292
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028683.txt,"Israelis and Palestinians, particularly Israeli
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.

But hey, that was then. A second-term
president has committed himself early in
2013 to a trip to Israel and has an Energizer
bunny in Secretary of State John Kerry,
who wants to do the right thing and keep
the two-state solution alive. Obama clearly
kept his distance from the issue again on
Tuesday night. He spoke of standing with
Israel to pursue peace, but didn't mention
Palestinians or the peace process. He
mentioned his own trip to the Middle East,
but missed an opportunity to give what
might be a trip to the region by his new
secretary of state higher profile. It's just as
well. The paradox of the Israeli-Palestinian
issue 1s that it's too complicated to
implement right now and too important to
abandon. It's in this space that Obama will
be forced to operate. And while the odds of
success are low, Obama will be tempted in
his final term to do something bold,
perhaps laying out a U.S. plan of
parameters on the key final-status issues.

It's the Middle Class, Not the Middle East

Spoiler alert: Barack Obama might still be
a consequential foreign-policy president if
he's lucky, willful, and skillful. But it's his
domestic legacy that will make or break his
presidency. Health care -- his signature
legacy issue -- will look much better if the
economy improves, driven by a revived

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028683
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026314.txt,"Date: Sunday, August 12 2018 05:42 PM
Subject: Re: Steve Bannon had morning with disgraced Jeffrey Epstein

From: Peter Thomas Roth iii >

To: jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com>;

On Aug 12, 2018, at 1:30 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com > wrote:

fun

On Sun, Aug 12, 2018 at 1:23 PM, Peter Thomas Roth {i > wrote:

Great picture of you!!!

https://pagesix.com/2018/08/ 11/steve-bannon-trying-to-get-on-disgraced-jeffrey-epsteins- good-
side/?utm_source=maropost&utm_medium=email &utm_campaign=pagesixdaily &utm_
content=20180812 &mpweb=755-7237853-719173670

Steve Bannon trying to get on disgraced
Jeffrey Epstein’s good side

By Emily Smith

Steve Bannon shared a secret meeting with reviled billionaire pedophile Jeffrey -Epstein

at the financier’s notorious Upper East Side mansion.

Former White House chief strategist Bannon was spotted stepping out of his SUV and
entering the registered sex offender’s sprawling 21,000-square-foot mansion at 9 E. 71st
St. shortly before 7 a.m. Wednesday.

Epstein’s -palatial pad is one of his homes where young girls were allegedly brought in to

perform massages and used as “‘sex slaves.”
We assume Bannon wasn’t there for a massage.

Sources speculate that the disgraced -Epstein wants to use his millions to work his way

close to political power again.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026314
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010912.txt,"FREE GROWTH AND OTHER SURPRISES

Draft

Gordon Getty

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010912
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026472.txt,"constitute inside information, and is intended only for

the use of the addressee. It is the property of

JEE

Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026472
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027257.txt,"Source Entry: H\Macintosh HD\root\Users\jee\Library\Messages\Archive\2018-03-14\Woody 
Allen on 2018-03-12 at 20.04.37.ichat 
Service: iMessage 
Start Time: 03/14/18 04:23:32 AM (542719412) 
End Time: 03/14/18 04:41:44 AM (542720504) 
Last Message ID: 13478 
Chat Room: 
Participants: jee, Woody Allen 
Presentity IDs: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com, 19174027204 
Messages - 
Sender: 
Time: 03/14/18 04:23:32 AM (542719412) 
Flags: 1060865 
Is Read: Yes 
Is Invitation: No 
GUID: 801FEECF-50AE-4209-8728-8F201E619D2A 
Message: I just read that Stephen Hawking died. I know you knew him. I'm sorry for your 
loss. 
Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com 
Time: 03/14/18 04:26:24 AM (542719584) 
Flags: 1085445 
Is Read: No 
Is Invitation: No 
GUID: 5484D1D1-9B05-43A5-826D-6BE9068EDE30 
Message: he was very sick. but amazing as he was in the vegatable state for 20 
years. and while in a wheelchair had an affair with his nurse , ran off with her and 
left his wife 
Sender: 
Time: 03/14/18 04:28:45 AM (542719725) 
Flags: 1060865 
Is Read: Yes 
Is Invitation: No 
GUID: 4E12F8A4-B446-4241-8CD1-25DC8A868C86 
Message: There are many crazy women out there. It was amazing that he lived with MLS 
for so long. It's one of the worst diseases out there. 
Sender: 
Time: 03/14/18 04:29:25 AM (542719765) 
Flags: 1060865 
Is Read: Yes 
Is Invitation: No 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 027257 
GUID: C3ODCE17-88EE-4B45-AE4D-2EFD5D192DC6 
Message: <Unsupported Message Content> 
Sender: 
Time: 03/14/18 04:32:35 AM (542719955) 
Flags: 1060865 
Is Read: Yes 
Is Invitation: No 
GUID: 79BE4E65-38EA-4A53-9F35-F95E32C5C6EF 
Message: I don't think Donald Trump could've picked a worse person for the CIA or for 
the Secretary of State. At least he's consistent. 
Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com 
Time: 03/14/18 04:33:17 AM (542719997) 
Flags: 1085445 
Is Read: No 
Is Invitation: No 
GUID: DA23039D-OCEE-43FE-B1CC-20B8F0A25DE2 
Message: its a woman. 
1111 
where are your principles 
Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com 
Time: 03/14/18 04:33:59 AM (542720039) 
Flags: 1150981 
Is Read: No 
Is Invitation: No 
GUID: EFD92F14-EA98-4CD2-9FA8-BAA556290A49 
Message: im here in new york since yesterday morn, when is your first expose 
Sender: 
Time: 03/14/18 04:34:14 AM (542720054) 
Flags: 1060865 
Is Read: Yes 
Is Invitation: No 
GUID: 711392DA-DE00-4FC9-842A-47F8E3A6C491 
Message: I don't care if she's a woman. I like the best person for the job. Woody 
suggested Kate Upton. 
Sender: 
Time: 03/14/18 04:35:09 AM (542720109) 
Flags: 1060865 
Is Read: Yes 
Is Invitation: No 
GUID: BD95444F-B74A-4CB6-A002-F0276B824B5F 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 027258 
Message: Still to be decided. 
Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com 
Time: 03/14/18 04:35:16 AM (542720116) 
Flags: 1085445 
Is Read: No 
Is Invitation: No 
GUID: 2F690497-82B1-4510-972C-C17A9D4DEO2F 
Message: but what does she know about under cover work and deception 
Sender: 
Time: 03/14/18 04:39:48 AM (542720388) 
Flags: 1060865 
Is Read: Yes 
Is Invitation: No 
GUID: 5353912A-56CC-47CC-9244-58DFD0528261 
Message: I don't think she could go undercover as she's too beautiful. 
Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com 
Time: 03/14/18 04:40:31 AM (542720431) 
Flags: 1085445 
Is Read: No 
Is Invitation: No 
GUID: 2A0613FF-8ED3-4407-8FFE-3F594EFEA0C4 
Message: woody should explain to you 
Sender: 
Time: 03/14/18 04:41:21 AM (542720481) 
Flags: 1060865 
Is Read: Yes 
Is Invitation: No 
GUID: D7993E3B-0B4E-4E65-979C-1D0A46CC579D 
Message: Explain to me what? 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 027259 
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019988.txt,"hardly recognizable in any sort of official Republican or conservative way. He was a post-
right-wing provocateur but with none of the dinner party waspishness or bite of Ann
Coulter or Milo Yiannopoulos. They were a stagey type of reactionary. He was a real one
—a genuine racist with a good education, in his case UVA, the University of Chicago, and
Duke.

It was Bannon who effectively gave Spencer flight by pronouncing Breitbart to be “the
platform for the alt-right’—the movement Spencer claimed to have founded, or at least
owned the domain name for.

“T don’t think Bannon or Trump are identitarians or alt-rightists,” Spencer explained
while camped out just over CPAC’s property line at the Gaylord. They were not, like
Spencer, philosophic racists (itself different from a knee-jerk racist). “But they are open to
these ideas. And open to the people who are open to these ideas. We’re the spice in the

29

mix.

Spencer was right. Trump and Bannon, with Sessions in the mix, too, had come closer
than any major national politician since the Civil Rights movement to tolerating a race-
tinged political view.

“Trump has said things that conservatives never would have thought... . His criticism
of the Iraq War, bashing the Bush family, I couldn’t believe he did that ... but he did... .
Fuck them ... if at the end of the day an Anglo Wasp family produces Jeb and W then
clearly that’s a clear sign of denegation... . And now they marry Mexicans ... Jeb’s wife
... he married his housekeeper or something.

“In Trump’s 2011 CPAC address he specifically calls for a relaxation of immigration
restrictions for Europeans ... that we should re-create an America that was far more stable
and more beautiful... . No other conservative politician would say those things ... but on
the other hand pretty much everyone thought it ... so it’s powerful to say it... . Clearly
[there’s] a normalization process going on.”

“We are the Trump vanguard. The left will say Trump is a nationalist and an implicit or
quasi-racialist. Conservatives, because they are just so douchey, say Oh, no, of course not,
he’s a constitutionalist, or whatever. We on the alt-right will say, He is a nationalist and he
is a racialist. His movement is a white movement. Duh.”

Looking very satisfied with himself, Spencer paused and then said: “We give him a
kind of permission.”

OOK Ok

Nearby, in the Gaylord atrtum, Rebekah Mercer sat having a snack with her home-
schooled daughter and her friend and fellow conservative donor Allie Hanley. Both
women agreed that the president’s CPAC speech showed him at his most gracious and
charming.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019988
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019750.txt,"262 | HOW AMERICA LOST ITS SECRETS

“T can’t say what the SVR would do today. I am long retired,” he
said, with a nostalgic shake of his head. “But in my day, we needed
some reason to believe the gift was genuine.”

“Would you need to vet the person delivering it?”

“With Hanssen we did not have that opportunity,” he said. “If
we believed the documents were genuine, we would of course grab
them.”

The final recruitment I asked Cherkashin about was that of Ronald
Pelton, the civilian employee of the NSA who had retired in 1979.
Pelton had left the NSA without taking any classified documents
with him. After retiring, he had financial difficulties, and he sought
to get money from the KGB. On January 14, 1980, he walked into
the Soviet embassy in Washington, D.C., and asked to see an intelli-
gence officer. After he was ushered into a secure debriefing room, he
said that he had information that Russia would find interesting, but
he wanted money in return. What interested me about the Pelton
case was that Cherkashin proceeded to recruit Pelton, even though
he was no longer working at the NSA and no longer had access to

© the NSA. In addition, because the FBI had twenty-four-hour sur- ©
veillance on the embassy, Pelton had almost certainly been photo-
graphed entering it and had also possibly been recorded asking for
an intelligence officer by electronic bugs that the KGB suspected the
NSA had planted there. What did the KGB do in a situation in which
a former civilian employee at the NSA possessed no documents?

Despite the risks involved, Cherkashin decided Pelton had to be
debriefed by communications intelligence specialists. So he had him
disguised as a utility worker and smuggled out in a van to the resi-
dential compound of the ambassador in Georgetown. A few days
later, he was dropped off at a shopping mall.

“Why did you go to such effort if Pelton had neither documents
nor access to the NSA?” J asked.

“Tt was the information in his head that we wanted.” Cherkashin
said that because the KGB rarely got access to any NSA officer, it
was worth the risk. So Pelton was given $5,000 in cash and a plane
ticket to Vienna, where he was domiciled at the residence of the
Soviet ambassador to Austria. A KGB electronic communications
expert, Anatoly Slavnov, was then sent to Vienna to supervise the

| | Epst_9780451494566_2p_all_r1.indd 262 ® 9/30/16 8:13AM | |

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019750
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014072.txt,"2014] CRIME VICTIMS’ RIGHTS 93
victims to those who have been “directly and proximately harmed.”!*?
Finally, the formulation requires some federal officer or employee to
evaluate the evidence and reach the conclusion that a federal offense has
been committed that harmed the person in question. This determination
responds to the observation by the District Court for the Eastern District of
New York that the CVRA “cannot be read to include the victims of
uncharged crimes that the government has not even contemplated.”'°? At
the same time, such a formulation obviously does not require the filing of
formal criminal charges, or even the preparation of formal criminal charges.
Instead, all that is required is for the Department to recognize that a person
is a putative victim of a federal offense, just as all that is required for the
mailing of a target letter to a subpoenaed suspected criminal, is recognition
that he is a putative defendant in a federal case.

B. APPLYING THE TEST TO THE EPSTEIN CASE

To illustrate how the test would operate, it is useful to examine the
facts of the Epstein case. Applying the proposed test to that case produces
straightforward answers, which suggests that the test would be workable in
practice.

From 2001 to 2007, Jeffrey Epstein sexually abused more than thirty
minor girls in his mansion, including Jane Doe Number One and Jane Doe
Number Two.'”* Initially, of course, his acts of abuse were secret, unknown
to law enforcement. During that period of time, the victims would not have
had rights under the CVRA.

In 2006, Epstein’s acts of abuse came to the attention of the Palm
Beach Police Department, which began investigating the case.'°° At this
point, once again, the victims would not have had rights under the proposed
CVRA test. The CVRA extends rights in the federal criminal justice
process. A state investigation does not trigger the CVRA (although it may
trigger certain state law protections, as discussed below).!°

At some point in 2006, the Palm Beach Police Department asked the
FBI to investigate Epstein on federal sex offenses, such as using a means of

192 See id. § 3771(e).

193 United States v. Rubin, 558 F. Supp. 2d 411, 419 (E.D.N.Y. 2008).

194 As above, see supra notes 34-41 and accompanying text, this part of the Article
draws on the factual allegations made by the victims in this case—allegations that Epstein
has not intervened to dispute. See Jane Doe Motion, supra note 40, at 3-23.

195 See Probable Cause Affidavit, Palm Beach Police Department: Police Case No. 05-
368(1) (May 1, 2006), available at http://goo.gl/fAPFw5; see also Statement of Undisputed
Facts, Epstein v. Rothstein, No. 50 2009 CA 040800XXXXMBAG (Fla. Cir. Ct. Sept. 22,
2010), available at http://goo.gl/DzMbe8.

196 See supra notes 178-95 and accompanying text as well as infra Part IV.D.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014072
"
TEXT-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032384.txt,"From: Larry Summers 
Sent: 11/29/2016 7:34:18 AM 
To: Jeffrey Epstein [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Subject: Fwd: Re: 
Importance: High 
Who is the guy you have set me up with? 
Spend zero effort on anything about me w trump. Seeing his approach to conflict of interest, his Putin 
proximity, and his mindless response on Castro death I'm best off a million miles away. 
Until they are deeply humbled by the fuckups that are sure to come, I serve myself and country best by doing 
nothing that involves loyalty to them. 
Sent from my iPad 
Please direct all scheduling inquiries to my office at: 
Follow me on twitter glhsummers 
www.larrysummers.com 
Begin forwarded message: 
From: Afri zp <_______________________ 
Date: November 29, 2016 at 3:26:13 AM GMT-3:30 
To: ""jeffrey E."" <jeevacation@gmail.com> 
Cc: Larry Summers 
Subject: Re: 
Larry, 
I'll be very please to meet or take you for diner. My mobile in Doha is +97455125119 
Le 29 nov. 2016 a 00:16, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> a ecrit: 
larry, karim, karim - larry, larry will be in doha on wed, i think you two would enjoy meeting 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 032384 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 032385 
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027325.txt,"Message: Trust the Process

Sender: [7

Time: 07/09/18 06:32:00 PM (552879120)
Flags: 1060865
Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 01A24157-37F7-432F-A426-4D5163570B97

Message: Ken says the guy is brilliant correct ?

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 07/09/18 06:32:12 PM (552879132)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: IESBCBE7-F971-4730-B100-6F0958136A1

Gl

Message: reliabl

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 07/09/18 06:33:39 PM (552879219)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 3B030511-Bé6éFF-4ECF-98B2-28FB4D840AD1

Message: Chevron decision

Time: 07/09/18 06:34:03 PM (552879243)
Flags: 1060865
Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

Gl
a)
co

GUID: 89C

4

(HEAB3-1866-4BD9-870C-1191BD43C

Message: Let's go deconstruct

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 07/09/18 06:34:40 PM (552879280)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: AB84FA45-31DA-4E0E-B438-FAA10B546691

Message: Bye bye administrative state. . I get it

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027325
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021077.txt,"Bundled Payment (Healthcare) - Also
known as episode-based payment, defined
as the reimbursement of health care
providers (such as hospitals and physicians)
on the basis of expected costs for clinically-
defined episodes of care. It has been
described as ""a middle ground"" between
fee-for-service reimbursement (in which
providers are paid for each service rendered
to a patient) and capitation (in which
providers are paid a ""lump sum"" per patient
regardless of how many services the patient
receives).

Business Cycle - Fluctuations in overall
business activity accompanied by swings in
the unemployment rate, interest rates, and
corporate profits. Over a business cycle, real
(inflation-adjusted) activity rises to a peak
(its highest level during the cycle) and then
falls until it reaches a trough (its lowest level
following the peak), whereupon it starts to
rise again, defining a new cycle. Business
cycles are irregular, varying in frequency,
magnitude, and duration. (NBER) See real
and unemployment rate.

Cash Accounting - A system of accounting
in which revenues are recorded when they
are actually received and outlays are
recorded when payment is made. Compare
with accrual accounting.

Centers for Medicare & Medicaid
Services (CMS) — US federal agency which
administers Medicare, Medicaid, and the
Children's Health Insurance Program.

Copayment — A flat amount paid out of
pocket per medical service, e.g., $5 per
office visit.

Congressional Budget Office (CBO) —A
non-partisan federal agency within the
legislative branch of the U.S. government,
charged with reviewing congressional
budgets and other legislative initiatives with
budgetary implications.

_)
Ise) www.kpcb.com

Conservatorship - The legal process by
which an external entity (in the case of
Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac, the federal
government) establishes control and
oversight of a company to put it in a sound
and solvent condition.

Consumption - In principle, the value of
goods and services purchased and used up
during a given period by households and
governments. In practice, the Bureau of
Economic Analysis counts purchases of
many long-lasting goods (such as cars and
clothes) as consumption even though the
goods are not used up. Consumption by
households alone is also called consumer
spending. See national income and product
accounts.

Cost-of-Living Adjustment (COLA) - An
annual increase in Social Security and other
entitlement payments to reflect price
inflation.

Current-Account Balance - A summary
measure of a country’s current transactions
with the rest of the world, including net
exports, net unilateral transfers, and net
factor income (primarily the capital income
from foreign property received by residents
of a country offset by the capital income from
property in that country flowing to residents
of foreign countries).

Cyclical Deficit or Surplus - The part of the
federal budget deficit or surplus that results
from the business cycle. The cyclical
component reflects the way in which the
deficit or surplus automatically increases or
decreases during economic expansions or
recessions.

Cyclically Adjusted Budget Deficit or
Surplus - The federal budget deficit or
surplus that would occur under current law if
the influence of the business cycle was
removed—that is, if the economy operated
at potential gross domestic product.

USAInc. Xx

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021077
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028016.txt,"July 1, now less than 36 hours away. Having moved the passengers off the plane
to one of the terminal buildings, they were threatening to start killing them
unless we freed a list of 53 Palestinians and PLO supporters, forty of them held
in Israel and the rest in a number of European countries, and paid a ransom of
five million dollars.

Well past midnight, we started looking at our options. One which seemed —
briefly — to hold promise drew on suggestions from Ido Ambar and Mookie.
Ido’s almost rhapsodic description of the capabilities of our C-130 Hercules
transport planes convinced us we could parachute in a Sayeret Matkal team, as
well as vehicles for them to use on the ground. Mookie and I agreed that to
ensure surprise, we would disguise the commandos as Ugandan troops, in
“Ugandan” Jeeps. The final twist came with the arrival of the reserve air force
officer who had been on training duty in Entebbe. He brought a reel of 8mm
film from an official ceremony at the airport. At the start, a Ugandan army
general could be seen arriving in a black Mercedes. “That’s it!” Mookie said.
“The Mercedes. Every top Ugandan military officer has one.” We decided to
swap one of our Jeeps for a jet-black limousine.

Yet by daybreak on Wednesday, when I went up to brief Motto, we'd set
aside the option of a parachute drop. Any initial surprise would be outweighed
by the risk of exposure from the very start of the assault. We’d also gone cold
on a second option, to infiltrate sayeret teams along the shore of Lake Victoria
from across the nearby border in Kenya. I doubted we had enough time to
navigate all the operational and diplomatic obstacles before the deadline
expired. That left option three: having the SEALs, along with a core team from
the sayeret, parachute onto Lake Victoria with rubber dinghies and attack the
airport from on foot. We arranged to do a test parachute assault off the Israeli
coast in Haifa later in the day, but if that went well, it seemed the only practical
alternative.

Motta and I went met Peres around 8:30am. Shimon had no first-hand
military experience, having played a political role alongside Ben-Gurion from
Israel’s early years. So he was not really interested in the details. But he was
keen to hear our assurances that a military option did exist. He was even more
intrigued when we were joined by the head of the air force, Benny Peled.
Unaware of the airborne parachute drop we had been discussing overnight,
Peled suggested something far more ambitious. Rather than using a single
Hercules, he proposed using four of the giant transport planes to ferry in a larger
force, some 200 men in all, land them on one of the runways and take over the

168
HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028016
"
IMAGES-012-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033452.txt,"destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033452
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015725.txt,"The Learning Brain

uman beings are born with an extraordinary ability to learn
H through experiencing the world around them. Studies show

babies as young as three weeks understand musical ideas,
smiling as you play music to them in a major key and frowning at music
in a minor key. By six months, babies have learned to distinguish the
relationship between objects, and by two, they have a command of
language and are beginning to develop a theory of self. They understand
how to lie and become adept at playing parents off against each other!

Sugata Mitra, of Newcastle University, has run an experiment in
India to test minimally invasive education called the “Hole in the Wall
Project’. As the name suggests, he cut a hole in the wall of a building in
Delhi and put a computer in it. The hole opens out onto a slum district
and local children rapidly discovered the computer. Without any formal
training they picked up the necessary skills and very soon became adept
at searching the Web. Remember, in order to ‘pick up’ this skill they often
had to learn the English language as well.

Another example showing children’s innate ability to learn is Nicolas
Negroponte’s ‘One Laptop per Child’ program, which gives computers to
children in remote villages around the world. The laptops are a triumph of
cost engineering but are fully functional and can connect to the Internet.
The inspiration for the project came from an analysis of the economics
of the computer industry. Huge capital investment in the western world
is driving most costs down, but one cost that seems to have stuck fast is
the access device. Laptops tend to remain at a floor price of around $500,
far too high for much of the developing world. At $500, a computer store
makes $80 when they sell you a laptop. This is as low as is cost-effective

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015725
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023229.txt,"Subject: Fwd:
To: Jeffrey Epstein <jeevacation@gmail.com>
PLEASE READ CAREFULLY ,
Mark was here this morning , the proposed transactions are extremely complex . and would take a great
deal of detailed time. I do not know how, and if ,to move forward - our last transaction. a transaction
which you saved 600 million in tax. even if as you say it could be 20 years away , ( 1 hope longer)
discounted to today is a savings of 300 million . for some reason you chose to ignore our agreements ,
verbal written and emailed -and decided that it was only worth 8 million dollars to you. . ( assuming
phaidon -richard happens. the calculation that you can see isa 24m savings not including artspace and
debt benefits- certain to come later .. IMPORTANT NOTE

the phaidon transaction as currently contemplated will not work . NOT CLOSE

When we had our meeting in your home in Bedford. You asked me for my help. I told you multiple
times that i thought it was a very bad idea, in that I greatly preferred to have no financial interactions. I
don't have many friends and didn't want money in any way to interfere with our unique relationship.
Reminder, For five years you had the kind, but very goofy Eileen Alexandersson as the sole manager of
your massive accounting , legal, investments. reporting, trusts etc. When I first told you in no uncertain
terms that I firmly believed she was incompetent you admonished me for "" speaking out of both sides of
my mouth"". With regard Brad Wechsler , there has never been a "" both sides. "". I have consistantly
maintained since day one that he was highly unsuited for the job. When you initially asked me to help
convince him to take the role , promising him a position to manage mirage investments I sent you a note
saying that instead of hiring him you should pay up and get first class people. I have reiterated the same
message for over a year now. . Brad , not me ,was tasked with hiring new people , according to his biz
school org chart.(nauseating ) and as you wanted him to take ownership of the staff,he conducted many
interviews alone. . you may recall that as late as may, you told him in my presence that though six months
had passed he had not hired anyone. since then I have rectified errors in sales tax, use tax, income tax,
fbar reporting, 1031 reporting, 8 million of deductions missed errors of millions on the returns. a cashflow
that is misleading helped prepare financial statements ( april ) Oversight on new grats- first at 22 and
then at 19 that were done without my consultation and were ""resolved"" soley as a result of my last
minute intervention. . 600 million in after tax savings was just accomplished. (BTW- for some reason you
left the 30 million outstanding that I had said should only be done"" if"" that was my additional fee. and not
used for non biz purposes and not art.

Sorry but .,

in June and then again Sept, we both agreed to a 50% of phaidon payout first projected at 20 . but less
when artspace and debt taken out, - then only after weeks, when you delayed any detailed discussion of
money wanting to give the issue a thoughtful response ( which I fully understand ) . you unilaterally
changed our agreement.. 5m would be reserved for the future ? . and out of the remaining 15m ,? 1
would receive only a third. ( note : I'm confident that both the debt , and the art space investment will also
lead to a write- off of another 30 m. plus ) In my dining room ,you were surprised when I said that 1
require most people to pay their advisory fee up front so that I am assured that I will be properly
compensated for my work when strategies are implemented . you may recall that you appeared offended
and said "" are you suggesting that i would go back on my word"" I said no , of course not ! you are my
closest of friends ,but my experience is that when amounts get large, people tend to get unhappy when it
actually comes time for them to pay.

I include below the email i sent to you on April 15, the day i was examining your returns It laid out
my understanding of the compensation agreed for a transaction of the magnitude to the penny of the one
just completed.ie 600m When it appeared that the transcation would and could go foward I was the

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023229
"
IMAGES-012-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032994.txt,"From: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com]

Sent: 4/10/2017 10:41:00 AM

To: Joshua Cooper Ramo
Subject: Re:

Very

On Mon, Apr 10, 2017 at 5:29 AM Joshua Cooper Ramo {> wrote:
In Europe. You well?
On Sun, Apr 9, 2017 at 00:46 jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:
are you playing a part in the xi trump. fun

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032994
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017334.txt,"4.2.12
WC: 191694

The reality that rape is the most falsely reported of crimes must not blind us to the equally
important reality that rape is also the most underreported of crimes. Many rapists still go free and
repeat their predatory crimes.

Moreover, “acquaintance” or “date” rape is an area which differing perceptions may produce
inadvertently false testimony about actions that may well fall into the gray area between
aggressive seduction and criminal sexual assault. When it comes to sexual encounters, both men
and women often “remember” differently from what a videotape would show. The truth-testing
mechanisms of our criminal justice system must not be compromised in the service of some
“politically correct” notion that when it comes to rape only women always tell the truth.

This bias is an wrongheaded as the anachronistic bias, reflected in the writings of Wigmore and
others, that men are more likely to tell the truth than women.

A highly publicized case in 2011 may well illustrate the reality that both men and women may lie,
even when a rape has occurred. A cleaning woman in a fancy New York hotel accused Dominic
Strauss-Kahn—then the head of the World Bank—of forcing her to have oral sex with him. His
lawyers first denied that there had been any encounter, claiming that he had an alibi. He was
having lunch with his daughter at the time. When his DNA evidence was found on her underwear
and in the area of the room where she said he ejaculated, his lawyers changed their tune, admitting
the oral sex but insisting it was entirely consensual. DSK, as he was known throughout the
world, was indicted for sexual assault.

Within days, the credibility of the alleged victim began to fall apart. She had made false
statements on her application for asylum, including a claim that she had been gang-raped back in
Guinea, where she grew up. A recorded phone conversation between her and a friend in prison
also suggested, though her words (translated from a local African jargon) were ambiguous, that
she may have had a financial interest in suing the wealthy man who she said assaulted her.

Eventually, the Manhattan District Attorney decided to drop the charges. I thought that this was
a perfect teaching vehicle and I invited the alleged victim’s lawyer to join in the class in which I
assigned the D.A.’s memorandum seeking dismissal. It was a spirited class, after which several
students told me they had changed their minds—both ways. One student described it as
“Rashamon—first, I thought he was guilty, then not guilty, then guilty and finally ‘I’m not sure.’”
I pressed the students on what the appropriate standard should be for a D.A. to drop a rape
prosecution when he had doubts about the alleged victim’s credibility. Some argued that as long
as he believed the crime had occurred, he should let the jury decide, based on all the evidence,
including the DNA and other circumstantial proof. Others argued that he should never bring a
prosecution unless he has complete faith that the alleged victim is being truthful.

In order to put some flesh on the bones of these abstract arguments, I decided to role-play the
prosecutor’s closing argument. Here is what I said:

247

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017334
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018007.txt,"Case 1:19-cv-03377 Document 1-8 Filed 04/16/19 Page 9 of 16

http://www.vanityfair.com/news/2003/03/jeffrey-epstein-200303

following its discovery that he had committed a possible “Reg D” violation—evidently he had
lent money to his closest friend. (In the 1989 deposition he said that he’d lent approximately
$20,000 to Warren Eisenstein, to buy stock.) Such an action could have been considered
improper, although Epstein claimed he had not realized this until afterward.

According to Epstein, Bear Stearns management had questioned him about the loan around
March 4. The questioners, Epstein said, were Michael (Mickey) Tarnopol and Alvin Einbender.
In his 1989 deposition Epstein recalled that the partner who had made an “issue” of the matter
was Marvin Davidson. On March 9, Epstein said, he had met with Tarnopol and Einbender
again, and the two partners told him that the executive committee had weighed the offense,
together with previous “carelessness” over expenses, and he would be fined $2,500.

“There was discussion whether, in fact, I had ever put in an airline ticket for someone else and
not myself and I said that it was possible, ... since my secretary handles my expenses,” Epstein
told the S.E.C. In his 1989 testimony he stated that the “Reg D” incident had cost him a shot at
partnership that year.

What the S.E.C. seemed to be especially interested in was whether there was a connection
between Epstein’s leaving and the alleged insider trading in St. Joe Minerals by other people at
Bear Stearns:

Q: Sir, are you aware that certain rumors may have been circulating around your firm in
connection with your reasons for leaving the firm?

A: I’m aware that there were many rumors.

Q: What were the rumors you heard?

A: Nothing to do with St. Joe.

Q: Can you relate what you heard?

A: It was having to do with an illicit affair with a secretary.

Q: Have you heard any other rumors suggesting that you had made a presentation or
communication to the Executive Committee concerning alleged improprieties by other members
or employees of Bear Stearns?

A: I, in fact, have heard that rumor, but it’s been from Mr. Harris in our conversation last week.
Q: Have you heard it from anyone else?

A: No.

A little later the interview focuses on James Cayne:

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018007
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030703.txt,"From: LHS 
Sent: 2/10/2018 5:20:54 PM 
To: jeffrey E. [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
CC: lhsoffice 
Subject: Re: 
Importance: High 
Saw and liked Woody piece. The columnist is Good. 
Don't follow your note. What texts 
Sent from my iPad 
Please direct all scheduling inquiries to my office at 
Follow me on twitter glhsummers 
www.larrysummers.com 
On Feb 10, 2018, at 12:18 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
The list of officials frequently discussed in the texts who are no longer in their jobs seems to grow by the day. It 
includes former FBI Director James Comey, who was fired by Trump; former Deputy Director Andrew 
McCabe; Comey's chief of staff, James Rybicki; FBI General Counsel James Baker; as well as Strzok, who was 
booted off the special counsel investigation and sent to a job in the FBI's personnel div. laufman and rachel 
brand. not one surprise if would have heard bannon 
On Sat, Feb 10, 2018 at 12:06 PM, LHS <_______________________> wrote: 
Lisa will call. 
People are saying resignation of justice Dept number 3 is big deal. 
Sent from my iPad 
Please direct all scheduling inquiries to my office at: 
Follow me on twitter glhsummers 
www.larrysummers.com  
On Fri, Feb 9, 2018 at 8:33 AM -0500, ""jeffrey E."" <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
On Fri, Feb 9, 2018 at 8:32 AM, LHS <________________________ wrote: 
?? What number r u at? 
Sent from my iPhone 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 030703 
Please direct all scheduling inquiries to my office at: 
Follow me on twitter glhsummers 
www.larrysummers.com 
On Feb 9, 2018, at 6:28 AM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
WOW 
On Thu, Feb 8, 2018 at 8:52 PM, LHS < > wrote: 
Goofy corrupt giveaways? 
Do tell. 
Sent from my iPhone 
Please direct all scheduling inquiries to my office at: 
Follow me on twitter glhsummers 
www.larrysummers.com 
On Feb 8, 2018, at 7:16 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
this bill has the things you were looking for in the last 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 030704 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
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including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
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including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 030705 
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016204.txt,"a

nytimes.com / SHEILA MARIKAR The drink of summer 2019
complies with just about every diet, befits all age groups, can be found in

grocery stores across the United States (as has...

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016204
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019778.txt,"290 | HOW AMERICA LOST ITS SECRETS

tions intelligence secrets to a foreign power with an agenda that is
hardly aligned with his country’s interests. A defector is defined in
the Cambridge English Dictionary as “a person who leaves his or her
own country or group to join an opposing one.” Snowden’s actions
fit that description. In the end, it is Snowden’s actions, not his words,
that matter.

| | Epst_9780451494566_2p_all_r1.indd 290 ® 9/30/16 8:13AM | |

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019778
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013735.txt,"(Edwards and Griffith, 1997). The role of central and autonomic innervation in
cardiac interval dynamics has been explored using D2 in various ways. For
examples, the transplanted heart rhythm in man has a lower Dz than that of the
normal heart (Guzzetti et al, 1996) and general anesthesia and cholinergic (but not
B-adrenergic) blockade decreased multisystem Dz in a series of multiparameter
(respiration, mean blood pressure and heart rate) studies in piglets (Zwiener et al,
1996; Hoyer et al, 1998).

The activities of single and aggregates of neurons are being described and
differentiated by the D2 of their interevent interval attractors. Early and important
studies related to both neuronal and field electrical activity indicated their promise
(Rapp et al, 1985; Zimmerman and Rapp, 1991). The olefactory bulb demonstrated
spatially uniform scaling dimensions that changed with event-related perturbation
(Skinner et al, 1990). An iron-induced spiking focus in the rat hippocampus in vivo
manifested the same decrease in D2 as it did in the kindled in vitro hippocampal
slice (Koch et al, 1992). D2 also differentiated among characteristic single unit time
series in norepinephrine, dopamine and serotonin neurons (Selz and Mandell,
1991) and among A8, A9 and A10 dopamine neurons (Selz and Mandell, 1992).
Attractors reconstructed from single unit interspike intervals in the substantia nigra
pars compacta and the auditory thalamus manifested discriminatable values for D2
in neurons recorded by the same electrode (Celletti and Villa, 1996) and changes in
state manifested in patterns of subthreshold oscillations in single neurons in the
inferioir olivary nucleus could be characterized using this index (Makarenko and
Llinas, 1998).

Dz reliably discriminated between states of arousal and between the
multiparameter (eye movements, neck muscle tone, EEG stage) defined EEG
stages of sleep (Bablyoyantz, 1986; Rapp et al, 1989; Ehlers et al, 1991) with non-
REM having a lower Dz than REM. Dz of the EEG record was selectively reduced in
Stage Il and REM in schizophrenic patients compared with controls (Roschke and
Aldenhoff, 1993), this difference was made more prominent by treatment with the

aminodiazopoxide, lorazepam (Roschke and Aldenhoff, 1992). In the waking state,

235

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013735
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026161.txt,"From: Jack LANG 
Sent: 7/17/2017 8:48:09 AM 
To: Jeffrey Epstein [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Subject: Re: 
Importance: High 
You were spot on, Jeffrey! 
Le 10 juil. 2017 a 23:17, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> a ecrit: 
re trump. as i said they will first go after his family 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 026161 
"
IMAGES-012-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032764.txt,"From: Richard Kahn

Sent: 4/10/2018 1:20:04 PM

To: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com]
cc: Darren Indyke

Subject: Re:

Importance: — High

yes agree
seems like dershowitz has been interviewing for that job for last 2 months on fox news..

Richard Kahn

HBRK Associates Inc.

575 Lexington Avenue 4th Floor
New York, NY 10022

cl

fax

= |

On Apr 10, 2018, at 9:17 AM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:

trump will problably hire dershowitz,, no joke

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032764
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025153.txt,"IMPROBABLE DESTINIES

Predicting the Future of Evolution

By Jonathan Losos

[US — Riverhead, UK — Allen Lane, German — Hanser, Audio — Penguin RH; Manuscript; Pub Date: June
2017; 110.000 words]

Evolutionary biologist and Harvard professor Jonathan Losos is widely known for his unique approach to
studying evolution in realtime and using experimental means. As E.O. Wilson writes, Losos is a ""world leader in
research and theory of the overlapping fields of herpetology, biodiversity, and species formation.""

""In the last few years,"" Losos writes, ""evolutionary biologists have come to realize that evolution can occur
much more rapidly than Darwin and a century of subsequent biologists ever expected —fast enough, in fact, to
observe as it occurs, even during the span of a single research grant! Now that we know that evolution can
proceed rapidly, experimental studies in natural systems have begun.""

Losos’ work on lizards has been at the forefront of the experimental evolution movement. Using small
Bahamian islands as test tubes, he and his team have altered conditions and made predictions about how
populations should evolve in response. And the results are resoundingly consistent: evolution is extremely
predictable.

Improbable Destinies is not only about what we know about evolution, but how we know what we know. Not
just the technology and theories of science, but where the ideas come from—how researchers think them up,
how they are honed by experiences in the field, and how much of science 1s the serendipitous juxtaposition of
disparate ideas brought together by unexpected observations.

JONATHAN LOSOS is the Monique and Philip Lehner Professor for the Study of Latin America and professor
of organismic and evolutionary biology at Harvard University. He is the recipient of a number of awards,
including the Theodosius Dobzhansky Prize from the Society for the Study of Evolution and the David Starr
Jordan Prize from the American Society of Naturalists.

-o

DISEMPOWERED

(working title)

By Greg Lukianoff and Jonathan Haidt

[Proposal; Delivery: 9-12 months from signing contract; 60,000 — 80,000 words]

Disempowered is an expansion to book-length of the cover story by Greg Lukianoff and Jonathan Haidt that
appeared in the September 2015 issue of The Atlantic: ""The Coddling of The American Mind"" (CAM).

It became the At/antic’s second most-read cover story of all time and has been referenced in hundreds of articles
in a wide variety of publications, including the New York Times, the Washington Post, National Review,
Newsweek, Los Angeles Times, Bloomberg, the Guardian, The Korea Herald, and the Irish Times; and it even
drew the attention of President Obama.

""A full-length book is necessary for several reasons,"" writes Lukianoff. ""First, even with the article’s generous
word limit, we could not present the full scope of the intersection of harmful psychological theories and political
correctness. We could only do a cursory explanation of the new reality on campus and how terms like ‘trigger
warnings,’ ‘microaggressions,’ and “disinvitations’ suddenly rose from obscurity to become part of higher
education’s and the nation's vocabulary. A full-length book allows us to cover a host of new hot topics, including
so-called ‘safe spaces’ and how a warped idea of safety is used to justify campus censorship, as well as campus
‘bias response teams’ (BRTs)— Orwellian programs that police the language students use in their private lives

Brockman, Inc. Frankfurt 2016 Hotlist
-7-

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025153
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023201.txt,"From: Kathy Ruemm|er

Sent: 7/29/2017 10:28:10 PM
To: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com]
Subject: Re:

Importance: — High

This week was totally bananas. Did Andrea Mitchell yesterday to discuss Trump/DOJ.
Apartment appointment is Aug. 2 at 4 pm.

Sent from my iPad

On Jul 29, 2017, at 6:12 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:

wash this week. what time see apt

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023201
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023567.txt,"7/22/2016 In the shadow of quantitative easing, party like it is 1788 - FT.com

ASIA. INSIGHT OUT.
FIND OUT MORE >

IEEE!

ASIAN REVIEW
FINANCIAL TIMES

——___—

Click here to try our new website — you can come back at any time
November 27, 2015 8:05 pm

In the shadow of quantitative easing, party like it
is 1788

John Dizard

Quantitative easing is leading to the insolvency of insurers and pension plans,
says John Dizard

A time traveller from 2010 to today’s Europe would be
shocked by what they find.

The borderless Schengen area is now festooned with
immigration and customs barriers, and financial markets are
assuming ever-ballooning asset purchase programmes by the
, European Central Bank that stretch into an indefinite future.
Oh, and a president of the European Commission who says
the single currency makes no sense when the Schengen agreement fails.

So then, in this world, what would be the “risk-free rate” that
institutional investors can use in their investment analyses? These problems are getting to the point
where they not only threaten life in Europe as we know it, but our very careers. America and Canada
can afford to make a lot of policy mistakes without social dissolution; Europe cannot.

Specifically, the ECB and its member banks’ quantitative easing is leading to the insolvency of life
insurers and defined benefit pension plans. This is no longer a worst-case scenario, but the most
likely outcome of the present policy course.

Perhaps a couple of years ago this could have been dismissed as so much journalistic whingeing, but
now we are getting these projections from eurozone central banks.

http://www. ft.com/cms/s/0/aa7a54d6-9442- 11e5-bd82-c1fb87bef7af.htmi#axzz4F SIV2RQAR 1/3

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023567
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024208.txt,"Global Utility White Paper CONFIDENTIAL

underperformance -39%, QE2 -12%, QE3 -5%), which signals exhaustion of selling pressure as the
relative value of the S&P versus utilities has stretched further. Given widespread use of QE, a similar
effect can be found in other regions.

UTY/SPX Post QE Announcement

pean

| After every QE announcement,
utilities have underperformed

Po.son0|

US Utilities Price/S&P 500 Price

Source: Bloomberg

3. Regional Structural Changes Driving Alpha Opportunity

Structural changes are occurring in all regions. Those in which Electron is currently investing or tracking closely
are as follows:

e §=6 US _ Utilities

Of the global utility markets, we expect the US utilities market to face the strongest headwinds and be
the least-attractive market for alpha generation over the next 2 years. Since the financial crisis, the US
has been the best-performing region for utilities of all the developed markets, outperforming European
utilities by 40% over the last 4 years, and it is the region which is only slightly underweight by investors.

The US is the most defensive of all regions because of the large weighting of regulated names. Since 2008,
US utility earnings have been flat (versus a -45% decline in Europe), as consistent regulated earnings
growth of 3-5% offset unregulated utility earnings declines resulting from lower power prices driven by
falling natural gas prices. Notwithstanding flat earnings growth, investors have re-rated the US utility
sector’s PE multiple relative to the S&P as they sought more yield in a low-yielding QE environment.
Today, US utilities are close to the sector’s pre-crisis record valuation peak (trading at a 7% PE premium to
the S&P 500) when investors were discounting higher earnings growth from tightening power markets
(see below).

7 Electron Capital Partners, LLC

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024208
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026775.txt,"Peter Aldhous, PhD
Science reporter | BuzzFeed News

|!
cell:

@paldhous
www.peteraldhous.com

On Dec 11, 2017, at 10:38 AM, Sam Harris (> wrote:

FYI

Virginia Hughes submitted a message to the Sam Harris Contact Publicist Contact form on Mon, December 11,
2017 - 7:37 am.

Name:
Email:
Subject:
Message:

Virginia Hughes

Sexual harassment and Lawrence Krauss
Hi,

We are journalists at BuzzFeed News, reporting an investigation about sexual harassment
allegations against Lawrence Krauss between 2006 to 2016.

Much of the story revolves around his conduct in the skeptics movement, and about how skeptic
organizations — particularly CFI — have handled complaints about his behavior.

We wanted to give you — as a leader of the atheist movement and one of Krauss’s collaborators —
the opportunity to comment on these allegations.

We plan to publish on Tuesday morning. Let us know soon if you'd like to comment.

Ginny Hughes, Peter Aldhous, Azeen Ghorayshi

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026775
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021739.txt,"please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021739
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022679.txt,"Despite what some called among the most exhaustive investigations in Palm Beach Police history — which dug up such evidence as an
Amazon receipt for Epstein’s purchase of titles including “Training With Miss Abernathy: A Workbook for Exotic Slaves and Their

Owners” — there is nothing in the police record suggesting any other men were involved in Epstein’s predatory behavior.

Ae aig. ae er - & For da
seg “ peal : . Your,
ia ‘piliag Adasen eit 2s Shipping Address: * | addre
hye E ; jeffrey Eostein ; f
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Palin Beach das: an Palen Beach. Florida 33460
+ USA it Bae ed USA .
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Fi tbrdS7708/~3r/nent/A32. SORTExtFast Trac 8
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IN THIS SHIPMENT =. : rN WE. a
SM 101: A Realistic Introduction ye . os “pon m3 $1 547 em 516 Av
pietounan. Jay cone "" weet A zo ae
. A “ os re? : re 3 Pein ee
S) ecat: Rojdanaiar Erotic gre rpce Skills and Tools... se 43 Boe _Tha
=B ve --- Paperback. es . i a : | com
va nel oh faning With Miss Abernathy: A A Workbook for Erotic Slaves and Theis ne no Srtas. = oN
th A *Cheistina <s- spepertaee: Mone oy c sag We be ete ve tide wag ;
nu. os

View this image >
Palm Beach County Court

The criminal case provoked numerous lawsuits from women alleging they were victims of Epstein’s proclivities, followed by secret
settlements with more than two dozen of them. One firm bringing some of those cases employed a young lawyer named Bradley
Edwards, who managed some of the cases. In 2009, a founding partner at the firm, Scott Rothstein, fled the country before ultimately
returning to plead guilty of running a $1.2 billion Ponzi scheme built around recruiting investors to buy stakes in litigation settlements

that turned out to be phony.

As details of the fraud emerged, Epstein sued Rothstein and Edwards in Palm Beach County Court for racketeering, alleging, among
other things, that they dangled Bill Clinton’s association with Epstein as a lure to investors, implying that settlements would be fast and
sizable. Epstein ultimately dropped his suit in 2012, but by that time, Edwards had countersued for malicious prosecution and abuse of

process.

That case, along with a claim by Virginia Roberts against the federal government over the 2007 prosecution deal in district court (which
she filed as a “Jane Doe” in 2008), are still pending and are the source of most of the scant information about Clinton that has
appeared. Scarola, who in the past sued Chiquita over payments to violent leftist Colombian rebels and won a $1.45 billion verdict over
Morgan Stanley (that was later overturned), is the lawyer bringing the suit in county court in West Palm Beach, while Paul Cassell, a

former federal judge known for his critical take on mandatory-minimum sentences, mans the federal case four blocks away.
Neither Cassell nor Edwards responded to requests for comment.

It is primarily from pleadings in those cases that the press has been getting a glimpse inside the lifestyle of Epstein, and, by extension,
Clinton. “Edwards had sound legal basis for believing former President Clinton had relevant and discoverable information,” part of one

pleading reads. Roberts, in her case, alleges that Epstein forced her “to be sexually exploited by Defendant’s adult male peers,

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022679
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016764.txt,"‘OG Pom 278e (hlarch 2814)

Instructions for Part 2

Note: This is a public form. Do not include account numbers, street addresses, or family member names, See instructions for required information.

ERE eRe ee a ee i
A2d of 46

References |

TRUMP FERRY POINT LLC 1.00% ""Managing Member
285 RIDA TLLC *f3
Owned by: Ownership Name
1 TRUMP FLORIDA MANAGER CORP
:) DUT HOLDINGS LLC
286 TRUMP FLORIDA MANAGER CORP */3)
Owned by: % Ownership Name
100 DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Has ownership Interest in: Entity Nene Ownership Tithe
TRUMP FLORIDAMANAGEMENT 1.00% Member
Luc
287 TRUMP GOLF ACQUISITIONS LLC
Owned by: % Ownership Name
100 OJT Holdings LLC
288 TRUMP GOLF COCO BEACH LLC */4)
Owned by: 4 Ownership Name
i TRUMP GOLF COCO BEACH MEMBER
CORP
99 DJT Holdings LLC
289 TRUMP GOLF COCO BEACH MEMBER CORP *(4)
Owned by: 3% Qwners! Name
100 DIT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Has ownership interest in + Entity Name Ownership Title
TRUMP GOLF COCO BEACH LLC LO0% Managing Member
290 TRUMP GOLF MANAGEMENT LLC */3)
Owned by: ‘Ownership Name
100 DIT Holdings LLC
291 TRUMP HOME MARKS LLC
‘Owned by: % Ownership Name
: TRUMP HOME MARKS MEMBER
CORP
b=] DITM OPERATIONS LLC
292 TRUMP HOME MARKS MEMBER CORP */1)
Owned by: % Ownership Name
100 DTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Has ownership interest in: Entity Name Ownership Title
TRUMP HOME MARKS LLC 1.00% Managing Mombar
293 TRUMP ICE INC *(3)
Owned by: “Ownership Name
100 DIT Holdings LLC
294 TRUMP ICE LLC
Owned by; 4 Ownership Name
100 DJT Holdings LLC
295 TRUMP INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT LLC (3)
Owned by: Ownership Name
1 TRUMP INTERNATIONAL
DEVELOPMENT MEMBER CORP
90 DIT Holdings LLC
296 TRUMP INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT MEMBER CORP *(3)
Owned by: Owne Name
100 DIT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Has ownership interest In: Entity Name Ownership Title
TRUMP INTERNATIONAL 1.00% Managing Member
DEVELOPMENT LLC

Role
Member

Member

fale
Shareholder

Role
Member

Rale
Managing Member
Member

Role
Shareholder

Member

Role

Managing Member
Member

Bole
Shareholder

Role
Shareholder

Role
Member

Bole
Managing Member

Member

Role
Shareholder

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016764
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029534.txt,"From: Mohamed Waheed [ 
Sent: 1/27/2013 4:33:18 AM 
To: Jeffrey Epstein [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Subject: Re: 
Importance: High 
Thank you. You are my savior. I will do exactly what you said. 
Sent from my iPhone 
On Jan 27, 2013, at 9:29 AM, Jeffrey Epstein <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
this from a fraud web site, your mimister will get upset that you dont want to at least try, what do we have to 
lose , always the pitch. THe following from the fraud site. --The essential fact in all advance-fee fraud 
operations is that the promised money transfer never happens—because the money does not exist. The 
perpetrators rely on the fact that, by the time the victim realizes this (often only after being confronted by a third 
party who has noticed the transactions or conversation and recognized the scam), the victim may have sent 
thousands of dollars of their own money, and sometimes thousands or millions more that has been borrowed or 
stolen, to the scammer via an untraceable and/or irreversible means such as wire transfer.f131 Stay 
away, however if you want to embarass your possible opponent , you might set it up so that he looks like a 
fool, ask for amemo of why he thinks you should agree, have it include as many detials as possible, so that 
when you prove its a fraud„ you will make him look very silly as opposed to his saying , you missed an 
opportunity, anyway„ glad you are well 
On Sat, Jan 26, 2013 at 10:49 PM, Mohamed Waheed Hassan > wrote: 
Jeffrey, 
Need your advice. 
My finance minister is telling me that he has an anonymous funds manager who is willing to deposit 4 billion 
dollars in Maldives and that they are willing to lend a percentage of that in exchange for government 
promissory notes. The 4 billion would be deposited in the Central Bank. But they want us to set up a special 
purpose vehicle, a construction company fully owned by the government to receive the loan. Such a company 
can only be set up under a presidential decree. 
I am also told that the funds manager would be charging Maldives upfront a certain percentage of the amount 
lent. 
I don't feel I have enough information on this. I don't know who is this funds manager. They always want the 
finance minister to meet them in Bangkok or some place outside. Why would anyone want to deposit such a 
large amount here when we don't have a credit rating and public debt is so high. I feel very uncomfortable 
about this. 
What do you think I should do. I am very uncomfortable. In addition to the finance minister, a leading 
politician and leader of the coalition parliamentary group is behind it. He could be my leading contender for 
presidency. 
Does this sound all ridiculous to you. I have a strange feeling about this whole thing. 
Best regards 
Waheed 
Sent from President's iPad 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 029534 
On Jan 18, 2013, at 5:06 PM, Jeffrey Epstein <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
as chairman of the council of europe , he is really mr human rights, Im sure that if he can be of help, he will 
On Fri, Jan 18, 2013 at 5:27 AM, wrote: 
I remember meeting Jagland at your place when I came with Sultan. 
Sent from Windows Mail 
From: Jeffrey Epstein 
Sent: 18 January, 2013 2:40 AM 
To: Mohamed Waheed Hassan 
Subject: Re: 
also be advised that thorbjorn jagland is a great friend. 
On Thu, Jan 17, 2013 at 3:26 PM, Mohamed Waheed Hassan `MillMilvrote: 
Hi, 
Would be great if Lisa could visit us. She sounds like the right person to help us get organized. 
Maldives just got elected Vice President of International Renewable Energy Agency. We are also Vice Chair 
of the UN Human Rights Council. Not too bad considering we had so much bad coverage this year 
internationally. 
Best regards, 
Waheed 
Sent from President's iPad 
On Jan 17, 2013, at 7:01 PM, Jeffrey Epstein <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
my friend in sweden, lisa svensson, would be perfect as your right hand orgainzing your team„ she has 
diplomaitc experieince and is currently amabssador to the oceans for sweden 
On Thu, Jan 10, 2013 at 11:00 AM, Mohammed Waheed Hassan ______________________________'wrote: 
Hi, 
The campaign team is starting to come together. We are continuing discussions with Jim and tomorrow 
we will meet him face to face on skype. We will brief him on the situation here so that he will be able to 
advice us more effectively. Already he has sent some very useful suggestions and we are working on them. 
Getting the right people to head various aspects on the campaign is difficult here but we should be able to 
pull the team together shortly. 
We will need some more help from Ian and Rory because we are still weak on international 
communication. Some old negative stuff keeps coming up in the Guardian newspaper in England. But most 
of the international media is not paying much attention to Maldives right now. 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 029535 
I have asked Rory to help find a full time communications guy to stay here for about a year to work with 
me. He doesn't have to be an expert, just a good graduate student would do. Some really positive stuff is 
also happening now and we need the world to know about them. 
World Energy Forum and CGI guys are here. I am meeting Clinton people in a few minutes. 
I have some funding now but will ask all friends to help raise more later when things start happening in full 
swing. Election is now scheduled to early September. 
Hope all is well and look forward to seeing you here in the not too distant future. 
Warm regards, 
Waheed 
On Jan 9, 2013, at 6:03 PM, Jeffrey Epstein wrote: 
how is it shaping up? what are the biggest hurdles. 
*********************************************************** 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
Jeffrey Epstein 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
*********************************************************** 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
Jeffrey Epstein 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 029536 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
*********************************************************** 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
Jeffrey Epstein 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
--
*********************************************************** 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
Jeffrey Epstein 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
--
*********************************************************** 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
Jeffrey Epstein 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 029537 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 029538 
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026607.txt,"From: 
Sent: 
To: 
Subject: 
Darren Indyke 
11/8/2014 1:20:15 AM 
Jeffrey Epstein [jeevacation@gmail.com] 
Fwd: Breaking News: Obama to Nominate Loretta Lynch as U.S. Attorney General 
Importance: High 
Sent from my iPhone 
Begin forwarded message: 
From: NYTimes.com News Alert <nytdirect@nytimes.com> 
Date: November 7, 2014 at 6:06:16 PM EST 
To:_________________ 
Subject: Breaking News: Obama to Nominate Loretta Lynch as U.S. Attorney General 
To ensure delivery to your inbox, please add nytdirect@nytimes.com to your address book. 
BREAKING NEWS ALERT NYTimes.com Unsubscribe 
BREAKING NEWS Friday, November 7, 2014 6:04 PM EST 
Obama to Nominate Loretta Lynch as U.S. Attorney General 
President Obama will nominate Loretta E. Lynch, the top federal prosecutor in Brooklyn, to succeed Eric H. Holder 
Jr. as attorney general, people close to the process said Friday. 
If confirmed, she would be the first African-American woman to serve as the nation's top law enforcement official. 
She would also be a rare instance of Mr. Obama's reaching outside his inner circle to fill a crucial post. 
READ MORE » 
http://www.nytimes.com/2014/11/08/us/politics/lorettadynch-eric-holder-attorney-general.html?emc=edit_na_20141107 
ADVERTISEMENT 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 026607 
'47740= 
1111111111111 
FOLLOW US: 
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HOUSE OVERSIGHT 026608 
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013053.txt,"7.3 Toward a Formal Characterization of Real-World General Intelligence 137

7.3.2 Connecting Legg and Hutter’s Model of Intelligent Agents to
the Real World

A notable aspect of the Legg and Hutter formalism is the separation of the reward mechanism
from the cognitive mechanisms of the agent. While commonplace in the reinforcement learning
literature, this seems psychologically unrealistic in the context of biological intelligences and
many types of machine intelligences. Not all human intelligent activity is specifically reward-
seeking in nature; and even when it is, humans often pursue complexly constructed rewards,
that are defined in terms of their own cognitions rather than separately given. Suppose a certain
human’s goals are true love, or world peace, and the proving of interesting theorems — then these
goals are defined by the human herself, and only she knows if she’s achieved them. An externally-
provided reward signal doesn’t capture the nature of this kind of goal-seeking behavior, which
characterizes much human goal-seeking activity (and will presumably characterize much of the
goal-seeking activity of advanced engineered intelligences also) ... let alone human behavior that
is spontaneous and unrelated to explicit goals, yet may still appear commonsensically intelligent.

One could seek to bypass this complaint about the reward mechanisms via a sort of “neo-
Freudian” argument, via

® associating the reward signal, not with the “external environment” as typically conceived,
but rather with a portion of the intelligent agent’s brain that is separate from the cognitive
component

® viewing complex goals like true love, world peace and proving interesting theorems as in-
direct ways of achieving the agent’s “basic goals”, created within the agent’s memory via
subgoaling mechanisms

but it seems to us that a general formalization of intelligence should not rely on such strong
assumptions about agents’ cognitive architectures. So below, after introducing the pragmatic
and efficient pragmatic general intelligence measures, we will propose an alternate interpreta-
tion wherein the mechanism of external rewards is viewed as a theoretical test framework for
assessing agent intelligence, rather than a hypothesis about intelligent agent architecture.

In this alternate interpretation, formal measures like the universal, pragmatic and efficient
pragmatic general intelligence are viewed as not directly applicable to real-world intelligences,
because they involve the behaviors of agents over a wide variety of goals and environments,
whereas in real life the opportunities to observe agents are more limited. However, they are
viewed as being indirectly applicable to real-world agents, in the sense that an external intelli-
gence can observe an agent’s real-world behavior and then infer its likely intelligence according
to these measures.

In a sense, this interpretation makes our formalized measures of intelligence the opposite of
real-world IQ tests. An IQ test is a quantified, formalized test which is designed to approxi-
mately predict the informal, qualitative achievement of humans in real life. On the other hand,
the formal definitions of intelligence we present here are quantified, formalized tests that are
designed to capture abstract notions of intelligence, but which can be approximately evaluated
on a real-world intelligent system by observing what it does in real life.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013053
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028873.txt,"destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by

return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028873
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022230.txt,"From: Al secke| [Sa |

Sent: 12/16/2010 1:31:21 PM
To: Jeffrey Epstein [jeevacation@gmail.com]
Subject: Re: Results

Importance: — High

Conshita is very media savy, as you ate probably well aware. She knows exactly what we are doing, and is taking her
own counter-measures, but it is constant wack-a-mole with her.

From: Jeffrey Epstein <jeevacation@gmail.com>
To: Al seckel <4 >

Sent: Thu, December 16, 2010 5:20:13 AM
Subject: Re: Results

over the weekend.

On Thu, Dec 16, 2010 at 8:15 AM, Al seckel << ©) wrote:

My initial estimate, given to me by Pablos, was 25, and that was based solely on his quick look at the situation,
and not knowing what was really out there. In fact, as I have repeated many times, the job was far far worse
that originally expected, you have a dedicated group of people trying to undo and damage you, including now,
they have started up in the last week full force again, as it is obvious that they can't fux with your wiki page
any more as we blocked that.. The woman from the Daily Beast. We have programs that track this stuff, and
so, for the past few days, Mike has been having a cyber war with her minions, who are actively trying to undo
what we are doing, as she is trying to push her Daily beast and other articles back up. So, we have to go back
and push them back down.

Then, there was the issue of trying to create additionally on you a positive web presence, with the science and
org sites.

I spend literally four months of non-stop work, creativity, and my own political capital to getyou this so far,
which saved you not only time, but countless dollars, and isn't something that can be readily bought. I had
people working also for free. I gained access to information that standard seo companies don't have. In
addition, I wasted a lot of time talking to people who promise to help, but end up providing nothing, and so, I
end up having to do it myself. What do I get in return, constant back slapping to my head...

We were trying to fix up your mess. I didn't create it. Just thought it would be something to help. This was
NEVER about trying to pull money out of you, and fact, we have don't everything possible to keep the costs
down considerably.

I must talk to you about the island thing asap. When can we do that?

From: Jeffrey Epstein <jeevacation@qmail.com>
To: Al seckel >

Sent: Thu, December 16, 2010 5:01:25 AM
Subject: Re: Results

I was never told never, that there was a 10k fee per month,, you inittaly said the project would take 20.. then
another 10. then another 10. .

On Wed, Dec 15, 2010 at 12:36 PM, Al seckel > wrote:

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022230
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029520.txt,"﻿Palm House Robert Matthews EB-5 Clintons Trump Tony Bennett
https://therealdeal.com/miami/issues_articles/lost-paradise-at-th...
! ! "" # $ %
SOUTH FLORIDA NEW YORK LOS ANGELES CHICAGO NATIONAL TRI-STATE
! SUBSCRIBE MY ACCOUNT
JJune 2019
Lost paradise at the Palm House
The planned $91M hotel-condo project has been a case study in EB-5 fraud, leaving investors in the lurch and an unfinished
building in its wake
By Keith Larsen | June 17, 2019 11:00AM
The Palm House
When Chinese, Iranian and Turkish investors received marketing brochures for the
town of Palm Beach’s first EB-5 project in 2012, it seemed like a sure thing.
Pamphlets in Chinese and Farsi showed photos of the Clintons and Donald Trump as
part of the Palm House condominium and hotel advisory board of “political and
business leaders with worldwide experience.” In addition, the marketing materials
named Celine Dion, Tony Bennett and billionaire Bill Koch as celebrity members at
the hotel’s club.
But more than six years later, the Palm House’s planned $91 million makeover
remains unfinished. The dilapidated 80,000-plus-square-foot hotel finally sold in a
bankruptcy auction last month to a U.S. affiliate of the real estate investment firm
London & Regional Properties for just shy of $40 million.
To add salt to the wound, Trump and Clinton were never on the project’s advisory
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! ! "" # $ %
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! SUBSCRIBE MY ACCOUNT
in EB-5 funding for personal expenses, including the purchase of a 151-foot yacht
named “Alibi” and his own debt payments.
Matthews and the project’s general contractor, Nicholas Laudano, recently pleaded
guilty to fraud charges in federal court, while the 91 EB-5 backers lost their $500,000
investments and never received their green cards.
The EB-5 regional center in charge of marketing the Palm House project and
soliciting the investments, however, has not been criminally charged. The South
Atlantic Regional Center (SARC) and its director, Joseph Walsh Sr., were allegedly
able to siphon nearly $9.5 million of the foreign investors’ money, according to a civil
complaint filed by the SEC in federal court.
To date, Walsh has only been charged civilly. He was allegedly even found recently
trying to solicit other EB-5 investors for another hotel project in Miami Beach, per a
lawsuit filed in Palm Beach County.
“This is the most egregious fraud case I have ever seen,” said attorney David George,
of George Gesten McDonald PLLC, who’s representing EB-5 investors in the Palm
House lawsuit.
Regional centers like SARC function as middlemen between
developers and their foreign investors. But despite the key role
they play in the EB-5 process, there’s minimal regulation over
how they operate and few safeguards to protect investors.
The current system, critics say, is a petri dish for fraud that
allows bad actors to come and go — in many cases with no
criminal prosecutions. At the same time, lobbyists for the real
estate industry have pushed to ensure these rules remain in place.
“No one is watching the regional centers,” said Doug Litowitz, a Chicago attorney who
was not involved in the Palm House lawsuit but represents Chinese clients in other
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! ! "" # $ %
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! SUBSCRIBE MY ACCOUNT
Matthews, 61, gave investors the impression that he was a well-known luxury hotel
developer with a global track record, including completed projects in New York, Bora
Bora and Mexico. There is no evidence of him completing these projects.
Instead, his past dealings were mired in controversy and litigation, including another
failed condo-hotel project in Nantucket called the Point Breeze that was forced into
bankruptcy in 2010.
Matthews, who was raised in Massachusetts, moved to Connecticut in the mid-80s
after dropping out of college and started buying up apartments and commercial
properties in Waterbury. Locals there began drawing comparisons between Matthews
and the fictional Jay Gatsby due to his ritzy parties and expensive tastes, according to
the Hartford Courant.
He owned a 108-foot yacht named the Bon Vivant and claimed to possess North
Carolina’s original Bill of Rights, which had been stolen by a Union soldier in 1865
and was recovered by the FBI just over 10 years ago. Adding to the Gatsby
comparisons, Matthews became close with Connecticut’s then-governor, John
Rowland, in the 90s.
The developer used his political connections to secure favorable contracts with the
state government, allowing him to purchase government-owned property, among
other things, according to the New York Times. To return the favor, Matthews
allegedly bought a condo in Washington, D.C., from Rowland through a straw buyer
in 1997 for nearly 20 percent more than what the governor had originally paid.
The condo sale and other business dealings eventually led to a corruption
investigation into Rowland. But Matthews was never charged. So, he headed to South
Florida where he first bought the historic Palm House — which needed substantial
repairs — in 2006. Then six years later, Matthews began soliciting EB-5 investors for
what he called Palm Beach’s last opportunity to build a “five-star hotel.”
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! ! "" # $ %
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! SUBSCRIBE MY ACCOUNT
investors generally function as individual lenders on those projects, but they rarely
have a way to collect money if the project fails.
“The whole thing has to do with corralling desperate people in China, who believe
that Americans wouldn’t lie to them out right,” Litowitz said.
And while the program was designed to create jobs in rural and distressed regions
known as “targeted employment areas,” communities like Palm Beach — a top
destination for wealthy retirees with a median household income of more than
$110,000 — somehow met the same criteria.
Florida’s Department of Economic Opportunity approved the Palm House project for
such a designation in 2012 because Palm Beach had an unemployment rate of 18.5
percent, above “the qualifying rate of 13.4 percent for that time period,” according to
the state agency. Other EB-5 projects, including Hudson Yards in New York, the
largest private real estate development in the country, were also able to take
advantage of similar demographics.
Without mentioning his past dealings in Connecticut or in Nantucket, Matthews
touted his wife Mia Matthews’ success as an actress, singer and star of the
Nickelodeon show “Every Witch Way” and CW’s “South Beach,” which lasted all of
one season. To further show off his connections and status in Palm Beach, he would
take EB-5 immigration agents from China to a Mar-a-Lago charity event to meet
Trump and take picture with him, according to a complaint filed by EB-5 investors in
Palm Beach County Court.
The developer’s investment pitch also failed to mention that it was actually his
second time acquiring the Palm House. And there was no mention of the fact that
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! ! "" # $ %
SOUTH FLORIDA NEW YORK LOS ANGELES CHICAGO NATIONAL TRI-STATE
! SUBSCRIBE MY ACCOUNT
By the books ?
To legally get EB-5 investors to put money into his project, Matthews was required to
go through a regional center regulated by U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services
under the Department of Homeland Security.
So, he tapped Walsh — a South Florida resident who had a specious track record with
development projects — to raise the money through SARC. While it’s unclear how the
two met, Walsh allegedly lent Matthews more than $5 million of the foreign investors’
funds to keep his Palm Beach mansion from being foreclosed on.
(Click to enlarge)
In March 2014, Matthews sent Walsh an email to thank him for “saving [his] house,”
according to the SEC complaint.
As more developers turned to EB-5 for cheap financing after the financial crisis, more
regional centers received approval from the USCIS. From late 2014 to June 2019, the
number of regional centers in the U.S. jumped nearly 60 percent to 884, according to
USCIS. At the same time, close to 300 regional centers have been shuttered since
2007.
That high failure rate among EB-5 regional centers stems from an approval process
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! SUBSCRIBE MY ACCOUNT
“really just needs a business plan and numbers to support the government’s jobs
projections and give the appearance that it is able to execute on that plan.”
But a handful of legal experts argued that there’s minimal oversight by USCIS during
the course of most projects being built.
The agency is “inept at controlling the fraud,” said Michael Gibson, managing director
at the EB-5 advisory firm USAdvisors.org. “No one knows who the true owners of the
regional centers [are,] and there is no information on any of this. How can you deter
fraud when there is no way for anyone to do any due diligence?”
A spokesperson for USCIS said the agency has a team of auditors that conduct
compliance reviews on regional centers and noted in an email to The Real Deal that it
“does not release information on specific EB-5 applications, investors or related
projects due to [the Privacy Act] and other restrictions.”
“USCIS takes any violation of the law seriously, and we will explore all actions
available to us to ensure the integrity of our immigration system,” the spokesperson
added. “Where instances of fraud are suspected or proven within the program, USCIS
takes appropriate measures to deal with any actors involved in the fraud, including
terminating regional center designation.”
Regional centers have come under scrutiny for their roles in these EB-5 frauds in
recent years.
USCIS shutdown Vermont’s sole EB-5 regional center last year on the heels of the
country’s largest EB-5 fraud to date in the state’s so-called Northeast Kingdom.
Elsewhere, in Jupiter, Florida, Nicholas Mastroianni — who’s helped raise EB-5 funds
for the Kushner family’s real estate projects — was sued last October over his
Harbourside Place development by nearly 80 Chinese investors who accused him of
defrauding them. Mastroianni has denied these charges.
One of the underlying problems is that regional center
6 of 10 6/26/19, 11:57 AM
Palm House Robert Matthews EB-5 Clintons Trump Tony Bennett
https://therealdeal.com/miami/issues_articles/lost-paradise-at-th...
! ! "" # $ %
SOUTH FLORIDA NEW YORK LOS ANGELES CHICAGO NATIONAL TRI-STATE
! SUBSCRIBE MY ACCOUNT
Solutions. In turn, regional centers do not have an obligation
to protect investors’ money if a development project sours.
“That’s where the weak link of the chain is — there is no real enforcement of the
fiduciary rule to protect investors,” Latour added. “The regional center says, ‘Hey I’m
not responsible.’”
The USCIS spokesperson said the agency has terminated nearly 220 regional centers
since January 2017, due to evidence of foul play.
But U.S. legislators have continued to kick the EB-5 program down the road, giving it
about 20 short-term extensions with many lasting only six months. And industry
lobbyists have aggressively pushed back against any reform. The EB-5 trade group
Invest in the USA has spent nearly $1.8 million lobbying on the federal program’s
behalf since 2014, while the lobbying group for the Related Companies’ EB-5
business spent more than $500,000 in 2018 alone, according to the Center for
Responsive Politics.
“This is not unlike any other industry that can produce a toxic product like the opioid
industry or the tobacco industry,” Gibson said. “There is a powerful interest involved.
They don’t want any oversight. They don’t want information about their projects to
come public.”
Blurry middlemen
Unlike Matthews, whose background is well documented in local news, SARC’s Walsh
remains something of a mystery.
In the Palm House EB-5 marketing brochures, the smiling gray-haired regional center
operator claims to have a background in advertising and electrical engineering. He
also claims to have launched “several startup computer and graphics firms that he
brought to the public markets in the late 1990s and early 2000s.”
Walsh could not be reached for comment through his lawyer.
7 of 10 6/26/19, 11:57 AM
Palm House Robert Matthews EB-5 Clintons Trump Tony Bennett
https://therealdeal.com/miami/issues_articles/lost-paradise-at-th...
! ! "" # $ %
SOUTH FLORIDA NEW YORK LOS ANGELES CHICAGO NATIONAL TRI-STATE
! SUBSCRIBE MY ACCOUNT
selling the mineral rights to 600,000 asteroids in space, an investor prospectus
claimed.
Walsh’s son did not respond to multiple requests for comment.
(Click to enlarge)
Despite proclaiming innocence, Walsh is not in the U.S. to face any charges, according
to multiple sources. George, the plaintiff attorney, said SARC’s founder is now either
in Vietnam or Australia.
Walsh’s success in getting foreign backers on board for the planned Palm House
project, according to the SEC’s complaint, was largely based on lies made to
unsuspecting investors who believed the project carried minimal risk.
In bold font, one marketing brochure claimed that the EB-5 investor money would
only be used for 43 percent of the project’s total costs while the rest would be covered
by a $29 million loan from a “reputable bank” and $22 million in equity from the
developer.
None of that was true.
SARC also claimed the investors’ funds would be held in an escrow account at PNC
Bank until their green cards had been approved by USCIS and that the money
wouldn’t be touched until then. Investors were even sent photos of a PNC account
8 of 10 6/26/19, 11:57 AM
Palm House Robert Matthews EB-5 Clintons Trump Tony Bennett
https://therealdeal.com/miami/issues_articles/lost-paradise-at-th...
! ! "" # $ %
SOUTH FLORIDA NEW YORK LOS ANGELES CHICAGO NATIONAL TRI-STATE
! SUBSCRIBE MY ACCOUNT
Fast withdrawals
As soon as deposits for the Palm House came in, Matthews, Walsh and Laudano, the
project’s general contractor, allegedly began to withdraw money for personal uses.
After Matthews was charged with using the account as a piggy bank, Walsh fired off a
press release last year claiming he and SARC had been absolved.
“It saddens me to see the waste of time, money and talent, and the human and
financial capital that these conspirators perpetrated in multiple courts and plain good
old fashion lies to continue their charade for years,” Walsh said in the release.
He even reportedly went a step further by hiring Brian Aryai, a certified accountant
who claims to have worked as senior special agent for the Department of Homeland
Security, to provide a detailed audit showing how the money was lost.
The report, meant to clear Walsh’s name, noted that he moved $9.3 million from the
Palm House account to his own company through more than 39 individual
transactions between September 2013 and January 2015.
SARC’s founder is now facing additional civil charges over an office condo project in
Royal Palm Beach — another development SARC raised $6.5 million in EB-5 funds
for.
“Walsh solicited and obtained investors for all of these projects,” George said.
But USCIS didn’t have to travel far to determine the unfinished project was a racket —
the agency’s local office sits directly across the street from the Royal Palm site,
according to Google Maps.
“It’s remarkable… These cases come and go, and there is no reform,” said Gibson, who
cited “egregious misuse of funds [while] the industry continues without a bump in
the road.”
Tags: eb-5, palm house, palm house hotel, robert matthews, South Florida June 2019
9 of 10 6/26/19, 11:57 AM
Palm House Robert Matthews EB-5 Clintons Trump Tony Bennett
https://therealdeal.com/miami/issues_articles/lost-paradise-at-th...
! ! "" # $ %
SOUTH FLORIDA NEW YORK LOS ANGELES CHICAGO NATIONAL TRI-STATE
! SUBSCRIBE MY ACCOUNT
10 of 10 6/26/19, 11:57 AM
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013047.txt,"7.2 A Simple Formal Agents Model (SRAM) 131

7.2.1 Goals

We define goals as mathematical functions (to be specified below) associated with symbols
drawn from the alphabet G; and we consider the environment as sending goal-symbols to the
agent along with regular observation-symbols. (Note however that the presentation of a goal-
symbol to an agent does not necessarily entail the explicit communication to the agent of the
contents of the goal function. This must be provided by other, correlated observations.) We also
introduce a conditional distribution y(g, 4) that gives the weight of a goal g in the context of
a particular environment ju.
In this extended framework, an interaction sequence looks like

410191714202g92P9...

or else

a1 Yy1a2yo...

where g; are symbols corresponding to goals, and y is introduced as a single symbol to denote
the combination of an observation, a reward and a goal.

Each goal function maps each finite interaction sequence Jg,.2 = ays: with gs to g¢ corre-
sponding to g, into a value rg(Ig,s,2) € [0,1] indicating the value or “raw reward” of achieving
the goal during that interaction sequence. The total reward 7; obtained by the agent is the sum
of the raw rewards obtained at time ¢ from all goals whose symbols occur in the agent’s history
before t.

This formalism of goal-seeking agents allows us to formalize the notion of intelligence as
“achieving complex goals in complex environments” — a direction that is pursued in Section 7.3
below.

Note that this is an external perspective of system goals, which is natural from the perspective
of formally defining system intelligence in terms of system behavior, but is not necessarily very
natural in terms of system design. From the point of view of AGI design, one is generally more
concerned with the (implicit or explicit) representation of goals inside an AGI system, as in
CogPrime’s Goal Atoms to be reviewed in Chapter 22 below.

Further, it is important to also consider the case where an AGI system has no explicit goals,
and the system’s environment has no immediately identifiable goals either. But in this case, we
don’t see any clear way to define a system’s intelligence, except via approximating the system in
terms of other theoretical systems which do have explicit goals. This approximation approach
is developed in Section 7.3.5 below.

The awkwardness of linking the general formalism of intelligence theory presented here, with
the practical business of creating and designing AGI systems, may indicate a shortcoming on
the part of contemporary intelligence theory or AGI designs. On the other hand, this sort of
situation often occurs in other domains as well — e.g. the leap from quantum theory to the
analysis of real-world systems like organic molecules involves a lot of awkwardness and large
leaps a well.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013047
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022224.txt,"Your daily beast foe is still at it, and trying to promote her sites against you in the same way that we try to
depromote you.

As far as this site is concerned, and the continuation of this, I do not know what you wish to do. Clearly, you
have no interest in my continuing. And, I am not sure if you want to continue the project at all. If the latter, and
you stop, eventually it will just go into the way of entropy, and it will return to the old form. The major work
has been done, but it needs to be maintained. For it to get better results, it needs to have constant input and
supervision, and that means generating proper content, not just editing and grammatical fixes. Writers need to
know what to write. THe philanthrophy site is at the bottom of the page precisely because you have not
allowed us to add any content to it, and as a result it suffers.

You paid Mike $2500, which he applied for the purchasing of his replacement servers, but his fee of $7500
balance is now due if you want to continue. Please let me know what you want to do. I need to inform him, and
if you are not going to use him, he needs to take on his other clients and devote his time there.

This needs to be contrasted with what we started with, which was a search on your name, which had nine/10
very toxic prominent stories, and toxic Wiki article and headline.

Search Results
1. Jeffrey Epstein - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

- 9 visits - Dec 2

Jeffrey Edward Epstein (born January 20, 1953 in Coney Island, New York) is a Jewish-American
financier and philanthropist. Epstein was raised in Coney ...

Philanthrophic Work - The Epstein Foundation - Promotion of Scientists
en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jeffrey_ Epstein - Cached - Similar

2. Images for jeffrey epstein

- Report images

aaa ——a —— ne aaa

3. Jeffrey Epstein | Profiles in Science

- 4 visits - Nov 3

Jeffrey Epstein presents some of the greatest minds and finest scientists working today.
www.jeffreyepsteinscience.com/ - Cached

4. Jeffrey Epstein: International Moneyman of Mystery

He's pals with a passel of Nobel Prize-winning scientists, CEOs like Leslie Wexner of the Limited,
socialite Ghislaine Maxwell, even Donald Trump.

nymag.com/nymetro/news/people/n_7912/ - Cached - Similar

5. Edge: JEFFREY EPSTEIN

JEFFREY E. EPSTEIN is a money manager and science philanthropist who currently serves as the
Chairman and Chief Executive Officer of the Financial Trust ...
www.edge.org/3rd_culture/bios/epstein.html - Cached - Similar

6. The Plastic Surgeon: Jeffrey Epstein | Full of Crop

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022224
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028867.txt,"On Fri, Sep 19, 2014 at 6:15 AM, Kathy Ruemmler
Agreed, but I need to be prepared to say yes before I talk to him.

Sent from my iPad

On Sep 19, 2014, at 1:21 AM, ""jeffrey E."" <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:

You need to talk to boss

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note

The information contained in this communication is

confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of

> wrote:

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028867
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026328.txt,"From: Michael Wolff as

Sent: 12/4/2018 1:23:53 PM
To: Jeffrey Epstein [jeevacation@gmail.com]
Subject: Re:

Importance: — High

I think it's a useful point, potentially a powerful one. But I don't think anything is going to get attention now. I
would look for some reporter to do a more nuanced post-morten on the case--with it's Trump overtones, legal

joustings, #metoo-isms, and profit-motives. WSJ is probably right place.

On Tue, Dec 4, 2018 at 7:59 AM J <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:

do you think the press would react to the fact that all the settlement money is going to the attorney and none to
the girls.? react to the fact that the case was settled but the lawyers wanted to trumpet their success.

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026328
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023573.txt,"June 2014, I was asked to articulate the vision at the first Belt and Road forum in
Urumai, Northwest China's Xinjiang Uygur autonomous region. I described five
categories: history, culture, trade, mutual development and peaceful development.

The second forum was in Quanzhou, Southeast China's Fujian province, in February
2015. It enlarged the vision to include the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road,
engaging Southeast Asia, South Asia, the Middle East and East Africa.

The third forum was held in Xi'an, Northwest China's Shaanxi province, in
September 2016, with the theme ""Shared Memory, Common Development"".

To comprehend Xi's Belt and Road Initiative, one must appreciate globalization,
which is founded on the perennial law of comparative economic advantage but
which is suffering discontent due to its differential impact on workers in Western
countries. In a reversal of historic proportions, China now champions globalization,
while the United States is now conflicted with ""America First"" protectionism.

China's developmental miracle is founded on globalization, as Chinese workers
made China the low-cost manufacturing center of the world.

But China's old model no longer works — for one, workers must be paid higher
salaries to rebalance severe socio-economic imbalances. China must develop new
modes of globalization, leveraging its expertise and experience, especially in
infrastructure construction, which is just what the developing economies need for
their development.

The initiative is to expand links between Asia, Africa and Europe, and thus reduce
imbalances in national development and promote global economic growth. It focuses
on projects such as high-speed railways. Development comes first, China believes;
nothing good can happen without economic growth.

The Beijing forum seeks consensus on major cross-regional projects, especially
networks of roads, railways and shipping.

At the Xi'an forum, I chaired a session (on the media), which was held at precisely
the same time as the first debate between US presidential candidates Donald Trump

and Hillary Clinton.

""One hundred years from today,"" I began, ""when the history of our times is written,
our forum on the Belt and Road (Initiative) will carry more significance than the

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023573
"
IMAGES-012-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033308.txt,"From: Richard Kahn

Sent: 8/9/2016 8:14:10 AM
To: Jeffrey Epstein [jeevacation@gmail.com]
Subject: Trump Could Make the Deal of His Life and Defeat Clinton - Yahoo Finance

Importance: — High

http: //finance. yahoo. com/news/trump-cou1ld-deal-1i1fe-defeat-090000096. html

Richard Kahn

HBRK Associates Inc.

575 Lexington Avenue, 4th Floor
New York, NY 10022

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033308
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026761.txt,"Swedish American Group Focuses On Cancer, Autoimmune Diseases At... _ https://www.forbes.com/sites/genemarcial/20 17/09/09/swedish-american...

lof 2

Forbes / Investing / #StockWatch

SEP 9, 2017 @ 05:48 PM 729@® 12 Stocks to Buy Now

Swedish American Group Focuses On Cancer, Autoimmune Diseases At Life Science
Summit

“Gene Marcial, CONTRIBUTOR
. | have an insider's take on Wall Street FULL BIO VW

Opinions expressed by Forbes Contributors are their own.

Respected and acclaimed as rock stars in the arcane universe of life
sciences, global scientists converged in Stockholm in late August this
year for the annual Swedish American Life Science Summit (SALSS)
meeting, where they unveiled and dissected revolutionary health care
platforms. Among them are the use of robotics in surgery, how
nanotechnology may make us ""forever young,” applications of space
technology in life sciences, and the “Moonshot” cancer program
initiated by former Vice President Joseph Biden.

Without doubt, global investors are closely watching organizations
such as SALSS to discover the latest innovations and discoveries in life
Shutterstock science. This area is replete with groups deeply involved in original

research. So one of the major topics discussed at the SALSS conference
was “impact investing,” or why investors should pay closer attention to investing in life science.

“Tn today’s world with an aging population, we observe a higher occurrence of chronic diseases, such as cancer and
autoimmune conditions,” noted Hans Straberg, chairman of Atlas Copco, and former CEO of Electrolux. “So Big Pharma and
the industry are looking beyond the chemical and biologically derived molecules.” And as universities and small startups have
taken the lead in R&D investments, ""Big Pharma is very much dependent on collaborating with them, or acquiring their
technologies,” he argued.

Today Big Pharma has a “really strong position” in life sciences and are Looking for ""new blockbusters to replace current stars
that are coming off-patent,” he said. The current focus, added Straberg, is “very much on finding cures for diseases like
cancer, autoimmunity, allergy and infection,” and employing various new technologies.

So new ideas to address a variety of serious medical issues have always attracted medical luminaries to SALSS, and at this
year’s conference, the speakers included Biden Cancer Initiative Executive Director Gregory Simon, Nobel Foundation
chairman Dr. Carl Henrik Heldin, European Federation of Pharmaceutical Industries Director-General Richard Bergstrom,
and Microsoft Healthcare's chief development officer Mathias Ekman.

Also among the expert speakers were Pfizer executive vice president and chief of the company’s worldwide research
development Dr. Michael Dolsten, Secretary-General of the Royal Swedish Academy Life Sciences' Dr. Goran Hansson,
Google Healthcare and Cloud business manager Ebba Kraemer, China Kindstar Global Diagnostics CEO Shiang Huang,
AVRA Medical Robotics founder and CEO Alen York, expert in diabetes-related issues and CEO of Lyfebulb Dr. Karin
Hehenberger, and the founder and former chairman of Human Genome Sciences and currently chairman of ACCESS Health
International Dr. William A. Haseltine.

Recommended by Forbes

MOST POPULAR T TRENDING ON FACEBOOK

The Inside Story of

Marriott's High-Seas
The 10 Most Dangerous Rescue After Irma
US. Cities Stranded 620 Hotel...

“Throughout the years, Swedish research and innovation have led the way to disruptive changes within medicine, which has
resulted in an immense impact on people’s lives and great value for society,” argued Dr. Goran K. Hansson, secretary general
of The Royal Swedish Academy of Sciences. Today, “we see an increased interest of foreign capital in Swedish Life Science,
which the Swedish government embraces,” he said. Swedish Life Science players, he added, ""look for international expansion

9/13/2017, 8:01 PM
HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026761
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016770.txt,"(AGE Form 21a (Mamh 2014)

Instructions for Part 2

Note: This is a public form. Do not include account numbers, street addresses, or family member names. See instructions for required information,

Reference # : 2.
Owned by: % Ownership
100
Has ownership interest in: Entity Name

TRUMP MARKS NEW ROCHELLE

Luc

359 TRUMP MARKS NEW ROCHELLE LLC */4)

Owned by: % Ownership

1

i)

360 TRUMP MARKS PALM BEACH CORP */3)

Owned by: %4 Ownership
100
Has ownership interest In: Entity Name

TRUMP MARKS PALM BEACH LLC

361 TRUMP MARKS PALM BEACH LLC */3)

‘Owned by: % Ownership
1
99
362 TRUMP MARKS PAN, CORP *
Owned by; #% Ownership
100
Has ownership interest in: Entity Name

TRUMP MARKS PANAMA LLC

363 TRUMP MARKS PANAMA LLC */4)

Owned by: Ownership
1
99
364 TRUMP MARKS PHILADELPHIA CORP */3)
Owned by: Ownership
joo
Has ownership interest in: Entity Name

TRUMP MARKS PHILADELPHIA LLC

365 TRUMP MARKS PHILADELPHIA LLC *(3)

Owned by : 2% Ovnership
x
oo
366 TRUMP MARKS PHILIPPINES CORP *(1)
Owned by: % Ownership
100
Has ownership interest In + Entity Name

TRUMP MARKS PHILIPPINES LLC

367 TRUMP MARKS PHILIPPINES LLC

#Ownership
1

Owned by:

53
368 TRUMP MARKS PRODUCTS LLC */4)

Owned by: 6 Ownership

Name
OTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp

Ownership
1.00%

Name

TRUMP MARKS NEW ROCHELLE CORP

OTTM OPERATIONS LLC

Jame
DITM Operations Managing.
Member Corp

Ownership
1.00%

Name
TRUMP MARKS PALM BEACH CORP

DTTM OPERATIONS LLC

Name

DTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp

Ownership

1.00%

Name
TRUMP MARKS PANAMA CORP

DTTM OPERATIONS LLC
Name
The Denald J, Trump Revocable Trust

Ownership
1.00%

Name
TRUMP MARKS PHILADELPHIA CORP

The Donald J. Trump Revocsble Trust

Name
OTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp

Ownership
1.00%

Name
TRUMP MARKS PHILIPPINES CORP

DTTM OPERATIONS LLC

Name

Title
Managing Member

Title

Managing Member

Title
Managing Member

Tithe
Managing Member

Tithe
Managing Member

Role
Shareholder

Managing Member

Momber

Role
Shareholder

Role
Managing Member

Member

Role
Shareholder

Role
Managing Member

Member

Role
Shareholder

Role
Managing Member

Member

Role
Shareholder

Role
Managing Member

Member

Role

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016770
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027319.txt,"Is Invitation: No

GUID: 575AE076-0578-434F-8732-978E1FFECA53

Message: after china. Dollar strong. Big stocks up. . with oil at 74 . Strong strong

Time: 07/06/18 11:45:12 AM (552595512)
Flags: 1060865
Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: C40033C5-0D6A-4E86-8845-38492EDC2715

Message: We started strong

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 07/06/18 11:45:56 AM (552595556)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: F6D95D27-2C59-43C1-82F3-325E24B8FA31

Message: I can talk now if free

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 07/06/18 12:24:11 PM (552597851)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: AQEEQA22-CCEF-45E1-BD48-3DCDD79946D8

Tr

Message: Dutch tv link

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 07/06/18 12:50:49 PM (552599449)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: C9440CA6-5343-45B6-8FEA-D624B6C285B1

Message: Btw. Pakistani prime minister convicted. HBJ in center place again

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 07/07/18 10:20:21 AM (552676821)
Flags: 1150981

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: S563AB91F-7802-4422-9524-F2862DF94C82

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027319
"
IMAGES-012-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032770.txt,"From: LHS

Sent: 4/15/2018 12:33:37 AM

To: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com] !
cc: lhsoffice

Subject: Re: What do u make of latest trump follies?

Importance: — High
Yup

Sent from my iPhone

Please direct all scheduling inquiries to my office at: PO

Follow me on twitter @lhsummers
www.larrysummers.com

On Apr 14, 2018, at 8:27 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:

Talk tomorrow?

On Sat, Apr 14, 2018 at 6:43 PM LHS <i wrote:

Sent from my iPhone

Please direct all scheduling inquiries to my office 1): Ee

Follow me on twitter @lhsummers
www.larrysummers.com

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032770
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015719.txt,"Mind over Computer 29

In the vast, inhospitable Outback it is vitally important you
remember that water can be found at the two rocks near the old gnarled
tree. Forget this and you will die of thirst. It was once thought the skill
evolved through natural selection, but this might not be the correct
explanation. Recent studies show many of us can use mnemonic tricks
to significantly improve our memory. Aboriginal skills might actually be
learned and passed on from generation to generation.

IQ gives us a way to sum up intelligence using a single number
but is this too simplistic? We all have friends who would be our first
call if we met that special someone or lost our jobs. They are often not
the smartest people we know, but they are highly empathetic. These
people have ‘social intelligence. Other friends may fail academic tests
yet demonstrate wonderful musical or artistic ability. They have creative
intelligence. As we dig deeper, more talents emerge: sporting prowess,
organizational brilliance, the ability to inspire loyalty. All these traits
appear independently of academic brilliance.

During the last century, scientists worked hard to understand these
different intelligence traits. The most influential theory came out of
studies done at the United States Army Educational testing service, by
Raymond Cattell and John Horn, and later added to by John Carroll.
Their initials give the theory its name. CHC theory breaks down the
general idea of intelligence into many different subgroups: ‘G’ factors.

If you are good at recalling all the kings and queens of England
in chronological order, or can name every member of the 1966 English
World Cup team or, perhaps, all the members of the baseball Hall of Fame,
you would have high ‘crystalized intelligence’ — ‘Gc. It measures the sum
total of all the things you have learned and retained in your long-term
memory, your store of useful, and useless, facts. On the other hand there
is innate intelligence, the sort that allows you to solve problems where
tapping memory banks is not useful. My family often buy me puzzles for
Christmas, the sort where you manipulate bits of bent metal that appear
linked, but can be separated
with a little ingenuity. These
puzzles test our ability to work
with problems we have never
seen before and is called ‘fluid
intelligence’ — ‘Gf? tn *

We can go further. A good \
tennis player will have high ‘Gt >
and ‘Gv’ scores: ‘t’ for time and
‘Vv for vision, a good pub quiz Metal Puzzle

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015719
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025147.txt,"Brockman, Inc. Hotlist

Frankfurt Book Fair 2016
LitAg / Hall 6.3 - Tables 13A, 13B, 14A and 14B

John Brockman Katinka Matson Russell Weinberger Max Brockman

BALANCE OF POWER

The Race Between State and Society
By Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson

[US — Penguin Press, UK — Viking, Germany — Fischer Verlag, Netherlands — Nieuw Amsterdam, Italy —
Il Saggiatore, Spain — Duesto, Brazil — Intrinseca, Greece — Livanis, Korea — Sigongsa, Taiwan —
Acropolis, Vietnam — Tre Publishing, Audio — Penguin RH; Proposal and sample chapter; 500 pages;
Delivery: December 2018]

Balance of Power is the important, groundbreaking new book by Daron Acemoglu and James Robinson, authors
of Why Nations Fail,a widely acclaimed international bestseller that has sold close to half a million copies in
English, and hundreds of thousands in translations around the world.

""Balance of Power,"" Acemoglu and Robinson write, ""develops an entirely original thesis about the diversity of
the ways in which states function, resolve conflicts, provide public services and more broadly use their powers.
It is the logical extension of a research agenda we have been developing together for twenty years, and we have
a great deal to offer on this topic. We have demonstrated our ability not only to produce original, thought-
provoking social science works but also to reach and explain our ideas to a broad audience.""

DARON ACEMOGLIU 1s the Elizabeth and James Killian Professor of Economics in the Department of
Economics at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. He was the recipient of the John Bates Clark Medal in
2005, awarded every two years to the best economist in the United States under the age of forty by the American
Economic Association, and the Erwin Plein Nemmers prize, awarded every two years for work of lasting
significance in economics. He holds Honorary Doctorates from the University of Utrecht, Bosporus University,
and the University of Athens.

JAMES A. ROBINSON is an economist and political scientist who is currently one of eight University
Professors at the University of Chicago and one of only twenty-one people who have held such a position. He
has conducted research in Bolivia, Botswana, Chile, Colombia, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Haiti,
Mauritius, Mexico, the Philippines, Sierra Leone, and South Africa. He was selected as one of Foreign Policy's
""Top Global Thinkers of 2012"" and is a Fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences.

c+)
‘

THE JANUS POINT

A New Theory of Time's Arrows and The Big Bang
By Julian Barbour
[US — Basic Books, UK — Bodley Head; Proposal; 80,000 — 100,000 words; Delivery: November 2017]

""The Janus Point,"" writes Julian Barbour, visiting professor at the University of Oxford and author of The End
of Time, ""proposes a novel and remarkably simple solution to one of the most fundamental problems in physics
and cosmology. It concerns the experienced direction of time: Why is the past so different from the present and
the future? This difference is encapsulated in the expression the arrow of time. It is problematic because all the
known laws of nature have exactly the same form, whatever direction, in which time is supposed to flow. The

Brockman, Inc. Frankfurt 2016 Hotlist
-L

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025147
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023215.txt,"and you and I can kibbitz about it all. structures outcomes risk, museums. charity, ( joslins answer by
the way was I had asked how much charity was leon planining to give this year , (the 2m) _ he didnt
include your foundation or the payment to me, or from debra and you??!!

Date: Mon, Dec 7, 2015 at 5:39 PM

Subject: Fee

To: Melanie Spinella ~~

Amount ? Paid in kind ? Financed ? Plane ?Paid to ? Non charity , charity . Fixed dates

Date: Mon, Dec 7, 2015 at 8:05 PM
Subject:

To: Melanie Spinella ii

please re iterate that no further actions taken without careful document review. please

Subject:
To: Melanie Spinella (is
Leon,

As you are well aware, There is little I won't do for you, or at least try to do as a friend, and a great
deal that I have already done ( both known and some things that willneed to remain unknown.) Our
arrangement was for me to architect sophisticated structures that would be beneficial to you. that is what
I have done and will continue do in order to fulfill my obligations under our agreement. The
discovered fact that you in reality need an entire family office built from scratch has been trying I have
aleady agreed de- facto to try to help. I would suggest that Phaidons payroll and attention pales in
importance to your personal structure,which has taken a back seat, Some of = my suggestions regarding
the Eystum office are as follows you will need a budget of 3- 5 million per year. CEO 1 million, new
tax person to work with rich, 250. new bookkeeper ,200 new paralegal to work with ADA ALan etc ,
coordinating with Apollo, Akin , paul weiss , new acct openings , sec filings , sales tax review, etc.
$150. art point person. loan , inventory, purchasing support, $?? software servers. video conferencing,
tax oversight.

I believe You should rapidly address trustees , gift trust, succesion, wills of debra and children, ,
monetization events , cash flow. etc I can ofcourse share my experiences with you on each issue.

WIth regard the more pressing issue I am uncertain of just how to proceed. I am torn, as my very
strong inclination is not to be involved at all . It is extremely time consuming, delicate, fraught with many
pitfall many that will make you very upset and a major pain in the ass. I wrote you months ago that the
quality of the people involved need to be upgraded. ( lucky for me these last issues arose way before the
begining of my involvement ) Iam also aware however of my overarching friendship obligations of ok, -
given all the complexities who else can do it? problem.

Your family office needs a daddy. children with good intentions are running around , sniping , nitpicking
with little direction. As a stopgap measure I am suggesting , we put in Larry Delson to take charge
Everyone would report to him. eileen included. He would however work for me. this is not, by a long
shot my first choice as I prefer only being responsible and standing behind my own personal work (ie
the word DONE will no longer be transmitted to reflect status stated by others )

With no commitment on my part whatsoever, to do it. So far as I have failed in my attempt in trying to
think through the problem creatively . My organizations handling of the more complex isssues I believe
you might find very costly, very ! ( however many structures available some risk sharing, maybe risk caps
,etc ) but would require my teams doing the work , not yours. Ada should be only a trust, grat
administrator. not sure what role you prefer for Eileen as you hired her initially to oversee investments.
whether Rich your controller stays or not, is not urgent. having Tom report to a new person.- is.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023215
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017308.txt,"4.2.12
WC: 191694

which begins:

“No monument stands over Babi Yar
A steep cliff only, like the rudist headstone
lam afraid.”

Now there is a monument, but it is unworthy of that term, and it is not as if the city of Kiev
doesn’t know how to build giant monuments, if it chooses to. In the center of Kiev stands a
monumental statue to Bohdan Khmelnitsky, who had conducted pogroms in the 17"" Century that
had slaughtered tens of thousands of Ukrainian Jews. To this day, Khmelnitsky’s picture adorns
Ukrainian currency.

It was not an easy visit either for me, for my wife or for my brother (who made a separate visit
with his wife). It was especially difficult for his late wife Marilyn, whose father’s entire family had
lived in the Ukraine, where almost all of them were murdered during the Holocaust. The
difficulty was exacerbated when one of the Ukrainian lawyers with whom I was working was
found dead in his bed just hours after we completed an evening work session and hours before we
were to resume our work in the morning. The official cause of death was ruled a heart attack, but
the KGB—whose role in the case we were investigating—is an expert on giving enemies “heart
attacks.” We were there to save the life and liberty of a Ukrainian political leader and we got
down to work.

President Kuchma immediately told me that although it was his voice on the smoking gun
recording, it was not his words, as least not in the sequence that appeared in the transcript. I
listened to the recording but could not tell very much because the words were Russian and they
were difficult to hear.

I told my client that I too had been the victim of a doctored recording in which my voice and
words had been edited and re-sequenced to make it sound as if I had said the exact opposite of
what I had actually said.” This fake recording had been made by a man named David Marriot,
who had offered to be a witness in the Claus Von Bulow case. He had asked me for money and I
told him it would be improper to pay him for his testimony and we wouldn’t do it. He
surreptitiously recorded our conversation on a tape and then simply cut and spliced the tape to
make my refusal to pay him sound like a willingness to pay him. His splicing job was so
amateur—he used scotch tape—that our expert was able to demonstrate it without any question.

But times had changed, and the recording at issue in the Kuchma case had been digital. Changes
on a digital recording are much more difficult to detect than on a tape recording. It was our job
to demonstrate that the Kuchma recording, like mine, had been tampered with to change the
meaning of his words. It would be a challenging scientific task in this new age of recording
technology, but my team was up for it. We retained the most sophisticated audio-scientists in the
world, who were able to demonstrate that words could be digitally re-sequenced to alter the
meaning of a conversation without the change being detectable.

” Tn another situation, a television ad by the organization J Street showed a video of my lips moving and a
voice—not mine—saying words that I didn’t say.

221

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017308
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030717.txt,"From: Mark L. Epstein 
Sent: 3/21/2018 1:54:31 PM 
To: jeffrey E. [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Subject: Re: hey 
Importance: High 
You and your boy Donnie can make a remake of the movie Get Hard. 
Sent via tin can and string. 
On Mar 21, 2018, at 09:37, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
and i thought- I had tsuris 
On Wed, Mar 21, 2018 at 4:32 AM, Mark L. Epstein wrote: 
Ask him if Putin has the photos of Trump blowing Bubba? 
From: jeffrey E. [mailto:jeevacation@gmail.com] 
Sent: Monday, March 19, 2018 2:15 PM 
To: 
Subject: Re: hey 
All good. Bannon with me 
On Mon, Mar 19, 2018 at 1:49 PM Mark L. Epstein_____________________________wrote: 
How are you doing? 
A while back you mentioned that you were prediabetic. Has anything changed with that? 
What is your boy Donald up to now? 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 030717 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 030718 
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016210.txt,"a

npr.org / Tamara Keith Years before she would become President
Trump's third press secretary, Stephanie Grisham had a photo of the

White House hanging on her office wall in...

What the Era of 'Big Plans' Can Teach
Us Today

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016210
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013721.txt,"brain enzyme kinetics (Mandell, 1984) and single neuron firing patterns (Selz and
Mandell, 1991) to human psychomotor and cognitive behavior (Selz, 1992; Selz and
Mandell, 1993).

The Leading 4(+) of Some Biologically Relevant Time Series

An early application of a simplified form of leading Lyapounov exponent to
brain data involved the computation of the one dimensional averaged slope of in
vitro studies of psychopharmacological drug and peptide effects on time series of
catecholamine and indoleamine biosynthetic enzyme _ activities studied at
physiological, far-from-equilibrium reactant concentrations (Russo and Mandell,
1984b; Knapp and Mandell, 1984). A contemporaneous study also suggested the
influence of differences in initial conditions for pharmacokinetic equilibrium times in

drug binding kinetics by proteins (Bayne and Hwang, 1985).

The most extensive applications to the clincial neurosciences of the
Lyapounov measure of the exponential divergence of orbital points has involved
reconstructed brain wave attractors from the intracranial or scalp recordings of the
EEG (Duke and Pritchard, 1991; Dvorak and Holden, 1991; Jansen and Brandt,
1993). Space prevents us from surveying more than a small representative set of
the studies (Jansen, 1996). It should be noted, however, that this is an area in
which “state of the art” research has grown quite complicated and somewhat
controversial with respect to technical issues. The choices of the digitizing

frequency of the smooth record, the dimension of the embedding space and time

delays continue to be debated in the context of numerical computations of 2 and

dimension measures (Mayer-Kress, 1986; Ott et al, 1994).

Controls for the implicitly required statistical discrimination between
“randomness” and “deterministic chaos” consist of sequence and (Fourier) phase
randomization generating “surrogate data” which conserve the probability
distributions and destroy the correlation properties and attractor geometries (Sauer

et al, 1991; Ott et al, 1994). Since neither bring with them any connections with

221

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013721
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029246.txt,"From: jeffrey E. [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Sent: 12/2/2015 5:58:02 PM 
To: Lesley Groff 
Subject: Re: Poetry Update and Thank You 
I'd like to speak to her 
On Wednesday, 2 December 2015, Lesley Groff wrote: 
did you want to send the below to Lisa? (or have me ask her?) 
On Dec 2, 2015, at 12:53 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
Do you know Chomsky, he Is with me 
On Wednesday, 2 December 2015, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
----------Forwarded message 
From: Lisa New < 
s with me 
Date: Wednesday, 2 December 2015 
Subject: Poetry Update and Thank You 
To: ""jeffrey E."" <jeevacation@gmail.com> 
That's ideal. Larry's away and I'll be working all day. I'm free any time. 
On Wed, Dec 2, 2015 at 10:31 AM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
I'm in Cambridge sat? 
On Wednesday, 2 December 2015, Lisa New ___________________> wrote: 
Dear Jeffrey, 
May I drop by before the New Year (perhaps on the 9th, or on the 17th or 18th?) to get your 
advice about my renewal of the Templeton campaign, and also my needs in the coming year for 
Poetry in America? Below is the letter I'm sending out to my friends and supporters, and at the 
bottom a message just for you.... 
-Lisa 
That you are receiving this letter means that you are among a special community of friends whose 
support— financial, moral, intellectual, logistical— has allowed my initiative, Poetry in America, to 
realize what seemed, a year ago, almost certainly too ambitious a vision. That vision was to 
produce the highest quality educational video on American poetry, creating a body of 
humanities content capable of reaching a broad community of learners: formal and 
informal, online and residential, young and old, American and international. And it was to 
begin— rapidly— to disseminate and distribute our work. 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 029246 
Whether you donated to Poetry in America through Filmmaker's Collaborative (our 501c3 fiscal 
sponsor), through Harvard, or through WGBH; whether you appeared on camera or talked an 
elusive friend into appearing on camera to discuss a poem; whether you lent us your film crew, or 
provided overnight use of your hotel suite or apartment or of your whole skyscraper; whether you 
highlighted our work on your stage, or talked your colleagues into becoming corporate sponsors; 
whether you flew to Boston to install state-of-the-art editing and video storage equipment, or 
asked your children's school to let us film there; whether you encouraged your family foundation 
to take an interest in the project, or gave us a lesson in IP, in licensing, in the rudiments of 
finance, or of distribution; whether you praised, or gave timely, much-needed criticism— you 
enabled what we have done. 
Here's what we have to report, and to show, a year later, thanks to your help. Links offer sneak 
peeks of works -in-progress across the full portfolio of Poetry in America projects. 
• The first eight-episode season of the public television series Poetry in America (a co-
production between WGBH, Emmy Award-winning filmmaker David Grubin, and my own new 
production company, Verse Video), is now fully funded and in production, with episodes featuring  
Bill Clinton, Herbie Hancock and Sonia Sanchez on Langston Hughes, Frank Gehry on Carl 
Sandburg, Katie Couric on Elizabeth Bishop, Nas on Whitman, and many more scheduled for 
nationwide launch in 2017. 
• Poetry in America's many initiatives to reach Middle and High School teachers and their 
students are taking root. Our first online course for Middle and High School Teachers, Poetry of 
the City, will launch this Spring with the Harvard Graduate School of Education. Companion 
materials to this course will be made available for free on PBS LearningMedia. This course is 
designed to meet the needs of English Language Arts and Social Studies teachers in the US and 
internationally. 
• We are eager to begin production of The Poetry of Earth, Sea, and Sky. Designed, too, for 
Middle and High School teachers, The Poetry of Earth, Sea, and Sky will draw English Language 
Arts instruction into dialogue with science, and will include extraordinary footage of the natural  
world, conversations with poets, scholars, and scientists as well as footage shot in class and in 
the field with great teachers. 
• A recent partnership with Greenwich Country Day School and the Success Academy Network 
of charter schools will provide a base for the production of a new collection of classroom-ready 
educational material on The Poetry of Art Sport, and Play. This collection will include 
discussions on poems filmed everywhere from sports fields to Broadway theaters, and will feature 
dancers, athletes, fashion designers, and more. 
• With a growing archive of footage capturing teachers and students reading American poems, 
we are eager to expand our reach and move into America's schools, disseminating, 
testing, and learning from teachers and students using our materials. We hope to be able to 
begin work evaluating the impact of poetry on literacy levels and character development and, 
eventually, to produce a full suite of materials that foster character development along with 
intellectual growth. 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 029247 
Working closely with such partners as The Nantucket Project, Nautilus Magazine, The Aspen 
Ideas Festival, and The Big Think, and, of course, HarvardX, Harvard's provider of free open 
online courses, we are continuing to create rich educational media on poetry for adult 
learners and lifelong learners. These materials include short form videos such as this one on  
Robert Pinsky's ""Shirt"" (as featured in The New Yorker), and, this spring, the sixth module of the 
free seven-part Poetry in America MOOC, which has registrants in over 150 countries. 
Growing rapidly, and outpacing our current staff and infrastructure, Poetry in America has a 
fundraising goal this year of 2.5 million dollars to fund its expanding group of projects. We've 
taken a big step, hiring the design agency Threespot to help us develop our web presence. Our 
website— to launch early 2016— will eventually serve as an online hub for our TV show and 
educational projects. We hope you'll join us then for a virtual launch! 
Finally, Jeffrey, you have been such a wonderful supporter of my Poetry in America project. The 
Leon Black gift changed everything for me last year. It paid salaries for staff I desperately needed 
to complete projects (detail below), but first and foremost, it gave me leverage, enabling me to set 
down a solid Harvard base for my activities by giving the school something to point to: this public 
humanities project among the list of projects the Dean supports. The money did it: as soon as 
they heard about the gift, they took my project more seriously. Because of that gift, the Faculty of 
Arts and Sciences, which is space-stingy, found and rewired a studio space for me to house my 
video production operation and team. That gift woke up the Deans to the importance of Harvard's 
role in producing the highest quality humanities content for the WORLD, and not just for Harvard 
students. My main employee has half of her salary paid with these funds, and the foundation of 
our collection for PBS LeamingMedia is being made with this support. This gift represented one of 
the most consequential shifts of the last year, allowing me create content and launch projects this 
year that make future projects that much more likely. If I can keep this base sturdy at Harvard, 
refilling these coffers, I will be that much more able to keep working. 
I am also so grateful for the help you gave me in defining my project for Templeton, and, what 
help you have offered to give in bringing them around. I have, since Templeton turned me down, 
gotten funding to produce video on two of the poems I'd proposed to Templeton and to create, 
and test, that video in schools as I proposed. One of my partners in that project is Success 
Academy, where I could also expand my work with Templeton. And there are still other poems 
that may satisfy their character criteria more fully, including the third of the poems I'd originally 
proposed and that Joe Biden had agreed to discuss with me (on parenthood and humility). At this 
point, I'm gaining the platform and the name recognition to be an effective spokesperson for the 
foundation on building literacy and character in the schools. 
It really means a lot to me, all financial help aside, Jeffrey, that you are rooting for me and thinking 
about me. You push back a lot (as Larry does), and it's always annoying but I always learn. 
With abundant gratitude, 
Lisa 
Elisa New 
Powell M. Cabot Professor of American Literature 
Harvard University 
148 Barker Center 
12 Quincy Street 
Cambridge, MA 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 029248 
02138 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
Elisa New 
Powell M. Cabot Professor of American Literature 
Harvard University 
148 Barker Center 
12 Quincy Street 
Cambridge, MA 
02138 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 029249 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 029250 
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020072.txt,"that somebody was getting a leg up at his expense. His was a zero-sum ecosystem. In the
world of Trump, anything that he deemed of value either accrued to him or had been
robbed from him.

Scarborough and Brzezinski had taken their relationship with Trump and amply
monetized it, while putting no percentage in his pocket—and in this instance, he judged
his commission should be slavishly favorable treatment. To say this drove him mad would
be an understatement. He dwelled and fixated on the perceived injustice. Don t mention
Joe or Mika to him was a standing proscription.

His wounded feelings and incomprehension at the failure of people whose embrace he
sought to, in return, embrace him was “deep, crazy deep,” said his former aide Sam
Nunberg, who had run afoul of his need for 100 percent approbation and his bitter
suspicion of being profited from.

OOK Ok

Out of this accumulated rage came his June 29 tweet about Mika Brzezinski.

It was classic Trump: there was no mediation between off-the-record language and the
public statement. Referring to “low I.Q. Crazy Mika” in one tweet, he wrote in another
that she was “bleeding badly from a facelift” when she and Scarborough visited Trump at
Mar-a-Lago on the previous New Year’s Eve. Many of his tweets were not, as they might
seem, spontaneous utterances, but constant ones. Trump’s rifts often began as insult
comedy and solidified as bitter accusations and then, in an uncontainable moment, became
an official proclamation.

The next step, in his tweet paradigm, was universal liberal opprobrium. Almost a week
of social media fury, cable breast-beating, and front-page condemnation followed his
tweet about Brzezinski. That was accompanied by the other part of the Trump tweet
dynamic: by unifying liberal opinion against him, he unified its opposite for him.

In truth, he was often neither fully aware of the nature of what he had said nor fully
cognizant of why there should be such a passionate reaction to it. As often as not, he
surprised himself. “What did I say?” he would ask after getting severe blowback.

He wasn’t serving up these insults for effect—well, not entirely. And his behavior
wasn’t carefully calculated; it was tit for tat, and he likely would have said what he’d said
even if no one was left standing with him. (This very lack of calculation, this inability to
be political, was part of his political charm.) It was just his good luck that the Trumpian 35
percent—that standing percentage of people who, according to most polls, seemed to
support him no matter what (who would, in his estimation, let him get away with shooting
someone on Fifth Avenue)—was largely unfazed and maybe even buoyed by every new
expression of Trumpness.

Now, having expressed himself and gotten in the last word, Trump was cheery again.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020072
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011211.txt,"mwengway | RT @V_of_Europe: Brexit WON'T spark trade war say | 23 Jun 2016, 94 | negative
GermansA https://t.co/1O0yQG3ludv 09:30 - CEST
ibngibril RT @rorybroomfield: Let's make the #UK free again! 23 Jun 2016, | Allahuac 6 | positive
#VoteLeave #Brexit #HEURef 09:30-CEST | k Bar
CrustyDinos | RT @westerndefence: Today, we get to choose again 23 Jun 2016, | New 2 | positive
aur whether we want to be free. #Brexit 09:30- CEST | Malden
https://t.co/u1g8QLqb8B Surrey
FundStrateg | Exclusive: Brexit fears? UK equity managers cut UK 23 Jun 2016, | London, 0 | negative
y stocks to lowest in three years 09:30-CEST | UK
https://t.co/FW2VPxV9at
JeroenMiil RT @ooohouchburn: Today is the last chance the UK 23 Jun 2016, 13 | positive
will get to fly free from the fascist European Union. 09:30 - CEST
#Brexit, Believe #VoteLeave https:/a€ |
OhSoNicolle | RT @JessEspinX: don't be fooled, Brexit is NOT the 23 Jun 2016, 1 | negative
answer. #VOTEREMAIN #VOTEIN 09:30 - CEST
https://t.co/6K1EAZEOob
Grassy_Knol | RT @onetokebloke: Done ! Have you #Brexit 23 Jun 2016, | Afood 81 | positive
| https://t.co/alObTCsi28 09:30-CEST | tubein
Sector
7-G
denizen42 RT @efarpax1: ixié Brexit 71+ Tett!, iif, aipltip 1,,1-7% 23 Jun 2016, 9 | negative
iPPini it 09:30 - CEST
fef4iZ 1, lé Grexit, Ti+ feist, fifi, fetuitip 11%
fof... ieZ¥et-
#Syriza_ malAikes
mark248236 | RT @Gjon777: Jacob ReesMogg on Osborne's Brexit 23 Jun 2016, | UK Hull 23 | neutral
87 Budget 15062016: https://t.co/YUY78VVcHV via 09:30 - CEST
@YouTube
sadiejarrett | RT @BenjaminJames15: Funny how many Welsh 23 Jun 2016, | Cardiff, 2 | positive
people | see posting #TogetherStronger when it comes | 09:30- CEST | Wales
to football yet they dont see that for the ba€ |
terraceblue | #VoteLeave #Brexit https://t.co/xzBRwctdQl 23 Jun 2016, 0 | positive
1886 09:30 - CEST
SputnikNew | #Brexit #Brexit#Brexit #Brexit#Brexit #Brexit#Brexit 23 Jun 2016, 0| NA
s_ SK #Brexit#Brexit #Brexit#Brexit #Brexit#Brexit 09:30 - CEST
#Brexit#Brexit #Brexit#Brexit #Brexit
BubbleTren | Trending News about https://t.co/7mFmkVGSKU 23 Jun 2016, 0 | positive
ds Brexit Vote 09:30 - CEST
#BubbleTrends
NPORadio1 | To brexit or not to #brexit? #NPORadio1 live vanuit 23 Jun 2016, | Hilversu O | neutral
Londen met @chrkijne en @jorisluyendijk: 09:30 - CEST | m, The
https://t.co/DnLQySf7hf https://t.co/iAMeOmsm7V Netherl
ands
jobruma Del Brexit i d&#8217;altres qA%estions no menors 23 Jun 2016, | Sabadell 0 | negative
https://t.co/STbLQPrsbj 09:30 - CEST
emucientes | Para no perderse nada del referA@ndum britAinico, el | 23 Jun 2016, 0 | negative
envivo de @elmundoes https://t.co/Xzazg366JU 09:30 - CEST
@maria__hdez @anabarrio
ThibautMat | #Brexit or not #Brexit that is the question. 23 Jun 2016, | Versaille 0 | neutral
hieu 09:30-CEST | s

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011211
"
TEXT-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033139.txt,"From: J [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Sent: 12/20/2018 12:09:41 PM 
To: Kathy Ruemmler 
you might want to tell your dem friends that treating trump like a mafia don, ignores the fact that he has great 
dangerous power. . tightening the noose too slowly, risks a very bad situation. . gambino was never the 
commander in chief there was little gambino could do as the walls closed in. not so with this maniac 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 033139 
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030688.txt,"From: Michael Wolff 
Sent: 1/18/2018 1:42:21 PM 
To: jeffrey E. [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Subject: Re: 
Importance: High 
All good. I am everybody's darling. Have to keep reminding people that I am actually quite unpopular. 
Apparently thing of the past--for now (excepting among a small circle of journalists). Ira Rosen, a 60 Minutes 
producer and a friend of Bannon's, came with a message from SB: ""You own me a few million."" Rosen also 
says he believes SB now weighing the strategy of making a formal and public break with Trump. I can't get 
together today because I have to leave for DC at 11AM to speak to 800 book buyers (not to mention pre-signing 
800 books). Then tomorrow AM to LA to do Bill Maher show. Making money is hard work. 
On Thu, Jan 18, 2018 at 7:38 AM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
how was it.? why dont you stop by today so we can script tomorrow. - assuming no change. . prefer no 
details on email 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 030688 
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013866.txt,"capture it), rather than spending hours inputting it all into contacts
or searching through e-mail for that lost phone number. It’s mind-
numbing how much time this saves.

e » Scan all agreements, paper articles, etc., that would otherwise sit
in file folders or on my desk. I use the Mac Fujitsu ScanSnap
miniscanner ( http://bit.ly/scansnapmac_), the best I’ve found,
which scans all of it directly to Evernote in seconds with one
button.

e » Take snapshots of websites, capturing all text and links, so that I
can read them offline when traveling or doing later research. Get
rid of all those scattered bookmarks, favorites, and open tabs.

Screening and Avoiding Unwanted Calls

> GrandCentral (www.grandcentral.com) and YouMail (www.youmail.com)

In a world where your physical address will change more often than your cell phone number (and e-
mail), it can be disastrous if your number becomes public or gets in the wrong hands. Enter
GrandCentral, which will give you a number with the area code of your choosing that then forwards to
your own phone(s). I now give a GrandCentral number to anyone besides family and close friends. Some
of the benefits:

e > Identify any incoming number as unwanted, and that caller will
then hear a “number not in service” message when attempting to
call you.

e » Customize your voicemail message to individual callers (spouse,
boss, colleague, client, etc.) and listen in on messages as they’re
being left, so you can “pick up” if the message is worth the
interruption. Call recording is also an option.

e » Use an area code outside of your hometown to prevent people and
companies from finding and misusing addresses you’d prefer to

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013866
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029358.txt,"challenges requires global cooperation

¢ Israel finds itself at the center
of a kind of ""perfect storm,""the only
outpost of the western way of life in
the Middle East — at the meeting point
of the ""clash of civilizations"" between
Islam and the West, as Huntington
envisioned it, and at the same time, in
the spinning ""eye of the storm"" of the
clash of titans within Islam itself:
between Sunni and Shi'ite, between
tradition, extremism and terrorism on
the one hand, and modernity and
moderation on the other; between the
dream of ""past glory"" and the vision of
a ""leap into the future”. And all of this
is drenched in a lot of blood.

e This drama that has washed
over the Arab world bears two lessons
and one insight for us:

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029358
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031596.txt,"From: jeffrey E. [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Sent: 12/8/2015 9:51:09 PM 
To: Thomas Jr., Landon 
Subject: Re: Trump 
Importance: High 
read the uzz feed re my airplane logs and hawain tropic contest. / have them ask my houseman about 
donad almost walking through the door leaving his nose print on the glass as young women were swimming in 
the pool and he was so focused he walked straight into the door 
On Tue, Dec 8, 2015 at 5:41 PM, Thomas Jr., Landon 
wrote: 
Now everyone coming to me thinking I have juicy info on you and Trump. 
Because of this. 
""I've known Jeff for fifteen years. Terrific guy,"" Trump booms from a speakerphone. ""He's a lot of fun to be with. It is 
even said that he likes beautiful women as much as I do, and many of them are on the younger side. No doubt about it --
Jeffrey enjoys his social life."" 
That story will never die. 
Landon Thomas, Jr. 
Financial Reporter 
New York Times 
http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/t/landon jr thomas/index.  
html  
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031596 
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032457.txt,"From: paul krassner ii

Sent: 2/8/2017 12:34:24 AM

To: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com]
cc: Nancy Cain

Subject: P.S.

Importance: — High

I neglected to mention the importance of ACLU attorneys who have been receiving donations of many
millions to aid their actions such as impeaching Trump based on breaking his oath of the affirmation of
the constitution...

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032457
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027286.txt,"Sender: PY

Time: 06/13/18 10:05:35 AM (550602335)
Flags: 1060865

Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 54C2E4D4-B231-47D1-9AF5-42EC854B917A

Message: Called

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 06/13/18 10:26:37 AM (550603597)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: D6E84F4C-6334-4A03-9264-JO59AD7C71

Gl
co
Oo

Message: Try now?

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 06/14/18 06:25:12 AM (550675512)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 48FE746F-0A23-46FB-8128-DO7E566CD8CF

Message: His reflections in the few days he spent in China also reveal Einstein's
tendency to perceive foreigners as a threat. ""It would be a pity if these Chinese
supplant all other races,"" he wrote. ""For the likes of us the mere thought is
unspeakably dreary.""

Time: 06/14/18 06:30:36 AM (550675836)

Flags: 1060865
Is Read: Yes
Is Invitation: No

GUID: BC6519CD-09F6-4335-B562-E53BD1A70D3A

Message: Bannon's deputy

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 06/14/18 08:07:01 AM (550681621)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 3

r,

EFOO8F-E07D-4586-A37E-OE8B/C7E6EO0

Message: Did you meet directly with MBZ?

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027286
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014598.txt,"Exhibit 76: Emerging Market Currency Valuation
Despite the recent rally, emerging market currencies remain
undervalued against the US dollar.

Average Deviation from Fair Value vs. US Dollar (%)
20 4

EM Currencies
Overvalued
on Average

“25
2008 2008 2010 2011 2012 2013-2014 =. 2015 2016

Data through November 30, 2016.

Note: Average of Goldman Sachs Dynamic Equilibrium Exchange Rate, 5-year moving average,
and Fundamental Equilibrium Exchange Rate misalignments of currencies in the JP Morgan
Government Bond Index—Emerging Markets Global Diversified.

Source: Investment Strategy Group, Bloomberg, Datastream, Goldman Sachs Global Investment
Research, Peterson Institute for International Economics.

Exhibit 77: Estimated Duration of US Bond Market
The bond market's sensitivity to rising rates is the highest
on record.

Duration (Years)
Ts

9 4
1989 1994 1999 2004 2009 2014

Data through December 31, 2016.
Note: Based on the Barclays US Aggregate Bond Index.
Source: Investment Strategy Group, Bloomberg.

the same time, the recovery in commodity prices,
recent firming in global growth and potential for
expansionary fiscal policy are shifting the focus
from deflation to reflation.

This shift in perspective arrives at a time when
the market’s vulnerability to rising rates is the
highest on record (see Exhibit 77). Losses from
these long-duration positions in response to higher
rates could beget more bond sales, creating a
vicious cycle. That yields are still extremely low
by historical standards does little to assuage these
fears. Consider that 10-year government bond
yields in all G-7 countries have been higher at least
90% of the time since 1958. Given all the above,

For now, we remain tactically
positioned to benefit from further

renminbi weakness given our long-

standing concerns about China’s
economic vulnerabilities and the
likelihood of looser policy, policy
mistakes and capital outflows.

we believe the ascent of interest rates remains in
its infancy.

Still, it is important to differentiate between
a normalization of interest rates and a disorderly
backup. While we expect higher interest rates over
the coming years, secular headwinds—like aging
demographics and slower productivity growth—
suggest the terminal point of that increase will be
lower than the historical average. This fact is not
lost on the Federal Reserve, which has reduced
its estimate of the long-run equilibrium nominal
rate—the rate consistent with full employment and
stable inflation in the medium term—from 4.25%
to 3% over recent years.

With a lower interest rate target
to reach, the Federal Reserve is likely
to proceed slowly, particularly given
uncertainty around its estimate of the
economy’s equilibrium rate and lingering
international risks. Even if the Federal
Reserve were to raise rates three times in
2017, that pace would still be less than
half of the historical median tightening
pace.** Thus far in this cycle, the
Federal Reserve has raised rates only
once per year.

Against this backdrop, we recommend
investors favor credit over duration risk

Outlook | Investment Strategy Group 65

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014598
"
IMAGES-012-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032837.txt,"JEE

Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032837
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017297.txt,"4.2.12
WC: 191694

The Case I still can’t talk about: Chappaquiddick

There is one homicide case that I still can’t say very much about, even though all the principles
are dead and the case is more than 40 years old. I was one of the lawyers involved in the
Chappaquiddick case—the investigation of Senator Edward Kennedy for driving his car off a
bridge on the Island (or peninsula of) Chappaquiddick, resulting in the drowning death of Mary Jo
Kopechne.

1969 was an eventful summer. My family and I were on Fire Island anticipating watching a man
walk on the moon. I had no idea how much more exciting the summer would become.

I received a call from one of Senator Kennedy’s aides, telling me that the Senator had been
involved in a fatal automobile accident and asking me to make my way to Martha’s Vineyard—a
place I had never visited. I was asked to become part of the legal team being assembled in
anticipation of the upcoming criminal investigation. My job was to prepare a brief concerning the
rights of the young women (they were referred to as the “boiler room girls”, because they had
worked on Kennedy campaigns from an office that had once served as a boiler room) who had
been vacationing on Chappaquiddick along with Senator Kennedy and several of his friends. The
women who had shared a house with Mary Jo Kopeche were being subpoenaed to testify at an
“inquest” regarding the tragedy.

There was very little law on the rights of witnesses or potential defendants at this sort of hybrid
hearing which is neither a trial nor a grand jury proceeding. One important issue was whether or
when their testimony, which might require them to divulge personal matters, would be made
available to the media, which was seeking every possible tidbit of information—or gossip—about
the events surrounding the tragedy. I worked with my colleague, Professor Charles Fried, and we
produced a brief that succeeded in keeping the testimony of the women confidential during the
course of the criminal investigation.

I also consulted with the lawyers responsible for trying to prevent Senator Kennedy from being
charged with vehicular homicide or some other serious crime. We succeeded, and the Senator
ultimately pleaded guilty to a relatively minor offense.

I remained close to Senator Kennedy until his death, consulting with him on numerous projects
involving criminal law, constitutional law, judicial appointments, and human rights. Ken Feinberg,
who served as his chief-of-staff and in many other capacities, recently told me that before
anything involving these issues left his office, Senator Kennedy would tell his staff members,
“check it with Alan.” It was high honor and privilege to assist so great a senator on so many
occasions. The last time I was him was just months before his death when he invited me to sit
next to him for several innings during the opening game of the Red Sox season at Fenway Park on
April _, 2010.

210

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017297
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015686.txt,"xii Are the Androids Dreaming Yet?

decision was already made. As Daniel Dennett says, “You have no free
will. Get over it!” They say I am effectively an avatar in some giant cosmic
computer game, going about my business in an entirely predefined way. I
do not agree! If they are right all the coincidences and chance actions of
my life were fixed at the time of the Big Bang. I feel this must be wrong,
but finding a chink in the determinist armor is hard work; the laws of
physics as we know them today are almost exclusively deterministic.
This book lays out the options — the chinks — that would allow free will
to enter our Universe.

To understand human thinking we would really like to look inside
a working human brain. We can’t do this yet. All we can do is observe
minds at work when they communicate with one another. If our minds
think non-computationally — as I believe — we should be able to see them
struggle when they have to translate thoughts into symbolic form. The
more symbolic, the harder it will be. This is indeed what we observe: face-
to-face communication is easy, while formal written modes are much
harder. We will explore the difference between human and computer
communication as our first step in locating the weakness in the armor
of determinism.

What do I Believe?

As a scientist, I ought not to have beliefs. I should have theories and
working assumptions. But, as a human being, I must admit believing
certain things are true. Science does not forbid beliefs. It just requires
you to be prepared to have one overturned if a better one comes along.
Richard Feynman summed this up in a lecture he delivered at Cal Tech:
“If you want to discover a theorem,” he said, “first, you guess, then you
work out some effect predicted by the theorem. Finally, you see if the
effect happens in the real world. If it does, you have a good theory. If the
effect happens a little differently, you will need to look for a better theory.’
Here are some of my overturn-able beliefs.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015686
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016837.txt,"enough time and unlimited visual aids, a human could express a preference (or
indifference) when offered a choice between two future lives laid out before him or her in
all their aspects. (This idealization ignores the possibility that our minds are composed of
subsystems with incompatible preferences; if true, that would limit a machine’s ability to
optimally satisfy our preferences, but it doesn’t seem to prevent us from designing
machines that avoid catastrophic outcomes.) The formal problem F to be solved by the
machine in this case 1s to maximize human future-life preferences subject to its initial
uncertainty as to what they are. Furthermore, although the future-life preferences are
hidden variables, they’re grounded in a voluminous source of evidence—namely, all of
the human choices ever made. This formulation sidesteps Wiener’s problem: The
machine may learn more about human preferences as it goes along, of course, but it will
never achieve complete certainty.

A more precise definition is given by the framework of cooperative inverse-
reinforcement learning, or CIRL. A CIRL problem involves two agents, one human and
the other a robot. Because there are two agents, the problem is what economists call a
game. It is a game of partial information, because while the human knows the reward
function, the robot doesn’t—even though the robot’s job is to maximize it.

A simple example: Suppose that Harriet, the human, likes to collect paper
clips and staples and her reward function depends on how many of each she has. More
precisely, if she has p paper clips and s staples, her degree of happiness is Op + (1-0)s,
where @ is essentially an exchange rate between paper clips and staples. If @1is 1, she
likes only paper clips; if @ is 0, she likes only staples; if 0 is 0.5, she is indifferent
between them; and so on. It’s the job of Robby, the robot, to produce the paper clips and
staples. The point of the game is that Robby wants to make Harriet happy, but he doesn’t
know the value of @, so he isn’t sure how many of each to produce.

Here’s how the game works. Let the true value of 0 be 0.49—that is, Harriet
has a slight preference for staples over paper clips. And let’s assume that Robby has a
uniform prior belief about 6—that is, he believes @ is equally likely to be any value
between 0 and 1. Harriet now gets to do a small demonstration, producing either two
paper clips or two staples or one of each. After that, the robot can produce either ninety
paper clips, or ninety staples, or fifty of each. You might think that Harriet, who prefers
staples to paper clips, should produce two staples. But in that case, Robby’s rational
response would be to produce ninety staples (with a total value to Harriet of 45.9), which
is a less desirable outcome for Harriet than fifty of each (total value 50.0). The optimal
solution of this particular game is that Harriet produces one of each, so then Robby
makes fifty of each. Thus, the way the game is defined encourages Harriet to “teach”
Robby—as long as she knows that Robby is watching carefully.

Within the CIRL framework, one can formulate and solve the off-switch
problem—that is, the problem of how to prevent a robot from disabling its off-switch.
(Turing may rest easier.) A robot that’s uncertain about human preferences actually
benefits from being switched off, because it understands that the human will press the
off-switch to prevent the robot from doing something counter to those preferences. Thus
the robot is incentivized to preserve the off-switch, and this incentive derives directly
from its uncertainty about human preferences.’

The off-switch example suggests some templates for controllable-agent

T See Hadfield-Menell et al., “The Off-Switch Game,” https://arxiv.org/pdf/1611.08219. pdf.

34

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016837
"
IMAGES-012-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033297.txt,"From: Sultan Bin Sulayern

Sent: 6/2/2016 9:25:10 PM
To: Jeffrey Epstein [jeevacation@gmail.com]
Subject: Trump says he has foreign policy experience because he ran the Miss Universe pageant in Russia!!

Importance: — High
Donald Trump says he has foreign policy experience because he ran the Miss Universe pageant in Russia

Clinton attacks Trump's foreign policy as ‘dangerously incoherent’ 1 /27U.S. Democratic presidential candidate
Hillary Clinton lambasted Donald Trump's foreign policy platform as ""dangerously incoherent"" in a speech on
Thursday that cast her Republican rival as both a dangerous and laughable figure.

A former U.S. secretary of state, Clinton attacked Trump for his policies and his character, suggesting Trump
might start a nuclear war if elected to the White House simply because ""someone got under his very thin skin.""
""Donald Trump's ideas are not just different, they are dangerously incoherent,” she said to a room of supporters
in San Diego, California. ""They're not even really ideas, just a series of bizarre rants, personal feuds and
outright lies.”

© Mike Blake U.S. Democratic presidential candidate Hillary Clinton delivers a speech on national
security in San Diego, California, United States June 2, 2016.

Clinton, the front-runner in the race to become the Democratic presidential nominee, delivered her speech as
she seeks to shift her attention to the Nov. 8 election against likely rival Trump and away from Bernie Sanders,
a U.S. senator from Vermont, who is continuing his longshot bid for the nomination.

Trump, the Republicans’ presumptive nominee, has said he would sit down with North Korean leader Kim Jong
Un to try to stop Pyongyang's nuclear program and has criticized the decades-old NATO alliance with mainly
European nations as obsolete and too costly for the United States.

Clinton derided these and other positions, promising she would do a better job keeping the United States safe
and standing in front of a backdrop of 19 large U.S. flags, an unusual abundance even by the standards of
presidential campaign events.

Trump, a billionaire businessman who has never held elected office or worked in government before, says he
has experience dealing with foreign governments through setting up hotels, resorts, golf courses and beauty
pageants in foreign countries. Clinton, who is also a former U.S. senator and former first lady, mocked this.
""He says he has foreign policy experience because he ran the Miss Universe pageant in Russia,"" she said to loud
laughter.

Trump has talked tough on foreign policy. He has said he would bring back waterboarding and other brutal
interrogation techniques for terrorism suspects that are widely regarded as torture and were discontinued by
Democratic President Barack Obama.

He has also vowed to renegotiate trade deals, called for a temporary ban on Muslims entering the country, and
said he would ask members of the 28-nation NATO alliance to ""pay up” or ""get out.”

Trump has criticized Clinton for her handling of foreign policy during her 2009-2013 stint as foreign secretary,
including the Sept. 11, 2012, attack by Islamist militants on a U.S. diplomatic facility in Benghazi, Libya, that
killed the U.S. ambassador and three other Americans.

He cites Clinton's support for the Iraq war - launched by former Republican President George W. Bush - as
another example of her shortcomings.

Ata rally Wednesday night in Sacramento, California, Trump said he had seen a copy of Clinton's speech and
""it was such lies about my foreign policy.""

Sent from my iPhone
NOTE: This e-mail message is subject to the Dubai World Group disclaimer see http://Awww.dubaiworld.ae/email_ disclaimer

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033297
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030526.txt,"So he is not without humor, even though he doesn’t drink or smoke, and hates restaurants.

“Jeffrey knows a good deal about most subjects,” newspaper publisher Mort Zuckerman told me last week. He was certainly
preaching to the converted. The truth is, Epstein does know a lot about a lot of things. Just a few moments in his company and
you know this to be true.

When I saw pictures of Prince Andrew walking in Central Park with Jeffrey, my immediate thought was that “Andy’”—as Jeffrey
calls him—is probably asking for help with his role as British trade envoy, or whatever his strange title is. Because if one thing’s
for sure: When it comes to international business, Jeffrey knows what he’s talking about far more than “Andy” does. Which is
why Leon Black, Mort Zuckerman and a few other financiers hang out with him.

And Ghislaine?
Full disclosure: I like her. Most people in New York do. It’s almost impossible not to.

She is always the most interesting, the most vivacious, the most unusual person in any room. I’ve spent hours talking to her about
the third world at a bar until 2am. She is as passionate as she is knowledgeable. She is curious. She has spent weeks at the bottom
of the ocean, literally going deeper than anyone else. She has sent me a DVD of the fish there. Her rolodex would blow away
almost anyone else’s I can think of—probably even Rupert Murdochs’. She is very well-read and can talk about most things for
hours. She is passionate about Bill Clinton with whom she is close friends.

Yet, touchingly, when she had to give a speech at the 40th birthday party of her best friend, Ariadne Calvo-Platero, (known
fondly to her close friends as “the Tennis Goddess”) Ghislaine shook a little with nerves. When it comes down to things she
really cares about—and Ariadne is one of them—Ghislaine shows her vulnerability.

And that vulnerability is key to understanding her friendship with Jeffrey.

“He saved her,” Iremember a close friend of mine telling me. “When her father died, she was a wreck; inconsolable. And then
Jeffrey took her in. She’s never forgotten that—and never will.”

In many ways, the socially awkward Epstein with his big house, plane, island and ranch was the perfect replacement for her
father, the late Robert Maxwell, newspaper tycoon and criminal. Sure, Jeffrey had his sexual pecadillos, but then Ghislaine’s
father was not without his oddities. After all, it was he who died leaving a massive “black hole” he’d fraudulently created. To
Ghislaine, Jeffrey’s habits may not have seemed that strange.

In fact, she probably figured, rather like I have, after years of writing about he very rich, that most successful people in the end
either have some weird habit (the late Bruce Wasserstein had the weight issues, the girl issues, and moved countries to avoid
paying tax), or they break the law (Sam Waksal, Martha Stewart.) You don’t tend to get to the top by being the world’s most
balanced human being. Even the folksy Warren Buffett didn’t quite manage a normal life—whatever that is. He had a second
“wife” for many years whose existence he has been open about.

So what to make of the current fuss over Ghislaine? I haven’t spoken to her orto Jeffrey, but I suspect that her loyalty to friends
like Bill Clinton will keep her in good stead, in the end, she’|l be out and about as always. Look at Waksal and Stewart. No one
sees them and thinks: criminal. Au contraire. In this city, money makes up for all sorts of blemishes.

Os 2g 2s fe fs 2s 2c ois 2fe 2s fe fs fe ofc ois 2fe 2h 2fe os 2s 24s ois 2fe ois 2fe ois fe ofc ois 2fe ois fe fs fe 2c ois 2fe ois 2fe ois 2 2s ois 2fe ois 2fe os fe oie ois 2s ois 2fe of 2fe 2c ois 2 ok
The information contained in this communication is

confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may

constitute inside information, and 1s intended only for

the use of the addressee. It is the property of

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030526
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024383.txt,"to be arrested by some 600 instructors of a new course called
Introductory Police Brutality. These were from the lab notes

student took:

“We should do like they do in them foreign
countries—beat ‘em senseless first, then throw them in the

a""

bus.

There was a freshman co-ed at Berkeley who—long after
she had forgotten what some professor spouted during an
official lecture about Dostoevsky’ s Crime and
Punishment—would remember, with perhaps a twinge of
frightened pride, learning from a fellow demonstrator that if she
planned to go limp when the police arrested her, it would be an
act of practical feminine foresight to remove the earrings from

her pierced lobes in advance.

So, now in 2019, fighting over free speech has been
happening heavily at Berkeley campus again. Meanwhile, Trump

grabbed the pussy of the Statue of Liberty. Cava/ier, anyone?

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024383
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026826.txt,"Deutsche Asset
& Wealth Management

Eric D.K. Melby
Principal, The Scowcroft Group

A founding Principal of The Scowcroft Group, Eric D. K. Melby has extensive experience in telecommunications, energy and
investment support. He also advises clients on market entry and geopolitical risk. Dr. Melby’s primary regions of focus are the
Middle East and Asia.

Dr. Melby was a senior staff member on the National Security Council from 1987 to 1993, during which he participated in
bilateral and multilateral trade and economic negotiations, including the North American Free Trade Agreement, the Uruguay
Round, bilateral economic issues, international energy policy and export controls. He was also member of the U.S. ‘Sherpa’
team for the G7 Economic Summits during this period. Before serving on the NSC staff, Dr. Melby was a Special Assistant to
the Under Secretary of State for Economic Affairs, responsible for trade and energy issues. Previously, he worked at the
International Energy Agency in Paris. He has also served with the U.S. Agency for International Development and was a
Peace Corps Volunteer in the Philippines.

Dr. Melby received his BA from Haverford College and his MA and PhD from the Johns Hopkins University (SAIS). He is a
member of the Council on Foreign Relations, a Director of the Atlantic Council of the United States and of the International
Student House of Washington, D.C. He serves on the advisory councils of the European Institute and of SAIS Europe. He
also sits on the Chapter of the Washington National Cathedral.

Kevin G. Nealer
Principal, The Scowcroft Group

A Principal of The Scowcroft Group, Kevin G. Nealer provides strategic risk advisory services and direct investment support
to clients, specializing in financial services and trade policy issues for emerging markets, with emphasis on China and
Southeast Asia. Before joining The Scowcroft Group, Mr. Nealer advised multinational clients on investment issues, project
finance, and trade law/policy as a principal in the consulting affiliate of Washington's largest law firm, and as Vice President
for corporate affairs with a leading government strategies practice.

On October 1, 2014, President Obama appointed Mr. Nealer as a Member of the President’s Intelligence Advisory Board.
Following his confirmation by the United States Senate on December 14, 2010, Mr. Nealer had served on the Board of
Directors of the Overseas Private Investment Corporation, the development finance agency of the U.S. government, and as a
member of OPIC’s Audit and Governance Committees until the conclusion of his term in January, 2013. He is a member of
the international advisory boards of Ancora Capital Management Pte, Ltd., China Highland Fund, and the board of the
Australian American Leadership Dialogue. A trade attorney and former State Department officer, Mr. Nealer previously
served as trade policy advisor to the Senate Democratic Leadership.

A member of the Council on Foreign Relations, he is the author of numerous articles on political economy, including co-
authoring the Council's report Beginning the Journey: China, the United States, and the WTO. He is a consultant to the U.S.
government on trade and economic security issues. A Fulbright professor in the People’s Republic of China (1990 to 1991),
Mr. Nealer has served as a lecturer, program moderator, and adjunct professor of trade law and policy at the Georgetown
University McDonough School of Business.

Mr. Nealer received his JD from Case Western Reserve University, and serves on its International Visiting Committee. He
received his BA from the University of Michigan and is a member of the Advisory Board of the Michigan in Washington
Program.

“Deutsche Bank” means Deutsche Bank AG and its affiliated companies. Deutsche Asset & Wealth

Management represents the asset management and wealth management activities conducted by Deutsche

Bank AG or its subsidiaries. Banking and lending services are offered through Deutsche Bank Trust Company ™""
Americas, member FDIC, and other members of the Deutsche Bank Group. Brokerage services are offered

through Deutsche Bank Securities Inc., a broker-dealer and registered investment adviser, which conducts

investment banking and securities activities in the United States. Deutsche Bank Securities Inc. is a member

of FINRA, NYSE and SIPC. © 2015 Deutsche Bank AG. All rights reserved. 022527.112315 |

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026826
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031638.txt,"destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031638
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025966.txt,"please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025966
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019195.txt,"CHAPTER I8

05

h police officers execute a scandy
Laura Johnson, at Jeffrey Epsteins
Inside the house, an employee is
ey ask him, politely, to hang we
p the winding stairs to the homes

sutside and reads the warrant, out
ile another officer videotapes them.
zy says as he hands over the wat-
i, I will leave a list of what items

e- a
k that you don’t answer your tel
rsation

leman was having a conve

So I’m sure he’s trying to call and ;
will be told what was going oP as |

78

Firtuy Ricw

Inside the house, detectives see the pink-and-green couch
that Mary and other girls had described. They see photos of
naked young girls—in some cases, girls they’ve spoken to about
Epstein. They also find message pads on which are written first
names, dates, and numbers for the girls.

Sometimes there are notes to go with the names and num-
bers: “I have girls for him.” Or “I have 2 girls for him.”

These notes are signed by one Sarah Kellen.

Epstein’s house has a strangely antiseptic quality. Some of
the bedrooms look almost like doctors’ offices. In the bathroom
off Epstein’s bedroom, there’s a massage table as well as stands
holding strange machines, which looked like something youd
find in a dermatologist’s office.

In a wood-colored armoire beside Epstein’s bed, they see a
bottle of peach-flavored Joy Jelly. In the bathroom, there are
soaps shaped like penises and vaginas, bottles of Mango Mist,
more Joy Jelly, and boxes of tampons.

The officers find stacks of UFC videos and DVDs of Rock Star
and other B-list movies.

They also find receipts for books bought on Amazon, such as
SlaveCraft: Roadmaps for Erotic Servitude.

On the first floor, detectives are drawn to two secret cameras
hidden in clocks. On the computer hard drive, they see several
photographs of Wendy and other girls. These images appear to
come from the camera inside the clock behind Epstein’s desk.

The officers know where the cameras are because they helped

4 install them—in 2004, when Epstein complained that someone
""had stolen a gun and $2,700 from him. Detective Recarey had
_ investigated that case. But before he could arrest Epstein’s handy-
""Man, Juan Alessi, for the theft, Epstein contacted a captain in the

79

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019195
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032331.txt,"From: Darren Indyke

Sent: 11/4/2016 10:16:32 PM
To: Jeffrey Epstein [jeevacation@gmail.com]
Subject: Re: JE

Importance: — High
! Privileged - Redacted |

ae eee a rere |

DARREN K. INDYKE
DARREN K. INDYKE, PLLC

575 Lexington Avenue, 4th Floor
New York, New York 10022

BS DS IS IS DIS Ig OIC BIS DIS 2S ik DIC Ig 24S BIS DIS 2S 2k DIS Ik 24S BIC DIS 24S DiC DIC ik DIC BIS DIR 2S 2k DIC IC 24S IS DIS SIC DC DIS IC DIC BIC DIR SIC DIC DIC 2g 34S BIC DIC FIC DC DIC 2g 24S IC DIC SIC DC DIC IC 24S IC OIC 5S 24S DIC 2g 24S IC 24S SIC Df DIC 2g DIC Dk OIC BIC 24g OIC 2k OIC ik 2Ie 2s 2fe 2c 2
Bis fe 3s 2k 2S ig 2k is 2 2s 2 2k

The information contained in this communication is confidential, may be attorney-client
privileged, and is intended only for the use of the addressee. It is the property of

Darren K. Indyke, PLLC. Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this communication
or any part thereof is strictly prohibited and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by return e-mail, and destroy this
communication and all copies thereof, including all attachments.

Copyright of Darren K. Indyke, PLLC - © 2016 Darren K.

Indyke, PLLC — All rights reserved.

Be ee ee ee ee ee ee ee ee ee ee ee ee ee ee ee
Bis 2k 3S 2s 2S 2k 246 is 2Ik 2s 2s 2s 2k

On Nov 4, 2016, at 6:15 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:

a Forwarded message ----------

From: Miller, Micha (ii

Date: Fri, Nov 4, 2016 at 11:14 PM
Subject: JE

To: ""jeffrey E."" <jeevacation@gmail.com>
Ce: ""Weingarten, Reid""

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032331
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010669.txt,"Reference # |

OGE Form 278¢ (March 2014)
Instructions for Part 2

Note: This is a public form. Do not include account numbers, street addresses, or family member names. See instructions for required information.

9 809 NORTH CANON LLC

Owned by:

% Ownership
a

99

10 809 NORTH CANON MEMBER CORPORATION *(1)

Owned by:

Has ownership interest in :

11 81 Pine Note Holder Inc. *(3)

Owned by:

12 845 UN Limited Partnership

Owned by:

% Ownership
100

Entity Name
809 NORTH CANON LLC

% Ownership
100

% Ownership
60

40

13 Ace Entertainment Holdings Inc. *(3)

Owned by:

% Ownership
100

14 All County Building Supply & Maintenance Corp. *(3)

Owned by:

% Ownership
25

75

15 AVIATION PAYROLL COMPANY *(2)

Owned by:

% Ownership
100

16 B, Plaza Realty Corp. *(3)--DISSOLVED 11/10/16

Owned by:

% Ownershi,
100

17 Beach Haven Apartments #3 LLC *(3)

Owned by:

18 Beach Haven Apt #1, Inc. *(1)

Owned by:

Has ownership interest in:

20 Beach Haven Sho,

Owned by:

21 Bedford Hills Corp. *(1
Owned by:

Has ownership interest in :

22 TRUMP BRIARCLIFF MANOR DEVELOPMENT LLC *(2)

Owned by:

% Ownership
25

75
% Ownershi,
25

75
Entity Name

Starrett City Associates, L.P.

Spring Creek Plaza LLC

ing Center LLC *(3,

% Ownership
25

75

% Ownership
100

Entity Name
Seven Springs LLC

% Ownership
0.1

99.9

TRUMP PAYROLL CHICAGO LLC

100,00%

Name

809 NORTH CANON MEMBER
CORPORATION

DJT HOLDINGS LLC

Name
DJT HOLDINGS MANAGING MEMBER
LLC

Ownership
1.00%

Name
DJT Holdings LLC

Name
Trump 845 LP LLC
Trump 845 UN GP LLC

Name
DJT Holdings LLC

Name
DJT Holdings LLC
Trump Family Members

Name
DJT HOLDINGS MANAGING MEMBER
LLC

Name
Trump, Donald J.

Name
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust

Trump Family Members

Name
The Donald J, Trump Revocable Trust

Trump Family Members
Ownership

0.86%

0.86%

Name
DJT Holdings LLC
Trump Family Members

Name
DJT Holdings LLC

Ownership
0.10%

Name
BRIARCLIFF PROPERTIES, INC.
DJT HOLDINGS LLC

Managing Member

Title

Managing Member

Title
Partner
Member

Title
Member

Role

Managing Member

Member

Role
Shareholder

Role
Shareholder

Role
Partner
Partner

Role
Shareholder

Role
Shareholder
Shareholder

Role
Shareholder

Role
Shareholder

Role
Member
Member
Role
Shareholder

Shareholder

Role
Member
Member

Role
Shareholder

Role
Member
Member

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010669
"
TEXT-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032541.txt,"From: Robert Kuhn 
Sent: 5/9/2017 3:39:07 AM 
To: jeffrey E. [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Subject: Re: 
Importance: High 
Appreciate consideration. I'm next in NY June 7 (for about a week); love to brainstorm.... I too would really 
like to do something (important) together. 
Just arrived in Beijing for the ""The Belt and Road Forum for International Cooperation"" (commentating), the 
second most important event of 2017 in China (after the upcoming Party Congress), but Western media not 
paying much attention, what with All-Things-Trump. 
On May 8, 2017, at 7:03 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
hope things are well. . when are you back. . I would love to do something with you, but sleep is not going to 
be it. . I have read quite alot and frankly, the subject is fascinating but i see no real insights, just more 
questions and mostly the same ones that have been asked for years. . yes, its role in many processes are now 
becoming apparent. but I see no theories that can hold their own ( yet ). 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 032541 
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028720.txt,"strengthening some of the Jewish State's
sworn enemies.

The Gulf kingdom of Qatar has done more
than simply buy into the Rawabi paradigm:
It's also funding two-thirds of the project,
to the tune of over $600 million. This is
enough money to single-handedly finance
the Fatah-dominated Palestinian Authority
-- which is effectively broke, thanks to
penalties imposed by the Israeli and U.S.
governments after Mahmoud Abbas's
successful push for a U.N. General
Assembly vote on Palestinian U.N.
membership, and a freeze in financial aid
from Gulf State donors, most notably Saudi
Arabia -- for the better part of a year.

Instead, the Qataris have not only bypassed
the PA, but channeled money into a project
that seems to prove the PA's uselessness.
""It's like an island inside the traditional
infrastructure of the PA,"" says Jonathan
Schanzer, vice president of research at the
Foundation for Defense of Democracies
and author of a book on Palestinian internal
politics. ""It shows everyone what you can
do if you don't go through the PA. The PA
receives $600 million a year [in foreign
aid| and they have not done something like
this.""

Masri says that the leadership of the PA has
been fully supportive, but that Rawabi has
been hurt by the Palestinian government's
lack of capacity. ""We should not be

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028720
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011577.txt,"tower and the pipeline. But when we reached the site of the underground
communications cable, the mission literally ran into the ground. We dug for
more than two hours, but still hadn’t found the cable, and our mail-order metal
detector stubbornly refused to chirp out any sign of it.

Just when I’d decided to call the helicopter back in to get us, it finally
peeped a faint signal. I still wasn’t convinced, but as we manipulated it back and
forth, it got louder. Still, my instinct was to abort. We’d placed the explosives
on the electricity tower and the pipeline. That would at least divert attention
from our real mission, which meant we could return in a few months and have
another attempt. After all, the part of the operation that had been causing the
most concern in the Airya — our ability to get deep inside Egypt undetected —
had succeeded. We were nearly three hours behind schedule. Unless we worked
a lot more quickly than planned, by the time we installed the communications
intercept and covered our tracks, it would be daybreak.

Digli and several other sayeret officers were following the mission from
their command post in the Sinai, part of the intelligence base our military
engineers had built after the war into a 2,400-feet-high mountain called Gebel
Um-Hashiba, 20 miles back from the Suez Canal. When I radioed in to tell him
I’d decided to abandon the operation, I could hear the surprise in his voice, and
what seemed reluctance as well. “If that’s your judgement...” he said. But
before I could reply that, yes, I felt withdrawal was the wisest course, I heard
him speaking to someone whose voice I also recognized: Avsha Horan. He was
the soldier on guard duty in the command post for our first intercept operation
in the Sinai, the one who’d told me of how Rabin was chain-smoking and biting
his nails when it appeared we might be in trouble. Now, he was a sayeret
officer. Digli came back on the radio. “We can see more from here,” he said.
Then, pausing, he added: “Avsha says he thinks you can still do it.”

I had grown to respect Avsha’s judgement. And while Digli hadn’t explained
what “more” they saw from the command post, I assumed that, since they were
also following the other helicopter teams further south, they were concerned
that the Egyptians had figured out at least that Israeli units were involved. Both
he and I knew that it ultimately had to be my call. Whatever happened, I’d be
responsible. Yet I realized that discussing it further would change nothing, and
time was now what mattered most. “We’ll do it,” I told him, and signed off.

We’d planned for the cable work to take something like five hours, which I
knew we couldn’t afford. With all of us pitching in, sweat drenching our
“Egyptian” uniforms, we managed to finish in slightly less than four. But we

106
HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011577
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032325.txt,"From: Zubair Khan

Sent: 11/4/2016 1:07:21 PM
To: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com]
Subject: Re: Election Update

Importance: — High

Trump is definitely winning popular vote so far. According to our data winning chances of Trump are 52% in
Electoral college.

On Nov 4, 2016, at 5:46 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:

thats in the popular vote , not talking into account the elctoral college?

On Fri, Nov 4, 2016 at 1:43 PM, Zubair Khan EE otc:

Hi Jeffrey,
According to InsightsPod Trump is more popular. We processed 3 million tweets this week.
I have attached detailed report.

Regards,
Zubair

On Oct 9, 2016, at 4:06 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:
jeevacation
On Sat, Oct 8, 2016 at 11:20 PM, Zubair Khan wrote:
What is your Skype ID?
Thanks.

On Saturday, 8 October 2016, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:
yes

On Sat, Oct 8, 2016 at 7:07 AM, Zubair Khan [iS wrote:
Hi Jeffrey,

Are you available to talk today?

Regards,
Zubair

On Oct 6, 2016, at 11:24 AM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:

skyype good this weekend?

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032325
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019181.txt,"rERSON

t thing, okay? Now, you came
The question we have for you
ue cooperating with us and try
ist Jeff?

y going to help me in the long
itted to a second-degree felony,

What’s going to keep me out of
p me out of trouble. I’ve already

>

‘ith that....
ed myself. I can go two ways. I

which is going to put me at—
second-degree felony against me.
ith it and maybe get myself some

What would the odds be of you
2? Have you had any contact with

itact—

of’em....[ had a phone call about

dl told my parents. Look, | sweat
—like, no connection with him at
ch got my number changed. I have
jon with him. It stopped.

that’s good. That’s good that you ,

64

Fittuy Ricw

This is what we'd like to do: We would like to reach out to
some of your ex-friends and [unintelligible] talk to them.
Now, the question is, do we think that they are currently still
working for Jeff, in which case they would make a phone call
to Jeff? Or can we just kinda show up and, you know, have
you make a call as we're standing outside and say: “Hey, you
know, these guys wanna talk to you, and I've already told em
everything?” Our goal is to make a better case against Jeff, all
right?
’ RECAREY: With your cooperation.

FRICK: Let me, let me get back to—past—the cooperation
thing, okay? There are lesser charges that can easily be filed:
leading to the delinquency of a minor, as compared to a
second-degree felony. You know what I mean? That’s a mis-
demeanor.... First of all, I'll tell you straight up, okay, we're
not going to take you to jail today....

DOBBS: Not today.

FRICK: Well, you’re—And here’s the other thing: If you cooper-
ate and if we can—If you cooperate, whether we pull it off or

""4 not—that’s not up to you, that’s up to us, okay? So what we
would do is if we ended up charging you with like a misde-
meanor, we'd give you a call, we'd say: “Hey, you gotta come
in, you know.”

RECAREY: You sign it...

FRICK: That's our preference. You come in, you've been very

forthright with us, you've been very up front—

: RECAREY: Very truthful.

_ FRICK: Do you want us to call your parents, or do you want to
deal with it, or do you—As far as we're concerned youre an

65

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019181
"
TEXT-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032555.txt,"From: Robert Kuhn 
Sent: 7/22/2017 7:29:28 PM 
To: jeffrey E. [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Subject: Re: Kuhn 
Importance: High 
Great. When's good - Skype/FaceTime/phone? Time Zone? 
On Jul 22, 2017, at 1:46 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
we can skype or phone , ready when you are re breakthrough 
On Sat, Jul 22, 2017 at 1:25 PM, Robert Lawrence Kuhn]_____________________lwrote: 
Disappointed to miss in NY - I'm here until August —11 if your schedule changes. 
Timing for Breakthrough series? Appreciate for planning purposes. 
Latest China - 
Q&A on US-China, China risks - http://www.atimes.com/article/us-china-talks-no-trade-war-xi-trump-
bromance-cools/  
Beijing Meeting - http://www.scio.gov.cn/32618/Document/1558546/1558546.htm 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 032555 
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028734.txt,"would obliterate the record of adroit diplomacy of the last four years.
Obama understands very well -- even if many members of Congress do
not -- that even our worst adversaries have interests of their own, that
those interests feel as legitimate to them as ours do to us, and that we at
least have a chance of settling disputes with them if we can find the place
where our interests overlap. The time has come for him to apply that
wisdom to Iran.

James Traub is a fellow of the Center on International Cooperation.

Article 3.

The National

An uneasy courtship as Iran and Egypt test
the waters

Alan Philps

Feb 8, 2013 -- There is a consensus among commentators that the visit of
the Iranian president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, to Egypt - complete with
red carpet and kiss on both cheeks from President Mohammed Morsi -
does not amount to a breakthrough. The view of US think-tanks is that it
does not amount to very much at all, and certainly not worth getting
anxious about. Such a consensus is always dangerous, and it is worth
looking more closely at what it is based on.

Mr Ahmadinejad is the first Iranian leader to set foot in Cairo since the
deposed Shah of Iran was given refuge in Cairo, where he died and
received a state funeral. The two countries have not had diplomatic
relations since 1979.

The Iranian president's visit has deep historical significance, even if he
came as a guest of the Organisation of the Islamic Conference summit.
The picture of the two presidents embracing says to the world: Egypt is

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028734
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011563.txt,"Now that we were in a fight —the single fiercest battle in Israel’s advance
across the Sinai — Lieutenant-Colonel Eitan reacted swiftly. Standing tall amid the
shellfire and the flames, he radioed for supporting fire, only to be told that none of
our artillery batteries was within range. Realizing we couldn’t penetrate the
front armor of the Egyptian tanks, he ordered a platoon from the rear to leave
the road and fire on the Egyptians’ from their flank. When one T-55 was hit and
started to burn, he ordered the rest of us to collect the dead and wounded and
retreat toward Bir Gafgafa.

As we pulled back, we encountered a company of Centurion tanks from the
Seventh Brigade, sent in to relieve us. We pulled off the road to let them pass.
The battle ended up raging for another hour. By the time it was over, the
Egyptian tank unit was nearly destroyed. But almost two dozen of Eitan’s
reservists had been killed. A few days later, I learned that the commander of the
Centurions had also been killed. His name was Shamai Kaplan. Though I didn’t
know him personally, he was married to one of my kibbutz “sisters” from
Mishmar Hasharon.

The pace of the war, its intensity, and the transformative capture of territory
across our 1948 borders had accelerated dramatically since we’d joined the
reserve battalion’s ill-fated advance toward the canal. Back at Bir Gafgafa, we
learned that Israeli troops had broken through in fierce fighting with the
Jordanians and taken the whole of east Jerusalem, including the Old City and
the site of the remains of the ancient temple. The news sent a shiver down my
spine. I was still only 25, a kibbutznik raised on the assertively secular creed of
Gordinian Zionism. But I was old enough to remember the war of 1948, the
bitter struggle for the ancient city in which Judaism had been born, the packages
of food we had sent to try to help break the siege there, and the division of
Jerusalem at the end of the war, leaving us with only its newer, western half.
And while I may not have read the Torah in the same way as a religiously
observant Jew, the meaning of Jerusalem was no less powerful for me. It was
part of our people’s history, of who we were, where we’d come from and how
we had ended up in the place where I’d been born, where I’d grown up, and
which I’d spent the early part of my adult life defending. This was no less true
of the biblical sites of Judaea and Samaria — the West Bank of the Jordan river.

92
HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011563
"
IMAGES-012-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033283.txt,"From: Thomas Jr., Landon

Sent: 1/4/2016 9:05:31 PM
To: Jeffrey Epstein [jeevacation@gmail.com]
Subject: Connolly digging into Trump and you...

Importance: — High

Landon Thomas, Jr.
Financial Reporter
New York Times

http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/t/landon jr thomas/index.h
tml

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033283
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016823.txt,"methods he and others developed for the control of missiles, for example, were later put
to work in building the Saturn V moon rocket, one of the crowning engineering
achievements of the 20th century. In particular, Wiener’s applications of cybernetic
concepts to the brain and to computerized perception are the direct precursors of today’s
neural-network-based deep-learning circuits, and of artificial intelligence itself. But
current developments in these fields have diverged from his vision, and their future
development may well affect the human uses both of human beings and of machines.

What Wiener Got Wrong

It is exactly in the extension of the cybernetic idea to human beings that Wiener’s
conceptions missed their target. Setting aside his ruminations on language, law, and
human society for the moment, look at a humbler but potentially useful innovation that he
thought was imminent in 1950. Wiener notes that prosthetic limbs would be much more
effective if their wearers could communicate directly with their prosthetics by their own
neural signals, receiving information about pressure and position from the limb and
directing its subsequent motion. This turned out to be a much harder problem than
Wiener envisaged: Seventy years down the road, prosthetic limbs that incorporate neural
feedback are still in the very early stages. Wiener’s concept was an excellent one—it’s
just that the problem of interfacing neural signals with mechanical-electrical devices is
hard.

More significantly, Wiener (along with pretty much everyone else in 1950)
greatly underappreciated the potential of digital computation. As noted, Wiener’s
mathematical contributions were to the analysis of signals and noise and his analytic
methods apply to continuously varying, or analog, signals. Although he participated in
the wartime development of digital computation, he never foresaw the exponential
explosion of computing power brought on by the introduction and progressive
miniaturization of semiconductor circuits. This is hardly Wiener’s fault: The transistor
hadn’t been invented yet, and the vacuum-tube technology of the digital computers he
was familiar with was clunky, unreliable, and unscalable to ever larger devices. In an
appendix to the 1948 edition of Cybernetics, he anticipates chess-playing computers and
predicts that they’ll be able to look two or three moves ahead. He might have been
surprised to learn that within half a century a computer would beat the human world
champion at chess.

Technological Overestimation and the Existential Risks of the Singularity

When Wiener wrote his books, a significant example of technological overestimation was
about to occur. The 1950s saw the first efforts at developing artificial intelligence, by
researchers such as Herbert Simon, John McCarthy, and Marvin Minsky, who began to
program computers to perform simple tasks and to construct rudimentary robots. The
success of these initial efforts inspired Simon to declare that “machines will be capable,
within twenty years, of doing any work a man can do.” Such predictions turned out to be
spectacularly wrong. As they became more powerful, computers got better and better at
playing chess because they could systematically generate and evaluate a vast selection of
possible future moves. But the majority of predictions of AI, e.g., robotic maids, turned
out to be illusory. When Deep Blue beat Garry Kasparov at chess in 1997, the most

20

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016823
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024397.txt,"Similarly, the sense of control must be continuously maintained so the Control Factor operates constantly. In
turn, the sum of this active and continuous undertaking makes these perceptions all the more familiar and thus
seemingly all the more “real.” In one sense, the Control Factor is the mechanism of what Andy McCarthy
entitled one of his numerous excellent books- willful blindness. The Control Factor is cleverer than we are
aware; that is almost tautological as, if our minds are to create ways to keep us in denial, they must out
maneuver our conscious thinking.

Since World War II, America has had limited experience with threats coming to the homeland. Most of
America’s history has been about “over there,” where we have always known that if things got too out of hand
(e.g. Vietnam) we could always ret urn home. The current generations, for a wide array of reasons, have had
virtually no experience with a threat to this land. (The documentary, Generation Zero, is interesting on this
point).

Consequently, the process of waking up to such a threat parallels the arc of a typical horror film. In such a film,
there is typically a cast of characters surrounding one or two main characters. We in the audience know there is
a threat coming — be it a monster, a virus, a psycho killer, an alien, the blob that ate Cincinnati etc. This threat
is typically defined by its intent- the singular goal of destroying the characters. Much of the initial exposition
shows how the characters first are oblivious to the destruction the threat brings about, then explain it in
familiar terms only to finally open their eyes to see that something uniquely terrifying is happening. The next
stage usually involves a series of failed attempts to deal with the threat- fr om trying to negotiate with it, to
appease it, to coax it, to threaten it with ineffective weapons and so forth. Most of these failings are due to not
adequately appreciating the threat for what it truly is and projecting onto it a host of other attributes instead.
The final stage generally involves a back-up-against-the-wall decision by whichever characters remain alive. I
named this the “turnaround moment” when the character becomes willing to be as ruthless as the threat. That
change in mental state is necessary to ensure survival. Ultimately, the storyline is a race for whichever
characters remain to wake up fully and use whatever advantages they may still have to beat the threat.

This is the same arc our minds go through in battling our own Control Factors, our own compulsions to deny
that which is staring us in the face. Ultimately, the question is whether we will be able to wake up while we
still have advantages and give ourselves permis sion to fully fight the battle we are in.

I said ear lier that there is a structure to the Control Factor. To oversimplify, I view it much as a pyramid where
on the bottom are the many minute by minute thoughts that are manipulated. I call this level of maneuvers the
many ”D’s” as they include the psychological defenses such as distortion, denial, demonization, deflection,
deletion, detachment, delusion, displacement, discolorization and so forth. Layered upon these are moves such
as projection, where we can assign to our Islamic Enemy traits we wish to see in them or introject traits from
them into ourselves that we wish not to acknowledge. These maneuvers involve a mixing of identities where
we actually lose clarity about who we are and who the enemy is. Projection and introjection are active almost
across the board. It is always helpful, for instance, to ask how what the enemy accuses us of is more
appropriately descriptive of it. When we add Western Guilt and Shame, our need to be liked, and o ther
psychological dimensions, basic thoughts solidify into larger fantasies.

As these narratives (“Our courts will never allow that,” “As a superpower we will always be able to win any
fight we put our minds to,” “Assimilation will ensure Muslims are westernized” ...) gain consent from others
they tend to guide us deeply and become infused on our policies. Ultimately, what emerges is a relationship we
take with our Islamic Enemy that parallels that between an addict and an enabler. Emblematic of this
relationship is the “transfer of responsibility” in which we assume responsibility for the enemy’s behavior who
is addicted to transferring it away from itself. The Control Factor actively maintains this relationship and
makes changing that relationship as difficult a chore as any addict finds in breaking his addiction. And just as
an addict needs to devote serious effort and con sciousness to his addiction, so must we devote great energy to
unders tanding how the Control Factor ultimately sabotages us.

FP: Describe the threat we face in our Islamic enemy. And you talk about the three levels of jihad against us.
What are they?

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024397
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026832.txt,"The PATH Act includes certain revenue raising provisions to offset, in part, the tax revenue loss
anticipated to result of the above-described tax reform provisions of the Act. Such revenue raisers

include (among other technical changes) the following provisions:

A. Increase in FIRPTA Withholding Rate. The purchaser of a U.S. real property interest from a non-
U.S. person was previously required to withhold 10 percent of the purchase price under FIRPTA. The
PATH Act increases this rate to 15 percent for dispositions occurring after the 60th day following
enactment, but maintains the 10 percent rate for sales of residential property for between $300,000
and $1,000,000. This provision is not a tax increase but is designed to ensure that FIRPTA withholding

collects a sufficient portion of the taxes owed.

B. Restriction on REIT Spin-offs. In recent years, it has become increasingly common for large
corporate taxpayers to reduce their tax bills by contributing real estate used in their businesses to a
subsidiary, spinning off the subsidiary in a tax free transaction under Code section 355, and then
having the spun-out corporation making a REIT election. The PATH Act curtails such activity by (i)
providing that neither the distributing corporation nor the spun-out corporation can make a REIT
election for ten years after that corporation was involved in a Section 355 transaction and (ii) denying
tax-free treatment to spin-offs in which the distributing corporation or soun-out corporation (but not

both) is a REIT.

5. CONCLUSION

The revisions to the FIRPTA and REIT rules discussed above represent a potentially large expansion of
the incentives for foreign investment in U.S. real property interests, especially for foreign pension
funds. Sponsors of U.S. real property investment funds and foreign investors with interests in U.S. real
estate assets should review the new provisions to determine whether such persons could benefit from

such U.S. tax law changes.

Sadis & Goldberg LLP

Please feel free to discuss any aspect of this A/ert with your regular Sadis & Goldberg contact or with

any of the partners, whose names and contact information are provided below.

Alex Gelinas, 212.573.8159, agelinas@sglawyers.com

Daniel G. Viola, 212.573.8038, dviola@sglawyers.com
Danielle Epstein-Day, 212.573.8416, depstein@sglawyers.com

Douglas Hirsch, 212.573.6670, dhirsch@sglawyers.com
Erika Winkler, 212.573.8022, ewinkler@sglawyers.com
Jamie Kim, 212.573.8034, jkim@sglawyers.com

Jeffrey Goldberg, 212.573.6666, jgoldberg@sglawyers.com
Jennifer Rossan, 212.573.8783, jrossan@sglawyers.com

John Araneo, 212.573.8158, jaraneo@sglawyers.com
Lance Friedler, 212.573.8030, lfriedler@sglawyers.com

Mitchell Taras, 212.5738417, mtaras@sglawyers.com

Paul Fasciano, 212.573.8025, pfasciano@sglawyers.com
Ron S. Geffner, 212.573.6660, rgeffner@sglawyers.com
Sam Lieberman, 212.573.8164, slieberman@sglawyers.com
Steven Etkind, 212.573.8412, setkind@sglawyers.com

Steven Huttler, 212.573.8424, shuttler@sglawyers.com
Yehuda Braunstein, 212.573.8029, ybraunstein@sglawyers.com

Yelena Maltser, 212.573.8429, ymaltser@sglawyers.com

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026832
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025291.txt,"From: 
Sent: 
To: 
Subject: 
Attachments: 
Darren Indyke 
1/14/2015 11:56:48 PM 
Jeffrey Epstein [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Bill Clinton identified in lawsuit against pedophile Jeffrey Epstein I Daily Mail Online 
WebPage.pdf; Untitled attachment 272048.htm 
Importance: High 
Privileged - Redacted 
DARREN K. INDYKE 
DARREN K. INDYKE, PLLC 
575 Lexington Avenue, 4th Floor 
New York, New York 10022 
Telephone: 
Telecopier: 
Mobile 
email: 
******************************************************************************** 
************** 
The information contained in this communication is confidential, may be attorney-client 
privileged, and is intended only for the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
Darren K. Indyke, PLLC. Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this communication 
or any part thereof is strictly prohibited and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by return e-mail, and destroy this 
communication and all copies thereof, including all attachments. 
Copyright of Darren K. Indyke, PLLC - 0 2014 Darren K. 
Indyke, PLLC — All rights reserved. 
****************************************************************************************** 
***** 
http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-2584309/Bill-Clinton-identified-lawsuit-against-former-friend-
pedophile-Jeffrey-Epstein-regular-orgies-Caribbean-compound-former-president-visited-multiple-times.html 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 025291 
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025972.txt,"communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025972
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027292.txt,"GUID: 56578F3B-16E8-45C5-945E-A9AEC47949BC

Message: F2f

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 06/15/18 07:53:18 AM (550767198)
Flags: 1150981

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 486AED77-40EF-4B85-9A56-4AEDF59123C3

Message: U around Sunday?

Sender: iy

Time: 06/15/18 07:54:30 AM (550767270)
Flags: 1126401

Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: F67E7B56-2179-4A31-B862-FE95348045C6

=

Message: Doing ABC Sunday morning LIVE for entire hour

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 06/15/18 07:54:53 AM (550767293)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 33EE30A2-E71B-4931-997C-OB548B73E817

Message: Ny or de

Sender: Pe

Time: 06/15/18 07:56:08 AM (550767368)
Flags: 1060865
Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 1EOEA143-41EF-4D9D-9308-AA451C573CD7

Message: DC

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 06/15/18 08:50:58 AM (550770658)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 237DAEEF-D65E-4C0OD-845E-53661722543A

Message: 4ucker ?

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027292
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017283.txt,"4.2.12
WC: 191694

By the time the victims' bodies were exhumed, a woman named Helena Stoeckley had told police
and others that she and three friends had been in the MacDonald house on the night of the
murders and that her friends had committed the crimes. Though Stoeckley's word alone may not
have been worth very much—she was known to be a drug addict—she provided some details,
which tended to corroborate her story and the story Jeffrey MacDonald had told the police.

For example, she described a broken rocking horse like one found in Kristen's bedroom. At the
time of the crime, she had owned a floppy hat, black clothing, boots, and a long blonde wig, all of
which corresponded with MacDonald's description. And a woman fitting that description had
been seen by a military policeman near the MacDonald home shortly after the crime.

But the single hair in Colette's hand turned out to have come from her own head. The government
investigators reported that they had found no other physical evidence—no hairs, no fibers, no
skin, no blood—that could not be traced to the inhabitants of the MacDonald house.

The prosecution could therefore argue to the jury that Jeffrey MacDonald was lying - - because if
there had been intruders, they surely would have left some evidence behind: The absence of such
evidence was evidence of the absence of intruders.

Moreover, at the trial Helena Stoeckley claimed to have amnesia as to her whereabouts on the
night of the murders. The defense was surprised by Stoeckley’s sudden inability to remember
what she had previously described in such detail, but they could not effectively challenge her claim
of amnesia, because they had no basis for suggesting that she had been pressured to forget what
she actually remembered having done—namely participating in the murder of the MacDonald
family.

Now, however, in a shocking turn of events, Jeffrey MacDonald's legal team has discovered that,
before the trial, the government had in its possession handwritten lab notes indicating that
investigators had discovered long, blonde wig hairs at the scene of the crime that did not match
anything in the MacDonald household. This evidence was already in the government's secret files
before the graves of the victims were disturbed.

Nor was this all the prosecution had in its secret files. The handwritten lab notes confirmed the
presence of black wool fibers on the murder weapon used against Colette, and around her mouth.
These fibers did not match any clothing belonging to Jeffrey MacDonald or to anyone else in the
MacDonald household. (Helena Stoeckley, however, had said she often wore black clothing.)

In addition, in the bedclothes of each victim—Colette, Kimberly, and Kristen—the government
experts found other unmatched human hairs, which did not belong to any of the victims, or to
Jeffrey MacDonald. But these hairs were never tested against Stoeckley or any members of her

group.
These lab notes were powerful evidence that an intruder wearing a long, blonde wig and black
wool clothing was at the murder scene on the night of February 17, 1970. But Jeffrey

MacDonald's lawyers were not aware of the notes' contents. Had they been, the entire trial would
undoubtedly have unfolded differently.

196

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017283
"
IMAGES-012-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032823.txt,"The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of

JEE

Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note

The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of

JEE

Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note

The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of

JEE

Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032823
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015692.txt,"2 Are the Androids Dreaming Yet?

sure you will. This is intimation. Finally, some inspiration or
insight will pop into your head — this is the Eureka moment.
Now you have a solution but intuitive thinking is far from
infallible. You will need to check the solution and may find
your answer wrong the first few times. Persevere; you will
get there in the end.

As a warm-up exercise, let me give you a simple childhood riddle
to solve.

A man lives on the twentieth floor of a skyscraper with an
old elevator. Each morning he gets into the elevator and
goes down to the ground floor, but each evening he gets
into the elevator, travels up to the tenth floor, gets out, and
walks the rest of the way. Why?

ANSWER IN YOUR OWN TIME

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015692
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020066.txt,"This was Bannon’s fundamental insight about Trump: he made everything personal,
and he was helpless not to.

OOK Ok

Dissuaded by everyone from focusing his anger on Mueller (at least for now), the
president focused on Sessions.

Sessions—“Beauregard”—was a close Bannon ally, and in May and June the
president’s almost daily digs against the attorney general—beyond even his loyalty and
resolve, Trump issued scathing criticism of his stature, voice, and dress—provided a
sudden bit of good news for the anti-Bannon side of the house. Bannon, they reasoned,
couldn’t really be on top if his key proxy was now being blamed for everything bad in
Trump’s life. As always, Trump’s regard or scorn was infectious. If you were in favor,
then whatever and whomever he associated with you was also in favor. If you weren’t,
then everything associated with you was poisonous.

The brutality of Trump’s dissatisfaction kept increasing. A small man with a Mr.
Magoo stature and an old-fashioned Southern accent, Sessions was bitterly mocked by the
president, who drew a corrosive portrait of physical and mental weakness. Insult trauma
radiated out of the Oval Office. You could hear it when passing by.

Bannon’s efforts to talk the president down—reminding Trump of the difficulties they
would encounter during another attorney general confirmation, the importance of Sessions
to the hard conservative base, the loyalty that Sessions had shown during the Trump
campaign—backfired. To the anti-Bannon side’s satisfaction, they resulted in another
round of Trump’s dissing Bannon.

The attack on Sessions now became, at least in the president’s mind, the opening salvo
in an active effort to replace Sessions as attorney general. But there were only two
candidates to run the Justice Department from whom Trump believed he could extract
absolute loyalty, Chris Christie and Rudy Giuliani. He believed they would both perform
kamikaze acts for him—yjust as everyone else knew they would almost certainly never be
confirmed.

OOK Ok

As James Comey’s testimony before the Senate Intelligence Committee approached—it
would take place on June 8, twelve days after the presidential traveling party returned
home from the long trip to the Middle East and Europe—there began among senior
staffers an almost open inquiry into Trump’s motives and state of mind.

This seemed spurred by an obvious question: Why hadn’t he fired Comey during his
first days of office, when it would likely have been seen as a natural changing of the guard
with no clear connection to the Russian investigation? There were many equivocal
answers: general disorganization, the fast pace of events, and a genuine sense of innocence

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020066
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011205.txt,"RecordingLi | https://t.co/r1C5Z5goAd 23 Jun 2016, | the 0 | NA
ght 08:04 - CEST | sound
booth
AdNewspap | RT @News_In_Essex: EU referendum 2016 live: Essex | 23 Jun 2016, | United 1 | negative
ers voters head to polling stations to...: After months of 08:04 - CEST | Kingdo
campaignin... https://t.co/r26IcvMae€ | m
PRI ‘Brexit' supporters are appealing to the UK's curry 23 Jun 2016, 0 | positive
lovers to win Thursday's referendum. 08:04 - CEST
https://t.co/ctgDV4H4rA https://t.co/vtE41sbHwz
Maxete26 RT @JuanLabordah: https://t.co/kcfkPGsARD CaAdas 23 Jun 2016, 3 | negative
mercados financieros A2Itimas semanas no sA?lo 08:04 - CEST
Brexit: mercados sobrevalorados, inflados pora€ |
mattiewietz | We doen even een #Brexit! Tot 09.00 uur geen Adele, | 23 Jun 2016, | Nederla O | neutral
e One Direction, Ed Sheeran, Ellie Goulding, Coldplay, 08:04-CEST | nd
Jessie J... https://t.co/YKquSZSXG4
blvlaw Brexiteer films himself ‘illegally’ crossing Channel with | 23 Jun 2016, | West 0 | negative
migrants 08:04 - CEST | Midland
https://t.co/J9kDhK1Qjl s/Worce
stershir
e
AliLeonard #UK friends .... #Brexit or Bremain ? The financial folk | 23 Jun 2016, | NZ 0 | negative
Mc say no ! What do you say & why ? 08:04 - CEST
sundaybusin | #Brexit: Today voters have a chance to reject the most | 23 Jun 2016, | Dublin 0 | negative
ess heinous campaign ever run in Britain, writes 08:04 - CEST | city,
@susanokeeffe https://t.co/QZE86ifeO9 Ireland
dft Column @martinvisser 'Grootschalige Britse chantage | 23 Jun 2016, O | negative
van bevolking Europa. Laat ze vertrekken' 08:04 - CEST
https://t.co/EoWjflbnAq #Brexit
up_tanja #brexitAnAnnestyspAxivAn. Olin viime viikolla 23 Jun 2016, | Helsinki 0 | negative
Lontoossa ja aihe alkoi kiinnostaa, koska se tunki 08:04 - CEST
kaikkialta. Toivon, etteivAxt irtaudu.
Binnsy_46 RT @1u4m4: 80% of Americans believe Britain & the 23 Jun 2016, | Lincolns 48 | positive
world would have a better future with BREXIT 08:04 - CEST | hire,
England
https://t.co/u4Nwng5xts https://t.co/jbzl7ea€ |
mr_andrey6 | RT @lentaruofficial: DYD%NEDLDNf Brexit 23 Jun 2016, 6 | negative
3 NEDéD ’NADUN, NED2SP%DYD%D/D DEN 08:22 - CEST
DuD’D DYDD! DeD?NEDZDENK:
https://t.co/E672hk3qcxX https://t.co/BsFLM7M9sC
charlotte10 | RT @LisaHenegauwen: #EU laws strip Britain of its 23 Jun 2016, 6 | positive
1987 Magna Carta rights, don't let EUrulers take liberties 08:22 - CEST
with history
#voteleave #brexit hta€ |
VonOberg #Brexit 23 Jun 2016, | Soest, 0 | negative
Himmel, Arsch und Zwirn! Ich fAxnde es sehr schade 08:22 - CEST | Deutsch
wenn sie austreten, aber wenn sind sie selbst schuld! land
edwatkinso | RT @britishbullybee: Demolished: The four big lies 23 Jun 2016, 15 | negative
n told by the Remain campaign https://t.co/ihNroJSkmy | 08:22 - CEST

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011205
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013872.txt,"breakdown of her pets, measurements, and favorite foods (e.g., swordfish). If all Bangalorians are like
Honey, I pity Americans about to graduate college. They’re up against a hungry, polite, Excel-proficient
Indian army.

IN FACT, in the next few days, I outsource a whole mess of online errands to Asha (from the personal
service YMII): paying my bills, getting stuff from drugstore.com, finding my son a Tickle Me Elmo.
(Actually, the store was out of Tickle Me Elmos, so Asha bought a Chicken Dance Elmo—good
decision.) I had her call Cingular to ask about my cell-phone plan. I’m just guessing, but I bet her call
was routed from Bangalore to New Jersey and then back to a Cingular employee in Bangalore, which
makes me happy for some reason.

IT’S THE fourth morning of my new, farmed-out life, and when I flip on my computer, my e-mail
inbox is already filled with updates from my overseas aides. It’s a strange feeling having people work for
you while you sleep. Strange, but great. ’'m not wasting time while I drool on my pillow; things are
getting done.

HONEY IS my protector. Consider this: For some reason, the Colorado Tourism Board e-mails me all
the time. (Most recently, they informed me about a festival in Colorado Springs featuring the world’s
most famous harlequin.) I request that Honey gently ask them to stop with the press releases. Here’s what
she sent:

Dear All,

Jacobs often receives mails from Colorado news, too often. They are definitely interesting topics.
However, these topics are not suitable for “Esquire.”

Further, we do understand that you have taken a lot of initiatives working on these articles and
sending it to us. We understand. Unfortunately, these articles and mails are too time consuming to be
read.

Currently, these mails are not serving right purpose for both of us. Thus, we request to stop sending
these mails.

We do not mean to demean your research work by this.
We hope you understand too.
Thanking you,
Honey K B

That is the best rejection notice in journalism history. It’s exceedingly polite, but there’s a little

undercurrent of indignation. Honey seems almost outraged that Colorado would waste the valuable time
of Jacobs.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013872
"
TEXT-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032233.txt,"From: Kathy Ruemmler 
Sent: 1/21/2016 2:42:21 AM 
To: jeffrey E. [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Subject: Re: Meet? 
Importance: High 
Privileged - Redacted 
Sent from my iPhone 
On Jan 20, 2016, at 8:43 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
Privileged - Redacted 
----------Forwarded message 
From: Martin G. Weinberg 
Date: Wed, Jan 20, 2016 at 7:18 PM 
Subject: Fw: Meet? 
To: jeevacation@gmail.com, 
From: Mosk, Matthew  
Sent: Wednesday, January 20, 2016 6:08 PM 
To: 
Subject: Meet? 
Mr. Weinberg — 
I am a reporter with the ABC News investigative unit. We are gathering background research on the major 
candidates for President. 
Seeing that both former President Clinton and Mr. Trump have been mentioned in connection to the Jeffrey 
Epstein case, I am interested in better understanding the case, it's current status, and any information that 
could help explain Mr. Epstein's dealings and interactions with both men. 
I would very much appreciate the chance to meet and discuss this subject in an off the record conversation at 
your earliest convenience. 
Please let me know if that would be possible, and if so, when and where we could meet. 
Many thanks, 
Matthew 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 032233 
Matthew Mask 
Producer, ABC News 
Work: 
Mobil= 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 032234 
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032443.txt,"From: Robert Kuhn

Sent: 1/22/2017 7:33:34 PM
To: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com]
Subject: Kuhn

Importance: — High
Just got to New York - love to meet, brainstorm.

From Washington, my inauguration-day commentary and conversation with Chinese experts on Sino-US
relations under Trump - https://youtu.be/OGdulpmeVNM?list=PLt-M801W_GdSZbSuplmsSS5JZzlhIWpGb

Earlier interview on BBC “What Chinese think of Trump” - two minute excerpt
- http://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/p04m9jj4

Looking forward, Robert

On Jan 11, 2017, at 2:51 AM, Robert L. Kuhn iii otc:

Dear Jeffrey:

Attached, as promised, is our proposal for Closer To Truth to produce the definitive television series on “The
Science of Sleep and Dreams” - 13 episodes, a full season, on ~200 PBS stations, plus extensive web videos.
Contemporary advances in sleep/dream research makes timing propitious.

Three documents:

1) Proposal (12 pages)

2) Budget (line item)

3) Schedule (weekly)

Please confirm receipt.

I’ll be in New York from January 19 until about February 8. Love to meet - on Sleep/Dreams and all sorts of
fun stuff to cheer our 2017.

Robert
<Closer To Truth - The Science of Sleep & Dreams — CTT TV Episodes & Web Videos - Jeffrey Epstein VI

Foundation - 1.10.17.docx><Closer To Truth - The Science of Sleep & Dreams - Series Budget -
1.10.17.xls><Closer To Truth - Sleep and Dreams - Series Schedule-Timeline - 1.9.17.xlsx>

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032443
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030844.txt,"﻿From: us.gio@jpmorgan.com
To: Undisclosed recipients:; 
Subject: The J.P. Morgan View: Local forces are dominating
Sent: 3/29/2013 8:48:11 PM
Attachments: JPM_The J.P. Morgan View_2013-03-28_1084792.pdf

 



Global Asset Allocation 

________________________________

The J.P. Morgan View: Local forces are dominating

 

 <http://emaillink.jpmorgan.com/t/AQ/AAIZ7w/AAQyCQ/O-f0Qw/EO8/Okw/AQ/tF4Q> 

 

 

*   Asset allocation –– Local risks and opportunities trump global forces in driving investment opportunities. Cross-market correlations to remain much lower than in recent years. 

*   Economics –– US activity data are coming in better than hoped, but we need another 1-2 months to see how consumers are responding to higher taxes.    

*   Fixed Income –– Search for carry to trump Euro area jitters over time.

*   Equities –– Japan remains our main country overweight.  

*   Credit –– We OW covered bonds in the Euro periphery over senior bank bonds and subordinated vs senior bank bonds in the core.

*   Currencies –– Cyprus to have minimal further impact on EUR, but a ECB rate cut would push it a few cents lower versus the dollar.

*   Commodities –– Stay long Brent and short gasoline. 

 

*   US stocks continue to gain, with the benchmark S&P500 breaching its all time high level today in a gentle fashion. Bonds are generally up this week on dovish comments from both the Fed and the BoJ. Commodities have gained also, but credit remains the troubled asset class with spreads wider in most markets, especially in EM external debt. 

*   Our overall investment theme remains that there is no overarching global investment theme anymore this year but instead a number of unrelated local forces that have largely local impact. The generalized asset reflation we saw last year, with risk premia coming down consistently across the globe and asset classes, was due to a gradual fading of tail risks that has since been largely completed. “Risk-on, risk- off is so last year”. 

*   In addition, we are seeing no momentum either way in global growth, price or earnings expectations that could put us into a bullish or bearish growth story. Our 2.4% projection for 2013 world economic growth is unchanged since November. YTD activity data for the world are tracking our 2.6% forecast for Q1, comfortably up from the dismal 1.6% in Q4 of last year. Amidst offsetting up- and downside surprises in the US and Japan versus Europe, there has been no reason yet to raise the growth profile for the year as a whole. We hope, but need evidence first.

*   Without a global growth or fading-of-tail-risks force, we are left with a set of local issues and opportunities that are having a local impact, at the regional, asset class and company level, that should leave the rest of the world largely unmoved. In this environment, correlations across regions and risk markets should remain significantly lower than in past years. Various markets may seem to behave “inconsistently” with others, but we caution against expecting simple mean reversion, given our view of the reduced impact of global factors. Active investors should pay more attention to local fundamentals while long-term investors can expect to achieve greater gains from cross-market and international diversification.

 

*   Local issues must be monitored and understood, though, to decide how to allocate capital and risk. Just to review a few, Japanese policy makers continue to present a concerted plan to reflate their economy through monetary, fiscal and structural measures. The strong control of the government and its high approval rating are steadily raising the chance of success. We stay overweight Japanese equities and grow wary of the short yen trade, as capital inflows and rising growth expectations (chart of right) are ultimately bullish for the currency. Watch next week’s BoJ meeting, led by newly appointed Governor Kuroda, for new reflationary measures.  

*   The Euro area economy remains in recession, while policy makers are making little effort to reverse the contraction. We monitor signs of any large deposit flight post Cyprus over coming weeks and months to judge whether the bailout may actually be worsening conditions in the Euro. Economic forecast momentum remains negative (chart of right). These are good reasons to underweight the Euro area, if not all of Europe, across asset classes, against the rest of the world. 

*   The US, in contrast, is seeing better spending from both corporates and consumers than we could have expected post Fiscal Cliff and sequestration. But given the huge amount of fiscal drag, which is a fact, we want to see another 1-2 months of data before extrapolating the good news. It did support US equities in recent weeks, which continue to benefit from US corporates issuing debt to buy their own shares and others', through M&A. This corporate rotation from debt to equities is almost exclusively a US flow, which helps explain US equity outperformance. 

*   Across risk assets, we are similarly seeing huge delinking, with equities rallying greatly and commodities and credit seeing no gains (chart p. 1), very much unlike last year. Commodities are delinking as there are no growth upgrades in EM, and inflation concerns are concentrated on two countries, UK and Japan. Credit is delinking as most investors are massively overweight credit versus equities, as evidenced by the disparity in buying flows in 2011-12. Relevering by US corporate and the Fed debating the end of QE are signaling that the 3-decade long rally in bonds is likely over. Investors are starting to dollar-average away from bonds to equities. 


Fixed Income


*   Bonds rallied again, except for Euro area peripherals, the source of this week’s market concerns. The imposition of capital controls on Cypriot deposits is to be sure a watershed moment, but for now not one we expect to spark significant deposit withdrawals elsewhere. Meanwhile, the most likely outcome to the Italian impasse appears to be new elections in the autumn. With seemingly little prospect of a material rise in yields on the safest assets, we think the search for carry evident across the full gamut of asset markets will see peripheral spreads narrow over time. 

*   Ten-year JGB yields have rallied to within a few bps of their all-time low, ahead of next week’s inaugural meeting for the new BoJ leadership. We do indeed expect aggressive easing, with JGB purchases out to 30 years, but think this will be trumped by profit taking in JGBs after the fiscal year end. 

*   Our latest Inflation Expectations Survey (F. Diamond, K. Gupta) was out yesterday. One interesting result is that almost 90% of respondents believe the BoJ has less than a 50/50 shot of hitting its 2% inflation target in two years, a reflection of the formidable challenge of sparking inflation expectations after two decades of falling prices. 


Equities


*   The global rally in equity markets slowed this week, but did not reverse, on continued concerns about the fallout from a poorly executed Cyprus solution. The Euro area underperformed again, for a second week in a row.  As discussed last week, we view Cyprus as a local problem that we address by underweighting Euro area equities in a global portfolio. A potential negative feedback loop from markets to the economy poses a serious downside risk for Euro area growth over coming months prolonging the current run of negative economic surprises from the region.

*   Japan is the region we like the most. In our mind the Japanese equity trade has further legs not only due to prospective BoJ balance sheet expansion but more importantly due to a reform agenda to be unveiled into the summer.  

*   EM equities are suffering from renewed policy tightening in major EM economies such as Brazil and China. Investors have bitter memories of previous property tightening measures in China. As within DM, we see a lot of divergences within EM and prefer to focus on under-owned markets with good domestic demand story such as Mexico and Malaysia.  See “Consensus Asset Allocation”, Adrian Mowat and team, Mar 26th. Open overweights in Mexican and Malaysia equities vs MSCI EM.

*   For long-term investors we just released our quarterly publication ""Trade opportunities for long term investors"" Mar 27. We monetize risk premia in Value stocks via a long in S&P500 Value vs S&P500 ETFs. It appears that a five year long underperformance of Value stocks has come to an end. We take profit on trades that monetize skew risk premia in S&P500 due to sharp contraction over the past quarter. We continue to monetize equity risk premia via buying high dividend yield equity ETFs against USTs. Our preference is to buy ETFs which track the S&P US Preferred stock due to its high yield, around 6%, and its high weight on Financials. 


Credit


*   The news flow from the Cypriot bailout continued to push spreads wider and vol higher this week, with European Financials underperforming as creditor bail-in risks returned to the forefront. iTraxx senior and subordinated financials indices widened 20bp as investors sought to hedge via CDS rather than sell bonds. European credit continued to underperformed US credit.

*   The fact that Cypriot banks debt is only 1.3% of total liabilities was a key factor in the decision to bail-in depositors. Yet events surrounding the banking sector restructuring also suggest that keeping senior unsecured bondholders immune from costly bail-outs is politically untenable. This removes the implicit ‘cover’ that senior bonds holders have enjoyed and has increased speculation that implementation of the bail-in proposals under the EU’s Resolution & Recovery Directive (RRD) will be brought forward to 2015 from the current 2018 time-frame.

*   As such, our colleagues in European Credit have examined the implications of changing recovery rate expectations across the bank capital structure. Assuming that covered bonds remain outside the scope of the proposals, we expect senior bank bond spreads to widen relative to covered bonds and prefer being OW covered bonds vs senior bonds in the periphery, particularly in Spain where covered bonds have first claim over the entire mortgage book of the bank. From a relative value point of view, we also suggest owning subordinated bank bonds vs senior bank bonds in the core as, under the new RRD regime, there is a higher probability than before that senior bank bond holders will lose money and this risk is, in our mind, not yet in the price (Rethinking the capital structure, R. Henriques et al., Mar 27).


Foreign Exchange


*   Today’s research note, Sacrificing Cyprus, examines several presumptions which have arisen over the past two weeks due to the Cyprus crisis, and scores them on a scale of truths, half-truths and falsehoods. There are indeed some right conclusions to draw from this experience, but also some wrong ones. As examples, it is true that capital controls have created a two-tier euro, but very unlikely that Cyprus is exiting EMU. And while it is true that markets deserve a risk premium for policy uncertainty, the size of the premium should be much lower than in previous crises due to backstops like the OMT.

*   For example, during the first Greek crisis in May 2010 EUR undershot by 10% relative to cyclical conditions at that time, and during Greek elections in May 2012 the currency undershot by 5%. The combination of Italian and Cypriot events have eliminated the euro’s overvaluation from early 2013, when the currency spiked to the high $1.30s on a presumption that LTRO funds would be repaid rapidly, driving European rates higher. The currency is now close to fair value, so carries no risk premium for contagion. The message is similar in vol markets: the 1% premium for 3-mo implied versus realized vol is far less than the 5% premium witnessed during previous crises. 

*   While there is no evidence that the EUR/USD cash or options market carries a risk premium, it is also true that the required premium should probably be far less than in previous crises given that a sovereign funding backstop like the OMT is in place. We are thus reluctant to extrapolate this mini-crisis into a systemic event which triggers broad deleveraging, or to forecast trend euro weakness. The currency could trade down a couple of cents around an ECB rate cut, but assuming that fears around Cyprus contagion pass in a month or two, the currency should reverse its recent decline by the summertime. 


Commodities 


*   Commodities rallied this week, up almost 2%, led by energy. We went tactically long Brent in last week’s J.P. Morgan View as we believed that the correction in oil markets had brought prices too far below our price forecast of $112/bbl. Since then Brent is up around 1.5%. We stay long and expect further price appreciation over coming months. We are also short gasoline vs. Brent. Gasoline cracks (the premium for gasoline over crude prices) spiked over the first three months of the year due to a combination of low inventories and refinery closures that came during refinery maintenance season. As refinery maintenance comes to a close and demand falls seasonally, gasoline prices should fall relative to Brent. 

*   We went long Soybean time spreads late last year (GMOS, Dec 5) on a view that much higher Brazilian supplies would find it difficult to leave the country due to logistical constraints. Since then we have seen a record number of ships planning to load soybeans in Brazilian ports and this number is still rising. The average waiting time before loading is also rising, now 38 days compared to 26 days a month ago. This has caused the front Soybean contract to rally while longer maturity contracts have been depressed by the much higher than normal supply inside the country. The spread between the May-13 and Jul-13 contracts has doubled since we put the trade on in December. We stay long as we think these logistical issues are unlikely to be resolved anytime soon.

 

 

Jan Loeys <http://emaillink.jpmorgan.com/t/AQ/AAIZ7w/AAQyCQ/O-f0Qw/EO8/ABwSKw/AQ/NYlh> 

(1-212) 834-5874

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JPMorgan Chase Bank NA

  

 

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(44-20) 7134-1816

john.normand@jpmorgan.com <http://emaillink.jpmorgan.com/t/AQ/AAIZ7w/AAQyCQ/O-f0Qw/EO8/LLg/AQ/VgB2> 

J.P. Morgan Securities plc

  

 

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(44-20) 7134-7815

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J.P. Morgan Securities plc

  

 

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(44-20) 7134-7761

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J.P. Morgan Securities plc

  

 

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(44-20) 7134-7813

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J.P. Morgan Securities plc

  

 

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J.P. Morgan Securities plc

  

 

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"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028189.txt,"/ BARAK / 55

Walking with the President in Lisbon’s spring sunshine, I tried to summon up
an image that would bring both of us back to the starkly different reality of our
conflict with the Palestinians. Only two weeks earlier, Arafat’s own police force,
with weapons we had given them, had opened fire as I was trying to get Knesset
approval for returning three villages that he wanted. After I took office, I'd ordered
a full-scale intelligence review of the security situation with the Palestinians. The
sobering conclusion had been delivered to me six months earlier: plans were well
underway by cells in the West Bank and Gaza for armed attacks against Israeli
soldiers and terror strikes inside Israel. “It’s like two families living in the same
house, and it’s on fire,” I said. “AIl of us are rushing to put it out. But there’s this
veteran firefighter who arrives on the scene — a firefighter with a Nobel Peace
Prize — and we have no way of knowing whether he’s got matches and gasoline in
his pocket.” We had to find that out, I said. We had to establish whether we were
all firefighters, and could put out the flames.

Clinton and I had got to know each other well. In one-on-one conversations like
this, we called each other by our first names, though I was careful to address him
as “Mr President” when others were there. We’d been through a lot together. I had
no doubt that he wanted to put out the fire every bit as much as I did. But I also
realized he had emerged frustrated, and bruised, from our last joint effort at
peacemaking: with Hafez al-Assad. I was the one who had been pushing the
hardest for him to meet Assad in Geneva, over the objections of some of his closest
aides that it was likely to go wrong. Not only were the aides right. Assad had
ended up delivering an extraordinary personal rebuff to the President of the United
States. Now, I was again asking President Clinton for a summit, and I knew
Madeleine Albright, Dennis Ross and others would be highly sceptical. “I
understand they’ Il have doubts. I understand their reading of the risks,” I told
President Clinton. “But I’m convinced crucial issues are at stake, which justify the
risks. Let’s move forward.”

But Clinton was skeptical, too. He said that without some sign of diplomatic
progress between us and the Palestinians, he could see no way of holding a
summit. With Arafat due to see him in Washington in a couple of weeks, he said
that I first had to give the Palestinian leader something: the three villages, a
prisoner release, or perhaps unfreeze tax revenues which we’d been holding back
as leverage for at least some progress on the core issues. Otherwise, Clinton said
he was certain Arafat would refuse to attend a summit. And even if he said yes,

341
HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028189
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031162.txt,"The third concern: Germany as paymaster. We are often told that Germans across both major parties are unflinching
supporters of the European project, and will do whatever it takes to prevent a break-up. The objections from members of
the Bundesbank are described as lonely voices of opposition that carry no weight [a]. But how large are the costs going
to be? German politicians and voters may see current circumstances as exceptional, and that if they just agree to one
more package, the problem will go away. However, we are starting to see analyses of how costly a permanent transfer
union may be for Germany. Bernard Connolly at Hamiltonian Advisors sent me a recent paper from the Centrum fur
Europaische Politik in Freiburg, which provides some clues. They see three alternatives for the deficit countries:

** massive reduction in regulations and unit labor costs to regain competitiveness
** exit from the EMU, re-introduction of national currencies
** permanent transfer union from surplus countries to deficit ones

On the last option, they estimate a “creditworthiness gap” in European deficit countries of Eur 108 billion in 2010. The
gap measures how much European deficit countries rely on capital inflows to fund consumption, rather than investment
(which contributes to future GDP). Germany’s share of the European surplus is around ™%, so let’s assume a pro-rata
burden on Germany to maintain the transfer union. As a result, the theoretical economic cost could be 3.3% of German
GDP every year, which as shown, gets close to some expensive episodes in German history. If German citizens were
faced with costs this high, it could be a White Castle hamburger-throwing moment of national proportions.

Bottom line. At atime when European equities are trading close to 2009 lows relative to earnings and book value, this
package could result in a relief rally for European equities, particularly banks. The chance of a disorderly default in 2011
has decreased markedly, and a process has been put in place to create more seamless transfers to areas (and banks) in
need. But the size of the transfer union fund is not big enough to allay all concerns, particularly with Spain and Italy
growing at anemic levels, and there is execution risk in Greece.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031162
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015862.txt,"172 Are the Androids Dreaming Yet?

at some point in the future. The only way to know is to build a perfect
model of the system and see what happens. Poincaré won a valuable
prize for his proof from the King of Bavaria. You can see some amazingly
complex orbits plotted below. Remember these are still deterministic and
predictable — after all, they were calculated with a computer — they are
just chaotic.

Four Body Problem

Butterflies and Sliding Doors

After Poincaré, the field of chaos remained fairly quiet until Edward
Lorenz began studying weather patterns using computers in the 1960s.
The story goes, one day his computer was misbehaving and he had to re-
key some data into the machine. Rather than using eight decimal places
he used only six to save time, and was amazed when the results of his
program came out completely different. Dropping the seventh and eighth
decimal place represents a change of only one part in a million, yet the
patterns of weather predicted by the computer were completely altered.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015862
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018198.txt,"The international community is unlikely to concede to either more
sanctions or the use of force until Iran's objections are taken into full
consideration. As such, a grand deal that is supposed to provoke a moment
of clarity is likely to be enmeshed in the existing, protracted arms-control
process.

Another complication is the advent of public opinion and critical
constituencies in Iran devoted to the perpetuation of the program. The
growing public sentiment is that Iran has a right to acquire a nuclear
capability. As the program matures, it is becoming a source of pride for a
citizenry accustomed to the revolution's setbacks and failures.

Also emerging is a bureaucratic and scientific establishment with its own
parochial considerations for sustaining the nuclear investment. A clerical
leadership that is dealing with a restive population and empowered
security services cannot easily dispense with its nuclear trump card.

All this suggests that the best means of addressing Iran's nuclear challenge
is to mitigate its most dangerous dimensions. The focus should remain on
Iran's high-grade enrichment and its underground nuclear facility nestled
in mountains outside Qom. Tehran seems to have conceived an ingenious
path to nuclear advancement, one that involves increasing the size and
sophistication of its civilian atomic apparatus to the point where it can
quickly surge into a bomb. While staying within the rules of the
International Atomic Energy Agency's inspection process, Iran is
essentially expanding its capabilities while shielding them under the
veneer of legality. Given the fact that much of civilian nuclear technology
can easily be misappropriated for military purposes, Iran can construct an
elaborate nuclear infrastructure while remaining within IAEA guidelines.

The diplomatic challenge is to derail this path to a nuclear weapon by
imposing significant restraints on its program. And this can still be done
through a process that proceeds incrementally and sequentially.

USS. officials would be wise to get out of the crisis mode and put some
time back on the clock. The Iran issue always seems urgent, and yet
somehow there is always time to deal with it. Washington should
acknowledge the obvious, namely, that given Iran's gradualist approach, it

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018198
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019817.txt,"Selected Bibliography

SELECTED BOOKS

Andrew, Christopher. The Sword and the Shield. New York: Basic Books, 2000.

Bagley, Tennent H. Spy Wars: Moles, Mysteries, and Deadly Games. New Haven, Conn.:
Yale University Press, 2008.

Bamford, James. The Puzzle Palace. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1982.

Coleman, Gabriella. Hacker, Hoaxer, Whistleblower, Spy: The Many Faces of Anony-
mous. New York: Verso, 2015.

Epstein, Edward Jay. Deception: The Invisible War Between the KGB and the CIA. New
York: Simon & Schuster, 1989.

. Inquest: The Warren Commission and the Establishment of Truth. New York:
Viking Press, 1966.

Fitzpatrick, Catherine A. Privacy for Me and Not for Thee: The Movement for Invincible
Personal Encryption, Radical State Transparency, and the Snowden Hack. New York:
Catherine A. Fitzpatrick, 2014.

Greenberg, Karen J. Rogue Justice: The Making of the Security State. New York: Crown,
2016.

Greenwald, Glenn. How Would a Patriot Act? Defending American Values from a Presi-
dent Run Amok. San Francisco: Working Assets, 2006.

. No Place to Hide. New York: Metropolitan Books, 2014.

Harding, Luke. The Snowden Files. New York: Vintage, 2014.

Hayden, Michael V. Playing to the Edge. New York: Penguin, 2016.

Jastrow, Joseph. Fact and Fable in Psychology. Boston: Houghton, Mifflin, 1900.

Kahn, David. The Codebreakers. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1967.

Lucas, Edward. The Snowden Operation. Seattle: Amazon Digital Services, 2015.

Morell, Michael J. The Great War of Our Time. New York: Twelve, 2015.

Sebag-Montefiore, Hugh. Enigma: The Battle for the Code. New York: John Wiley and
Sons, 2001.

Shils, Edward. The Torment of Secrecy: The Background and Consequences of American
Security Policies. Chicago: Free Press, 1956.

Turner, Stansfield. Secrecy and Democracy: The CIA in Transition. New York: Houghton
Mifflin, 1985.

Weiner, Tim. Legacy of Ashes. New York: Doubleday, 2007.

| | Epst_9780451494566_2p_all_r1.indd 329 ®

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019817

9/30/16 e13.am | |
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029364.txt,"Assad slaughtered 200,000 of his people
including by using chemical weapons —
and that wasn't enough to get the British
parliament and Prime Minister Cameron
or the American Congress and President
Obama to act.

¢ Then, ISIS beheaded two
journalists (not really a new practice in
the Middle East) in front of the
cameras — and within 48 hours the
world was united against them. Better
late than never, so we have little reason
to complain about the result. However,
there is something to learn about the
superficiality of the decision-making
processes in our world.

Second: let's assume for a moment that
ISIS is restrained in about a year (and
hopefully — crushed) — who wins?

¢ The main winner is Assad,
since the Coalition would have wiped

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029364
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013682.txt,"It was upon Thom’s recommendation, that | spent the year in the
Mathematics Institute in Warwick, England. Using the Math House #2 s home base,
| made many trips to Oxford University and a few to Cambridge. It was in these
places that | learned first hand that belief in the Resurrection was not simply a
matter of socioeconomic class. | tried to schedule my trips to Oxford or Cambridge
to coincide with the weekend so | could hear the remarkably literate sermons at the
Universities college chapels. In these places, for hundreds of years, just because
one was a top-notch practitioner of mathematics or linguistics did not mean that the
Don did not have within him the full panoply of beliefs attendant to the Christian
God.

Maybe this easy combination of logic and Spirit derives from the character of
English mathematics. There are graduates with professorially enfranchising Masters
of Art Degrees in Mathematics from Cambridge University where the subject is
considered by many to be part of the culture of the humanities, closely akin to
philosophy and linguistics.. In the universities of United States, for example the
Massachusetts Institute of Technology, an academic degree of Ph.D. in
mathematics is seen by most faculty as an indication of the intellectual equipment
required for a life of scientific work in which disconfirmable experiments are the
ultimate criteria for knowledge. The field of pure mathematics (not ostensibly
relevant to the real world outside the mind) has itself evolved in this direction.
Recently, a physical scientist, a theoretical physicist, Edward Witten, was given the
mathematician’s ultimate award, the Field’s Medal. In American universities in
general, very few mathematics departments are in schools of the humanities. Most
are in the schools of science. This variation in bureaucratic, metaphysical, sorting
reflects our continuing struggle with the true nature of reality and the role of
mathematics in its knowing. The now emergent field of computer science removes
mathematics even further from intuition and Spirit. Difficult problems such as proofs
of theorems can be systematically examined for all possibilities quickly by trying
them out in what is now known as a computational proof. On the other hand,
pointing at this computation’s graphics, the theorem and proof, real mathematicians

can ask, is this really there?

182

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013682
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010655.txt,"OGE Form 278e (March 2014)
Instructions for Part 6
Note: This is a public form. Do not include account numbers, street addresses, or family member names. See instructions for required information.

Page Number
Donald J. Trump 39 of 51

Part 6: Other Assets and Income
pt Value Income Type

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ENERAL ELEC CAP CORP BOND
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CA HOLDINGS INC COM

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CA INC DTD 8/1/2011 6.5

HOME DEPOT INC COM

INTUIT INC COM

P MORGAN CHASE & CO CO

ARDEN CORP

OHNSON & JOHNSON COM

PMORGAN CHASE BOND

RAFT HEINZ CO/THE COM

L BRANDS INC COM

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010655
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022387.txt,"Tax

“There is a big gulf between our two views... We believe
that we should have a pure territorial system...And so | do
believe that this issue is coming,” Ryan said. “| don’t think
you can stand against aterritorialsystem much longer.”
Ryan also remarked that “the experience | had when | was
Ways and Meanschair with [Democrats] was not a
pleasant one, and | don’t know if that’s going to change.”

In a September 8 New York Times op-ed, Senator Warren
said foreign developments are increasing pressure on
Congress to cut corporations “a new sweetheart deal” in
tax reform, but lawmakers should instead take the
opportunity to collect more revenue from corporations.

“Preferential tax treatment, either through special rates
or deferred due dates, creates a huge financial incentive
for American companies to build businesses and create
jobs abroad rather than in the United States. Our tax code
should favor jobs and businesses at home — period,”
Warren said.

Along with these political and mechanical questions, there
is the question of whether such a system, embedded in an
income tax rather than a value added tax or other true
consumption tax, is legal from an international trade
perspective.

Design issues — paying for rate reduction. There may
also be tension among House Republicans given that the
Blueprint has not had a full airing among members -it
was released soon before Congress left for its summer
recess—and the drafting of legislative language may
make apparent what is necessary to achieve the stated
goals, particularly the reduced rates: a 20%statutory
corporate tax rate; a 25%businesstax rate for pass-
through entities; and individual rates set at 12% 25% and
33% Once the details are hashed out, the Blueprint could
present just as many trade-offs as previous serious tax
reform proposals. While the mix of winners and losers
may be different than under other proposals, the ultimate
fate of the Blueprint will still be determined by the same
fundamental political dynamics that would face any tax
reform proposal.

For example, the Blueprint would permit companiesto
fully and immediately deduct the cost of all tangible and
intangible property, with the exception of land. However,
the Blueprint also would correspondingly deny deductions
for net interest expense. Companies must therefore
weigh whether losing interest deductions is a cost they
are willing to incur in exchange for full expensing (and a
20%corporate rate).

The purpose for denying deductions for net interest
expense is to prevent a presumed double benefit from
fully expensing leveraged purchases of property.

However, the exclusion of land from full expensing under
the Blueprint would be particularly severe for debt-
financed purchases of land because the land would not be
eligible for full expensing (or apparently even
depreciation as under current law), while deductions for
interest expense on the debt would not be permitted.

Moreover, the persistent issues under current law
involving the allocation of purchase price between non-
deductible land and immediately deductible
improvements on the land would be intensified under the
Blueprint. Other aspects of paying for a reduced
corporate rate will not come easier in the new Congress.
The allure of reducing businesstax ratesdid not draw
members to support the bill presented to them by former
Ways and Means Chairman Dave Camp.

Corporate integration. In the Senate, Finance Committee
Chairman Hatch continuesto go his own direction on tax
reform, touting a corporate integration plan that could be
a substitute for or be complementary to a rate reduction
effort that includes internationaltax reform. Hatch says
he is still aiming to release a corporate integration
discussion draft. Chairman Hatch has said the proposal
could accomplish the international tax reform that is
widely seen as necessary, and the reception to the draft
could dictate how strongly he tries to advance the
proposal next year. The draft is expected to pair a
dividends-paid deduction with a mandatory 35%
withholding tax for dividends and interest. Other senators
and third parties have raised concerns about a corporate
integration plan, including:

» that the proposed 35 %withholding tax expected would
penalize tax-exempt entitieslike retirement plans and
deter foreign investment in the United States; and

» that a dividends paid deduction would, by reducing
corporate tax liability, diminish the effectiveness of
current tax incentives like the R&D credit and
accelerated depreciation, and disadvantage startup
companies more likely to retain their earnings rather
than pay dividends.

Extenders. The fate of tax extenders (and certain other
tax issues) will likely depend on both what can be
accomplished during the 2016 lame-duck session and the
success of the likely focus on tax reform in early 2017.

EY 15

| Election 2016

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022387
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029402.txt,"From: Deepak Chopra

Sent: 3/22/2017 7:29:01 PM

To: Jeff Epstein [jeevacation@gmail.com]

cc: Barnaby Marsh

Subject: Fw: HMS-Today's News (March 22, 2017)

Attachments: image001.png; OutlookEmoji-1478302741070_PastedGraphic-1.tiff; OutlookEmoji-1483997936424 email-signature-
plain.jpg.jpg

Importance: — High
See item # 2

2013 Costa Del Mar Road
Carlsbad, CA 92009

Chopra Foundation

Jiyo

Chopra Center for Wellbeing

: YOU ane
""THE
: UNIVERSE

discoveringyourcosmicself.com

From: Tanzi, Rudolph iii
Sent: Wednesday, March 22, 2017 2:39 PM

To: Deepak Chopra
Subject: Fwd: HMS-Today's News (March 22, 2017)

WOW!!!

Begin forwarded message:

From: HMS-in the News <HMS In The News@HMS.HARVARD.EDU>
Subject: HMS-Today's News (March 22, 2017)

Date: March 22, 2017 at 2:34:12 PM EDT

To: <HMSNEWS QUAD FAC STAFF@LISTSERV.MED.HARVARD.EDU>

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029402
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030153.txt,"Confidentiality Notice: The information contained in this electronic message is PRIVILEGED and confidential
information intended only for the use of the individual entity or entities named as recipient or recipients. If the
reader is not the intended recipient, be hereby notified that any dissemination, distribution or copy of this
communication is strictly prohibited. If you have received this communication in error, please notify me
immediately by electronic mail or by telephone and permanently delete this message from your computer
system. Thank you.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030153
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020590.txt,"131

31 “Export Controls: Agencies Should Assess Vulnerabilities and Improve Guidance for Protecting Export-
Controlled Information at Universities.” General Accounting Office. GAO-07-70. http://www.gao.gov/new
-items/d0770.pdf.

32 “Export Control Reform Initiative: Strategic Trade Authorization License Exception.” Federal Register.
June 16, 2011. https://www.bis.doc.gov/index.php/documents/product-guidance/231-sta/file.

33 Ibid.

34 “President Obama Announces First Steps toward Implementation of New US Export Control System.”
White House Office of the Press Secretary. December 9, 2010. https://obamawhitehouse.archives.gov/the
-press-office/2010/12/09/president-obama-announces-first-steps-toward-implementation-new-us-expor.

35 Ibid.
36 Ibid.

37 Jackson, James K. “The Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States.” CRS Report RL33388.
Congressional Research Service. July 29, 2010. http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/natsec/RL33388.pdf.

Section 8

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020590
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012042.txt,"possibility of an appeal.

The verdict capped a two-week trial that involved dueling accusations of fraud levied by high-profile attorneys
on both sides, including the former White House counsel to President Obama.

At the center of the high-stakes battle was San Juan Capistrano resident and entrepreneur Farooq Bajwa and a
mobile payment system that he said would allow migrant workers in the Middle East to send remittances back
home through text messages.

Bajwa contended that InfoSpan, with support from outside investors, spent $87 million developing the
business and technology.

To launch the system, known as SpanCash, Bajwa partnered in 2007 with Emirates Bank, which is controlled
by the United Arab Emirates’ sovereign wealth fund.

It seemed the ideal collaboration for the Pakistani immigrant, who earned millions operating another Irvine
company that manufactured computer components in the 1980s and 1990s

The Gulf States rely heavily on migrants to work construction and other low-wage jobs, offering a ready-made
market for SpanCash. InfoSpan aimed to allow migrants to transfer money back home far more cheaply than
Western Union or hawala, a traditional Middle Eastern broker-to-broker money transfer system.

A study from McKinsey & Co., cited in court records, projected annual revenue of $3.5 billion by the deal’s
fifth year, with InfoSpan receiving more than $2.8 billion in fees.

But the relationship between InfoSpan and Emirates Bank soured and the bank cancelled the deal in 2009.

A few days later, Emirates filed a criminal complaint in Dubai against Bajwa and a partner alleging that they
defrauded the bank and misrepresented InfoSpan as an established business with a working technology.

Two years later, InfoSpan sued in U.S. District Court in Santa Ana and alleged that its technology was working
and that it delivered its source code to the bank on servers. Emirates ended the deal, InfoSpan said, to launch
its own mobile payment system after stealing InfoSpan’s technology.

In court, an attorney for InfoSpan argued that Emirates torpedoed the InfoSpan relationship because it abhorred
how much money it would have to share with the Irvine firm.

“They wanted SpanCash and they wanted the money,” attorney William A. Isaacson said in his closing
arguments Wednesday.

Isaacson — a partner with powerhouse law firm Boies Schiller & Flexner, chaired by high-profile litigator
David Boies — argued that the bank resorted to “pure extortion” in an attempt to get its way.

As a result of the bank’s criminal complaint, InfoSpan alleged Bajwa’s partner, Larry Scudder, was detained at
the Dubai International Airport and taken to a cell where he was locked in with 30 other men for 19 hours until
he secured his release by turning over his passport.

According to the lawsuit, Bajwa tried to resolve the situation but was told Scudder's passport would be
released and he could leave the country only if InfoSpan gave up ownership and control of SpanCash to the
bank.

Six months later, the bank withdrew the fraud accusations and Scudder got his passport back, but SpanCash’s
reputation was tarnished and it collapsed, Bajwa previously told The Times.

The bank disputed that it acquired InfoSpan’s source code or used it at any time.

Former White House counsel and an attorney for the bank, Kathryn Ruemmler, said that Emirates never would
have acquired source code in a joint-partnership deal like the one reached with InfoSpan. She said such
technology would instead be held by a third-party escrow company for the length of the partnership.

In her closing arguments, the partner with global firm Latham & Watkins told the jury that Bajwa and
InfoSpan sold the bank a “bill of goods,” arguing that despite promises to Emirates, the technology never
worked and InfoSpan wasn’t as big a company as it claimed.

The bank cancelled the deal and filed a criminal complaint, not as a form of extortion but simply to regain the
bank’s money after it was misled and doubts grew about the character of InfoSpan’s employees, Ruemmler
told the jury.

“They concluded, definitively, that they had been defrauded,” she said.

Lubna Qassim, group general counsel for Emirates Bank, said in a statement after the verdict that ""Emirates
Bank is gratified by today's decision and the opportunity to receive a fair trial in U.S. courts.”

Bajwa said the trial has taken a toll on him and he doesn’t know his next steps.

“T am just beat up,” he said.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012042
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025782.txt,"Economic Research: How Increasing Income Inequality Is Dampening U.S. Economic Growth, And Possible Ways
To Change The Tide

There is no shortage of proposals for tackling extreme income inequality. President Obama has proposed an increase
in the hourly minimum wage to $10.10 from the current rate of $7.25, and the IMF recently called on lawmakers to
boost the wage (though it refrained from suggesting a specific level). Managing Director Christine Lagarde said that
doing so would help raise the incomes of millions of poor and working-class Americans and ""would be helpful from a

macroeconomic point of view"" (58).

An increase in the minimum wage would certainly carry with it short-term impacts, likely bringing 900,000 people
above the poverty line in the second half of 2016--and, according to the CBO, lifting wages for 24 million workers at
the next level above minimum wage. Fewer American households at or below the poverty line would also help bolster

government balance sheets and likely improve state and local credit conditions.

But raising the minimum wage is not without negative consequences. Reduced labor demands resulting from higher
wages could reduce potential hires by 500,000 jobs, according to CBO estimates (59). Further, while 49% of those
workers making the minimum wage are under age 25, the CATO Institute reports that, of older workers (the other half
of minimum wage earners), 29.2% live in poverty and 46.2% live near the poverty level, with family incomes less than

1.5 times the poverty line (60).

Apart from minimum wage discussions, a recent report from the OECD suggested that carried interest--the share of
profits that money managers take in from an investment or fund--should be taxed as regular income rather than as
returns on investment. Ian Ayres, professor of law at Yale, and Aaron S. Edlin, professor of law and economics at the
University of California, Berkley, proposed an automatic extra tax, the so-called Brandeis tax, on the income of the top

1% of earners that would limit the after-tax incomes relative to median household income (61).

Warren Buffett, the chairman and chief executive of Berkshire Hathaway, who consistently ranks among the world's
wealthiest people, has long argued along similar lines. He claimed that his 2010 federal tax bill--income taxes and
payroll taxes--amounted to 17.4% of his taxable income (62). That, he wrote, was the lowest percentage of any of the

other 20 people in his office, whose tax burdens were between 33% and 41% and averaged 36%.

Meanwhile, two Democratic California legislators--Loni Hancock and Mark DeSaulnier--have proposed tying the
state's corporate income tax to the ratio of CEO-to-worker pay--a sliding scale in which a company's tax bill could
shrink along with the gap in pay between executives and workers. The change would trim a company's tax rate for any

corporation in which the chief executive makes less than a hundred times what the median worker earns.

Any clear-headed consideration of these options must recognize that heavy taxation--solely to reduce wage
inequality--could do more damage than good. While the IMF studies found that some redistribution appears benign,
extreme cases may have a direct negative effect on growth. Heavy taxation solely to equalize wages may reduce
incentives to work or hire more workers. A number of studies have indicated that losses from redistribution are likely

to be minimal when tax rates are low but rise steeply with the tax or subsidy rate (63).

IMF authors Ostry, Berg, and Tsangarides note that ""redistribution need not be inherently detrimental to growth, to the
degree that it involves reducing tax expenditures or loopholes that benefit the rich or as part of broader tax reforms
(such as higher inheritance taxes offset by lower taxes on labor income)"" (63). Moreover, redistribution can also occur

when taxes finance public investment, or spending on health and education disproportionately benefits the poor, which

WWW.STANDARDANDPOORS.COM/RATINGSDIRECT AUGUST 5, 2014 20

1351366 | 302136118

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025782
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021856.txt,"Oo O DN OO FF WwW NY =|

NO RO PO PNP NM NO | S| S| HS SF S| S| S| S| S|
non BP WO NO -|- ODO OO WDN OO OT BP WO NYO —

33

A. Okay.

Q. Had any other young woman told you she had
been abused by Professor Dershowitz?

A. No other young women had told me that, no.

Q. Had, as of that date, had anyone told you
that Professor Dershowitz had abused other minors?

MS. McCAWLEY: I'm going to object for a
moment here to the extent that you're going to be
answering a question that requires you to divulge
any attorney/client communication with Virginia
Roberts, I have a standing objection that I'm
putting on the record right now.

Virginia Roberts does not waive her
attorney/client privilege with her lawyers, and
they are not entitled to testify as to
information that she intended to be confidential
that she communicated to her lawyers.

MR. SCAROLA: And I would instruct you not to
answer the question on that basis.

MR. SIMPSON: All right.

BY MR. SIMPSON:

Q. I disagree with the position on the
privilege, but I will -- you're going to follow the
instruction not to answer those questions?

A. I am.

ROUGH DRAFT ONLY

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021856

"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031604.txt,"From: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com]

Sent: 12/8/2015 10:59:55 PM
To: Thomas Jr., Landon |
Subject: Re: Trump

Importance: — High
Pass on midelfart wealthiest girl in Norway

On Tuesday, 8 December 2015, Thomas Jr., Landon it wrote:
Do you mind if I pass Petrella's contact on to a political reporter? I won't do it unless you say OK
because after that I would have no say as to where story goes. Let me know -- its not a big deal for me
either way. But at some point this stuff will come out -- as long he continues to top polls.

On Tue, Dec 8, 2015 at 4:53 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:
hawain tropic girl

lauren petrella [a
On Tue, Dec 8, 2015 at 5:50 PM, Landon Thomas Jr. rote:

Yes!!!

Sent from my iPhone

On Dec 8, 2015, at 4:43 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:

would you like photso of donald and girls in bikinis in my kitchen.

On Tue, Dec 8, 2015 at 5:41 PM, Thomas Jr., Landon a wrote:
Now everyone coming to me thinking I have juicy info on you and Trump.
Because of this.

""I've known Jeff for fifteen years. Terrific guy,"" Trump booms from a speakerphone. ""He's a lot of fun to be with. It is
even said that he likes beautiful women as much as I do, and many of them are on the younger side. No doubt about it
-- Jeffrey enjoys his social life.""

That story will never die.

Landon Thomas, Jr.
Financial Reporter
New York Times

http: //topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/t/landon jr thomas/inde
x.html

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031604
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020584.txt,"125

is the China-US Joint Research Center for Ecosystem and Environmental Change at the
University of Tennessee, Knoxville.“ Launched in 2006, researchers from the University
of Tennessee and the DOE-funded Oak Ridge National Laboratory partnered with the
Chinese Academy of Sciences to address “the combined effects of climate change and
human activities on regional and global ecosystems and explore technologies for
restoration of degraded environments.” The center’s research focuses on science at the
heart of the “green technology” revolution, which is one of Beijing’s major national
industrial policy objectives.

The center’s website lays out three goals that match nicely with a tech transfer agenda:

(1) organize and implement international scientific and engineering research; (2) serve as
a center for scientific information exchange; and (3) provide international education and
technical training.'' The website goes on to outline cooperative mechanisms to achieve
these goals, including joint research projects, academic exchange, student education, and
“technical transfer and training [emphasis added].”” This dynamic differs fundamentally
from the mission of Western research facilities abroad, which is to adapt technology already
in their portfolios to sell in foreign markets. A PRC study on the benefits of overseas
“research” to obtain foreign technology put it this way: “How can you get the tiger cub if
you don’t go into the tiger’s den?” (RARA,.BERT).Y

Cyber

Perhaps the most damaging channel for stealing US intellectual property is cyberespionage.
As noted above, NSA director Keith Alexander has called cyberespionage by Chinese state
actors the “greatest transfer of wealth in human history.” Cyberespionage is both a means
for pilfering US science and technology, as well as a method of intelligence collection
for potential attacks against American military, government, and commercial technical
systems. As a result, these cyber intrusions represent a fundamental threat to American
economic competitiveness and national security.

Other means of misappropriation

While not technology transfer per se, counterfeiting is so common in China that it has

the same practical effect. Schemes range from the subtle to blatant: benchmarking against
ISO standards; patent research where a design is modified slightly, if at all, re-patented

in China and “legally” produced with government protection; reverse engineering;'®
“imitative innovation” (&#l¥1)""” with or without the innovation (also called “imitative
remanufacturing” #(#0ti&) ;* and marketing the pirated product without or with its original
logo.’ Other reporting has detailed how the Chinese government exploits regulatory panels
(often with members who have direct conflicts of interest by working for local competitors)
and antitrust investigations to acquire trade secrets from foreign companies, aiding
domestic industries.”°

Section 8

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020584
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012056.txt,"11/14/2017

Rockefeller & Co. is privately owned and focused
on the diverse investment and financial needs of
our sophisticated clientele. From our beginnings
as the Rockefeller family office, we are today a
full-service, independent asset management and
wealth advisory firm, with a mission to help our

clients achieve their goals.

http:/Avww.rockco.com/who-we-are

Rockefeller & Co. :: Who We Are

As global citizens—with a geographically
unconstrained approach to asset management —
we know how important it is to perceive the world
in its totality in seeking to benefit from the wealth
of opportunities held therein. Our asset
management team speaks 13 languages, an
indication of the global perspective we apply to

our business.

TODAY

Rockefeller & Co. has approximately $16.9

billion in assets under advisement for

individuals and families, family offices,

nonprofit organizations, foundations,

endowments, and global institutions.""

' As of September 30, 2017. This number includes net
assets under management of approximately $11.4
billion plus approximately $5.5 billion in advisory
assets. Advised assets represent non-managed assets

that receive services, such as consulting for open

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012056

3/6
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022902.txt,"his view that only the Gates Foundation has real
experience in the vast complexities of giving away
“hyper wealth.”

That evening, Epstein, preternaturally responsive to
both the price of oil and to the politics of the Middle
East, entertains a delegation from Qatar, including
Sheikh Hamad Bin Jassim, the foreign minister. Hamad
lives across the street in a similarly furnished house—he
and Epstein have the same decorator. Epstein, in his
relaxed and amused manner, keeps prodding: “Why are
you financing the bad guys? What do you get out of
that?” The Qatarians, in some mild diplomatic
discomfort, seem most worried that their bid for the
World Cup might be compromised by bribery
allegations.

At 9 the next morning, Epstein is joined for
breakfast in the dining room by Reid Weingarten, who’s
represented, among other fat cats in trouble,
Worldcom’s Bernie Ebbers and Goldman Sachs’s Lloyd
Blankfein, and is one of attorney general Eric Holder’s
closest friends. Weingarten, hoarse with a cold, is just
back from a failed defense of former Connecticut
Governor John Rowland. After a blow-by-blow of the
trial, there was a discussion of the Qatarian’s visit—
Epstein served chocolate made from pistachios grown
on the Sheikh’s farm—and speculation about who
actually controls ISIS, with Weingarten arguing that the
Turks are not getting enough scrutiny (he posits that
ISIS is part of their proxy war against the Kurds). There

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022902
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021842.txt,"Oo O DN OO FF WwW NY =|

NO RO PO PNP NM NO | S| S| HS SF S| S| S| S| S|
non BP WO NO -|- ODO OO WDN OO OT BP WO NYO —

19

A. The footnote -- one of the problems with the
the Word processing program to drop a star footnote is
it requires, under the word programing, you have to to
have different sections in the document because
otherwise it would be footnote -- let's see.

Yes, so there was already a footnote 1 on the
joinder motion and so, what happens with footnotes is if
you identify it as footnote, put in a footnote where the
University of Utah signature block is, for example, it
becomes footnote 2, so then you have to create a
different section and then once you have a different
section you can establish a new number and a new
nomenclature instead of numbers. You can have the
asterisk, and so somehow with the signature block
getting reprocessed here, that star footnote dropped off
and within I think -- I think it was about three days, I
realized that the star footnote had dropped off, so I
filed a corrected pleading with the -- with the new star
footnote on it.

Q. You would agree with me that a fair-minded, a
reasonable reader looking at the signature block on the
as filed original document, could conclude that the
University of Utah was somehow endorsing or standing
behind this pleading?

A. I don't think that's quite fair. I think the

ROUGH DRAFT ONLY

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021842

"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025796.txt,"Driving through the USA, I see an American flag waving in the wind above some random house,
then another, and another, and yet another, and so on.

Yes, I know I am in your c...

Read More »

Is Tinder right for me?

Tomas Rauhala, Musician, Bartender, Sound Engineer

Written Jul 4
That depends...
1. Are you a woman? (If you are, go ahead. Women can always score.)
2, If you’re a man, are you at least 6 feet tall?
3. If not... Are you unusually good-looking (like a mo...

Read More »

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Follow Quora on:

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HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025796
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024488.txt,"to become a publicly traded partnership within two years of this offering or the acquisition of KLC and k12.
As a result, KUE does not believe the anti-inversion legislation or any regulations promulgated within the
scope of the legislation’s regulatory authority should apply to KUE although no assurance can be given in
this regard or with respect to any new acquisitions of or investments in U.S. corporations. In addition,
KUE does not believe that any other Code provision subjecting non-U.S. corporations to U.S. federal
income tax should apply to KUE or its subsidiaries, although no assurance can be in this regards. The
promuigation of contrary regulations or a successful challenge of either of these positions by the Internal
Revenue Service could materially reduce a holder's after-tax return and, thus, could result in a substantial
reduction of the value of the Units.

6.2.6 Currency Fluctuations

An investment in KUE is a U.S. dollar denominated investment. Coniributions to and distributions from
KUE will be made in U.S. dollars. Fluctuations in value between the U.S. dollar and the Investor's
functional currency (if other than the U.S. dollar) may result in taxable income to the Investor.

6.2.7 Reporting Requirements

Investors who are U.S. Persons will be required to file an IRS Form 8865 with the Investor's U.S. federal
income tax return for the taxable year in which the Investor purchases the Common LP Units. Investors
who are U.S. Persons may, depending upon the size of their investment in the General Partner, be
required to file an IRS Form 5471 with the Investor’s U.S. federal income tax return for the taxable year in
which the Investor purchases Class A ordinary shares in the General Partner. Additionally, depending on
the type of non-U.S. investments KUE makes, Investors who are U.S. Persons may be required to file
additional IRS Forms such as a Form 54771 in subsequent years.

6.3. Risks Related to Projections

6.3.1. The projections included in this Memorandum and otherwise provided to
potential Investors are subject to a number of assumptions and uncertainties;
potential Investors are cautioned not to place undue reliance on such projections

The projections included in this Memorandum and other models and forecasts that may be presented to
or discussed with Investors represent management's best estimates as of the date of this Memorandum
of KLC’s, KLC OpCo's and KLC PropCoc’s projected results of operations for the years ended December
31, 2006 to 2011 (the “Projections""}. The Projections were not prepared with a view toward compliance
with published guidelines of the SEC, the American Institute of Certified Public Accountants, or any
regulatory or professional agency or body or generally accepted accounting principles of the U.S. or any
other country. In addition, neither the Agents, Deloitte & Touche LLP, the Company’s independent
auditors, nor any other independent expert, accountant or counsel has examined, reviewed or compiled
the Projections and, consequently, assume no responsibility for them. The Projections should be read
together with, and are qualified in their entirety by, the information contained in the rest of this “Risk
Factors"" section, “Management's Discussion and Analysis of KLC’s Pro Forma Results of Operations,”
“Business” and the financial statements and the related notes thereto included in this Memorandum.

The Projections do not include any expenses of any entity within the Company above the KLC level,
including KUE expenses ($17.5 million of the $20.0 million payable pursuant to the Fixed Overhead
Payment Agreement) that will be payable by KUE for administrative and other services. See “Related
Party Transactions.” The Projections also do not include any projected expenses relating to grants of
Profits Participation Units or other equity-related grants, including for the Stock Appreciation Rights Plan
at Knowledge Schools, Inc. (""KSI’), pursuant to which payments may be made based on different
valuations of KSI stock and are based on the same multiples of Adjusted EBITDA used in 2005; actual
valuations are conducted annually and may be higher or lower. Finally, the Projections do not reflect
projected interest expenses on KUE debt.

55

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024488
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031610.txt,"From: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com]

Sent: 4/28/2016 4:28:39 PM
To: Kathy Ruenmler
Subject: Fwd: Reuters / lawsuit against Jeffrey Epstein

Attachments: katie johnson v trump complaint.pdf

Importance: — High

a Forwarded message ----------

From: Martin Weinberg as.

Date: Thu, Apr 28, 2016 at 12:20 PM

Subject: Fwd: Reuters / lawsuit against Jeffrey Epstein

To: Jeff Epstein <jeevacation@gmail.com>

Begin forwarded message:

From:

Date: April 28, 2016 at 12:14:37 PM EDT

To:

Subject: RE: Reuters / lawsuit against Jeffrey Epstein

Sorry, the suit is attached to this email.

From: Ingram, David (Reuters News)

Sent: Thursday, April 28, 2016 12:14 PM

To: ‘Martin G. Weinberg’

Subject: Reuters / lawsuit against Jeffrey Epstein

Hi Marty,

The attached lawsuit was filed this week in federal court in California alleging that Jeffrey Epstein and another
man, Donald Trump, raped her in 1994. We’re planning to publish a story on the suit this afternoon, and we
want to make sure it is fair. Is Mr. Epstein available to speak? Or do you want to offer a comment on this
behalf?

My number i= and I’m available any time. I also just tried your cell phone.

Thank you in advance.

David Ingram
Correspondent

Reuters News

Thomson Reuters

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031610
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010641.txt,"Filer's Name Page Number
Donald J. Trump 25 of 51

Part 2: Filer's Employment Assets and Income
attached schedule Value Income Type Income Amount
(Part 2 - EXHIBIT A)
Reference #
holder, New York, NY

$1,001 - $15,000 royalties $1,000,001 - $5,000,000

See attached schedule
139 TRUMP MARKS STAMFORD LLC N/A 1380 royalties $100,001 - $1,000,000

Underlying Assets: license deal

Licensee(s): 33 BROAD STREET ASSOCIATES II

Location: New York, NY

See attached schedule

Value not readily ascertainable
140 TRUMP MARKS SUNNY ISLES | LLC N/A 1381 royalties $100,001 - $1,000,000

Underlying Assets: license deal

Licensee(s): MICHAEL DEZER & NAOMI DEZERTOV

Location: New York, NY

See attached schedule

Value not readily ascertainable

readily ascertainable. New York, NY management fees $810,795

See attached schedule
142 TRUMP TORONTO HOTEL MANAGEMENT CORP N/A |442 $1,001 - $15,000
Value reported reflects bank account holding only.
Additional Underlying Asset: management deal with TALON
INTERNATIONAL INC - value not readily ascertainable. management fees $559,904
Management company, New York, NY; See attached schedule.
143 TW VENTURE | LLC N/A 1462
transportation services
Location: Palm Beach, FL
See attached schedule operating income $185,601
Value not readily ascertainable
144 Trump Management Inc. N/A 1480 $15,001 - $50,000
Value reported reflects bank account holding only.
Additional Underlying Asset: management company - value not
readily ascertainable $30,000)
Location: Manhasset, NY
See attached schedule
145 RITZ CARLTON HOTEL AT 112 CENTRAL PARK SOUTH N/K/A ‘A 1535 $15,001 - $50,000
$268,125)

141 TRUMP PANAMA HOTEL MANAGEMENT LLC
Value reported reflects bank account holding only.
DT VENTURE II LLC
Value reported reflects bank account holding only.
THE ACCOMPANYING SCHEDULE (PART 2- EXHIBIT A} 1S AN INTEGRALPART OF THE ABOVE AND SHOULD BE READ IN CONJUNCTION THEREWITH. Gapsin numerical
sequence are due to the removal of previously reported items na longer reportable on this part. Information being reported is as of April15, 2017.

137 TRUMP MARKS PHILIPPINES LLC
Value reported reflects bank account holding only.
Additional Underlying Asset: license deal with CENTURY CITY
DEVELOPMENT CORP - value not readily ascertainable. License

N/A 1417 $15,001 - $50,000

Additional Underlying Asset: management agreement - value not
Additional Underlying Asset: management agreement - value not
readily ascertainable.

Location: New York, NY

a:

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010641
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032319.txt,"From: Zubair Khan

Sent: 10/29/2016 1:40:09 PM
To: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com]
Subject: Re:

Importance: — High
Hi Jeffrey,

Looks like Trump is back in game. We processed 11 million tweets this week for Trump and 50.03% are
positive and only 20.66% are negative whereas Clinton is 56.05% negative and 20.03% positive.

We are trying to correlate that into popular vote outcome and electoral votes received.

Regards,
Zubair

On Sep 15, 2016, at 5:15 AM, Zubair Kha wrote:

Hi Jeffrey,

We are in the process of removing data from bots and making a clean report which I will share with you in few
hours. Overall Trump is way more popular than Clinton.

Regards,
Zubair

On Sep 14, 2016, at 8:04 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:

what is your heat map showign for trump clinton

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032319
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022393.txt,"Financial Services

Republicans’ retention of the House and Senate majorities
means that President-elect Trump will have partners in
both banking committees to help implement an agenda
heavy on deregulation. The new Senate Banking
Committee chairman will be Mike Crapo (R-ID), who hasa
solid working relationship with returning Ranking Member
Sherrod Brown (D-OH) and could work productively with
him in a handful of areas. On the House side, Rep. Jeb
Hensarling (R-TX) returns as chairman of the Financial
Services Committee. A fierce opponent of the 2010
Dodd-Frank Act, Hensarling will have Trump’s support in
renewing his effort to repeal and replace the Dodd-Frank
Act and continuing the panel’s aggressive oversight of
financial regulators. Given Republicans’ narrow majority
in the Senate, Democrats’ ability to filibuster
controversial bills in that chamber will make it difficult for
House and Senate GOP leaders to push through a broad
dismantling of major elements of Dodd-Frank, something
the President-elect called for during the campaign. But
given that Republicans will have full control of the
executive and legislative branches for the first time since
2006, the GOP base will be dismayed if they don’t try
anyway. Short of that broader effort, bipartisan
compromises in the areas of bank capital and regulatory
relief for smaller banks seem achievable.

Senate Banking Committee. Crapo is widely seen as
working constructively with Sen. Brown —a stark contrast
to Brown’s relationship with current Chairman Richard
Shelby (R-AL), who has been unable to agree with
Democratson much legislatively. In a July interview,
Crapo called Brown “straightforward and honorable” and
said that while they were far apart in terms of their
political views, “the fact is we have been able to find
significant areas of consensus where we can agree to
move forward on good policy, so | expect that we would
be able to do that.” The leading optionsfor an early
bipartisan effort include a bill providing regulatory relief
from some Dodd-Frank provisionsto community banks, a
high priority for both Crapo and Brown. Such a bill might
include language raising Dodd-Frank’s $50 billion asset
threshold, above which banks must submit to more
rigorous prudential supervision by the Fed. Crapo and
Brown also could agree on modest structural changes to
the Federal Reserve, unless pressure from the Trump
White House for a more ambitious Fed reform bill —like
the package of changes passed by the House in November
2015 —derailsthat effort. Crapo and Brown could also
conceivably agree on more stringent capital standards for
the largest banks, athemethat Brown hammersat every
opportunity.

As Shelby did, Crapo is expected to maintainthe
committee’s focus on rules and bodies created by the
Dodd-Frank Act, such as the Financial Stability Oversight
Council (FSOC) and the Consumer Financial Protection
Bureau (CFPB), which suffered a judicial setback when a
federal appeals court on October 11 ruled that its
structure was unconstitutional. Crapo has also been
skeptical of the new supervisory authorities the 2010 law
gave the Fed to overseelarger banks and insurers that
are designated as systemically important by the FSOC.
Crapo could work collaboratively with Ranking Member
Brown on a legislative follow-up to the Fed’s recent report
criticizing banks’ trading of physical commodities; one
obvious possibility is to repeal the merchant banking
exemption given to the holding companies for Goldman
Sachs and Morgan Stanley, as the Fed recommended.
Finally, a post-crisis system for housing finance—i.e., the
future of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac —still loomsas the
biggest area left unaddressed by the 2010 financial
reforms, but a bipartisan effort to establish a new system
drafted by Crapo and then-Chairman Tim Johnson (R-SD)
in 2013-14 foundered when the Banking Committee's
liberal Democrats (and some Republicans) declined to
support the centrist proposal. Since then, few signs have
emerged about how to structure a new housing finance
system in a way that could survive a Senate filibuster, and
President-elect Trump did not address the issue during his
campaign.

House Financial Services Committee. After years of
confrontation with a Democratic White House and
Democratic appointees to financial regulators, Chairman
Hensarling will shift strategies now that the executive
branch isin more friendly hands. Hensarling is not likely
to improve his contentious relationship with Rep. Maxine
Waters (D-CA), however, who will return as ranking
member and is certain to push back on Hensarling’s
efforts to replace the 2010 reformswith more
conservative approaches. While Hensarling has regularly
done battle with officials at the FSOC, Treasury, SEC and
the Fed, new leadership is expected at those agencies —
though even Republican appointees will be constrained by
the existing statutory mandatesin Dodd-Frank, unless the
new Congress is able to alter the law with legislation. At
the Fed, Chairman Janet Yellen’sterm does not expire
until January 2018. President-elect Trump frequently
criticized Yellen as being overly “political” during the
campaign.

EY 21

| Election 2016

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022393
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029497.txt,"From: 
Sent: 4/1/2018 4:03:51 PM 
To: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com] 
Subject: Re: Kim Jong Un's visit to China 
Importance: High 
I am curious to see what will be a reaction from Trump's administration and from Europe if Chinese 
Foreign Minister Wang Yi do visit Kremlin and possibly Kim's visit right after... Reunion of 
three socialist countries? 
On Sun, Apr 1, 2018 at 11:52 AM, wrote: 
Have you seen the full video? so interesting... 
See the beginning. Looks like a theater, they emote too much. It's funny! 
And also on 5:45 min when he meets XI Jinping before their diplomatic discussion meeting 
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KQp1Qp0Gw7Y&utm source=newsletter&utm medium=email&utm ca 
mpaign=newsletter axioschina&stream=top-stories  
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 029497 
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029416.txt,"Case 1:17-cv-03956-PGG Document1 Filed 05/25/17 Page1lof3

UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT

FOR THE SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF NEW YORK

ween enn eee eee X
RADAR ONLINE LLC
Plaintiff,
-vV.-
FEDERAL BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION,
Defendant.
wenn een eee X

COMPLAINT
1. This is an action under the Freedom of Information Act, 5 U.S.C. § 552 (“FOIA”), to order
the production of Federal Bureau of Investigation (“FBI”) records concerning the agency’s
investigation and prosecution of financier Jeffrey Edward Epstein (“Epstein’’) for sexually
trafficking underage women. Defendant FBI has withheld these records despite a properly
filed FOIA request.
PARTIES
2. Plaintiff Radar Online LLC (“Radar”) is an online investigative news outlet read by millions.
3. The FBI, a component of the Department of Justice, is an agency of the United States with
possession and control of the records sought by Plaintiff.
JURISDICTION AND VENUE
4. This court has jurisdiction over this action pursuant to 28 U.S.C. § 1331 and 5 U.S.C. §
552(a)(4)(B).
5. Radar’s principal place of business is New York City and therefore venue is appropriate

1

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029416
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028789.txt,"From: 
Sent: 
To: 
Subject: 
1/12/2012 3:23:25 PM 
jeevacation@gmail.com 
Re: B 727 thought 
you want me to call Tarek, instead? just to confirm. 
In a message dated 1/12/2012 10:21:24 A.M. Eastern Standard Time, jeevacation@gmail.com writes: 
Call 
Sorry for all the typos .Sent from my iPhone 
On Jan 12, 2012, at 4:12 PM, wrote: 
Jeffrey, 
this may be a long shot to save the Boeing deal, or if you think its a dead deal, disregard this. 
I thought there was a connection between Tarek and myself, I do believe one concern was operation of Boeing with 
flight crew. I know its his problem not ours, but may help make the sale happen,. 
I wrote this email for your review, if you think its worth sending, please critique, and let me know,. thank you: 
Mr. Tarek El Sayed, 
I hope this email finds you well, and believe worth communicating my thoughts to you. 
I was surprised to hear that you decided against the purchase of our Super Boeing 727. I personally thought it was a great match for 
your business needs in Qatar. If for any reason your decision was based on crew issues and charter needs in the Middle East, I'd like 
to share some information that might prove beneficial to making you reconsider this purchase. 
The pilot candidates I have lined up for your interview along with the possibility of David Rodgers joining your flight department 
were as follows: 
(at no time did I disclose location or persons to the following pilot candidates to protect your privacy.) 
Robert Breslin, who is the former Chief Pilot of Mr. Donald Trump, Mr. Breslin flew the Boeing 727 and Boeing 757 owned by Mr 
Trump. Mr Breslin is a fine man of 40 years of age estimate, with extensive VIP Boeing operations. 
James Bartakowski, who has extensive flying experience in the Middle east, Africa and Europe regime. Mr. Bartakowski has also 
been involved in charter operations in Africa and Middle East and has contacted me on several recent occasions with charters for 
our Boeing 727, James has indicated there is the possibility of 40 — 60 hours per month charter operations for larger transport 
category aircraft in your area. I believe there is a growing need for charter in the business community in Qatar and neighboring 
countries. 
Bruce Jafahri, who is a current Boeing 727 captain who lived in Doha for two years, and familiar with international operations of 
Boeing 727 aircraft. Mr. Jafahri currently lives in California and ready for a new opportunity. Bruce is current in the Boeing 727 and 
also flew Captain on the Boeing 747. Well qualified individual and personable. 
Mr. El Sayed, as you have seen during our demo flight, our Boeing 727 is in impeccable condition, quite cabin and will provide many 
years of charter and business flights your company. I believe the large business jet future in Qatar is growing and you will be 
leading its path, and your initial investment in this purchase will not come close with other aircraft options on the market as you 
may have seen already. 
We are currently completing the C2C check on the Boeing, and as we have done in the past, assure you it will be a fine aircraft 
when it leaves Flight Star Maintenance repair facility. 
Sincerely, 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 028789 
Lawrance Visoski 
Chief Pilot, JEGE Inc. 
= 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 028790 
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010899.txt,"Case 9:08-cv-80736-KAM Document 291-1 Entered on FLSD Docket 01/21/2015 Page 9 of 20

30. | Another sexual encounter between me and Dershowitz happened on Epstein’s
airplane. Another girl was present on the plane with us.

31. I have recently seen a former Harvard law professor identified as Alan
Dershowitz on television calling me a “liar.” He is lying by denying that he had sex with me.
That man is the same man that I had sex with at least six times.

32. Epstein made me have sex with Prince Andrew several times. Prince Andrew,
Maxwell, and I are shown in the photograph below. I had sex with him three times, including

one orgy. I knew he was a member of the British Royal Family, but I just called him “Andy.”

33. | One day when I was in London (specifically in a townhouse that is under
Maxwell’s name), I got news from Maxwell that I would be meeting a prince. Later that day,
Epstein told me I was meeting a “major prince.” Epstein told me “to exceed” everything I had
been taught. He emphasized that whatever Prince Andrew wanted, I was to make sure he got.

34. Eventually Prince Andrew arrived, along with his security guards. The guards
then went out of the house and stayed out front in their car. It was just Epstein, Maxwell, and me

inside alone with Andy. I was introduced to the Prince, and we kissed formally, cheek to cheek.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010899
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028708.txt,"2010, witnessed some of the political
discussions that accompanied the project's
creation. ""This could be a huge, iconic
victory for the whole strategy of building
Palestine from the bottom up rather than
trying to build it at the negotiating table,""
he says.

Its success would prove just how much
power Palestinians can, and indeed already
do, have in shaping their future. And its
failure could prove the exact opposite.

I visited Rawabi two weeks ago with a
group of national security professionals, as
part of a trip organized by the Foundation
for Defense of Democracies, a Washington,
DC-based think tank. (All of the photos in
the body of the article are mine.) We were
taken around the construction site by a
young Palestinian engineer who conveyed
the vast ambition underlying the project:
When the city is completed, she said, it will
house 45,000 people in 23 distinct
neighborhoods with innocuous, nature-
based names like ""Flint,"" and ""Hard Rock"".
(Rawabi is Arabic for ""Hills"".) There will
be eight schools -- some of them built with
the help of the U.S. Agency for
International Development -- a ""huge
park,"" a convention center, an 850-seat
indoor theater, and a 20,000-seat
amphitheater carved into a hillside.

Most ambitiously, there will be a
commercial center that developers hope

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028708
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030147.txt,"leaders

Kathryn Ruemmler

¢ Kathryn is an attorney who formerly served as White House Counsel to President
Barack Obama. She previously worked as Principal Deputy White House Counsel.

¢ Former federal prosecutor who helped lead the government’s case against the
former executives of Enron.

* In 2006, she delivered the government's closing argument in the trial of former
Enron executives Kenneth Lay and Jeffrey Skilling.

* She returned to Latham in 2007, this time as a partner.

* From 2000 to 2001 she served as Associate Counsel to President Clinton.

* She was a litigation partner in the Washington, D.C. office of Latham & Watkins
from 2007

* She serve as principal associate deputy attorney general at the Justice
Department.

¢« In 2014 Ruemmler was speculated as being a potential candidate as the next
United States Attorney General

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030147
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011239.txt,"CARLOPGUZ | RT @AnonPress: If the UK media was more concerned | 23 Jun 2016, | Xalapa 30 | negative
MAN1 with telling people the facts rather than what to do 14:55 - CEST
people might be a little less unsurea€ |
sputnik_jp HBREXIT APCESEE#A,74f “af afd, 2af—af a, af- 23 Jun 2016, 0 | positive
Af 4af24, PAE MAM « ce%o“ ae’ fa,’a, 7404, 14:55 - CEST
https://t.co/b7UF2L4nyi https://t.co/6HiJu7ymsh
hitech_guru_ | Brexit Would Leave Germany Stranded Against 23 Jun 2016, | Toronto 0 | positive
Freeloading South 14:55-CEST | , Canada
https://t.co/cyjOY1FD5R
JakeNicholls | RT @LouiseMensch: TNS poll likely voters #VoteLeave | 23 Jun 2016, | Ipswich, 232 | neutral
45 49, #VoteRemain 42 #Brexit #ProjectHope 14:55 -CEST | UK
https://t.co/utOlz4xjtP
David52Sto | Yep old Ben got that right Hope Britain gets it right 23 Jun 2016, | Georgia, 0 | positive
ne today #Brexit #MAGA https://t.co/LAnStX8GHX 14:55 -CEST | USA
mamitamu RT @todonoticias: Brexit: Ir a votar con su perro y 23 Jun 2016, | CABA 12 | positive
mu sacarle una foto, una extraAta tradiciA?n britAinica 14:55 - CEST | Argentin
https://t.co/910VpBeLCB https://t.co/a€ | a
choisser RT @PatVPeters: Brexit : Decision Day 23 Jun 2016, 1 | neutral
https://t.co/VOOQEN76FC 14:55 - CEST
MyrvangVer | RT @RT_com: ‘Hysteria and halftruth’: Refugees will 23 Jun 2016, | Earthlin 5 | negative
onika not disappear whatever the #Brexit vote outcome a€“ | 14:55-CEST | g
charity https://t.co/wOEd7EEgTG
bookishspo | RT @Avaaz: Let's make sure we're on the right side of | 23 Jun 2016, | UK 234 | negative
onie history. Choose Love ae4 #VoteRemain. #EURef 14:55 - CEST
#Brexit #StrongerIN https://t.co/hD6bWADGWA
JoeGandelm | Brexit: good riddance or a new Europe? 23 Jun 2016, | San 0 | negative
an https://t.co/FObma0lfQs 15:12 - CEST | Diego,
CA
frenchfrill RT @nigelshortchess: The most vicious, divisive, 23 Jun 2016, 12 | positive
mendacious campaign will end today. Whatever the 15:12 - CEST
outcome, many people in the UK will be ana€ |
Magu_men_ | RT @El_Universal_ Mx: #QueNoSeTePase Encuentra 23 Jun 2016, 5 | negative
dez aquA todo lo que debes saber sobre el #Brexit 15:12 - CEST
https://t.co/NDdE19pDEn
Col_Irreleva | RT @WooTube: | had reasons to vote for #Brexit but 23 Jun 2016, | Europe 1 | negative
nt they were massively overwhelmed by a strong need to | 15:12 - CEST
crush racism & economic ideas of thea€ |
Laia_5SOS RT @assemblea: No referendumNo democracy #Brexit | 23 Jun 2016, 41 | NA
https://t.co/6Rsn9rrsof 15:12 - CEST
canberra_so | Brexit Poll Shows 80% Of Americans Think Britain 23 Jun 2016, 0 | positive
ul Should Leave EU hittps://t.co/Yq75nKTGa9 15:12 - CEST
cbchh RT @Billdit: @CBCMorningShow @cbchh #Brexit 23 Jun 2016, 1 | neutral
""With Or Without You"" https://t.co/c9r83HZ7le 15:12 - CEST
MephistOpa | RT @ElizabethHurley: Vote tomorrowwhatever your 23 Jun 2016, | Clevelan 3424 | negative
ulus persuasion. I'm for #Brexit & promise to neither gloat | 15:12-CEST | d, OH
nor whinge. But VOTE! https:a€ |
AurelieMela | RT @Daniel_Portman: https://t.co/nE3KJFINFn Being | 23 Jun 2016, | RA@gio 9 | negative
nie put on the same list as James Bond and Hermione 15:12 -CEST | n
Granger made me feel quite cool. #Remaina€ | Parisien
ne

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011239
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012588.txt,"TAB 21

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012588
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019803.txt,"Notes to pages 98-109 | 315

96 “I was being tailed”: Corbett, “How a Snowdenista Kept the NSA Leaker Hidden

in a Moscow Airport.”

CHAPTER 11 Enter Assange

98 “Thanks to Russia”: Julian Assange, “How ‘The Guardian’ Milked Edward
Snowden’s Story,” Newsweek, April 20, 2015.

98 Julian Assange had made: David Leigh and Luke Harding, “Julian Assange: The
Teen Hacker Who Became Insurgent in Information War” Guardian, Jan. 30,
2011.

99 Sarah Harrison: Sarah Ellison, “The Man Who Came to Dinner,” Vanity Fair,
Oct. 2013.

99 Snowden telephoned Assange: Assange interview, in Giles Whittell, “Julian
Assange Unmasked,” Sunday Times (London), Aug. 29, 2015.

99 “Snowden told me they had abused Manning”: Michael Sontheimer, “Spiegel
Interview with Julian Assange,” Spiegel Online International, July 19, 2015.

100 Assange called Harrison: Corbett, “How a Snowdenista Kept the NSA Leaker
Hidden in a Moscow Airport.”

1o1 “We were working very hard”: Ibid.

1o1 U.S. government informed: Jane Perlez and Keith Bradsher, “China Said to Have
Made Call to Let Leaker Depart,” New York Times, June 23, 2013.

102 Tibbo wanted Snowden to remain: Tibbo, interview with author.

103 “The purpose of my mission”: Rusbridger and MacAskill, “I, Spy.”

CHAPTER 12 Fugitive

104 “If lend up in chains”: Snowden video on the Guardian site, June 17, 2013, www

theguardian.com/world/video/2014/jul/17/edward-snowden-video-interview.

104 insert an encrypted key: Gellman, “Code Name ‘Verax.’”

104 “I can’t help him evade”: Gellman quoted in Burrough, Ellison, and Andrews,
“Snowden Saga.”

105 asked Fidel Narvdez: Juan Forero, “Ecuador’s Strange Journey from Embracing
Snowden to Turning Him Away,” Washington Post, July 2, 2013.

106 “My only comment”: Lam, “Post Reporter Lana Lam Tells of Her Journey into
the Secret World of Edward Snowden.”

106 his passage through: Perlez and Bradsher, “China Said to Have Made Call to Let
Leaker Depart.”

107 Snowden first met Harrison: Corbett, “How a Snowdenista Kept the NSA Leaker
Hidden in a Moscow Airport.”

107 Assange continued creating: Assange interview, in Whittell, “Julian Assange
Unmasked.”

108 “Anyone in a three-mile radius”: Corbett, “How a Snowdenista Kept the NSA
Leaker Hidden in a Moscow Airport.”

108 $20,000 fee: Station KGUNg, “Documents: Snowden Paid 20K for UA Skype
Talk,” ABC 15 Arizona, April 1, 2016, //www.abc15.com/news/region-central
-southern-az/tucson/documents-snowden-paid-20k-for-ua-skype-talk.

| | Epst_9780451494566_2p_all_r1.indd 315 ® 9/30/16 8:13AM | |

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019803
"
TEXT-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033111.txt,"From: jeffrey E. [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Sent: 8/29/2018 4:27:12 PM 
To: Nicholas Ribis___________________________________________ 
Subject: Re: Donald Trump only lasted 2 minutes during sex says Stormy Daniels I Bossip 
did you get your money? 
On Wed, Aug 29, 2018 at 12:19 PM, Nicholas Ribis < > wrote: 
In Europe saw this it will drive him crazy!! 
https://bossip.com/1664506/premature-potus-stormy-daniels-says-donald-trump-only-lasted-2-minutes-inside-
her-pornographic-pleasure-pocket-43081/ 
Sent from my iPhone 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 033111 
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029370.txt,"¢ Let us be clear —a nuclear Iran
is a central threat to the entire world
order, not just Israel. A nuclear [ran
means the end of the non-proliferation
regime— Saudi Arabia, within months,
Turkey within a few years and Egypt
might follow as well—and all will
become nuclear.

e Every third-grade dictator will
be able to ensure his survivability
against the outside world by following
in the footsteps of Pakistan, North
Korea and Iran.

¢ The ""countdown"" towards the
troubling vision of Prof. Graham
Allison of Harvard about nuclear
weapons in the hands of terrorists —
this countdown, even if it takes 15
years, will start. Therefore, blocking
Iran from becoming a ""threshold
nuclear state"" is crucial, and justifies

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029370
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013696.txt,"nonharmonic frequency encoding parameter spaces fusing, resulting in new periods
that are the sums of their adjacent ones: period 2 + period 3 = period 5, in what is
called the “period adding route”. Technically precise classification of bifurcations
involve much more careful definitions and well studied technical constraints
involving such issues as the symmetries and dimensionality of the system of
observables, how many control parameters (“codimensions”) are required to
reasonably realize the bifurcation and the particular way the fixed points of the
system become unstable, all of which are directly explorable when the equations
are known or can be hypothetically inferred from the qualitative behavior of real

data.

We note a few examples from the wide variety of bifurcating systems that
can be found in the biomedical literature of interest for the biological sciences. With
substrate input rate as the bifurcation parameter, the phosphofructokinase regulated
glycolytic cycle in yeast extract was found to change among steady state, periodic
and period doubling (subharmonic) regimes (Boiteux et al, 1975). Transitions
between steady state, oscillatory and chaotic patterns have been reported in variety
of physiological measures in man including respiratory rhythms and circulating
blood cell concentrations over time (Mackey and Glass, 1977; Glass and Mackey,
1988 ) and models of dopamine cell dynamics (King et al, 1984). Flow rate
parameter sensitive periodic, bursting and chaotic behavior has been found in a
peroxidase-oxidase system (Olsen and Degn, 1977). A brain enzyme, substantia
nigral dopaminergic tyrosine hydroxylase, manifested different saturation and
fluctuation patterns, including bursting and periodicity, in experiments in which low
(physiological) levels of tetrahydrobiopterin cofactor were the bifurcation parameters

and adrenergic drugs were used as modulators (Mandell and Russo, 1981).

All four of the generic bifurcation routes to chaos, period doubling, changing
multifrequency (quasiperiodicity), period adding and bursting (called “intermittency”)
were observed in self-sustained oscillations induced in the neural membranes of
space clamped, giant squid axons that were immersed in a 550mM NaCl, and
electrically stimulated over changing amplitudes and frequencies (Aihara et al,

1986; Takahashi et al, 1990). With external stimulus current level as the control

196

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013696
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030878.txt,"From: Richard Kahn_______________________________ 
Sent: 9/15/2018 1:09:39 AM 
To: Jeffrey Epstein [jeevacation@gmail.com] 
Subject: Steve Bannon was supposed to be in Michael Moore's 'Fahrenheit 11/9' 
Importance: High 
https://pagesix.com/2018/09/14/steve-bannon-was-supposed-to-appear-in-michael-moores-fahrenheit-11-9/? ga=2.179263469.891655311.1536972901-2116259238.1278814960  
Steve Bannon almost appeared in Michael 
Moore's 'Fahrenheit 11/9' 
Steve Bannon was invited to be in Michael Moore's latest documentary, ""Fahrenheit 11/9,"" 
and while the former White House strategist declined to go on camera, he did meet with 
Moore for two hours, the filmmaker revealed after the film's NYC premiere. 
After a Lincoln Center screening, Moore, at a Tavern on the Green party, revealed Bannon 
was almost in the film. ""We wanted Steve Bannon to answer that first question in the film: 
'How the f—k did this happen?' "" the liberal gadfly told guests. 
""It took a long time. We finally got him to come over, no cameras ... He said he wanted to 
talk to me first. And we talked to him for two hours."" 
Ultimately, Bannon decided not to go on camera, but the conversation had a seismic impact 
on the finished film anyway. 
""He said something very profound to us, and it changed us and it changed the course of the 
film,"" Moore said of Bannon. ""I asked him, 'How did you pull this [Trump's election] 
off?' And he said, 'It's a very easy answer. Our side, we go for the head wound. Your side, 
you have pillow fights.'"" 
Moore continued, ""That so f—ked us up to hear him say that ... watching him smirk as he 
said it. As soon as he left, we decided to watch the film... and put the pillow fight filter."" 
One example Moore gave of a change to his film post-Bannon was a line about news 
networks being run by men, from ""most"" to ""all."" 
""It's amazing how we talk as liberals. We always want to be nice and maybe be fair,"" Moore 
explained. 
The film also jabs at the media, highlighting major newsmen who have turned out to be 
predators, including Matt Lauer and Charlie Rose. 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 030878 
A spy told us, ""Everyone in the theater hissed when Les Moonves' face came up on-screen."" 
Moore also held a Q&A after the screening. 
The movie's already premiered in Moore's hometown of Flint, Mich., and played the 
Toronto International Film Festival. 
Richard Kahn 
HBRK Associates Inc. 
575 Lexington Avenue, 4th Floor 
New York, NY 10022 
Tel 
Fax 
Cell 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 030879 
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031176.txt,"return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com , and

destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

Bis 2g Ie fe 2k 2s 24s ois 2fe 2s 24s 2fs fe 24s ois 2fe ois 2fe fs fe oie ois 2fe ois fe ois fe ofc ois 2fe ois 2s 2fs fe 2c ois 2fe ois 2fe 2s fe 2c ois 2fe ok 2fe ois oie 2s ois ofc ok 2fe ois oie 2 ois 2 ok

The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of

Jeffrey Epstein

Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

3s 2fe 2s 24s 2s 2s 2c ois 2fe 2s 2fe 2s fs 24s ois 24s 2s 2fe 2s 2 2c ois 2fe ois fe 2s fe 24s ois 2fe ois fe 2s 2 2c ois 2s ois fe 2fs 2s 2c ois 2fe ois 2fe ois 2s 2c ois 2s ok 24s ois oie 2 ois 2 ok

The information contained in this communication 1s
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of

Jeffrey Epstein

Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

His 2fe FIs fe 2s 2s 2c ois 24s 2s fe 2fs 2s 2fe ois 2fe fs fe 2fs 2s 2c ois 2fe 2k fe of of ofc ois 2fe ois 2fe fs fe oie ois 2fe ois fe 2s 2 2s ois 2s ois 2fe of fe 2s ois 2c ois 2s ois 2 2c ok 2 ok

The information contained in this communication 1s
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of

Jeffrey Epstein

Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031176
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015876.txt,"186 Are the Androids Dreaming Yet?

“Ah, no,” says the tour guide. “The first bus you accommodated
had a man in the first seat but this has a woman. The second bus had
a woman in the second seat but this one has a man and so on. This
bus has a different gender in at least one seat to every bus you so far
accommodated. It is a new bus.”

The manager finds room for the passengers from the new bus but
the tour guide comes back a moment later.

“You have missed another bus. This one has a different gender
in at least one seat to every previous bus, including the one you just
accommodated. It looks like there are an infinite number of buses you
missed, all lined up to get into the infinite hotel.”

What is it about these buses that make them so difficult to
accommodate? They are all just filled with people after all.

The manager is defeated by the more complex information held in
the contents of the buses. An infinitely large bus full of binary information
has more information in it than an infinitely large bus specified only by its
size. This is a larger infinity than the counting infinity. The permutation
of all the possible options for the occupants of the bus is larger than
infinity.

Real Numbers

What about the real world we live in? Is the larger infinity we failed to
fit into Hilbert’s Hotel present, or was it just a mathematical fiction?
Hold up your thumb and index finger for a moment. The gap between
them is a distance. Most likely this is a whole number with an infinite
decimal digits after it — say 2.2320394386.... centimeters. The infinite set
of decimal digits in this measurement is the larger type of infinity: called
the continuum. Distances in space form a continuous unbroken line of
points, with no gaps in between. The counting numbers, on the other
hand, form a broken line. We take discrete steps from one number to the
next. This is a hard distinction to grasp but it is the same distinction we
used in Hilbert’s Hotel. Imagine you believe you have a list of all the real
numbers in the world. You can take the first decimal digit from the first
number and add one, the second digit from the second number add one
and so on generating new numbers not on the original list. Therefore,
you cannot have a list all the real numbers; they are not countable. Let’s
take a closer look at these real numbers.

Here’s a quick test. Which is the larger number, the first or the second?

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015876
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023349.txt,"summary
I can either do it for you or not. if i do it it means finding hiring organizeing, structuring reviewing re
negotiating, bring in my team under my control not brads. . stop -gap accounting - my people getting the
books software and procedure in shape. setting up the various brokerage and bank accounts and rationalizing
them, organizing Melanie, TPS , house, and all the intra family notes outstanding, overseeing the phaidon
mess.maybe sale redo some of estate given the new circumstances. etc. I 've responded to every brad question
, given him first lessons , not a good use of my time or his. he should administrate, follow up, have signing
authority instead of eileen, ( AFTER rationalized accounts ). holding a position of trust. ONLY

talk whenever you like, NO STRESS , Mort had a skiing accident and sultan not fully comp es mentes. no
stress please for either of us . both of our reserves which are not insubstantial , can use a break

Date: Tue, Apr 7, 2015 at 4:29 PM
Subject:
To: Melanie Spin iT
agenda for tomorrow.
1 building an office from scratch. who doesit. ? so far little or no progress in real terms.. brad should
remain and can administrate. follow up methodically, . has no idea of corrrect questions to ask. or
understanding of family office issues. procedures checlks and balances. etc .. consultants , diana
goldner foundtaion woman?. office . focus .
2. without strong , very stroung direction, joslin will not make it. does not know where to focus. who to
respond to. and how. unfortunately now getting more and more answers like the powers that be , want it that
way.??
3. the priority list is still virtually the same , since dec. . accounting system. redone from scratch. etc.
4. it will take 9 months. at a minimum now. . an outsider brought in when everything is clean , including
phaidon, notes. eileen. banks, jpm db, bam, etc.
5 disposition, of Phaidon. art space regan etc.( ressler??) . sale of boat. plane . art , stock, investments, athene?
etc, tra, brh.
6 .newIT . complex. household . payroll insurance . recurring bills.
7 estate modification given new circunstances and altered probablities. (use etc )
8 charity, new trusts,!!d_ IPI< harvard . fees,

I spoke to brad and made him aware of all my concerns and propsals to move forward. he is desperate for
help

Date: Tue, Apr 14, 2015 at 11:53 PM

Subject:

To: Melanie vin [i -_

saved you 500k at the last minute, . brad has had the same chart since march 16th, its his job to review NOT
MINE .appears he is one of those living in the dark leiwe. I found 8 million dollars today, missed
deductions. . not yet in the numbers, .?

Date: Tue, Apr 21, 2015 at 1:10 PM
Subject:
To: Melanie Spinella il
emblematic of my frustration and ,in the end what I believe is a waste of our time energy money and
resources. is the very simple question of bidco bank accounts. 4 months ago I asked the question , does it
have a bank account and if so , who has authority, where is it located and what transacations ran through it. it
is only one question out of hundreds that need to be answered. hundreds. . you asked that i not behave like
Zeus and try to explain why I want need certain things. since isaid to placate Brad's inquisitive ness and his
desire to learn I said a filing might be required. instead of merely getting me the answer. he has talked to
joslin paul weiss , you , you wanted to ask brad karp. ( maybe a filing that reopened things, )

none of this as a practical matter has any influence upon the ultimate action taken . I merely needed to

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023349
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017254.txt,"4.2.12
WC: 191694

Within minutes, the alarm was sounded and the manhunt was on. But the escapees were keeping
to back roads in the old white Lincoln supplied by their Uncle Joe, a marijuana dealer. A tire
went flat the next day and was replaced with a spare. Later that night, another went flat. There
was no spare.

At about the same time, a young marine named John Lyons was driving his family on a vacation.
About an hour into their road trip, John saw a young man standing on the side of the road next to
a white Lincoln waving his arms for assistance. At first John passed; then he stopped, backed up,
and pulled next to the Lincoln. Four more men appeared out of the shadows with their guns
drawn. One of them ordered the Lyonses out of the car and motioned them into the back seat of
the Lincoln. Two of the men got in the car with them, and the others got into the Mazda.

The Lincoln bumped along for several miles down the rocky dirt road, with the Mazda following
behind. Gary stopped and the Lyonses were ordered out of the Lincoln while the men cleaned out
the Mazda, put their guns in it, and loaded the Lyones’ suitcases into the Lincoln.

Then Gary and Randy got into the Lincoln and drove it seventy yards farther into the desert.
They shot some holes into the engine to disable it and told the boys to put the Lyones into the
Lincoln. After the Lyoneses were transferred, Gary turned to Ricky and said, “You boys go back
into the Mazda and get the water jug.” Raymond and Ricky were relieved that the Lyoneses
would be left with enough water to survive until help arrived.

Donny, Ricky and Ray retrieved the water jug from the Lyones’ Mazda and were on their way
back when they heard the shotguns fire. They could see flashes of fire through the darkness.
They stood transfixed. It seemed to last forever. Then it was quiet.

As the boys came closer they could see the carnage their father and Randy had left behind.

Their father had murdered an entire family—father, mother, baby and niece—for no apparent
reason. They sat immobilized by horror as Randy Greenawalt drove them away in the orange
Mazda.

Soon thereafter the Arizona police found the Lyons family. Mother, baby and John were in or
near the white Lincoln, shot to death. The niece was missing, raising the fear that she had been
kidnapped by the Tisons. Several days later she was found: she had been shot once in the hip and
had managed to drag herself toward the main road before bleeding to death. The family dog lay
dead from dehydration a few feet away from her.

The disclosure of this mass murder shocked the public, which had followed the news of the
manhunt with a mixture of fear and admiration for the daring prison escape. Now revulsion
replaced admiration. The crimes were characterized by the media as a “mad-dog murder spree,”
and a “death orgy,” and a “ritualistic execution.” The killers were described as “crazed” and
“desperate.” Some people refused to drive at night until the Tisons and Greenawalt were caught.
Among the mothers who feared for their families was Sandra Day O’Connor, who was then
serving as a Maricopa County Trial Judge.

167

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017254
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018167.txt,"Read the full story

App News

On Saturday, CBS News broadcasted a segment on The Early Show called “Unique Ways on |_|
Keeping Kids Safe on Halloween” in which CNET technology contributor Katie Linendoll
showcased a few charming gadgets to help track children while they’re out and about. Naturally,
GTX Corp’s iPhone, iPad, Android and Samsung GPS Tracking Apps iLoci2 and GPS Tracking
Pro were highlighted for their easy-to-use yet powerful features.

View the show

Oct. 26, 2010 - wsRadio

Listen to an interview with

Patrick Bertagna, GTX Corp CEO,
on The Peggy Smedley Show
Click here to listen

GPS Smart Shoe ™ Wins 2010 People's Choice Award
LOS ANGELES, Oct. 12, 2010 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) -
GTX Corp (OTCBB:GTXO - News) has won the prestigious 2010 People's Choice Award for

Most Innovative Connected Location Device at the 4th Annual Locations & Beyond Summit this
past week.

""We are honored to have won this prestigious award and look forward to continue to bring
innovative and game changing technologies that transform how we utilize GPS tracking and stay
connected to one another,"" says Patrick Bertagna, CEO and founder of GTX Corp.

Read the full story

Wall Street Reporter Interview

Audio interview with Patrick Bertanga, CEO, GTX Corp

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018167
"
IMAGES-012-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033532.txt,"Travel

Religion

a

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033532
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015645.txt,"12/8/2015 Prince Andrew and girl, 17, who sex offender friend flew to Britain to meet him | Daily Mail Online

However, he avoided trial on more serious charges that carried a potential life sentence. And no one
reading The Mail on Sunday's interview with the woman who was prepared to testify against him can
be in any doubt of the seriousness of the charges.

Epstein, a Wall Street money manager who once counted Bill Clinton and Donald Trump among his
friends, became the subject of an undercover investigation in 2005 after the stepmother of a 14-year
old girl claimed she was paid $200 (£125) to give him an ‘erotic massage’.

The subsequent FBI probe uncovered at least 20 girls levelling sexual allegations against him.
Eventually, Epstein struck a ‘plea bargain’ with prosecutors — a practice not permitted under British
law — under which he was allowed to plead guilty to two relatively minor charges.

Police claim that his donations to politicians and his ‘dream team’ of influential lawyers deterred
prosecutors from bringing more serious charges of sex-trafficking. The deal certainly kept the names
of a lot of Epstein’s famous friends out of an embarrassing court case.

However, an unusual part of the agreement was that Epstein’s alleged victims were allowed to bring
civil proceedings against him.

He has so far made 17 out-of-court settlements, and some cases are ongoing. One of these girls
was to have been a key witness for the prosecution had the case gone to trial. She was just 15
years old when she was drawn into Epstein’s exploitative world in 1998.

In her civil writ against him, under the pseudonym Jane Doe 102’ she alleged that her duties
included being ‘sexually exploited by Epstein’s adult male peers including royalty’.

Now, horrified by the evidence of Epstein and
Andrew enjoying each other's company in New
York, Jane Doe 102 has agreed to waive her
anonymity and tell for the first time her deeply
disturbing story.

Her real name is Virginia Roberts and she now
lives in Australia, where she is a happily married
mother of three.

Over the course of a week during which she
spoke at length to The Mail on Sunday, she
appeared sometimes vulnerable, and
sometimes steely, but always quietly resolute
and consistent.

Revisiting events from a past that she had
hoped she had left behind, Virginia occasionally
buried her face in her hands.

Some recollections — and, for reasons of taste,
not all the details can be included here — caused
her to flush with shame. ‘I’m telling you things
that even my husband didn’t know,’ she said.

Virginia, who has undergone counselling to try
to come to terms with her past, is honest about
her initiation into Epstein’s depraved world.

She was a troubled teenager, whose slender
figure, delicate complexion, hesitant voice and
soulful blue eyes made her look young for her
years.

Born in Sacramento, California, in August 1983,
Virginia spent her early years on a small ranch
on the West Coast of America.

This seemingly idyllic childhood ended when she
was sexually molested by a man close to her
family.

The fallout from that led to her parents
temporarily splitting up. Blaming herself, Virginia
began to get into trouble Aged 11, she was sent
to live with an aunt but repeatedly ran away.

Living on the streets, she was beaten up and
slept with at least two older men in return for
food. ‘I was a paedophile’s dream,’ she says.

Three years later, she was reunited with her
family and started a new life with her father who
had moved to Palm Beach,

Florida, where he was maintenance manager at
Donald Trump’s country club, Mar-a-Lago.

Virginia got a part-time job as a changing room
assistant —which is where, soon after her 15th A new life: Virgina, now a mother-of-three, in
birthday, she met Ghislaine Maxwell, who invited —_ Australia

her to work as Epstein’s personal masseuse.

‘| was wearing my uniform — a white miniskirt
and a skin-tight white polo top — when | was approached by Ghislaine,’ Virginia says.

‘| told her | wanted to become a masseuse and she said she worked for a very wealthy gentleman
who was looking for a travelling masseuse.

I'd get training and be paid well.’Virginia’s father gave his blessing, believing his daughter was being
handed the opportunity to learn a skill and to work for a wealthy and respectable employer.

He drove her to Epstein’s pink mansion on the Palm Beach waterfront — he also owns a nine-storey
home in New York, the city’s biggest private residence; a 7,500-acre ranch called ‘Zorro’ in New
Mexico and Little Saint James, a private 70- acre atoll in the US Virgin Islands.

Virginia says: ‘Ghislaine said | was to start immediately and that someone would drive me home.

b singing Christmas
song... as she reveals
remarkably slim post-
baby body

» Edgy ensemble! Kylie
Jenner steps out in
black leather leggings
and a beaded military
jacket after steaming up
Miami

She's a teen style icon

> Melanie Griffith ‘got the
house in Aspen, the
Picasso painting and
$65,000-a-month' in
divorce from Antonio
Banderas

After 19 years together

b'I'm happier taking my
clothes off!’ Heidi Klum
strips to her
underwear... but reveals
she suffers stage fright
on live TV

Supermodel is now 42

»'Time to move on’:
Ariel Winter hints at split
with boyfriend Laurent
Gaudette after two PDA-
filled years

Last photographed
together in November

> 'l wouldn't have put me
on the show either’: Gigi
Hadid says she was
‘shaking’ during
unsuccessful first
Victoria's Secret
audition

>» Who's that boy? Kate
Hudson looks chuffed
as she steps out with
mystery man in New
York City

The 36-year-old has
been playing the field

» What a sweet couple!
Pregnant Ginnifer
Goodwin shares a kiss
with husband Josh
Dallas while eating ice
cream at Disneyland
Happiest place on earth

> Kendall Jenner
showcases her lithe
legs in leather jeans as
she jets out of London
‘on her way to visit baby
Saint in Los Angeles'
Off to meet her nephew

>» Penelope Cruz puts
her ample cleavage and
curvaceous figure on
display in clinging red
leather jumpsuit in new
Zoolander 2 posters
Stars in the sequel

http:/Awww.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-1361039/Prince-Andrew-girl- 17-sex-offender-friend-flew-Britain-meet-him.htm|

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015645

3/29
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024426.txt,"Siegel: There is a moment in typical horror films where the central characters have been pushed to their
limit. They then change and fully embrace the willingness to be as ruthless as the threat they face. No more
moral high ground; no more futile attempts to ignore or change the threat’s essence. As Lee Harris described
in The Suicide of Reason, it is the willingness o r license to be (not necessarily actually being) as ruthless
that is critical. It is a mental state that sheds all the prior counter-productive efforts at denial to finally clearly
focus on the threat faced. Part of the Inner Jihad is to reach that Turnaround Moment sooner rather than later.

FP: You suggest that “mirroring” should be used as part of our arsenal. Tell us about it.

Siegel: Mirroring is a literal approach to transferring back to the addict responsibility that we have been
inappropriately accepting. Critical to the addict/enabler relationship is asymmetry. Like the addict, the
enemy uses a less limiting set of rules than we do. The enemy typically initiates aggression while we respond
only. Mirroring means that we demonstrate our willingness to act symmetrically, to be governed by the same
rules. It is stunning how much is accomplished when one’s attitude simply is clear that he will do what is
necessary; often not much else is needed as the addict or enemy realizes the game is fundamentally changed.
But other times action is absolutely needed. Demonstrating that we are not afraid to treat the enemy as it
treats us carries great meaning. Imagine (international law aside) if Israel announced that from now on it will
mirror Hamas such that if civilian populations are targeted by bombs from Gaza, Israel will do the same (it is
accused of such anyway). The population might finally rethink and take responsibility for its privilege of
voting its leaders. As stated earlier, all behavior is instructive and when we mirror we teach the other the
effects of his behavior.

Conversely, some situations demand that we assert asymmetry; those cases where it is necessary to highlight
our differences with the enemy. Just this week, an disingenuous report was issued by an NGO drawing an
equivalence between Palestinian and Israe li schoolbooks claiming that both sides have their relativistic “
narratives.” Yet, as the Palestinian Media Watch’s website has demonstrated for years, there is nothing in the
West anywhere comparable to the hatred spewed daily by the Palestinian Authority, including through its
education system. It is interesting to note that while the US State Department initially funded the “study,”- in
what appears to be an attempt to sanitize the PA’s record so that the US can continue to fund the PA against
the spirit of US law- Hillary Clinton has a difficult time escaping her conclusion as Senator in 2007 that
these schoolbooks along with other media “profoundly poison(s) the minds of these children.” It is most
important that we do not succumb to this type of use of symmetry that distorts the profound differences
between us and the enemy.

Essentially, we are not clear as a nation, participating in a world with international rules, how to bes t fight
this enemy. The first act of any rehab is to acknowledge that we do not know how nor are we yet competent
to stop our addictions. This is not a book about policy. In fact, the “right” policies are unlikely to emerge
until a critical mass has meaningfully dealt with their Control Factors and share a common perspective. We
like to look at our history and assume a single perspective throughout but the truth is that we had to learn
how to respond to Pearl Harbor, the Nazis, the Cold War etc. The same applies here. Our press promotes
“elites” who are tasked with acting as if they possess the “true wisdom” to deal with our threats but the truth
is we do not know nor are we equipped to marshal enough of our population to agree just yet. The sooner we
learn, however, the less we will suffer. Mirroring has always been a key component of those lessons.

I have been encouraged by some recent acts that have begu n to nip at the asymmetry. For years, the
language of “feeling s” had been reserved for our enemy while we were limited to that of “‘action;” we would
do terrible acts that would cause bad feelings in the enemy which would then serve to justify whatever
response it made. It had always been a question of the harsh insensitive acts Westerners do against Muslims
and the resulting hurt, loss, shame etc. that Muslims experience. The Ground Zero Mosque incident,
however, broke new ground because all of a sudden non-Muslims’ feelings became the focus and were cast
as resulting from Muslim acts. Another example was seen in how quickly the attempt to blame the

Benghazi murders on the video about Mohammad fell apart. Just as large corporations eventually learned to
turn away from shakedown attempts from race baiters, we are beginning to learn to demand symmetry
through mirroring. A word of caution: When enablers change their behavior and demand symmetrical rules f
or the addict, the latter typically initially erupts with great resistance. This is a stage we must be prepared to

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024426
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027245.txt,"Sender: itun

23
Time: 06/30/17 O05:
Flags: 1085445
Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

F6AF3344

5

GUID:

1H11-4631-9931-CO3910DA1

s@gmail.com

49:28 AM (520519768)

Gl

Message: Not ye

Sender) ==!

Time: 06/30/17 05:

Flags: 1060865
Is Read: Yes
Is Invitation: No

GUID:

51:30 AM (520519890)

3C023FC4-793A-42 9D-B5B2-A8F836384B19

Message: Contrary

Sender: itun

7
Time: 06/30/17 O5:
Flags: 1085445

ITs Read: No

to what you and Woody think, I am a nice person.;)

s@gmail.com

52:15 AM (520519935)

Is Invitation: No
GUID: 9DBAIBEF-SEEF-4536-A787-28593AA5E459
Message: Glad to see you are having your period ----still

Time: 06/30/17 05:

Flags: 1060865
Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

53:14 AM (520519994)

GUID:

Message: I am not.

72CB372B-081B-4AA1-8FD5

Sender: e:jeeitun

Time: 06/30/17 05:
Flags: 1085445
Ts Read: No

Is Invitation: No

E2187FD19A77

You sound like Donald Trump and that's not a good thing.

s@gmail.com

53:49 AM (520520029)

GUID:

Message: Agrreed

94583E5A-58D3-4057-8714-1B30F

Sender: e:jeeitun

Time: 06/30/17 05:

ES9EFT72

s@gmail.com

53:55 AM (520520035)

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027245
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021117.txt,"HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021117
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028176.txt,"/ BARAK / 42

negotiations. The first stirrings of discontent had begun even before I went to see
Clinton. On the basis of my commitment merely to try for peace, Arik Sharon had
presented a no-confidence motion in the Knesset. It was never going to pass. But
only days after I’d made him Interior Minister, Natan Sharansky let it be known he
was going to vote against us. He didn’t. He stayed away from the chamber, in
effect abstaining. But I’d been put on notice.

I did lose my first coalition partner in September: the small United Torah
Judaism party, with five Knesset seats. It wasn’t over land-for-peace. In an echo of
a similar crisis that brought down the government during Rabin’s first spell as
Prime Minister in the 1970s, it was over a violation of the Jewish Sabbath. It
turned out that Israel’s state electric company had been transporting a huge steam-
condensation machine from the manufacturing site near Haifa to a power plant in
Ashdod. The unit was the size of a small apartment. It weighed 100 tons. It
couldn’t be driven across the country without bringing weekday traffic to a
standstill. The obvious solution was to do it when road use was lightest, on
Shabbat. Precisely the same procedure had been followed — 24 times — under Bibi.
But when I asked a United Torah Judaism leader why he’d seemed happy when
Likud had waved it through, he replied: “Past sins cannot pardon future ones.” Eli
Suissa, one of the Shas ministers in the cabinet, took his side, saying: “Every hour
is good for the keeping of Shabbat.” Most other ministers agreed with me that we
should stand firm. So I did. But UTJ walked out of the government. Shas did
remain. But I was now increasingly certain that at some stage its ministers, too,
would leave.

In the midst of the Sharanksy rebellion, Haim Ramon, who was the minister in
charge of liaising with the Knesset, insisted I “punish” him for his political
grandstanding. “You should fire Sharansky. Act like a leader!” I just laughed. ‘““The
coalition doesn’t need a leader,” I replied. “It needs therapy.” In truth, I suspected
that if we ever got near to a peace agreement with Assad or Arafat, even therapy
might not help. But that was a main reason that I’d promised a referendum on any
final peace deals. I believed that in the choice between concessions, even painful
ones, and a genuine peace deal with Syria or the Palestinians, by far most Israelis
would choose peace.

I relied on a strong, close team around me, people I knew well and who shared
my determination to stay focused on the central goal: to put Israel in a position
where its citizens could be given that choice. I made Danny Yatom, my former

328
HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028176
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025520.txt,"From: Steve Bannon 
Sent: 3/11/2018 7:47:49 PM 
To: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com] 
Subject: Re: Filed: German Media Confess to Underestimating Steve Bannon; He Is 'As Dangerous as Ever' 
Importance: High 
Pretty powerful 
On Mar 11, 2018, at 8:42 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
luv it 
On Sun, Mar 11, 2018 at 8:39 PM, Steve Bannon <IMII> wrote: 
Germans get it 
Begin forwarded message: 
Resent-From: 
From: ""Thomas D. Williams"" 
Date: March 11, 2018 at 5:13:03 PM GMT+1  
To: Raheem Kassam <______________________n>, Oliver Lane 
<cMij>, Alexander Marlow ______________________ Frances Martel 
Adrienne Ross <_______________________I> 
Subject: Filed: German Media Confess to Underestimating Steve Bannon; He Is 'As Dangerous as Ever' 
German Media Confess to 
Underestimating Steve 
Bannon; He Is 'As Dangerous 
as Ever' 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 025520 
1 by THOMAS D. WILLIAMS, PH.D.11 Mar 2018 
0 
As Steve Bannon continues his tour of Europe, energizing the anti-
establishment populist base, the mainstream media cannot help but 
admit their admiration for his abilities, despite their dislike of his aims. 
In this week's issue, the left-wing German weekly Stern articulates the greatest fear of the European 
establishment: that Bannon ""could give the fragmented right in Europe a common ideology and rhetoric."" 
Many thought that the reign of the ""Dark Lord"" had ended, writes Gernot Kramper, when Steve Bannon left 
first the White House and then his role as executive chairman of Breitbart News. It turns out, however, that 
Bannon's adversaries had underestimated him, because he is ""as dangerous as ever,"" he confesses. 
Kramper cannot conceal his respect for Bannon's ability to move a crowd. He was greeted by ""frenetic 
applause"" in his recent address before France's National Front party, Kramper writes, demonstrating his 
""impressive potential,"" which the writer describes as ""dangerous."" 
In the mind of his audience, Bannon is something of a miracle-worker, Stamper notes, having ""done the 
impossible"" by bringing Donald Trump into the White House. 
The reason Bannon is dangerous, Kramper continues, is because he ""lays out the political program of a 
worldwide right: He has already conquered the USA; now Europe and then the whole world will follow."" 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 025521 
""You are part of a worldwide movement that is bigger than France, bigger than Italy, bigger than Hungary, 
bigger than all that,"" Bannon told French populists. 
Bannon showed that he ""dominates the mood against the 'elites,' the 'establishment' and the 'perverse system' 
of greedy corporations and banks, and of course also against the press, which is led around 'like a dog on the 
Leash,"" Stamper writes. 
And now he Mr. Bannon setting himself up as an instigator, if not an outright shepherd, of a movement that 
crosses borders, languages and parties. 
""Bannon is a master of apocalyptic rhetoric,"" Stamper continues, effortlessly weaving together nationalist 
interests with an international populist movement. 
The American strategist showed his ""true caliber"" by expounding modern methods of political freedom 
through blockchain technologies and cryptocurrencies, Stamper said, leaving many of his hearers behind. 
Bannon has demonstrated that if the right wants to rule the future, ""it must dominate modern themes and 
rhetorically position them,"" he added. 
Aspiring to be far more than an uncle who tells stories to his nephews of how he won the fight for the White 
House, Stamper writes, ""Bannon wants to become the super godfather of the international right."" 
Although Bannon often looks a bit disheveled, ""he should not be underestimated,"" the writer warns. Past 
business partners attribute impressive ""strategic foresight"" to the eccentric tactician, saying he was often ""three 
or four steps ahead"" of his opponents in business. Because of his phenomenal memory, his nickname is ""the 
encyclopedia,"" Stamper notes with a certain reverence, and in his speeches he will spontaneously cite 
""forgotten thinkers, known only to a handful of specialists."" 
""Bannon brings with him exclusive knowledge of power from the very heart of power,"" Stamper writes, which 
he will bring to bear on Europe's fragmented populist populism. 
According to Stamper, Bannon has established his ""European headquarters"" in Italy, from where he intends to 
galvanize European populists. 
The Italian political situation is completely to his liking, Stamper declares, with a political landscape 
""dominated by populists, right-wing ideologues and the political puppeteer Berlusconi."" 
Follow Thomas D. Williams on Twitter 
Read More Stories About: 
Big Government, Breitbart London, National Security, Europe, Germany, Nationalism, Populism, Stephen K. 
Bannon, Stern 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 025522 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 025523 
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014112.txt,"Case 9:08-cv-80736-KAM

WM west PALM REACH OFFICE:
2139 PALM BEACH LAKES BLVD.

SEARCY
DENNEY
SCAROLA

WEST PALM BEACH, FLORIDA 33402 @SH | DL EY..

P.O. BOX 3626

(561) 686-6300
1-800-780-8607
1-800-220-7006 Spanish

ATTORNEYS AT LAW:

ROSALYN SIA BAKER-BARNES
*F. GREGORY BARNHART
T. HARDEE BASS, It
LAURIE J. BRIGGS
""BRIAN R. DEHNEY
BRENDA S. FULMER
‘MARIANO GARCIA
JAMES W. GUSTAFSON, JR.
MARA R. P. HATFIELD
ADAM S, HECHT
JACK P. HILL
KELLY HYMAN
DAVID K. KELLEY, UR.
CAMERON M. KENNEDY
WILLIAM B. KING?
DARRYLL. LEWIS!
“WILLIAM A. NORTON
PATRICK E. QUINLANS
EDWARD V. RICCI
‘JOHN SCAROLA
MATTHEW K. SCHWENCKE
“CHRISTIAN D. SEARCY
“JOHN A, SHIPLEY iif
CHRISTOPHER K. SPEED &
BRIAN P. SULLIVAN 248
KAREN E. TERRY
DONALD J. WARD 11?
*C. CALVIN WARRINER Ht

OE COUNSEL
*BARLL. DENNEY, JR?

SHAREHOLDERS
“BOARD CERTIFIED

ALSO ADMITTED
""KENTUCKY
? MAINE
3 MARYLAND
4 MASSACHUSETTS
5 MISSISSIPPI
® NEW HAMPSHIRE
""NEW JERSEY
§ VIRGINIA
® WASHINGTON 0G

PARALEGALS:

VIMIAN AYAN-TEJEDA
RANDY M, DUFRESNE
DAVID W. GILMORE
JOHN GC, HOPKINS
DEBORAH M. KNAPP
VINCENT L. LEONARD, JR,
JAMES PETER LOVE
ROBERT W. PITCHER
PABLO PERHACS
KATHLEEN SIMON
STEVE M. SMITH
BONNIE §. STARK
WALTER A. STEIN

C4 ot “if

ae <L)

VIA EMAIL
thomas.scott@csklegal.com

February 25, 2015

Thomas Emerson Scott, Jr., Esquire
Cole Scott & Kissane P.A.

9150 S Dadeland Boulevard, Suite 1400
Miami, FL 33156

Re: Edwards and Cassell vs. Dershowitz
Our File No.: 20150013

Dear Tom:

Document 319-1 Entered on FLSD Docket 03/24/2015 Page 29 of

CU ra aHASSeE oFrine:

THE TOWLE HOUSE
517 NORTH CALHOUN STREET
TALLAHASSEE, FL. 32301-1231

{850) 224-7600
1-888-549-7011

I write in the hope of amicably resolving a number of issues that arise in connection
with the discovery responses you have provided in the referenced matter.

Responding ""Subject to and Without Waiving"" Objections

and Claims of Privilege

It is a common and improper tactic to state ""general objections"" (or even specific ones)
and then to respond to every request ""subject to"" those objections or claims of privilege.
We cannot accept such responses, When this occurs, even if responsive information is
forthcoming, we have no guarantee that you have not unilaterally withheld information
subject to the stated objections or claims of privilege; in other words, it shields the very
existence of responsive matters from discovery without any ability to assess the merits
of the objection or claim of privilege as applied to the ostensibly protected matters. A

federal court described the problem:

This Court has on several occasions ""disapproved [of] the practice of
asserting a general objection ‘to the extent’ it may apply to particular
requests for discovery."" This Court has characterized these types of
objections as “worthless for anything beyond delay of the discovery."" Such
objections are considered mere “hypothetical or contingent possibilities,""
where the objecting party makes 'no meaningful effort to show the
application of any such theoretical objection’ to any request for discovery.""

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014112
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031555.txt,"From: Weingarten, Reid 
Sent: 2/15/2018 10:41:00 PM 
To: jeffrey E. [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Subject: Re: hicks 
Importance: High 
So the florida shooter always wore a trump hat and was looking to kill Jews and women 
Sent from my BlackBerry 10 smartphone. 
From: Jeffrey E. 
Sent: Thursday, February 15, 2018 2:55 PM 
To: Weingarten, Reid 
Subject: hicks 
From: ""Sidney Blumenthal"" < 
Date: Feb 15, 2018 2:08 
To: 
Cc: 
https://blindgossip.com/?p=89824 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031555 
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019630.txt,"142 | HOW AMERICA LOST ITS SECRETS

Russia by design or by accident. Whenever an intelligence worker
steals sensitive compartmented information of interest to a foreign
adversary and then defects to that adversary, it raises at least the
specter of state-sponsored espionage. It is a commonly accepted pre-
sumption in counterintelligence that a spy, fearing arrest, flees to
a country that has some reason to offer him protection. When the
British spies Guy Burgess, Donald Maclean, and Kim Philby fled to
Moscow during the Cold War, the presumption was that they had a
prior intelligence connection with Russia. Philby confirmed that in
his 1968 memoir, My Silent War. So in the case of Snowden, coun-
terintelligence had to consider the possibility that his theft of state
secrets and his arrival in Moscow might not be totally coincidental.

Snowden blamed high officials in the U.S. government who pur-
posely “trapped him” in Russia. He told the editor of The Nation,
“I’m in exile. My government revoked my passport intentionally to
leave me exiled” and “chose to keep me in Russia.” He repeated that
assertion over a dozen times, but as we’ve seen, it had no basis in
fact. Whenever criminal charges are lodged against a U.S. citizen by

© the Department of Justice, the State Department, in accordance with ©
the U.S. code of justice, marks in the electronic passport validation
advisory system that that person’s passport is valid only for return
to the United States. After criminal charges were publicly filed
against Snowden on June 21, it advised foreign governments that
because Snowden was wanted on felony charges, he “should not be
allowed to proceed in any further international travel, other than is
necessary to return him to the United States.” Rather than “exiling”
Snowden, the government acted to facilitate his return home. With
his passport, he could have flown home from either Hong Kong or
Moscow, where he, like any other person accused of a felony, would
face the charges against him. Snowden’s unfounded claims suggested
to investigators that he had something to hide about his arrival in
Russia.

The counterintelligence investigation had access to State Depart-
ment records showing that its representatives in Hong Kong had
informed authorities there on June 16 that there were criminal
charges against Snowden. Only a typographical error in spelling out
Snowden’s middle name—James instead of Joseph—in the criminal

| | Epst_9780451494566_2p_all_r1.z.indd 142 ® 9/29/16 5:51 Pa | |

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019630
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012563.txt,"sor & Ass

ociates r |

ring and ‘Tra Jne

EEE ST EE EEN COE EEE EY RES RPES REELS SST EES

Ph. 561.682.0905 - Fax. 561.682.1771 |

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012563
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026274.txt,"affected” specific FBI actions in the Hillary Clinton email investigation, it nonetheless affects the

legality of the Trump-Russia collusion inquiry, code-named Crossfire Hurricane.

Crossfire was launched only months before the 2016 election. Its FBI progenitors—the same ones who
had investigated Mrs. Clinton—deployed at least one informant to probe Trump campaign advisers,
obtained Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court wiretap warrants, issued national security letters to
gather records, and unmasked the identities of campaign officials who were surveilled. They also

repeatedly leaked investigative information.

Mr. Horowitz is separately scrutinizing Crossfire and isn’t expected to finish for months. But the
current report reveals that FBI officials displayed not merely an appearance of bias against Donald
Trump, but animus bordering on hatred. Peter Strzok, who led both the Clinton and Trump
investigations, confidently assuaged a colleague’s fear that Mr. Trump would become president: “No
he won’t. We’ll stop it.” An unnamed FBI lawyer assigned to Crossfire told a colleague he was
“devastated” and “numb” after Mr. Trump won, while declaring to another FBI attorney: “Viva le

resistance.”

The report highlights the FBI’s failure to act promptly upon discovering that Anthony Weiner’s laptop
contained thousands of Mrs. Clinton’s emails. Investigators justified the delay by citing the “higher
priority” of Crossfire. But Mr. Horowitz writes: “We did not have confidence that Strzok’s decision to
prioritize the Russia investigation over following up on [the] investigative lead discovered on the

Weiner laptop was free from bias.”

Similarly, although Mr. Horowitz found no evidence that then-FBI Director James Comey was trying
to influence the election, Mr. Comey did make decisions based on political considerations. He told the
inspector general that his election-eve decision to reopen the Clinton email investigation was motivated

by a desire to protect her assumed presidency’s legitimacy.

The inspector general wrote that Mr. Strzok’s text messages “created the appearance that investigative
decisions were impacted by bias or improper considerations.” The report adds, importantly, that “most
of the text messages raising such questions pertained to the Russia investigation.” Given how biases
ineluctably shape behavior, these facts create a strong inference that by squelching the Clinton
investigation and building a narrative of Trump-Russia collusion, a group of government officials
sought to bolster Mrs. Clinton’s electoral chances and, 1f the unthinkable happened, obtain an insurance

policy to cripple the Trump administration with accusations of illegitimacy.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026274
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010872.txt,"02:42:20

02:42:23

02:42:26

02:42:27

02:42:28

02:42:32

02:42:35

92:42:37

OOnN OA BW HD a

02:42:38
ezazze 10
ozazae 11
o24z40 12

0242-40 13
o2aaat 14
eaaoaa 15
o2a2a8 16
ozazea 17
o2azss 18
ozazss 19
o2a2ss 20
erase 21
or4rse 22
o2raesa 23
0243.02 24.
o24a03 25

02:43:09
62:43:18
02:43:23
02:43:27
02:43:29
02:43:33

02:43:34

ON Oa Rh WN =

02:43:37

©

02:43:40
02:43:42 10
02:43:44 11
2437 12
02:43:50 13
o2a3s0 14
cass: 15
024352 16
ooaass 17
o2asse 18
oraanr 19
o24a02 20
coaaos 24
e2aaos 22
02:44:06 23
02:44:09 24
02:44:12 25

10/20/2015 01:08:15 PM

276
Does that letter put Mr. Dershowitz on fair
notice that he's accused of being a sex offender
himself?
MR. SCAROLA: Objection. Repetitious. To
the extent that you can improve upon the answer,
you can improve upon the answer. If you can't,

all you need to do is say that.
THE WITNESS: I -- and I'll try to --
obviously, I want to be responsive --
BY MR. SIMPSON:
Q. Let -- let me ask --
A. ++ to your question.

Q. I'll ask you a different question.

A. I don't think that's a yes or no question
because of ~~ of you're including vague terms like fair
notice and -- and those sorts of things. So -- but go
ahead and ask your questions and I'll -- I mean, go
ahead.

. You're a former federal judge?
Right.
A former Supreme Court law -- law clerk?
Yes.
Professor at a law school?
Yes.
Reading as -- reading the language of this
ESQUIRE DEPOSITION SOLUTIONS
(954) 331-4400

277
letter, in your opinion, does the language itself put
the recipient on notice that the recipient is accused of
abusing minors himself?

A. It puts him on notice that that is going to
be a potential subject of inquiry at the -- at the --
the deposition.

Q. So your answer then is, yes, it puts the --
the -- the person on notice; that's your reading?

A. You're -- I think you're putting words in my
mouth. You're -- you're trying to ask, you know, a
question that on the one hand, you're suggesting is
narrow, and on the other hand is broad. It -- I mean,
this is probably the simplest way to answer that
question.

If I had gotten that letter, I would have
said, schedule the deposition in the next 24 hours, and
come on down here now, and I will be available for a
week, That's what I would have said if I had gotten
that letter.

MR. SIMPSON: Move to strike as

nonresponsive.
BY MR. SIMPSON:

Q. Is it your testimony you can't answer yes or
no whether that letter, on its face, puts the recipient
on notice that the recipient is accused himself of

ESQUIRE DEPOSITION SOLUTIONS
(954) 331-4400

02:44:47

02:44:24

02:44:24

02:44:27

02:44:44

02:44:46

02:45:04

On OA kh © NH =

02:48:09
ozas1 9
024513 10
o2z4s17 11
o2asta 12
o2s21 13
024524 14
024526 15
ozas28 16
ozas30 17
o245:33 18
024533 19
024534 20
024536 21
024537 22
0248:39 23
o2asan 24
02:45:45 25

02:45:47
02:45:51
02:45:55
02:48:57
02:45:58
02:46:01

02:46:04

ONO Oh WH =

02:46:08

©

02:46:08
o2as:09 10
ozae10 11
o24612 12
024612 13
o24613 14
orders 15
02:46:17 16
o2aeta 17
ozas19 18
02:46:21 19
o24621 20
evaear 21
o246:31 22
o246:22 23
024635 24
02:46:37 25

278
having abused minors? Can you answer that: Yes or no?

A. No. I think a yes-or-no answer would be
misleading, given the context of this case.

Q. You referred in your earlier testimony to --
strike that for a moment.

You referred in your earlier testimony to an

articie that appeared today regarding
Professor Dershowitz's deposition testimony, correct?

A. Idon't think so.

Q. Okay. Are you aware that -- well, perhaps it
was Miss McCawley who referred to it.

Do you recall there being a reference this

morning to an article being published about
Professor Dershowitz's testimony?

MS. McCAWLEY: Oh, I'm sorry. It was me. I
objected to the extent -- only to the extent it
revealed something public that had been stated in
public.

BY MR. SIMPSON:

Q. Okay. And I -- you recall that?

A. Yeah, I recall the objection. I think
there's an article that came out yesterday or a
communication. I -- I -- you know, I can't remember
the -- exactly where I -- I know that I received a
communication, either through publication or in some

ESQUIRE DEPOSITION SOLUTIONS
(954) 331-4400
279
other way from the -- from the -- you know, I became
aware that there was a statement that the -- what's the
name of the outfit? It's the Business Investor --

MR. SCAROLA: Daily Business Review.

THE WITNESS: Daily Business Review that was
stating that David Boies was saying that the
representations made by Mr. Dershowitz were
false.

MR. SCAROLA: I did just coach the witness.

I apologize.

THE WITNESS: Yeah. And, I'msorry, just for

the name of that, so...
BY MR. SIMPSON:

Q. And you -- in your earlier testimony, you
referred to it -- you didn't recall the name, but you
referred to it as a reputable --

A. That's right.

Q.  -- publication?

A. That's right. That's the one we are talking
about, right.

Q. Right. And in that article it states:

""McCawley,"" referring to our colleague,

""later issued a statement on Boies's behalf
saying, because the discussions that Mr. Boies
had with Mr. Dershowitz were expressly privileged
ESQUIRE DEPOSITION SOLUTIONS
(954) 331-4400

Page 276 to 279 of 335

32 of 46 sheets

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010872
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028762.txt,"From: 
Sent: 
To: 
Subject: 
Attachments: 
Boris Nikolic_______________________________________ 
5/7/2012 11:59:08 PM 
Jeffrey Epstein [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
RE: FW: Tix for Jeffrey 
image001.jpg 
Forgot to ask you — pis have someone from your office confirm 2 tickets for LifeBall for you. 
Also provide them with a name of the girl that you are talking. 
One the pdf that I sent you there is a contact info and refer to the email below (Magdalena Schuster 
[mailto: 
And she is holding them for you. 
Please do it asap as these are hard to get. 
From: Jeffrey Epstein [mailto:jeevacation@gmail.com] 
Sent: Monday, May 07, 2012 4:27 PM 
To: Boris Nikolic 
Subject: Re: FW: Tix for Jeffrey 
call me now 
On Mon, May 7, 2012 at 7:21 PM, Boris Nikolic wrote: 
It was not easy as people from LifeBall are very difficult. But I go it (they even now approved you - they 
needed to do a background check believe it or not! — as on that dinner will be president of Austria, Clinton etc) 
for two tickets — for you and your guest for a price that you do not need to buy a table (as they do not sell 
individual seats). 
Guy below is a good friend and he is a CEO of amFAR (amFAR has a joined dinner) — so he helped. 
The nice thing about these tickets is that they are the most VIP. It includes reception, dinner, gala and after all 
party access. 
I have the same ones (through Bill). 
I also got two additional for you but it turns out that they are not the same level so I reached to Kevin for help. 
The price is 2,500Euro per ticket (this is very reduced price as I think the regular one for this is 15K and it is 
hard to get it). They will need an email from someone from your office and name a your guest asap. 
The plan for for Vienna I am sending you with my next email! 
Boris 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 028762 
From: Kevin Frost [mailto 
Sent: Monday, May 07, 2012 6:39 AM 
To: Boris Nikolic 
Subject: Tix for Jeffrey 
Importance: High 
Boris: 
Here is the information sheet for Jeffrey to buy tickets. Tell him to use my name and the name of Magdalena 
Schuster on the email below. They've already approved him to buy tickets to Lifeball and the Gala dinner 
which happens right before the ball. I hope you guys are all planning to attend the dinner as well. You can tell 
your friend Jeffrey that he should buy the Mini car for me as a thank you. =) 
I'm getting in to Vienna on Friday afternoon. Let's get together on Friday night. 
See you soon, 
Kevin 
Kevin Robert Frost 
amfAR, The Foundation for AIDS Research 
120 Wall Street, 13th Floor 
New York, NY 10005 
From: Magdalena Schuster [mailto: 
Sent: Thursday, May 03, 2012 1:04 PM 
To: Kevin Frost 
Subject: AW: AW: NY plane 
Hi Kevin, 
attached please find an information sheet about the AIDS Solidarity Gala — I am sure Jeffrey will very much 
enjoy the Gala. 
I've also included the auction items at the Gala for your and Jeffrey's information. 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 028763 
Let me know how I can be of further assistance. 
All the best, 
Lena 
--
*********************************************************** 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
Jeffrey Epstein 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 028764 
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022378.txt,"House profile

By retaining control of the House and Senate, with the loss of only a few seats, and winning the White House, Republicans
believe they have a mandate to govern. The potential for a Freedom Caucus challenge to Paul Ryan’s leadership is unlikely
given the party’s strong showing. The path is clear for the Speaker to pursue the policy actions described in the “Better
Way” policy platform developed earlier this year and promoted through the ubiquitous presence of a pamphlet describing
the plan that he used during the campaign and press appearances. That effort generated interest from Trump, who
adapted his tax plan to reflect some of the proposals.

The week following the electionsand prior to Thanksgiving will be focused on internal party organizational issues,
including the election of party leadership, and discussion around Republican conference and Democratic caucusrules and
the makeup of the Steering Committee, which will determine committee assignments. The leadership of the chamber will
be decided in closed-door meetings during this time, with a formal floor vote for Speaker in January. Some Steering
Committee decisions regarding committees are likely to take place after Thanksgiving and to include ratification of
committee chairmanships and Speaker-appointed committee memberships, as well as appointments of membersto vacant
slotson “A” committees (including Ways and Means, Energy and Commerce and Financial Services). Ryan and Democratic
Leader Nancy Pelosi (D-CA) will conduct a negotiation to determine committee ratios, which would be expected to be close
to what they are now.

Chairman Kevin Brady (R-TX) Ranking Member Sander Levin (D-Ml)

Republican members Boustany and Young ran for Senate ,and Rep. Robert Dold (R-IL) lost his re-election campaign,
leaving three open seats. Republicans under consideration for Committee seats include Reps. Carlos Curbelo (R-FL), Mike
Bishop (R-Ml), Bradley Byrne (R-AL), Jackie Walorski (R-IN) and Andy Barr (R-KY). Longtime Democratic members Charles
Rangel (D-NY) and Jim McDermott (D-WA) are retiring.

Chair John Shimkus(R-IL)/ Greg Walden (R-OR) Ranking Member Frank Pallone (D-NJ}

Rep. Fred Upton (R-Ml) will reach his term limit as chairman of the Energy and Commerce Committee and will step down at
the end of the current Congress. Rep. Upton noted that he’s “not planning to” seek a waiver of the term limits. The two
current frontrunners to replace the outgoing chairman include Reps. John Shimkus (R-IL) and Greg Walden (R-OR). Rep.
Shimkus has seniority on the committee, but Walden has also generated party support related to his role serving as
chairman of the National Republican Congressional Committee for the past two election cycles. Rep. Joe Barton (R-TX) is
also expected to run for the Chairmanship. The powerful Republican Steering Committee, consisting of Republican
leadership as well as rank-and-file members, will decide in a private meeting who willlead the committeein the 115
Congress. Adding to the leadership shuffle at the Energy and Commerce Committee, the current chairman of the E&C
Subcommittee on Health, Rep. Joe Pitts (R-PA), is retiring at the end of the Congress. Rep. Tim Murphy (R-PA) is under
consideration to replace him.

Chairman Virginia Foxx (R-NC) Ranking Member Bobby Scott (D-VA)

Current Chairman John Kline (R-MN) did not seek reelection. He will likely be succeeded as chair of the House Education
and Workforce Committee by Rep. Foxx. She has had a limited role on pension and retirement issues, but has beena
reliable voice for limited government regulation and joined in opposing the Obama Administration’s investment advice
regulations. Where Chairman Kline put pension reform high on the committee’s agenda, Foxx has not signaled a strong
interest in making pension issues a priority.

EY 6 | Election2016

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022378
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019156.txt,"qatere earl Te

James PATTERSON

my underwear off: I told him no. And he still paid me the

same amount. And that was that. I went home.

D: So, in other words, he—

V: Finished with himself and that was it. Yeah, he ejaculated.
Specifically.

D: That was the first time you went there?

Vv: Mm-hmm.
D: And—1I know, take a deep breath, I know, I can see it in your

eyes already. From then on, you went there multiple times?

V: Lhad problems with it. [With] what happened the first time.
But three hundred dollars for forty minutes—that was a lot
for a sixteen-year-old girl making six bucks an hour.

D: So youre saying youre sure you were sixteen now?

V: Um, 1 don’t want to say ’'m sure of my age. | was under seven-

teen, one hundred percent.

D: Okay. Um, when you— the first time you went, when he
masturbated, did you see?
V: [gigglesl
D: His member?
V: Oh, thought you were going to ask me if I saw, like, his come.
D: No. ;
V: saw all of the above.
D: You saw him naked, fully naked? Fully naked?
vy: Yeah, a hundred percent naked. He had a towel on for some
of it, but that doesn’t mean anything. Like, he was naked.
D: He took off the towel?
Vv: Lsaw everything, yeah.

I mean, I’m sorry,
cised, a hundred a
has some sort of bir
it is [giggles]; I've n
done anything wh:
it—out of the who
his penis. Like, he-
but I’ve never ever |
or “I’m gonna do tk
I don't know—do 5

I'm just really emb
drop of water. It’s r
top, where it’s attac
Like, I just could te
can obviously tell i:

he wasn't.

: The next time you

escalate more?

. Mm-hmm. | actualh

me to start workin;
went there. But I sta
he was in the coun
him that I wouldn't
was my rule. Nothir
ing, absolutely noth

three or four hundn
a Um, I still never—1
4 entire time I never, ¢

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019156
"
TEXT-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032582.txt,"From: 
Sent: 9/9/2017 3:31:28 AM 
To: jeffrey E. [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Subject: Re: 
Importance: High 
will be in new york from tuesday sep 12 for a week.. let me know the date and time to meet you if you there 
Sent from my iPhone 
On Sep 9, 2017, at 4:30 AM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
I think trump cut the legs off your guy. He would like to take all the credit. If there is a deal or be seen to be 
strong on terror 
On Sat, Sep 9, 2017 at 2:34 AM jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
See you I in. Ew york thurs? 
On Fri, Sep 8, 2017 at 11:48 PM 
tamem just called mbs .. he want to sit and talk .. breakthrough 
rote: 
Sent from my iPhone 
On Sep 8, 2017, at 1:33 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
I will get larson to call you 
On Fri, Sep 8, 2017 at 12:26 PM, wrote: 
i will bring you some kuwaiti gifts but not food() 
Sent from my iPhone 
On Sep 8, 2017, at 11:52 AM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
what is your schedule in new york how long will you be there? 
On Fri, Sep 8, 2017 at 9:09 AM, wrote: 
things look very bad in the gulf.. my feeling trump do not want to end it 
Sent from my iPhone 
On Sep 8, 2017, at 2:28 AM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
your man did well. congragulations 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 032582 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 032583 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 032584 
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031233.txt,"From: 
Sent: 
To: 
Subject: 
Attachments: 
Lawrence Krauss 
12/11/2017 2:14:35 AM 
jeffrey E. [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Fwd: URGENT: BuzzFeed News inquiry re allegations of sexual harassment 
DA866543-7401-4A5A-8E50-FD32E33A5OEC.png 
Importance: High 
OK.. Here it is.. suggestions? 
1. Item 1: I did neck with that woman, but never forced myself on her, and we talked about kissing or going 
beyond that and decided not to. 
2. Item 2: This was what I told you about.. A student who came to me for advice about science 
communication.. I never approached her, or did anything, and have emails rebuffing her requests to meet off 
campus for coffee or meals.. not because they were suggestive, but because I didn't think it was appropriate. I 
did ask her about being a female in a male dominated physics major group because I wanted to find out what 
problems might be occurring. I was respectful of her, and in fact my wife and I gave her a lift later at a AAAS 
meeting that I had helped get her a fellowship to attend. I was shocked later to learn that she had 
complained. There was no official investigation., no formal complaint lodged.. When I spoke to the Dean and 
told her the above, including showing emails, it was agreed that there would be no formal complaint but 
because the student had been upset I would not interact with her at all. I was shocked and dismayed, as I had 
worked very hard to be supportive and mentor this girl 
3. Item 3: I have no idea about this. 
4. This never happened.. In March 2008 at the convention I was approached by a student who did ask to sit at a 
table with the then executive director of the Dawkins foundation. She asked me to join her in the hot tub. I said 
now. Afterwards the exec. director informed me that this person was complaining that I had harassed her, and 
she told me as she was there at the time she would be more than happy to explain that it was quite the opposite. 
5. This was a cruise with Nancy, who was my female companion. When that report appeared I explained that 
my wife Nancy was upset at the allegation as she was my companion and such a complaint could be considered 
libelous, the complaint was removed from the bloggers web site. Moreover, CFI not only continued to invite 
me on cruises but to speak at their events, including this year, where they have strict harassment policies. I 
continue to receive letters of thanks from them for my contributions, attitude, graciousness etc.. No complaints 
ever. Not one! 
6. This one you know about. 
Shall we talk? 
LMK 
Lawrence M. Krauss 
Director, The Origins Project at ASU 
Co-Director, Cosmology Initiative 
Foundation Professor 
School of Earth & Space Exploration and Physics Department 
Arizona State University, P.O. Box 871404, Tempe, AZ 85287-1404 
Research Office: Assistant 
Origins Office 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031233 
origins.asu.edu I twitter.corn/Ikraussl I krauss.faculty.asu.edu 
MU Origins 
PtOJEC-
ARIZONA STATE UNIVERSITY 
Begin forwarded message: 
From: Peter Aldhous 
Subject: URGENT: BuzzFeed News inquiry re allegations of sexual harassment 
Date: December 10, 2017 at 5:12:27 PM PST 
To: 
Dr. Krauss: 
As you know, I'm a reporter for BuzzFeed News who has been investigating sexual misconduct allegations 
against you. As we've already discussed by email, I'd very much like to interview you about these allegations in 
detail. 
In particular, you stated in an email sent on Nov 13 that two universities had investigated an incident (# 6 
below). You claimed that ""both Universities independently concluded that the report was unsubstantiated and 
fabricated with malicious intent."" We are not aware that either university concluded fabrication or malicious 
intent, so if you have evidence to support this assertion, we would like to see and discuss it. 
The story concerns your actions towards students while a professor of physics at Case Western Reserve 
University, as well as your conduct in non-academic settings as a prominent figure in the skeptics movement. I 
am reporting this story along with two of my colleagues on the science desk, Azeen Ghorayshi and Virginia 
Hughes. 
Our story is about several allegations of sexual misconduct dating from 2006 to 2016 (see full details below). 
Our reporting also goes into how the various institutions you have been affiliated with — Case Western, 
Arizona State University, the Australian National University, the New College of the Humanities, and the Center 
for Inquiry, for which you serve as an honorary member of the board of directors — have handled complaints 
and concerns about your behavior during this time. 
Our story is corroborated by emails, university documents, official complaints, testimony from victims and 
eyewitnesses, and interviews with more than two dozen of your current and former academic colleagues, 
students, and peers in the skeptics movement. 
I wanted to offer you the opportunity to comment and/or respond to the main facts we plan to publish. If you 
wish to comment on any of the below findings, we need to hear from you as soon as possible. We are 
planning on publishing our story Tuesday morning, Eastern US Time. 
Based on our reporting, this is what we plan to publish: 
Incident 1: 
• In November of 2006, at an event launching the new Center for Inquiry in Washington D.C., you met a 
volunteer for CFI D.C. 
• At the event, you asked for her business card. Later, you followed her as she was leaving and asked 
her if she was ""of age."" 
• Later, you emailed her to invite her to dinner. 
• You planned to dine with her in the restaurant at the Washington D.C. hotel where you were staying. 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031234 
• You told her to come up to your room first because you needed to finish some work. 
• In your hotel room, you seemed in no rush to leave. You ordered a cheese plate, and later champagne, 
despite her suggestion that you go down to dinner. 
• You then made a comment about her eye makeup, getting very close to her face. 
• You then lifted her by her arms, and pushed her onto the bed beneath you, forcibly kissing her and 
trying to pull down the crotch of her tights. 
• She struggled to push you off her. 
• You said, ""When I was in college I could never get a girl that looked like you."" 
• When you pulled out a condom, she got out from under you. She said ""I have to go,"" and rushed out of 
the room. 
Incident 2: 
• In an incident that occurred in fall of 2007 while you were a physics professor at Case Western Reserve 
University, a student tried to talk to you about her plans after graduation. You mentioned to her how tough it 
must be to have all the other physics majors asking her out on dates. 
• In a second incident in December of 2007, while you were still at Case Western, the same student 
visited your office to interview you for a student science journal. You closed the door behind her, and ignored 
the questions she had prepared. Then you made a casual comment about taking her out for dinner. 
• Later, in a regular column for the school paper, she described her experiences with you, without 
mentioning you by name. ""There was even one particular creep of a professor who once told me he thought 
differently of me compared to other students and asked me to dinner: a situation so disturbing that it left me 
upset for weeks afterward,"" she wrote. 
• She was then approached by a dean at the university, who suspected that she was referring to you, 
based on a previously reported incident with another student. He encouraged her to make a complaint, and 
she did. 
• University investigators interviewed both you and the student. 
• On September 4, 2008, Susan Nickel-Schindewolf, the university's associate vice president for student 
affairs, wrote to the student, telling her that the investigation was complete. She wrote that you had been told: 
""This type of behavior could constitute sexual harassment in violation of the university's sexual harassment 
policy. 
• The letter also stated that you were prohibited from making contact with the student as long as she 
remained at Case. 
11 
• The letter also stated that you are required to get approval from the dean or the chair of the physics 
department before setting foot on the campus again. 
• The letter also stated, ""Dr. Krauss expressed regret about having a negative impact on you, and also 
his willingness to use this complaint as an opportunity to reflect and improve on his future interactions with 
students."" 
• By then, you had already left Case, taking up your current position at Arizona State University the 
month before. 
• ""The opportunities being offered at ASU are simply too great to turn down at this stage in my career,"" 
you told Case colleagues, in an email announcing your departure on April 16, 2008. 
Incident 3: 
• A former Case Western physics department administrator confirmed that she had reported a previous 
incident involving a student who had confided in her about your inappropriate behavior towards her. 
Incident 4: 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031235 
• You met a student from another university, an atheist activist, in March 2008 at the American Atheists 
Convention in Minneapolis. She wanted to expand the atheist group she ran at the midwestern university she 
was attending, and hoped to convince you to come and speak. You initially seemed enthusiastic. 
• During the convention, attendees including you and Richard Dawkins went for dinner with the student 
and volunteers for Dawkins' foundation. 
• Afterwards, the student invited you to join the volunteers for a drink. 
• You asked her to come get you in your hotel room. She was wary of your intentions, and so brought a 
male friend with her. Opening the door to find them both there, you informed her you had decided not to go. 
• You met this student again at the American Atheists Convention in Des Moines, Iowa, in April 2011. 
• 
table. 
You pulled over a chair for her in the bar, and then started running your hand up her leg under the 
• She tried to shift her body away from you, and you persisted in putting your hand on her leg. She 
crossed her legs, and you kept trying. Then she turned her entire body away. 
Incident 5: 
• This incident allegedly occurred on in May 2011 on a CFI cruise. We understand that CFI staff were 
informed that you had propositioned a female cruise-goer, who rejected an invitation to join you and your 
female companion for sex in your cabin. 
• At least two CFI staffers were sufficiently concerned about reports of your behavior that they urged 
CFI's president not to invite you on a 2014 cruise of the Galapagos Islands. You were invited on that cruise, 
however. 
Incident 6: 
• During a visit to Melbourne, Australia, in November 2016, you were accused of sexual misconduct once 
again. 
• The incident happened at a dinner held at the Melbourne Zoo as part of the Australian Skeptics  
National Convention, where you were a featured speaker. 
• With conference delegates chatting over drinks, a woman asked you for a celebrity selfie. 
• As the woman held out her phone to take the picture, you reached over her shoulder and grabbed her 
right breast. 
• She immediately reacted, bodychecking you and spinning around. ""Don't do that,"" she said. 
• BuzzFeed News has seen the complaint made by another woman to ASU, ANU, and the New College 
of the Humanities in London, including the selfie, her face obscured to conceal her identity. It shows your hand 
in motion as a blur in front of her shoulder, apparently moving toward her chest. Two other eyewitnesses have 
confirmed the complainant's account of what happened. 
• In April 2017, the complainant described the incident on her blog. After hearing more about your 
reputation for inappropriate behavior from blog readers, she decided to file a complaint about the Nov. 2016 
incident. 
• On July 16, she filed formal complaints with Arizona State University, and with the Australian National 
University in Canberra and the New College of the Humanities in London, where you have visiting 
appointments. 
• Both Arizona State and the Australian National University told her they would look into the matter. But 
neither university found against you. 
• ""Based on the material available to the University, we do not have sufficient evidence to substantiate 
the allegations,"" Kiaran Kirk, dean of the College of Science at the Australian National University, wrote to her. 
• Erin Ellison, who heads Arizona State's Office of Equity & Inclusion, wrote to her explaining that an 
inquiry ""did not find a violation of university policy."" 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031236 
• In October, Arizona State denied a request from BuzzFeed News for documents relating to complaints 
of sexual harassment against you. However, Cynthia Jewett, the university's senior associate general counsel, 
noted that two individuals, neither affiliated with the university, had complained about you. ""The University did 
not find either communication to state a credible allegation,"" Jewett wrote. 
Miscellaneous facts: 
• In 2008, you founded the Origins Project at Arizona State University in Tempe, a multidisciplinary effort 
to understand the origins of the universe, life, and social systems. You have led that effort ever since. 
• Thanks to best-selling books like The Physics of Star Trek and A Universe From Nothing, frequent 
essays in publications including the New Yorker and the New York Times, and the documentary you made with 
biologist Richard Dawkins, called The Unbelievers, you are celebrated as one of America's leading public 
intellectuals. 
• You served on the science policy committee for Barack Obama's 2008 presidential campaign and are a 
vocal critic of President Donald Trump. 
• You also make regular public appearances across the world, often at gatherings of skeptics and 
atheists. 
• At CSICon in Las Vegas in October, a few dozen fans paid $500 per head to attend a VIP luncheon 
with you and Dawkins. 
• Many more lined up to get you to sign their copy of your latest book, The Greatest Story Ever Told — 
So Far. 
• Online, people can buy T-shirts emblazoned ""Lawrence Krauss for President."" 
• In talks and interviews, you have argued that our universe arose without divine intervention, that 
religion drives xenophobia, and that our brains are hardwired to believe. 
• You have stated that science provides answers to many of life's biggest questions, and can even fix 
great societal injustices. 
• Earlier this year, at a Q&A event to promote your new book, the conversation came around to the 
dearth of women and minorities in science. ""Science itself overcomes misogyny and prejudice and bias,"" you 
said. ""It's built in: Questioning yourself, always questioning results, questioning others, relying on empirical 
evidence."" 
• You have clashed with some skeptics over your defense of Jeffrey Epstein, a billionaire financier who in 
2008 was convicted for soliciting prostitution from underage girls, and spent 13 months in a Florida jail. 
• Through his private foundation, Epstein has funded the work of several prominent scientists. He has 
provided funding for your Origins Project, supporting lectureship and scholarship programs, most recently 
pledging $100,000 in 2014. 
• In April 2011, you told the Daily Beast: ""As a scientist I always judge things on empirical evidence and 
he always has women ages 19 to 23 around him, but I've never seen anything else, so as a scientist, my 
presumption is that whatever the problems were I would believe him over other people."" 
• In a blog comment about the Epstein controversy, you wrote: ""I remain skeptical, and I support a man 
whose character I believe I know.. .If you want to condemn me for that, so be it."" 
• You were made an honorary member of CFI's board of directors in December 2011. 
• A blog post published in August 2013 described incidents #1 and #4, naming you. Another post, 
published at around the same time, described incident #5. 
• The first post was edited to remove your name after you had commented that the allegations of assault 
were ""potentially illegal."" The second post was quickly taken down. 
Again, if you wish to comment on or clarify any of these points, please get in touch with us as soon as possible. 
If I do not respond immediately it is because I am on another call, so please leave the best phone number to 
reach you. 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031237 
Thanks, 
Peter Aldhous 
Peter Aldhous, PhD 
Science reporter BuzzFeed News 
tel: 
cell: 
@paldhous  
www.peteraldhous.corn 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031238 
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022731.txt,"audible disbelief (everybody makes their own particular odd noise). Press
accounts, seldom supplying new information, ever recycle and repeat the
mysterious (and monstrous) billionaire mythology, with brief glimpses of
him stepping out of the house (the same photos endlessly republished), and
the assumption of depravity inside.

In fact, the life in the house, without wife or children or conventional
domestic demeanor, in some way conforms to the most scripted fantasies: a
life somewhere between Daddy Warbucks and Eyes Wide Shut.

The domesticity of the house, and the background of Epstein’s
problems, centers around a group of young women who act as his support
staff and companions. Some have worked for him for many years, marrying,
having children, and continuing as part of his business and household
infrastructure. One woman, on an afternoon when I was there, recently
married, had just returned from an around the world honeymoon that Epstein
had arranged for her. Some are his romantic interests. His present girl friend
is in dental school. One former girlfriend, Eva Andersson Dubin, a Swedish
model and Miss Universe finalist, became a doctor and married hedge
funder Glen Dubin and together they finance the Dubin Breast Center at
Mount Sinai Hospital. Most at one time will travel with him to his floating
residences—the ranch in New Mexico, the vast apartment in Paris, the Island
in the Caribbean, the house in Palm Beach.

This is so outside of conventional living or staffing or romantic
relationships that it is hard to describe in a straightforward or straight-faced
way. It sometimes seems part of Epstein’s implicit challenge: not just look at
me, but do you even believe what you see? Or it seems he is just oblivious to
what others are thinking. A willful and perhaps fatal tone deafness.

But Hefnerian prurience can also be quite businesslike: poised young
women in a mansion on the Upper East Side with various office
responsibilities—in some sense not that different from any of the art
galleries in the surrounding neighborhood.

Epstein’s young women mingle freely with his powerful guests, not so
much as hostess or, in tabloid language, harem-like (or as “sex slaves’), but
often as attentive students (that, of course, might be regarded as having its
own fetish-like attraction).

Once, Epstein invited me to sit in on a day of presentations to him in
his dining room by various “quants.” Quant theory involves making
investments based solely on mathematical and statistical models. This
method can often have uncanny predictive powers. But the problem is it
doesn’t scale very well—the market, having discerned a pattern of
successful investing, quickly copies and discounts the advantage. Epstein’s

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022731
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027523.txt,"Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 11/16/18 10:09:19 AM (564084559)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: BACACDBO-2C51-4C77-8B49-2BB7AB1105BA

Message: Yes, I've been . When do you return to AD

Time: 11/16/18 10:53:25 AM (564087205)
Flags: 1126401
Is Read: Yes

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GUID: 451155F0-1E67-4647-9D2F-4DE31EA4F2 98

Message: I come back to Dubai on Sunday and continue to Brussels

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 11/16/18 10:54:33 AM (564087273)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: FEAB2E2C-7F50-4743-A8FC-31F9D7FDB785

Message: Early Dubai?

sender:

Time: 11/16/18 10:59:20 AM (564087560)
Flags: 1126401
Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 832E37B9-3B6B-4F09-A435-44CD3803B231

Message: Arrive around noon, departure 14.30

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 11/17/18 11:47:51 PM (564220071)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

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zs

GUID? 5SSDE/SLF-397B-4 91 D-Aeo /-EEASFLS2 381D

Message: Was it fun?

Time: 11/17/18 11:48:33 PM (564220113)

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027523
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021671.txt,"Jeffrey Epstein, Billionaive ggiophile, Goes Free - The Daily Beast @ Page 3 of 4

Marcinkova became a member of the household and is alleged to have participated in the sexual contact with
underage girls.

Epstein quickly got wind of the investigation, and progress on the case got messy very quickly. He hired a squad of
lawyers and private investigators and dispatched influential friends to pressure the police into backing off. Instead,
local detectives pressed on and brought the matter to the attention of the FBI. The detectives asked their federal
colleagues whether the fact that some victims appeared to have traveled out of state on Epstein’s planes—plus the
use of interstate phone service to arrange assignations—might be violations of the federal 2000 Trafficking Victims
Protection Act, which carries a minimum sentence of 20 years. (Florida enacted the federal TVPA in 2002.)

So when State Attorney Barry Krischer, who also ran Florida’s Crimes Against Children Unit, proved reluctant to
mount a vigorous prosecution of Epstein, saying the local victims were not credible witnesses, Chief Reiter wrote the
attorney a letter complaining of the state’s “highly unusual” conduct and asking him to remove himself from the case.
He did not, and the evidence his office presented to a state grand jury produced only a single count of soliciting
prostitution. (Krischer has since retired and would not comment for this article.) The day after that indictment was
returned, Reiter was relieved to have the FBI step in and take over the investigation.

The details that eventually emerged were often shocking and occasionally bizarre. For Epstein’s birthday one year,
according to allegations in a civil suit, he was presented with three 12-year-old girls from France, who were molested
then flown back to Europe the next day. These same civil complaints allege that young girls from South America,
Europe, and the former Soviet republics, few of whom spoke English, were recruited for Esptein’s sexual pleasure.
According to a former bookkeeper, a number of the girls worked for MC2, the modeling agency owned by Jean Luc
Brunel, a longtime acquaintance and frequent guest of Epstein’s. Brunel received $1 million from the billionaire around
the time he started the agency.

The non-prosecution agreement executed between Epstein and the Department of Justice states that Epstein and four
members of his staff were investigated for “knowingly, in affecting interstate and foreign commerce, recruiting enticing
and obtaining by any means a person, knowing that person has not yet obtained the age of 18 years and would be
caused to engage in commercial sex act”—that is, child sex trafficking. Yet the agreement allowed Epstein to plead
guilty to only two lower-level state crimes, soliciting prostitution and soliciting a minor child for prostitution.

Although the police investigation was officially closed, Chief Reiter tried to stay abreast of the federal case against
Epstein. He was particularly concerned that Epstein be registered as a sex offender, which was part of the final deal,
and that a fund be set up to compensate his victims—which was not, although Epstein agreed to bankroll their civil
lawsuits. Attorney Dershowitz says Epstein’s agreement to pay attorney fees for the victims and agree to civil damage
claims—without admitting guilt—amounted to “extortion under threat of criminal prosecution.”

But exactly which crimes did the Department of Justice threaten to prosecute? The Daily Beast has learned that there
were several earlier versions of the U.S Attorney’s charges, including a 53-page indictment that, had he been
convicted, could have landed Epstein in prison for 20 years. Brad Edwards, attorney for seven of the victims, confirms
the existence of an earlier draft of the non-prosecution agreement, officially under seal, in which it appears that
Epstein “committed, at some point, to a 10-year federal sentence.” But in the end Epstein’s legal team refused that
deal and threatened to proceed to trial. And that’s where the question of whether the case was “winnable” before a
jury again came into play, according to a source in the U.S Attorney’s Office, which shared the state attorney's view
that the prosecution was far from a slam dunk.

For one, it was clear from the start that Epstein would spare no legal expense and that his team of veteran lawyers,
whose cases ranged from O.J. Simpson to the investigation of Clinton’s relationship with an intern, would play rough.
When the Palm Beach police started to identify victims, according to Detective Joe Recarey’s report, Dershowitz
began sending the detective Facebook and MySpace posts to demonstrate that some of these girls were no angels.
Reiter's deposition also states that he heard from local private investigators that Dershowitz had launched background
checks on both the police chief and Det. Recarey. Dershowitz denies all of that. According to Reiter, both he and
Recarey also became aware that they were under surveillance for several months, without knowing who ordered it.
And the Florida victims began to complain that they and family members were being followed and intimidated by

http://www.thedailybeast.com/blogs-and-stories/2010-07-20/jeffrey-epstein-billionaire-ped... 7/23/2010

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021671
"
IMAGES-012-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033254.txt,"area. In addition, Myanmar is in a critical geographic position
for China’s economic concerns. President Xi has the Belt and
Road Initiative, this far reaching strategy to build
infrastructure across Asia and into Africa and even Eastern
Europe. And Myanmar plays a critical position potentially for
an oil or energy pipeline that would allow China to get
resources from the Middle East and avoid the bottleneck in
the Straits of Malacca. For all of these reasons, China would
support the Myanmar government.

Host: Robert, is China’s support strengthened by opposition
from Washington where President Trump’s administration is
calling for Rohingya refugees to return to safe zones?

RLK: | don’t think that’s a big motivation for China. Far more
important are local geopolitics, the Belt and Road Initiative,
the potential energy pipeline. I don’t think China considers
opposing Washington a major motivator for their strategy.
U.S. comments seem normal for these situations, but are fairly
ineffectual - look at Crimea or other places in the world
where similar situations have occurred.

RLK: Refugee crises are great tragedies for the world and it
seems like we have more of them. There’s more of a desire for
individual groups of people to assert their own independence.
We see it in the Kurds, South Sudan, many places in the world.
Perhaps it’s our interconnected world of 24-hour-a-day
internet, which allows similar people to congregate together
and take up their own personal interests. So it’s a very
complex situation. China is dealing with it - for the reasons |
said - for what it believes to be in its own interests.

Host: Robert Lawrence Kuhn, thank you very much for
joining us from Beijing. We appreciate your insights.

T= Local Time 20:13

ROHINGYA REFUGEE CRISIS
UN: Rohingya Muslims facing humanitarian catastrophe

EIGN WORLD NEWS 3s ” ROHINGYA MUSLIMS RESPOND TO CLAIMS THE
w,.!

ROHINGYA REFUGEE CRISIS
Myanmar's army denies targeting civilians
EIGIS WORLD NEWS 4g] DOW 22158.18

NASDAQ 6460.19

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033254
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015123.txt,"permitting my chief of staff to perform fellatio on me. In fact, | was fully
cognizant of what an honor it must have been for him.

When the incident was over, | simply returned to my desk, and
although the tension of vulnerability was still in the air, we resumed our
discussion as if nothing had occurred.

“Now,” | said in a normal tone of voice, “what' s on the
agenda?”

“Sir,” Haldeman began, “on this Watergate problem, it would be
advantageous to us if any similar activity on the part of the Democrats
could be leaked to the media.”

“Well, Hoover once told me—this was right after we won in
‘ 68—he said that within the previous month, LBJ had the FBI put the bug
on Agnew and me. Ramsey Clark was attorney general then, but he never
authorized it, so that was an ///ega/ wiretap.”

“Perfect. We start with Lyndon Johnson and work our way back.”

“But no, on second thought, the LBJ tap would open up the whole
Dragon Lady can of beans. | mean that was the goddamn excuse they had

for spying on us.”

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015123
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024340.txt,"Table of Contents

* individual executive pay generally targeted at median level against comparable executive roles at an appropriate set of peer
companies, except the chief executive officer, for whom we target significantly below median level due to his significant
ownership interest in us;

* robust clawback policies permitting the recoupment of past incentive pay from executive officers in the event of certain kinds of
misconduct, and forfeiture of incentive awards in the event the executive engages in various types of conduct deemed detrimental
to Carvana’s interests, including theft or fraud against Carvana and engaging in competition with Carvana;

* no employment agreements with executive officers;

* the use of retail units sold, gross profit per unit ex-Gift and EBITDA margin ex-Gift as performance metrics, which incents
employees to increase earnings and manage net assets efficiently;

* restrictions on trading in Carvana Class A common stock to reduce insider trading compliance risk, as well as prohibitions on
pledging and hedging Carvana capital stock.

In light of these features, we conclude that the risks arising from our executive and employee compensation policies and practices are not
reasonably likely to have a material adverse effect on the company.

TAX AND ACCOUNTING IMPLICATIONS

Carvana considers the tax and accounting aspects of the elements of compensation we offer in determining the most effective method for
compensating our executives. This includes, but is not limited to, Section 162(m) of the Internal Revenue Code and the regulations thereunder.
Section 162(m) generally limits the tax deduction available to public companies for annual compensation paid to the chief executive officer and certain
other named executive officers in excess of $1 million.

As a result of 2017 tax legislation, compensation paid in a fiscal year in excess of $1 million to, or on behalf of, an individual who is a “covered
employee” is not expected to be deductible under Section 162(m) of the Internal Revenue Code, unless such compensation qualifies for transition relief
(relating to written binding contracts in effect on November 2, 2017, which were not subsequently materially modified). Therefore, certain compensation
paid under our existing equity plans and certain of our long-term equity awards originally designed with the intent that such amounts qualify as
“performance-based” compensation may not be deductible in the future. Although the committee may consider the effect that Section 162(m) and the
potential lack of deduction for amounts paid in excess of the deduction limit may have on Carvana, the committee continues to retain flexibility to make
compensation decisions, in the exercise of its business judgment, that are based on factors that it determines to be appropriate (as determined by the
committee in its sole discretion) to enable Carvana to continue to attract, retain, reward, and motivate its highly-qualified executives. This flexibility may
include amending or modifying the design elements of our historical compensation programs.

=~ 33 =

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024340
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017532.txt,"Michael Glen Block (born May 25, 1982) is an American
cellist, composer, arranger, and solo artist hailed as “the
ideal musician of the twenty-first century” by cultural icon
Yo-Yo Ma. Mike Block has worked with Yo-Yo Ma, Bobby
McFerrin, Lenny Kravitz, Shakira, The National, Joe Zawinul,
Alison Krauss, Rachel Barton Pine, Mark O’Connor, and
other notable musicians. Block currently plays with the
Silk Road Ensemble. He has appeared on Late Night with
Conan O'Brian, National Public Radio’s St. Paul Sunday,
Regis and Kelly, VH1, the Disney Channel, WNBC-TV
with Chuck Scarborough, and the CBS Early Show.

Block is most famous for playing second cello
alongside Yo-Yo Ma. He performed in Mark O’Connor’s
Appalachia Waltz trio for three years. His performances
have been described as “vital, rich-hued solo playing”
by the New York Times, and “a true artist ... a sight
to behold” by the Salt Lake City Desert News.

Mike Block’s Cello Concerto,

Movement 1 was completed in 2009.

Mr. Block’s classical compositions have
been performed at the Bremen MusikFest, Tribeca
New Music Festival, the Kimmel Center series “Fresh
Ink,” and the MATA Festival, at which he performed
as soloist in his own Cello Concerto in 2009.

His non-classical writing has been
featured at festivals such as Rockygrass, Delfest,

Celtic Connections, and Wintergrass.

Mike Block has served as musical director to
cellist Yo-Yo Ma, singer Bobby McFerrin, ballet star Damien
Woetzel, jookin dancer Lil’ Buck, actor/comedian Bill Irwin,
jazz trumpeter Marcus Printup, world-music group The Silk
Road Ensemble, and classical orchestra The Knights.

A frequent guest lecturer, Mr. Block has presented
at Stanford University, Princeton University, Harvard
University, New York University, Berklee College of Music,
Cleveland Institute of Music, Belmont University, Southern
Methodist University, Sam Houston State University,
Illinois State University, Illinois Wesleyan University, and
University of Arkansas. In 2006, he received Suzuki method
certification in music education from the New York City-
based School for Strings, under Pamela Devenport.

In 2009 Mike founded The Mike Block String
Camp, which takes place in multiple locations each summer.
The camp’s goal is to empower musicians of all ages/
levels to perform, improvise, compose, and arrange their
own music - all by ear. The first location debuted in 2010
in Vero Beach, Florida, followed in 2011 with Fayetteville,
Arkansas, and Saline, Michigan in 2012. The world-class
faculty has included Darol Anger, Hanneke Cassel, Joe
Craven, Rushad Eggleston, Brittany Haas, Natalie Haas,
Jeremy Kittel, Clay Ross, Kimber Ludiker, Jefferson
Hamer, Victor Lin, Emy Phelps, and Lauren Rioux.

Since 2009, Mike has been the Lead Teaching Artist
for Silk Road Connect, a partnership between the Silk Road
Project and schools in New York City and Boston areas.

The Mike Block Band presents an exciting
and genre-bending combination of rock, classical,
jazz, and folk music through original songs and
instrumental compositions, featuring quirky yet
honest lyrics, and a variety of musical influences.

Mike Block has also worked with notable musicians
such as Edgar Meyer, Mike Marshall, Zakir Hussain, My
Brightest Diamond, Bon Iver, Tim O’Brien, Marcel Khaliffe,
Goran Bregovic, Kayhan Kalhor and Bruce Molsky.

MICHAEL GLEN BLOCK

Triborough Trio—Featuring Mike Block

(cello), Hans Holzen (guitar), and Kyle Kegerreis
(bass), the trio’s mission is to put their personal spin on
traditional and contemporary music from around the
world in well-crafted and creative arrangements.

Mike is also the Artistic Director and host
of GALA Brooklyn: “Global Art - Local Art:”, a Music
Festival in Brooklyn featuring a diverse array of
musicians and artists in unique collaborations.

Notable guests include Anthony Mcgill (Metropolitan
Opera), Aoife O’ Donovan (singer for Crooked Still), Aaron
Dugan (guitarist for Matisyahu), Multi-genre violinist/
composer Todd Reynolds, Grammy-Nominated classical artists
Anastasia Khitruk (violin), and the Enso Quartet, Marcus
Printup from Jazz at Lincoln Center, and jazz saxophonist
Seamus Blake, and singer-songwriter Amy Correia.

Performed on WNYC’s
Soundcheck with John Schaefer.

Mike has also worked with director Yaron Zilberman
as a Music Consultant for “A Late Quartet”, a 2011 movie
starring Philip Seymour Hoffman and Christopher Walken.

On April 4, 2009, Mike Block was struck by
a NYC Taxi while walking at the corner of W8sth St.
and West End Ave, in Manhattan. Injuries included
broken rib, jaw, cheek, nose, and he lost nine teeth. His
reconstruction required multiple surgeries, and his missing
teeth were eventually restored on February 15, 2012.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017532
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031823.txt,"From: DAVID SCHOEN

Sent: 3/26/2019 10:56:00 AM
To: jeevacation@gmail.com
Subject: From Fox News - Federal judge overseeing key lawsuit relating to pedophile Jeffrey Epstein dies

Importance: — High

A U.S. District Court judge in New York who was presiding over a lawsuit
involving a wealthy, Clinton-connected financier and sex offender died
Sunday at the age of 96.

https://www.foxnews.com/us/federal-judge-overseeing-key-lawsuit-relating-
to-pedophile-jeffrey-epstein-dies

Explore the Fox News apps that are right for you at http:/(www.foxnews.com/apps-
products/index.html.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031823
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022725.txt,"In addition to Prince Andrew as a British hot button, first
connected to Epstein through Roberts’ interview with the Daily Mail in
2010, Clinton takes on a new role as Hillary spoiler through his
connection, real or imagined, to Epstein and sex slaves.

Almost everybody identified in any story about Epstein is
approached by other media seeking to write about Epstein, often with
financial incentives.

No new details emerge. Every aspect of the current story is
based on court filings describing events that may or may not have
taken place prior to 2007.

A recent Reuters story identified a charity that Epstein has not
given money to in 15 years that said if he does give again, they would
give it back.

The world cleanly divides, with Epstein (and friends) behind
secure walls and the Mail and social media and upholders of new
norms, ever more incredulous and apoplectic that Epstein not only
walks free but prospers too. Although he has spent more than a year
in jail and paid out what may be as much as $20 million, he yet
seems somehow to have gotten away with it—that worst sin of all. He
is the unrepentant catch all of up-to-the-minute badness: the financier
whose wealth is a product of Wall Street math rather than work; a rich
middle-age white man who not only parades his wealth and
entitlement, but has a Peter Pan complex to boot; an insistent
Playboy in a correct and prudish world; someone who somehow
didn't get the memo about vast changes in mores and culture.

When | suggested recently that one obvious way to blunt the
animus is to get married, he said he would rather go back to jail.

He is Calvin Harris’s song, It Was Acceptable in the 80s, come
to life.

This is all, inevitably, a Gatsby-like story. But Gatsby in New
York Post and Daily Mail parlance would likely be a freaky financier
too.

And it’s a story about the limitation of journalism, in which the
most compelling parts of the story—it would take a long running cable
show to do justice to the meaning of Epstein’s ambitions and
impulses—need to be sacrificed for not just moral certainty but for a
rather preposterous fantasy of moral certainty.

Anyway, | hope | get invited back to Jeffrey’s house.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022725
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016638.txt,"TOWN OF PALM BEACH
WATER COMMITTEE

January 2009

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016638
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024477.txt,"6. RISK FACTORS

Investment in the Units involves a substantial degree of risk and should be regarded as speculative. Asa
result, the purchase of the Units should be considered only by persons who can reasonably afford a loss
of their entire investment. Prospective investors should carefully consider, in addition to matters set forth
elsewhere in this Memorandum, the following factors relating to the business of the Company and this
offering. The order in which risk factors appear is not intended as an indication of the relative weight or
importance thereof. Prospective investors should carefully review all risk factors. Such information is
presented as of the date hereof and is subject to change without notice. The discussion in this
Memorandum contains forward-looking statements that involve risks and uncertainties. Actual results
may differ significantly from the results discussed in the forward-locking statements. Factors that could
cause or contribute to such differences include, but are not limited fo, those discussed below. The
occurrence of any of these factors could materially and adversely affect the Company's results of
operations or cash flow. Risks described herein that could affect KLC are also likely to be similar for other
pre-K-12 businesses we may acquire or develop. Other businesses we acquire or develop in foreign
countries or in different markets, may be subject to risks in addition to those discussed below.

6.4. Risks Related to Our Business

6.1.1 Risks associated with growth through acquisitions; potential inability to
consummate transactions

Aprincipal component of the Company's growth strategy is the acquisition of other businesses or interests
therein that will complement and/or expand the Company's businesses and the products and services that
they offer. The successful implementation of this strategy will depend upon a number of factors, including
the ability to identify attractive acquisition opportunities, consummate such transactions on favorable
terms and integrate the operations of the acquired businesses with those of the Company. Identifying,
completing and realizing on attractive acquisitions are highly competitive and involves a high degree of
uncertainty. The Company will be competing for acquisitions with other companies, private equity firms,
as well as individuals and others, which often results in increased acquisition prices. There can be no
assurance that the Company will be able to identify suitable acquisition opportunities or that if identified,
the Company will be able to consummate such transactions on suitable terms, or that acquired
businesses will perform as expected or generate returns.

In addition to risks facing education companies similar to those facing KLC as described herein,
acquisitions of businesses also involve special risks, including risks associated with unanticipated
liabilities and contingencies, diversion of Company management attention and possible adverse effects
on earnings resulting from increased amortization of goodwill, increased interest costs, the issuance of
additional securities and difficulties related to the integration of the acquired business. No assurance can
be given as to the success of the Company in executing and integrating acquisitions in the future. The
Company's failure or inability to successfully implement and manage its acquisition strategy would have a
material adverse effect on the Company's financial condition, results of operations and business.

The Company may from time to time enter into negotiations in anticipation of consummating an
acquisition transaction. However, there is no assurance that such negotiations will be successful and the
diversion of management attention on such unsuccessful transactions may adversely affect
management's ability to pursue other business opportunities.

in addition, KLC PropCo intends to acquire diversified real estate interests, including investments in non-
education related properties. The performance of this acquisition strategy in general, or of any particular
property, cannot be predicted.

44

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024477
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027537.txt,"sender:

Time: 12/01/18 03:09:05 PM (565398545)
Flags: 1060865
Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 11D91CF4-EB04-4039-969E-FAF6EDC83EE5

Message: No go for now on our project -- our guy all-in but shutdown by home office

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 12/01/18 03:55:36 PM (565401336)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

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GUID: FO4C920E-371B-4556-AE34-4354D53F6D52

r

Message: Your girlfriend having dinner with weisman

Sender: FP

Time: 12/01/18 03:56:05 PM (565401365)
Flags: 1060865

Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 67BBF420-5DD0-4B8F-8CD2-6AFE31BA45AF

Message: No good will come out of that

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 12/01/18 04:00:01 PM (565401601)
Flags: 1150981

Is Read: No

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GUID: 68H55738-F9A1-4E11-82F7-2BCCCO68F68C1

Message: I had three China guys today . I told them they should brief you. Therr is s
forty year anniversary in Beijing of the beginning of economic growth initiative

Sender:

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Message: Love to sit down

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027537
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021665.txt,"=D-350 (Rev. 5-8-81) * ®

adicate page, name of
3wspaper, city and state.)

Ex-Epstein worker faces Jacl

Character: ayes
or

Classification: 3) om
Submitting Office: ~ AA M- { ORD)
o>

obstruction charges

The FBI says he tried to sell information to an agent.

agent’s affidavit, Alfredo Rod-
riguez offered to later sell
the information for $50,000
— Rodriguez calling it the

sent ir to make the buy from
Rodriguez. Rodriguez, born
in 195, had told police that
he worked for Epstein as a

cover agent and produced a
small bound book and several
sheets of legal paper, which
he told the agent he had tak-

By SUSAN.SPENCER-WENDEL critical information from fed- “Holy Grail” or “Golden Nug- butler) chauffeur, chef and en from Epstein’s home while

a ae Palin Beach Post Staff Writer eral agents — an expansive get” — to a government wit- house:aanY sometimes pick employed there in 2004 and

Epstein WEST PALM BEACH — list of Epstein victims and ness, who is notnamed in the ing uy. and cleaning sex toys 2005. Rodriguez then began
Papers A former employee of sex- , witnesses — as investigators affidavit. left bchind after Epstein fin- counting his $50,000 payoff.

listed Palm scandal-plagued Jeffrey Ep- probed the Palm Beach finan- The affidavitdoes notrefer ished his encounters with the | He was stopped, detained

| Beachsex. stein has been charged with cier for sexual exploitation of toEpstein by name, either underage girls. on the spot and questioned

offender’s obstruction ofjustice after the minors. In early November, an According to the affidavit, by agents, according to the

victims employee allevedly withkeld According to ar. FEI undercover FBI agent was Rodriguez met the under. See EPSTEIN, 5B >

Information could have altered case |

b> EPSTEIN from 1B

affidavit.

Rodriguez told agents of witness-

ing nude girls whom he believed to
be underage at Epstein’s pool area,
of knowing that his former employ-
er was having sex with underage
girls, and of viewing underage por-
nography on computers in Epstein’s
home. - ;
* Special Agent Christina Pryor
wrote that later review of the papers
and book Rodriguez handed over
revealed information “that would
have been extremely useful in
investigating and prosecuting the
case, including names and contact
information of material witnesses
and additional victims.”

“Had those items been produced
in response to inquiries of state law
enforcement officers or the Special

ents, their contents would have
‘been presented to the federal erand

_

jury,” Pryor wrote.

The information allegedly with-
held by Rodriguez may have been
a tipping point in the controversial
probe of Epstein. Federal prosecu-
tors ended up striking an extraor
dinary deal with Epstein and his
top-flight lawyers: agreeing to recall
grand jury subpoenas if Epstein
pleaded guilty to prostitution-
related felonies in state court, which
he ultimately did.

Epstein received an 18-month jail
sentence. He served 13 months and
was allowed to leave the jail most
waking hours of the day.

An attorney for Rodriguez, Assis-

tant Federal Public Defender Dave
Brannon, declined to comment on
his behalf.

An unnamed government witness
mentioned in the affidavit is likely
one of the attorneys representing
women in a gagele of current civil
lawsuits against Epstein.

The affidavit outlines how the
unnamed witness had deposed
Rodriguez, who denied having docu-
ments, then received a call from

Rodriguez later offering to sell for —

$50,000 the “Holy Grail.”

“Rodriguez explained that the
information contained hundreds of —

additional victims and their phone
numbers from diverse geographic
locations including New York, New
Mexico and Paris,” according to the
affidavit.

Rodriguez is scheduled to be ar
raigned in federal court Monday.

Also in the affidavit are the
reasons Rodriguez cited to the un-
named witness for why he withheld
the lists from investigators: He con-
sidered it his property and should
be compensated for it, and he feared
the target of the federal investiga-
tion, Epstein, would make him dis-
appear or otherwise harm him.
© susan_spenccr_wendel phoact com

3/E-Wyf-] DF hadi 2

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021665
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015137.txt,"President Clinton’ s Private Confession

The following ts a leaked transcript of a closed-door, secretly taped

prayer breakfast that Bill Clinton hosted for a group of religious leaders
after the impeachment trial failed to remove him from oftice.
#

Gentlemen--and lady (I guess you must be the Episcopalian)—thank
you for being here. It’ s too bad Reverend Moon isn’ t among us this
morning, so he could perform a mass impeachment of all the senators
who swore under oath that they would be impartial. But seriously, folks,
I’ d like begin with an epiphany | had yesterday, one that truly humbled
me. Strangely enough, it happened while | was watching 7he Roseanne
Show. | had never seen it before, but she was interviewing Paula Jones and,
as my mother used to say, curiosity got the best of me.

Ms. Jones was telling Roseanne about the first time she saw me in
that hotel. She was working at the courtesy booth for the governors’
conference. She described me as funny-looking, the way my hair was
styled, being overweight, how my suit was out of fashion and didn’ t fit.

So, she was sitting at the registration desk with her girlfriend, pointing at

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015137
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026629.txt,"Washington

Ohio

New Jersey

Michigan

Trump 33% - Clinton 67%

2ND DEBATE 3RD DEBATE

e=@==Hillary Clinton e=@®=<=Donald Trump

Trump 40% - Clinton 60%

2ND DEBATE 3RD DEBATE

=@=Hillary Clinton =@®==Donald Trump

Trump 13% - Clinton 87% -_ ~~.

2ND DEBATE 3RD DEBATE

=@=Hillary Clinton =@®=—Donald Trump

Trump 3% - Clinton 97%

1ST DEBATE 3RD DEBATE

= @=Hillary Clinton =@®=Donald Trump

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026629
"
IMAGES-012-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033240.txt,"From: Nicholas Ribs i

Sent: 5/30/2017 7:51:52 PM
To: Jeffrey Epstein [jeevacation@gmail.com]
Subject: Fw: Close friend of Trump investigated over alleged €170m tax evasion | World news | The Guardian

Importance: — High

Bad news for TJB

https://urldefense.proofpoint.com/v2/url?u=https-3A | www.theguardian.com_ world 2017 may 29 close-
2Dfriend-2Dtrump-2Dthomas-2Dbarrack-2Dalleged-2Dtax-2Devasion-2Ditaly-2 Dsardinia-3 FCMP-3Dshare-
5Fbtn-SFfb&d=DQIFA g&c=euGZstcaT DIlvimEN8b7j XrwqOf-
v5A_CdpgnVfiiMM&r=qvsWPMySvJQKJyiCbbH3_ UeJCrKMWih9KXDAWYE2eSw&m=HWysklH7mKJ1s
y-3HdPAkCHdCOMhzGIxMC3_stl3GEg&s=FOWqhPv3Cj87MVTDCVx3sZahVmybNtdsoq3D_ V-SyAU&e=

Sent from my iPhon

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033240
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024354.txt,"Table of Contents

CLEVELAND, OH AREA INSPECTION AND RECONDITIONING CENTER SUBLEASE

In November 2018, Carvana entered into a sublease agreement with DriveTime for an inspection and reconditioning center near Cleveland,
Ohio. Pursuant to the sublease, Carvana temporarily shared space at the IRC until DriveTime vacated the facility in February 2019, at which point we
purchased certain leasehold improvements and equipment at the facility from DriveTime for approximately $4.3 million (which amount represented the
book value of such improvements and equipment net of accumulated depreciation and amortization) and became the sole occupant. We pay a base rent of
$35.0 thousand per month which increases in each extension term. The sublease has an initial term of three years. We have the ability to exercise three
renewal options of five years each. Before DriveTime vacated the property, we paid a monthly rental fee related to our pro rata utilization of space at the
facility plus a pro rata share of the facility’s actual insurance costs and real estate taxes. Our share of facility and shared reconditioning supplies expenses
were calculated based on the actual costs for operating the inspection and reconditioning center and our pro rata share of total reconditioned vehicles and
parking spaces at the IRC in a given month. Our total expenses related to this lease agreement were $29.4 thousand for the year ended December 31, 2018.

NASHVILLE, TN AREA INSPECTION AND RECONDITIONING CENTER LEASE

On February 28, 2019, Carvana assumed a lease from DriveTime of an IRC near Nashville, Tennessee. As part of the agreement, we agreed to
purchase certain leasehold improvements and equipment at the facility from DriveTime for approximately $2.0 million (which amount represented the book
value of such improvements and equipment net of accumulated depreciation and amortization). The term expires on October 31, 2023, subject to our ability
to exercise three renewal options of five years each. DriveTime will remain a partial occupant of the IRC until April 1, 2019 and will not be fully released
from lease obligations by the landlord. Beginning April 1, 2019, Carvana will be the sole occupant of the IRC. Base rent during the current term of the lease
is $21.0 thousand per month and will increase to between $30.0-$31.0 thousand per month in the second half of 2019, depending on the extent of Carvana’s
expansion of leased space, and will further increase during each extension term over the then-current base rent by an amount equal to the percentage
increase in the Consumer Price Index, with a maximum of 15% and a minimum of 10%.

SERVICING AGREEMENT WITH DRIVETIME

In December 2015, we entered into a servicing agreement with DriveTime, wherein DriveTime agreed to perform certain servicing and
administrative functions with respect to automotive finance receivables we own after origination and before sale. In the year ended December 31, 2018,
DriveTime had aggregate earnings of approximately $0.9 million for performing servicing functions for such receivables.

sAS =

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024354
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031837.txt,"peace with all four neighboring Arab states. And it can be argued
now that Assad may see negotiations with Israel as a way to climb
back from the pariah status he is earning, making him at this juncture
truly open to a new peace process.

Such thinking, whether in Jerusalem or the White House, is foolish
and even grotesque. There is no possibility that Assad would
negotiate seriously and that an agreement could be attained. He is
now clinging desperately to power, and his only true allies are Iran
and Hezbollah. Yet Israel’s (and, one hopes, our own) key
precondition to any agreement would necessarily be a clean break in
those relationships: an end to the Syrian alliance with Hezbollah and
Iran. Otherwise Israel would be giving the Golan, in effect, to Iran—a
suicidal act. No Israeli government would do it, which suggests that
negotiations with Assad would have no purpose.

Assad may indeed be open to commencing a negotiation as a means
to escape international isolation, but that’s all the more reason not to
give it to him. Prime Minister Ehud Olmert’s 2008 talks with Syria
(via Turkey) allowed Syria to escape the partial isolation the United
States had imposed on it in that decade, with zero gain for Israel. This
is not an experiment worth repeating, for the Assad regime is today
even more despicable than it was three years ago.

To react to the murders now taking place all over Syria by embracing
the Assad regime would be morally indefensible. Whether Assad can
be overthrown soon by the people of Syria is a fair question to ask.
Will the army stay with him, or will Sunni units rebel? Will the Sunni
business elites turn against him? How long can the regime survive?
We do not yet know the answers. But surely we must avoid any step
that could help Assad, rehabilitate his regime, or undermine the
courageous struggle of peaceful demonstrators in the streets of Syria.
The peace agreements that Israel signed with Egypt and Jordan were
real achievements, but there will be no such agreements with the

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031837
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017526.txt,"INTELLECTUAL JAZZ

DAVID AGUS
DAN ARIELY
KEITH BLACK
DAVID BLAINE
MIKE BLOCK
ADAM BLY
SCOTT BOLTON
DAVID BROOKS
MARK CUBAN
ANTONIO DAMASIO
JACK DANGERMOND
DAVE GALLO
FRANK GEHRY
MATT GROENING
HERBIE HANCOCK
DANNY HILLIS
BJARKE INGELS
QUINCY JONES
MARY JORDAN
JON KAMEN
JEFFREY KATZENBERG
NORMAN LEAR
YO-YO MA
JOHN MAEDA
JOHN MAZZIOTTA
NICHOLAS NEGROPONTE
TODD OLDHAM
CRISTINA PATO
STEVEN PINKER
LISA RANDALL
PETER RAVEN
MOSHE SAFDIE
MEGAN SMITH
BENEDIKT TASCHEN
JULIE TAYMOR
CHARITY TILLEMANN DICK
CRAIG VENTER
GEOFFREY WEST
will.i.am
C. K. WILLIAMS
EO WILSON
DAMIAN WOETZEL
STEPHEN WOLFRAM
WILL WRIGHT
JOSHUA WURMAN

RICHARD SAUL WURMAN

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017526
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025769.txt,"Economic Research: How Increasing Income Inequality Is Dampening U.S. Economic Growth, And Possible Ways
To Change The Tide

Not Just The Fruits Of Our Labor

Though the share of income from labor and capital, excluding capital gains, has decreased, the share coming from
capital gains and business income has increased over time. In particular, inherited wealth has increased since the
World Wars and the Great Depression, as Thomas Piketty has shown (14), and with it the earnings from that wealth.
This trend is important because labor income tends to be distributed across income levels more evenly than capital

gains--so a shift in income composition can significantly affect inequality.

While labor income accounted for nearly three-fourths of market income from 1979-2007, that figure had dropped to
two-thirds by 2007. Capital income (excluding capital gains) is the next largest source, but even at its 1981 peak, it
represented only 14% of market income before falling to about 10% of total income in 2007. Conversely, income from
capital gains rose, doubling to approximately 8% of market income in 2007 from about 4% in 1979. Business income
and income from other sources (primarily private pensions) each accounted for about 7% of total income in 2007, up

from about 4% each.

In addition, capital income has become increasingly concentrated since the early 1990s--and, despite declines in 2001
and 2002, concentration spiked from 2003 through 2007, with more than 80% of the capital gains realized by the top
5% of earners going to the top 1% alone (15). Capital gains also have become increasingly concentrated and are tied

with business income as the most concentrated income source.

The Impact Of Government Policy

Government policies on taxation and government transfers, such as Social Security and Medicare, have done little to

reduce income inequality--and may have contributed to a further widening of the gap.

Because government transfers and federal taxes are progressive, the distribution of net household income (after
transfers and federal taxes) is more evenly balanced than the distribution of market income. That said, at the federal
level, the equalizing effect of transfers and taxes on household income was smaller in 2007 than it had been in 1979.
The CBO estimates that the dispersion of market income grew by about one-quarter from 1979-2007, but the
dispersion of after-tax income grew by about one-third (16). The distribution of after-tax income in 2010 became
slightly more even among different groups than before-tax income, though the dispersion of after-tax income in 2010

remained wider than in 1979 (see chart 2) (17).

WWW.STANDARDANDPOORS.COM/RATINGSDIRECT AUGUST 5, 2014 7

1351366 | 302136118

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025769
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027445.txt,"Source Entry: H\Macintosh HD\root\Users\jee\Library\Messages\Archive\2018-10-091111 
on 2018-10-09 at 02.07.32.ichat 
Service: iMessage 
Start Time: 10/08/18 11:07:32 PM (560758052) 
End Time: 10/09/18 05:19:35 PM (560823575) 
Last Message ID: 22030 
Chat Room: 
Participants: jee, 
Presentity IDs: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com, 
Messages - 
Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com 
Time: 10/08/18 11:07:32 PM (560758052) 
Flags: 1085445 
Is Read: No 
Is Invitation: No 
GUID: 2FB5B919-33FF-466F-A33E-781B2326B52E 
Message: Re Bolsonaro/ if you are confident of a win , might be good fir the brand if 
you were seen there 
Sender: 
Time: 10/09/18 03:00:25 AM (560772025) 
Flags: 1126401 
Is Read: Yes 
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GUID: 4EC4D033-2AD4-4A5E-8194-F2F8FFEC9668 
Message: May go Saturday 
Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com 
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GUID: 5C878000-077E-4424-9621-27E1B4C684FE 
Message: Great 
Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com 
Time: 10/09/18 03:05:28 AM (560772328) 
Flags: 1085445 
Is Read: No 
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GUID: 6841CA56-B439-418E-8837-7FAOBEDD268F 
Message: More chapters in your book 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 027445 
Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com 
Time: 10/09/18 07:36:56 AM (560788616) 
Flags: 1085445 
Is Read: No 
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GUID: 0A5A104D-882F-4827-8A77-3E2501F78B78 
Message: Why haley resign 
Sender: 
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Flags: 1060865 
Is Read: Yes 
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GUID: 2F86B9CE-D55C-4198-B249-5174676C6D22 
Message: Going to primary trump 
Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com 
Time: 10/09/18 07:45:01 AM (560789101) 
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Is Read: No 
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GUID: 6C816362-243B-4113-8D2F-5AC6239482BF 
Message: ? 
Sender: 
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GUID: 7618F9D3-589A-47E0-9FAD-88696637B96D 
Message: She is going to primary trump 
Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com 
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GUID: 8B201334-7517-4CDB-A219-1C35B655F3BC 
Message: Do you mean run against? 
Sender: 
Time: 10/09/18 07:45:47 AM (560789147) 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 027446 
Flags: 1060865 
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GUID: F4717578-A34B-4A98-BB97-7EBE6BlEE608 
Message: Yes 
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GUID: 8A3D225B-2FFD-4FDF-9DED-E98CEABBB979 
Message: K 
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GUID: 7BED049C-B2F0-4664-92B8-1A9D67DC6E5E 
Message: Miro thinks safer to go to Brazil AFTER the runoff 
Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com 
Time: 10/09/18 02:35:12 PM (560813712) 
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Message: Any more haley color 
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GUID: BD6CBC1E-DBB9-4B93-874C-38202BFEAElF 
Message: Lots -- Paul singer plot to have trump lose house , have nikki go primary him 
in 2020-- not subtle 
Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com 
Time: 10/09/18 02:39:40 PM (560813980) 
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HOUSE OVERSIGHT 027447 
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GUID: D0104E4D-1E27-4D56-AFEl-F8D67FC01F10 
Message: NFL 
Sender: 
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GUID: BA6C11C0-7008-44AF-8788-985A96D8B7F9 
Message: Old School 
Sender: 
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GUID: 6D15170A-5179-4C19-9B2A-BCC8C5B963BE 
Message: Just when we were getting the tiniest traction 
Sender: 
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GUID: 6FA4380A-5222-463D-B794-877D3996283A 
Message: I think this may tip It 
Sender: 
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Message: Why does miro think after 
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HOUSE OVERSIGHT 027448 
Message: Certainly 
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Message: HBJ excited about kashoggi issue. Highlighting out of control Saudi s. Though 
they took my advice and put together a huge team of techies with the promised of 
investment paradise 
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Message: HBJ gets that the emir is as out of control as MBS doesn't he?? 
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Message: High school girls 
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Message: Easily Insulted. Vindictive- superstitious- petty/ grand and petulant . 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 027449 
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GUID: 4AE9A4E8-29EF-4C18-A059-C6ED7464D3A2 
Message: Yemen / Iran / oil - zamel, nader . Prinz / 1 mdb / deripaska - 
Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com 
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Message: Fingerprints everywhere 
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Message: Emir or MBS? 
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GUID: 3E9DEFBD-1615-4BFO-BB9C-1AEC8E289864 
Message: ALL! each ! Beyond belief. 
Sender:__________________ 
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GUID: 75409411-419F-4CE0-9777-65613051597B 
Message: So deeply fucked up-- Brazil, Qatar, Turkey, KSA, Iran, Argentina, 
Mexico,Venezuel,Egypt , Russia, China , Africa , Syria, Iraq, Afghanistan 
Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com 
Time: 10/09/18 05:10:31 PM (560823031) 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 027450 
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Message: Its like the worlds fair . I cant decide which pavilion to visit . All 
interesting in their own way. 
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Is Read: Yes 
Is Invitation: No 
GUID: 435856DC-79D2-413F-9EEC-ACE92589018E 
Message: LOL 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 027451 
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026260.txt,"From: Steve Bannon [i

Sent: 2/24/2018 1:26:54 PM

To: Jeffrey Epstein [jeevacation@gmail.com]

Subject: Re: Lawyer for Susan Rice: Obama administration ‘justifiably concerned’ about sharing intel with Trump team -
POLITICO

Importance: — High

Yes...I've got the 2nd best--best is don mcegahn who is occupied currently
Sent via BlackBerry by AT&T

From: ""jeffrey E."" <jeevacation@gmail.com>

Date: Sat, 24 Feb 2018 08:24:39 -0500

To: Steve Bannon

Subject: Re: Lawyer for Susan Rice: Obama administration ‘justifiably concerned’ about sharing intel with
Trump team - POLITICO

understood. but need details. money needed for think tank, for ads. for policy meetings. . though
leaders. we could also make the coin in some instances non negotiable for 2 years. . is there a super smart
FEC person. ?

On Sat, Feb 24, 2018 at 8:21 AM, Steve Bannon <q wrote:

Populist/Nationalist first
Conservative Christians (catholic/evangelical) next
Reverse alabama

This coalition staves off ""times up"" for next decade plus
Sent via BlackBerry by AT&T

From: ""jeffrey E."" <jeevacation@gmail.com>

Date: Sat, 24 Feb 2018 08:18:09 -0500

To: Steve Bano (iii

Subject: Re: Lawyer for Susan Rice: Obama administration ‘justifiably concerned' about sharing intel with
Trump team - POLITICO

should it have a christian component? tithe? if you form a church you may be able to tell mueller you have a
confession privelege. :)

On Sat, Feb 24, 2018 at 8:14 AM, Steve Bannon iP wrote:
On it
Sent via BlackBerry by AT&T

From: ""jeffrey E."" <jeevacation@gmail.com>

Date: Sat, 24 Feb 2018 08:13:08 -0500

To: Steve Bannon

Subject: Re: Lawyer for Susan Rice: Obama administration ‘justifiably concerned' about sharing intel with
Trump team - POLITICO

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026260
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010866.txt,"02:01:34

02:01:44

02:15:10

02:46:42

02:16:42

02:16:44

02:16:46

on Oak OO bw =

02:16:50
02:16:56 9
02:16:56 1 0

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o21701 12
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oxi710 15
ozi713 16
27s 17
o21723 18
ozt72s 19
o2t727 20
021730 21
o21733 22
021733 23
021735 24
021741 25

02:17:45
02:17:51
02:47:53
02:97:54
02:47:58
02:18:00

02:18:00

aN Oar Wn =

02:18:01

is)

02:18:07
oziere 10
oatasa 14
over? 12
ozreta 13
ortese 14
or1a26 15
o21820 16
o21a3e 17
o21838 18
oztear 19
021842 20
02:48:44 21
ors 22
oztaas 23
o21848 24
ozieas 25

10/20/2015 01:08:15 PM

252
THE VIDEOGRAPHER: 10:38. o2tas: 1
(Thereupon, a recess was taken.) oztess 2
THE VIDEOGRAPHER: We are back on the video ontess 3
record, 10:49 a.m. oztess 4
BY MR. SIMPSON: oasas9 | 5
Q. Back on the record. My question, oxto00 «6
Mr. Cassell, was: Whatis your best estimate of how ozs903 7
much money you have made representing victims of Jeffrey o21903 8
Epstein? coi0s | 9
A. In which case are we talking about? o21906 10
Q. In -- in any case. Combined total. ozsa0a 14
A. Okay. With regard to the CVRA case, that's ozis00 12
pro bono, no money there. With regard to the other o2t912 13
cases, I'd like to answer your question, but due to ozto1s 14
confidentiality obligations that have been imposed upon | 21915 15
me by Jeffrey Epstein, in the course of negotiating ozta21 16
those cases, I'm not permitted to answer that question. | 021927 17
MR. SCAROLA: We are certainly willing to oz1928 18
respond appropriately to a court order in that o2to33 19
regard, but it requires a court order to release ozte3s 20
us from the contractual confidentiality ozt93¢ 21
obligations that we are under. o2rea0 22
BY MR. SIMPSON: ort942 23
Q. Is it your testimony, Mr. Cassell, that there oxtea2 24
are confidentiality agreements with Mr. Epstein that ores 25
ESQUIRE DEPOSITION SOLUTIONS
(954) 331-4400
253
preclude you from giving the total amount paid without ozteaa 1
breaking it down into particular cases? ozieas | 2
A. I'm sorry. I didn't understand. ozi94a « D
Q. Oh, maybe that wasn't clear. Let me do it orroso 4
this way so we avoid -- oztese 5§
A. Yeah, caress = §
Q.  -- the confidentiality issues. oziesa 7
In how many cases have you been counsel for a o22000 B
person suing Mr. Epstein alleging that she was a victim? o22z00 9
A. Counsel of record? 022004 10
Q. Put it this way. How -- weil, start with o22004 11
that, counsel of record. oz2008 12
A. I believe three. oz2008 13
Q. Okay. And in addition to those three, have 02:20:00 14
you assisted other counsel in some way without becoming 22010 15
counsel of record in cases by women suing Mr. Epstein 022013 16
alleging that they had been abused? o22018 17
A. I believe there’s one other case in addition 022023 18
to the counsel of record case. 022028 19
Q. And without telling me -- 022028 20
A. Id--I'd have to go double-check my record. 022020 21
This is an approximate best recollection. 022033 22
Q. All right. 022035 23
A. It's about four. 02:20:38 24
Q. To the best of your recollection, you were 022036 25

ESQUIRE DEPOSITION SOLUTIONS
(954) 331-4400

Page 252 to 255 of 335

254
counsel of record in three cases and you were involved
in another case -- at least one other case in which you
did not appear --

A. That's right.
Q.  -- as counsel of record; is that correct?
A. That's -- that's my recollection right now,
yeah.
Q. Allright. How many of those cases have been
resolved at this point?
A. AHL. All -- of the four, I recall all four
have been resolved.
Q. Okay. Without telling me the amount, did you
receive -- all four were settled; is that right?
A. Correct.
Q. Without telling me the amount, is it correct
that in ail four of those cases, you received a legal
fee?
A. I think that starts to call for a question IT
need to consult with my attorney about.
Q. Simply the question of whether in each of
them you received a fee?
A. I just want to...
THE WITNESS: Is -- is there any problem --
MR. SCAROLA: You can respond to that. You
can answer yes or no to that question.
ESQUIRE DEPOSITION SOLUTIONS
(954) 331-4400
255
THE WITNESS: Yes, I received something.
BY MR. SIMPSON:
Q. Okay. Was the fee -- and if it's different
for the -- the cases, tell me, but was it a contingent
fee or some kind of hourly fee?
MR, SCAROLA: That -- that does get into
attorney/client privileged matters. The terms --
MR. SIMPSON: You're instructing him not to
answer?
MR. SCAROLA:

representation are attorney/client privilege. I

-- the terms of the

instruct him not to answer.
MR. SIMPSON: All right.
BY MR. SIMPSON:

Q. In addition to these four cases that have
been resolved, are you representing any other clients
who are alleging, in a case seeking monetary damages,
that they were abused by Jeffrey Epstein?

A. I--

MS. McCAWLEY: I’m going to object to the
extent that this seeks any information related to
Virginia Roberts that could be deemed privileged
or confidential.

THE WITNESS: So what's the...

ESQUIRE DEPOSITION SOLUTIONS
(954) 331-4400

26 of 46 sheets

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GOLDBERG G MARSHAL &        
REAL ESTATE INVESTORS GROUP        
COHEN WILLIAM &        
BELSKY ROBERT & MAXINE F        
PERLMUTTER LAURA        
SIFF SHIRLEY S        
WOLDOW ROBERT D & SONIA B        
REAL ESTATE INVESTORS GROUP        
PWMAJ LLC        
COHEN NORMAN D        
RATNER A &        
GELLER SHELDON TRUST FBO &        
1153898 ONTARIO LIMITED        
PATENT SHIRLEY &        
PHILLIPS LEONARD J &        
RAPHAEL STEPHEN &        
ULRICH INVS (1966) LTD        
GILDA SHAPIRO TR        
RUSSO IRVING & RAE        
PESHKIN S DAVID &        
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MACKLOWE LLOYD &        
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SHAPIRO MILTON S & BEATRICE L        
PERLMUTTER LAURA        
COUGHLIN DEBRA M        
WOLF JOHN M &        
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GLUCKSTEIN BRIAN        
HERMANSON LYDIA        
RAPHAEL STEPHEN &        
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MARVISTA III LLC        
4232321 CANADA INC        
SCHUMAN JEROME B & BOBBE C        
BELSKY ROBERT &        
SHORE PAUL & ELLIN        
ELIAS JACK & ANITA        
TACA HENRY & RITA        
LEVINE LEWIS &        
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SCHOUELA SIMONE        
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GOLDBERG SANDRA E        
PHILLIPS LEONARD J TR        
SIDENA INC        
HOLLENBERG IRA &        
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TIFFAN PALM BEACH CORP        
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COHEN MAURICE M & MARILYN A        
SIFF SHIRLEY S        
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PATENT SAMUEL R TRUST        
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HOLZER JANE B        
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REESE C DIMICK JR        
TRUCKS CLAUDE H        
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ROSSBACH JAY H & LINDA        
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PHILLIPS GEORGE W &        
MELHADO FREDERICK A        
MORRIS JOHN H &        
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PUCILLO MICHAEL J & DEBORAH D        
DREAMLIFE CORP        
DUKCEVICH VLADO R        
JACQUE FORD JEANNE MARIE        
BUTLER VERONICA B        
R W REAL ESTATE LLC        
ROCHELLE THOMAS ALFREDA E        
HARVEY ROBERT D        
JOHNSTON JAY A &        
150 DUNBAR ROAD INC        
KALISMAN MICHAEL & GAYLE        
KRUMHOLZ STEVEN & DANA R        
BREKUS GORDON & TRUDY        
KINZELBERG HARVEY        
SCHLEIFER JACK P &        
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BOTTORFF DENNIS C &        
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BONER CLIVE & DEBORAH        
ORAT, LLC        
DUC NHU HOLDINGS INC        
SANDELL CORP        
ROGERS DOUGLAS E &        
CLOUTIER GEORGE A        
GELFAND MICHAEL C & EDITH M        
JOHNSON THEODORE M        
TOWANDA INVESTMENTS INC        
ANLYAN ALEXANDRA H        
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PELLITIERI PAUL R &        
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GUYOTT LOUIS E II        
SPRAYREGEN PAUL &        
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FRANKEL KEITH        
100 EVERGLADES LLC        
SHEEHAN PATRICK &        
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TABERNILLA FRANCISCO H &        
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ROSE STEVEN H &        
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WHITE MICHELE C        
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GOLINO ANDRE &        
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AYLWARD E WILLIAM &        
BURT PETER &        
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EBERLEIN HOLDINGS INC        
LUCILLE KIMMEL        
APPLETON DURIE M        
GEWIRZ BERNARD S &        
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CLARK ALFRED C        
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WRIGHT ROSITA H        
FANJUL ANDRES B &        
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COCHRANE MARJORIE C        
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BOLLERO JOHN A & KATHIE        
KHUBANI NEETA &        
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SNIDER ELIOT I &        
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SCHLAGER S LAWRENCE &        
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TARNOPOL MICHAEL L &        
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LEVIN I VICTOR        
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RICKEL ANNETTE U        
ENGELS-GULDEN DOROTHY        
SASLOVE JOSHUA        
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GELBOIM ELLEN S &        
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SUNRISE HOLDINGS INC        
RAPAPORT DAVID A H &        
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RODBELL HELEN D        
WIRRAL TRUST CO LTD        
SYLVANE BESSIE        
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COVIELLO PAUL J &        
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LOWENSTEIN LUCILLE        
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SINGER JOHN S        
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NADLER ELIZABETH        
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LUCKY SEAGULL LLC        
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TOMARKEN PHYLISS        
HIRSCH RICHARD &        
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GRAY HERBERT P & MARYLOU        
KEARNEY JOHN K        
LOWENSTEIN LUCILLE        
MAJTELES EVELYN        
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PAPPAS CHARLES A & HELEN K        
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LEVINE NAOMI &        
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LEVINE ARTHUR S & ARLENE        
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RAGAZZI WALTER &        
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LOH DOREEN INTERNATIONAL INC        
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ISLAND HOTEL INC        
PINEAU ROBERT M &        
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PALM BEACH HOTEL PARTNERS LLC        
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KRONICK FAMILY LLC        
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PALM BEACH HOTEL PARTNERS LLC        
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ROWEN & EMERSON REALTY CORP        
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PALM BEACH HOTEL PARTNERS LLC        
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UNITED SUNRISE REALTY LLC        
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KASPER CYNTHIA        
FRANKEL FRANK        
MATTHEWS JACK &        
MURDOCK LINTON F & NANCY W        
FLORIDA CAPITAL MGMT LLC        
DORRIS VIVIAN P        
ROGER KENT INVESTMENTS INC        
AMORY CHARLES M III &        
BOURNE INVESTMENTS INC        
BAGBY JOSEPH R & MARTHA G        
SKY TRUST TR        
HARRIS DOROTHY W        
336 PARTNERS INC        
REYNOLDS ROBERT L &        
WIGGINS WILLIAM B JR &        
GAINES STANLEY N        
THOMSON ALEXANDER J        
BURCH ROBERT L &        
ANGIULI NICK        
MCCARTHY THOMAS O        
PAGLIARI RICHARD A        
BRYANT ELIZABETH        
HYPERION FARMS        
PAMEL GREGORY J &        
CHAMBERS JACK C        
STONE RICHARD L & LESLEY        
RSDL         
MYERS STEPHEN E        
MCFARLANE CATHLEEN        
PRICE MICHAEL F        
HANNON ROBERT L JR TR EST        
BROD JOHN &        
GERRITY EDWARD J JR        
REYNOLDS JANET R TR        
MERCER DALE T        
ASTIC JOANNA        
REMMERT ELIZABETH D        
LONG ROBERT E JR        
LONG ROBERT E JR        
LYLES G W JR & NANCY L        
ROTH ROSE B        
REYNOLDS JANET R        
VALENTINE EUGENE M        
RUBIN SHIRLEY        
CROSSMAN CRAIG        
FINCH MEREDITH K        
FINCH MEREDITH K        
MILLER ANNE C        
SCHMERTZ HERBERT        
HALLOCK BERT        
ELMORE WILLIAM E JR &        
WARWICK CHARLES H III &        
MOORE STARR        
ARMFIELD WILLIAM J IV & JANE H        
ARMFIELD IV WILLIAM J        
MANESS CAROLYN J TR        
FISHMAN IRVING        
MARSTON HELGA M TRUST        
GAYNOR SUSAN &        
WARWICK CHARLES H III &        
MOORE STARR        
MARSTON HELGA M TRUST        
ARMFIELD W J IV & JANE H        
GUENTHER FREDERICK R TRUST &        
DUSAULT ALLEN J TRUST        
CURRY JOHN F III &        
WILLIAMS NANCY J        
GILLIGAN VIRGINIA K        
STONEHOUSE ROBERT W        
NASTASIC PREDRAG &        
MUNRO ALLISON        
RUTHERFURD EDWARD C &        
CLECKNER ELIZABETH M        
BRADWAY RUBY W        
CRAIG CHARLES S        
LA VOY KENNETH R JR &        
VASILY JOHN M &        
HOFFER NATASHA I        
RUTHERFURD ELIZABETH K        
MINSKY HOWARD G & SYLVIA        
BOWDEN ELIZABETH M &        
GERBETH JOHN        
MCKENNA PAUL J &        
FERGUSON JOHN M &        
LIST THOMAS & BARBARA        
MARA ANN T        
POLZIN NANCY DOUGLAS        
MC CLOSKEY MARGERY        
BURTCH DEAN C &        
HALPER HARRY A & SYLVIA S        
OBRIEN TERRENCE P &        
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TELL WILLIAM K        
LEMBO GREGORY L &        
CONDRON P KEVIN &        
BAUMAN JAMES J        
GRAY HORACE A III &        
KELLEY RUSSELL P JR        
REVSON MARTIN &        
MUSCARELLE JOSEPH L JR &        
DEEMS RICHARD E & JEAN S        
COLLINS JOHN T        
AMOROSO JOAN M TR        
BALZEKAS STANLEY        
KOCH JOHN D &        
CRAWFORD WILLIAM W & SANDRA K        
HIGGINS JAMES F        
COLLINS JOHN T        
MADDEN PETER E        
SWAN THOMAS J JR & CARROLL D        
MOULTON ROBERT M &        
CAMPBELL DAWN A        
GREZELL MARGARITA        
MAXSON KELLI        
BENTLEY GRETCHEN        
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HEWITT SARA M        
GURCIULLO ANDREA        
FORTE PATRICK A        
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FOX SEYMOUR        
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ANGLE RAY A &        
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MURPHY JAMES J        
KREITSEK WILLIAM A SR &        
SEWELL PATRICIA        
BISHOP SUSAN        
BURNS FRANCES C        
WELSH CHARLES N III &        
HARDING JACQUELINE K        
DONAHUE JAMES B &        
LANGE GLORIA P        
BRADLEY WILLIAM W        
DE PEYSTER JAMES S        
SHOOR BETTE G        
EDELMAN RICHARD M        
FLEISCHER RUTH J        
DELACAM ALAIN        
MOODY WILLIAM F X        
ETELMAN ETHEL        
JAFFE SUSAN O W        
GRAHAM JOHN K TRUSTEE        
DASILVA WILLARD H & FRANCES A        
MILSTEIN RICHARD &        
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CLIFFORD STEWART B        
COOLEY DAVID L & CHRISTINE        
COCOZIELLO SUSAN        
BAKER JON &        
MARTIG JOHN A III        
330 SOUTH OCEAN BLVD LLC        
HIRST NANCY M TRUST        
MARINO JOSEPHINE        
SELTZER GLORIA        
DE LACAM JUDITH        
LANASHEL HLDG LTD        
ROCCA LEONORA W        
BIVINS OLIVER W &        
GRIFFITH J BRAD        
BIRKENFELD RICHARD & RUTH        
ALTON HOWARD R JR        
BERGER E EDITH        
CHIOTELLIS P N & LAVINIA        
EIGHTEEN ENTERPRISES INC        
LEVY JACK & FRANCES W        
PALM BEACH HOLDINGS LTD        
DUHL SHIRLEY K        
LACHMAN ROSLYN C        
WOLF ERVING G &        
GANTZ SARITA        
LONG BARBARA J        
ETTENHEIMER KAHRYN R        
FINE ELLEN B TRUST        
RUTTENBERG REID W &        
BERNICK & CO        
LEEDS ISABELLE R        
BELFER NORMAN C & ELINOR        
COHEN RICKY B STUPP        
GRABEL LORRAINE        
ALBERT RUTH        
SESLOWE JERRY &        
FURMAN ROY L &        
FURMAN ROY L &        
MAXWELL GEORGENE M        
HOPKINS RANDOLPH A        
DUPONT WILLIS H        
HOPKINS RANDOLPH A        
BAGATELLE COMMERCIAL LLC        
METTLER PETER W        
PALM BEACH BOARD OF REALTORS I        
DUPONT WILLIS H        
PALM BEACH BOARD OF REALTORS I        
SANCHEZ & MADDUX INC        
CAMPANIELLO THOMAS        
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HOFFSTOT HENRY P III &        
DE HARRIET MARY        
SULLIVAN JOHN M JR        
EGLIN EDITH B        
177 MAIN STREET LLC        
GORELICK MARION        
MARKS NANCY L TR        
ROBINSON ROBERTA N        
FINE MILTON &        
SHAHEEN SHOUKY A & DORIS B        
COLIN FRED &        
BREAKERS COHEN LLC        
COHEN SUZNNE M 2005 QUALIFIED        
UTILITIES & INDUSTRIES MGMT CO        
GAYNOR JAMES B        
GOLDBERG AVRAM J & CAROL R        
NORTHMON INV CO        
BARNETT VICTOR &        
TANANBAUM STEVEN A &        
DANIELS MYRNA L        
BERNSTEIN HELEN B        
SHAPIRO SAMUEL N TRUST        
ZUCKERBERG ROY J &        
NINE 52341 ONTARIO INC        
KATZ STANLEY M & MARILYN L        
JENKINS NANCY E        
SERCHUCK JEROME QPR TRUST &        
HASSENFELD SYLVIA K &        
MARDEN BERNARD A &        
BELFER DIANE        
OBERNAUER MARNE & JOAN S        
CURVEY JAMES C &        
FEINBERG DAVID H &        
FEINBERG CAROL R        
FEINBERG CAROL R        
BLOCK ELLEN H        
ISENBERG EUGENE M        
MICHAELS SAMUEL        
ALFOND HAROLD &        
OBERG SUSAN        
GOUSE RICHARD & CHERYL        
GREEN ALLAN &        
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MICHAELS SAM        
FLAMM ELAYNE 2000 REVOCABLE TR        
SOMMER BEVERLY        
VALANDO THOMAS & ELIZABETH        
BERNSTEIN HAROLD P        
SHAPIRO RUTH E TR        
MARK MORRIS &        
EPSTEIN LOUIS        
LAB PROPERTY LTD PARTNRSHP        
LANDAU EMILY        
FENNELL SHIRLEY TR        
NINE 52341 ONTARIO INC        
JENKINS NANCY E        
TANANBAUM STEVEN A &        
BARNETT VICTOR &        
DANIELS MYRNA L        
ISENBERG EUGENE M TR        
MARDEN BERNARD A &        
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COLIN FRED &        
ALAN HASSENFELD ET AL        
COHEN SUZANNE M        
BERNSTEIN HELEN B        
ZUCKERBERG ROY J &        
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FINE MILTON & SHEILA        
FEINBERG  CAROL R        
UTILITIES & INDUSTRIES MGMT CO        
GREEN ALLAN & HANA        
BELFER ARTHUR B & DIANE        
ALFOND THEODORE TR &        
MARKS NANCY L        
BLOCK ELLEN H        
VALANDO THOMAS & ELIZABETH        
LAB PROPERTY LTD PARTNRSHP        
GOUSE RICHARD & CHERYL        
OBERG SUSAN TR        
SHAPIRO SAMUEL N TRUST        
CURVEY JAMES C &        
BREAKERS COHEN LLC        
FLAMM ELAYNE TR        
KATZ STANLEY M & MARILYN L        
SERCHUCK JEROME QPR TRUST &        
SHAPIRO RUTH E TR        
GAYNOR JAMES B & GERALDYNE        
SOMMER BEVERLY TR        
EPSTEIN LOUIS        
LAZARUS CHARLES P        
MILSTEIN CONSTANCE J TR &        
SHAHEEN SHOUKY A & DORIS B        
LANDAU EMILY        
THREE HUNDRED SOUTH OCEAN        
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HAWKWORTH TRUST        
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GRZEBIEN JOHN &        
MCGINNESS NEIL        
HUSSEY LEO J        
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MORGAN VIRGINIA        
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COLLINS CAROL O        
COLLINS CAROL O TR        
ANDERSON STANTON D        
GRANT PATRICIA J TRUST &        
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ROEMMELE HERBERT A        
DRESNER MILTON H        
SMITH WALTER E JR        
PERIALE MARY E        
IMPERIAL MOIRA T &        
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MORGAN VIRGINIA E        
RYAN JOHN J &        
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SMITH WALTER E JR TRUST        
EKSTRACT EILEEN        
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KRENER ROBERT J. TR        
PAULINO BEN &        
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PARKS DOROTHY B        
HALL ANDREW J        
SLATER SUSAN H BISHOP        
WALSH MICHAEL &        
HALL ANDREW &        
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MERRILL ARTHUR C JR        
MCDERMOTT CHARLES        
GABLER JAMES M &        
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CLARK HOWARD L &        
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POLLAK ANITA &        
EIGEN ROBERT & JOAN        
DOWELL W ANTHONY        
COOK CAROLE A        
OHL ROBERT C        
ONONDAGA LLC        
SMALL M B & ANN S        
SHULMAN DAVID H &        
EVANS MITCHELL R &        
SPOTS INC        
MCGANN KEVIN        
GALDI DIANE L        
RAFFO RICHARD A &        
BAUER RICHARD J &        
KUVIN SANFORD F &        
OETTINGEN-SPIELBERG ALBRECHT Z        
HURWITZ ELAINE AYARES TRUSTEE        
LITTLECHILD JOHN &        
RICH ROBERT E JR        
BROWNE CHRISTOPHER H        
NORTH OCEAN WAY LLC        
WILLIAMS ARTHUR L JR & ANGELA        
MCCARTHY FREDERICK W        
KAISER LYNNE M        
BROWNE WILLIAM H &        
LIMBAUGH R H        
RH TRUST &        
RH TRUST        
SHIPLEY ZACHARY & NICOLE        
KAPELMAN GILBERT & LYN        
KOCHMAN RONALD S TR        
BEQAJ JENNIFER S        
0741459 BC LTD        
RAPAPORT PETER A        
APPLE STEVEN L        
STEPAN F QUINN & JEAN F        
CUNNINGHAM JAMES S &        
REYNOLDS OLIVER A JR        
APPLE STEVEN L        
LODAR INC        
201 INDIAN ROAD LLC        
ZAHRINGER JAMES D &        
GERSTEIN JOANN        
SWEENEY FRANCES &        
WALSH NANCY S &        
ZISSON JAMES S &        
HUNTER MICHAEL &        
OHANNESSIAN ANTOINE        
LUTZ EDWARD C & LAURIE S        
SEASIDE PARTNERS LLC        
CARLINO PETER D & ELIZABETH        
ACKERMAN JUDITH A &        
MARIX YVELYNE D        
NAZARIAN NIAZ &        
THOMPSON JAMES R        
GRIFFIS NIXON        
BEUTTENMULLER D J JR & MARILYN        
GOODRICH E W & DOROTHY P        
BUCK DOUGLAS J &        
KEMBLE WILLIAM T JR        
REED ALISON V        
GAVIGAN JAMES C        
BAKER FRANCES M        
VAN ZANDT TATIANA        
WAGNER JOHN F TRUST        
SULLIVAN STEPHEN &        
PATUSH LLC        
MCDONALD SCHAUER TRUST        
PEREZ REGINE S        
ROGERS PELL S III & MARY L        
ZISKA MAURA        
BARRON LISBETH R        
SULLIVAN ARTHUR &        
FROMSON LORRIE &        
BOOMHOWER ROBERT C        
HOLLAND THOMAS L TR        
LAZZARA RICHARD J        
WEIL ALEXANDER S        
LIDO LLC        
HARBACH WILLIAM O        
DUPUIS PAMELLA J &        
BEATY KEITH &        
SHADOWCORP HLDG INC        
YOUNG ESTHER P        
MICHEL GEORGE J JR & PAULINE M        
CONROY MARTIN A &        
KRAMER R E III & CHRISTINA K        
MARQUES DE OLASO JAVIER        
FOSTER WILLIAM O        
WINCHESTER WALTER K &        
WRIGHT ROBERT C & SUZANNE W        
GAINES STANLEY N &        
GAINES STANLEY N        
ROSOW DAVID A &        
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WILKENS FRANK &        
RIGGIO LEONARD &        
MESSING ELSA S        
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NOSKA FRANK T III &        
PLATANIA FRANCES &        
DELANEY KATHY M        
DAMONE RENA ROWAN        
BAERST JOHN S 2002 REV TRUST        
VEITH WALTER &        
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FERNANDEZ ROBERT &        
SCOTT JOEL &        
TUCKER DANIEL & ELAINA L        
KELLER FRED        
1494 N LAKE WAY LLC        
NOONAN MOLLY H &        
COVINGTON CONSTANCE R        
WEITZMAN CANDEE        
DOTTERRER JOHN C        
MYERS JAMES L        
LEIDY ROBERT P        
WESTON GEORGE V III        
GAMMINO SUSAN A        
AINSLEY CLAUDIA        
SCHRAM RONALD Y        
LIGRESTI DOMINICK J        
VISCONTI JOSEPH C        
WILKES HELEN        
SCHULTZ MICHAEL &        
SILVERMAN RONALD D        
DE PAOLA DOROTHY V &        
FAWCETT MICHAEL S        
BEALL HUNTER B &        
WILD OAK LLC        
ONONDAGA LLC        
JAFFE PETER K TR        
METZGER ANNE G        
LEAS LILLIAN P        
LINCK ROBERT F        
ESPLANADE PROPERTIES LLC        
COLE JEFFREY A &        
BEA TAYLOR MICAH S        
GARVY ROBERT A &        
LESOWITZ SIDNEY A        
PERRY DONALD R III &        
BARASCH MICHAEL P &        
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DE ROSIERE HARRIET        
MMEP LLC        
JAFFE P KEVIN        
MARKIN SUSAN        
GANNON J TIMOTHY        
DE GRAY WILLIAM G JR        
SARKIS JOLENE S        
REESE D V & JEAN H        
STOLLOF MARCIE S        
BOYER MARY RITA &        
ROBERTSON H M JR & BARBARA B        
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HOLT RICHARD D        
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AMLING JEFFREY S        
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AIKEN ANDREW M        
PANGIA THOMAS J & ISABELLE        
HEINS RALPH & CORNELIA        
ONE NINETEEN REALTY TRUST        
CROSSEN DONNA        
BURDETT A C & EMMY J        
BUSSEY VIRGINIA O JR & E O        
BYLIN ERIC M &        
MCDONALD JOHN R &        
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FOSTER VARICK P &        
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KLAINE KATHERINE S        
CASSIDY JOHN C JR        
PECORI HELEN W        
HENDERSON GUY L        
BURNY JULE &        
120 REEF ROAD LLC        
LEVEY SPENCER & PATRICIA        
STEPAN BONNIE W &        
AZQUETA JESUS J &        
FIFIELD J MATTHEW &        
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POMFRET PAUL        
MORGAN ELSBETH W        
GINGRAS PAUL & SARA J        
PETERSEN RAYMOND &        
HRUDA DAVID &        
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KARSTROM MARY A        
111 SEAGATE VENTURE LLC        
DELPHIN CORP        
HACK BRADFORD H &        
LORELLO ROBERT J        
KENAN STERLING H        
JENKINS DAVID J &        
SHANE THOMAS M        
READ JAMES A &        
SHADOWCORP HOLDINGS INC        
AUDITORE EDWARD L        
ALEXANDER BEULAH L        
DELRAY FLORIDA CORP        
LONGO VIRGINIA C        
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GOODWIN ALAN R & SARA        
PUFFENBARGER KIMBERLY &        
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FLORIDA OSCEOLA LLC        
DAVES CHRISTIAN &        
AGAR BELINDA A        
VOLLMAN DENNIS P & ROSANNE T        
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LEAVITT DAVID &        
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KRASNOW ROBERT &        
1100 NORTH OCEAN BOULEVARD TRU        
CASTLE JOHN K &        
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CONIGLIO FRANK S &        
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METTLER T M & SARAH J        
MURRAY JOHN B JR        
CARLINO DAVID E &        
OCEAN WAY LLC        
SETTEMBRE MARK J        
KOONTZ FLORENCE H        
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PORTER JACK A        
CARNEY PATRICK &        
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SHEROUQ LLC        
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KOLLER EMMERICH &        
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RIVER FIDELITY TRUST LLC        
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ELDIN CHRISTOPHER & JOAN        
SIMPSON JAMES S        
REGARD PIERRE G H & MARIE C        
LIGGETT JACK L        
LIDO LLC        
MIKUS WILLIAM J &        
JACKSON JOHN T        
OLDHAM ARTHUR II        
LILJA STEN A        
SENIOR ROBIN G &        
SIMY HOLDINGS INC        
SIMY HOLDINGS INC        
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DENNIS MICHAEL T        
NEFF RICHARD B JR        
ZUKOV NIKITA &        
FOX ROCK LLC        
ZEEMAN JOAN J TRUST        
JACOBI HERBERT H        
MERCK GEORGE F        
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DEFLIN ASHLEY M        
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COHLAN JOHN L &        
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LOGAN LAVINIA B        
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NAVY BLUE OVERSEAS INC        
LEVINE BARBARA S        
WARFIELD ROBERT        
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MERCK GEORGE F &        
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DUEMLER ROBERT L &        
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STAMBAUGH R J & CAROLYN        
QUEENS LANE LLC        
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PETER HALMOS & SONS INC        
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PB REAL ESTATE LLC        
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GAZDIK FAMILY ENTERPRISES INC        
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LESLIE REAL ESTATE LTD INC        
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FORREST GRACE W        
BLANK S & RUTH        
WEISS ERIC S        
REICH GERTRUDE        
COVE CONDOMINIUM ASSOCIATION I        
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EDELMAN RUTH        
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FAUER RUTH P        
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ORLOV DARLENE        
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AVIV EVA        
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BEYER MARIE A        
QUINN WALTER        
GOLDSTEIN WILLIAM &        
KACOHA MARGARET        
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REDL DONALD P        
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POCCIA ADELE        
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CROWLEY JAMES &        
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TRATNIK FRANK        
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SERAFIN JANE M        
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HERMAN ALICE K        
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SHIELDS JANE A        
RUSSO DARCY H        
LEEDS DORIS G        
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KENISON PAUL        
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PUCILLO CHESTER        
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BRINAS ADA        
KELLMAN M & SANDRA J        
PONZIO VINCENT J &        
TREVATHAN ENNA E &        
ALVAREZ ORENTINO        
RODRIGUEZ LYDIA        
FRYDMAN VERA        
SECORD WAYNE C &        
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LEVI INGRID        
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MATWAY LISA        
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KALMUS MICHAEL &        
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DIGNAZIO AGNES EST        
SACHS BARBARA &        
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WHITMIRE MICHAEL &        
JANUSKA TRACY ANN        
BERNHEIM LORRAINE        
DEVELLIS COSMO &        
SHAPIRO EDWARD        
PALM VENTURE LLC        
HADGIGEORGE STEFANOS        
OMEALLY FRANKIE        
MARTIN WILLIAM E &        
ROSANO LORENZO &        
JAFINE SUZY TR        
KORN MARIA        
DENNIS STANLEY &        
GUMER JULIA        
DESALVO JOSEPH A        
DESKIN BETTY        
CHASER CONRAD & BETTY        
VALENTINE SHIRLEY        
KOBLENTZ HARVEY &        
GROSS EDWARD & IRENE        
MARKMAN ERWIN & BEBE L        
RAJAN ASH &        
PELLERIN RENE TR &        
ADAMOPOULOS ELIAS & STELLA        
EHRENFELD MARTHA G EST &        
BYERS DENISE M        
ANTLER GEORGE &        
LASSER GAIL        
BAUM MILTON & SELMA        
RUBIN LOTTI        
PRENSKY ABE        
SANTACROCE MICHAEL J        
MILLER JAMES D        
SONG KENNETH C &        
CORRADO NANCY        
BROMBERG FRED & ROSLYN        
CORTESE JOHN        
OMALLEY RONALD J &        
JOFFE MARK &        
PETTIE PETER F JR        
OLONNE INVSTMNT INTERNATIONAL        
STEPANIAN DEANNA        
LEVANTINO PETER J &        
SCHARAGA STUART L &        
KATZEN CYRUS        
KUYKENDALL C H & CAROLE D        
HENSON CHARLES &        
YVAN ALLAIRE ET ASSOC INC        
LEWIN BENJAMIN &        
LAVOY EARL P        
BINDMAN ARTHUR J &        
LARUCCIA A PAUL &        
TANENBAUM JOSEPH &        
SPENSER RALPH        
GRANOWITZ SAMUEL P        
JARNUSZKIEWICZ AGNES        
GLADSTONE TED S        
KUSSELL SARA F TR        
MEADE BARRON        
HERTZBERG ANNE S TRUST EST        
JOHNS MICHAEL K TR        
GORDON LEONARD & EDITH        
JOELSON ROBERT H &        
TEMKIN LAURA &        
ROSS MICHAEL L        
FISCHER KATHRYN S        
HATKOFF DORIS W EST        
MASSA ELAINE &        
ORNSTEEN ARLENE TR &        
COOPER LEONARD TR        
BATOFF WILLIAM W &        
PINCUS HANNAH        
SHAPIRO HARRIS & SHIRLEY        
OJA THURE M &        
WAGNER RHODA        
GALIARDO JOHN W &        
COLASANTI PATRICIA TR        
MITTELMAN GEORGIA        
GALIARDO JOHN W &        
VESTEVICH PETER & ANNA C        
HECKTOR PETER & HEIDI        
LOCKARD LARRY G & MARY B        
STERN RUTH E        
GELLER LEONARD & ROSALIE        
MASCOTT FLORENCE E        
BARBER STEVEN &        
CAPLAN ADELE        
FREEDMAN ALBERT & ELAINE TRS        
ROSNER CHARLES &        
BECKER SHIRLEY        
SPIEGEL CAROL J        
LEVIN CORINNE        
LES PLACEMENTS G G SAUVE INC        
TAAMSAAR ALDO        
NOIRET SVC INC % HERMAN EISER        
KOSBERG CAROL        
HERRIS IRVING & VIRGINIA        
KURTIS JONATHAN B &        
KYRIAZIS JOHN &        
HERMAN ROBERT &        
MADDEN THOMAS J & ANGELA        
GERSHEN ALVIN E & MILDRED B        
KANNER ALLAN        
RUBIN DAVID T &        
SCHWARTZAPFEL MARIE L &        
STERNFELD KENNETH        
WINTERSTEIN FRANCES        
WATT ANN L TR        
BARNETT MARILYN        
CHANKOWSKY MARVIN &        
PLUNKETT JOHN T & DOROTHY T        
ROSNER GERTRUDE &        
FORD JOSEPH A SR &        
TEDESCO FAMILY PARTNERS LTD        
GORDON ROBERT A TR        
BONNER JACK & SANDY        
JACOBS SIDNEY        
MASON DAVID &        
CHERUBIN CARLOS & ROSSANA M        
SCHRECKINGER BARBARA        
CRESPI MARION        
LANCE LISA K        
GIUNTA PHILIP        
LANCE JOHN        
MESOLOGITES PETER & KATHY        
TELEGENIC PROGRAMS INC        
BELLI VAHIT &        
HERRMANS HAKAN &        
ESKOW ROY L &        
EDELSTEIN RALPH J TR        
SHAMIE TERRY N        
MARCIANO JOHN A        
DELSPINA ANTHONY & FRANCES        
BERRY RAYMOND L        
CCO ENTERPRISES LTD        
GOLDBERG RITA        
SHAPIRO HARRIS & SHIRLEY        
KYRIAZIS JOHN A &        
ORNSTEEN ARLENE TR &        
ROSS MICHAEL L        
GLADSTONE TED S        
CCO ENTERPRISES LTD        
TEDESCO FAMILY PARTNERS        
OMALLEY RONALD J &        
MEADE BARRON        
CORRADO NANCY        
COLASANTI PATRICIA TR        
GALIARDO JOHN W &        
JACOBS SIDNEY        
BERRY RAYMOND L TR        
KOSBERG CAROL TRUST        
SCHRECKINGER BARBARA TR        
HERMAN ROBERT &        
STERNFELD KENNETH        
SPENSER RALPH TRUST        
KATZEN CYRUS        
BRATTI JOAN D        
FLOURDE GLORIA J TRUST        
FOOSE INVESTMENTS        
LUPKE GERD        
KAPLAN GERTRUDE R        
LORENZEN FRED & JOHANNA        
LO SCALZO LAWRENCE & CONSTANCE        
LECLAIR-ROGERS PAMELA        
AHONEN RAIMO L        
DIAMOND JEFFREY H &        
HOFFMAN LAURENCE J        
CONREY RICHARD A        
CORNELIUS HARRY        
FURMAN SUSAN        
STENDER JERALD        
OKEEFE JAMES L III        
FRANK EHREN J        
170141 CANADA INC        
JUSTIN MGMT CO        
WASSER CECELIA        
MALMED CHARLOTTE A        
FOX ELAINNE B        
SANCHEZ JEAN P &        
ONEIL WILLIAM F &        
LANDCASTER CORP N V        
STAHLIE JAN H        
PEDESTAL INV LTD        
KATZ JEAN        
ALEXANIAN DAVID        
KNORR WILLIAM J        
LYNCH DANIEL F &        
DONOHUE VINCENT & JANET S        
BALOUN THOMAS J EST        
SWARTZ STEVEN &        
SPIEGELMAN WILLIAM &        
KUSHNER JAY &        
GUGLIELMINI DANIEL &        
JAY GROUP INC        
WEISS MILTON L &        
EVANS HUGH E & RUTH L        
2860546 CANADA INC        
SCHECHET KENNETH A &        
MCCABE ROBERT P        
SADOWSKY LESTER &        
HERMAN KENNETH M        
ALTERMAN A A & ELIZABETH        
USDAN JEROME INTER VIVOS TRUST        
KORNBLAU DAVID L & AMY C        
NEUDORFER RICHARD J TR &        
HOPE WILLIAM &        
VELINSKY MILTON B & ANNETTE P        
MY FOUR DGHTRS REALTY CORP        
STALL BABETTE S        
LEVY RETA S        
DAVIS GARY        
KORNBLAU HELEN W        
ALTIMARI JOHN &        
SCHWARTZ WILLIAM A & MARLENE J        
HUSSEL RUDOLPH A        
ANTON SUZANNE P        
PALOKA GJOK        
SISSON PHYLLIS S        
BAAL TESHUVA JACOB & AVIVA        
CYPRUS ANDREW        
ESPOSITO CAROLE        
LINET MICHAEL &        
MANN JAMES L        
COVICH MARION D TRUST        
ANGOTTI MICHAEL A &        
WHITE HARRY R JR        
FRIED HERMAN & TERRY        
MLADINIC CAROL A ET AL        
WILDENBERG MARVIN & HANNA        
BEK LLC        
COLARDO RICHARD J        
LANDO ROBERT N & PATTI B        
SHEAR RONALD & FRULA        
MONTANARO MICHAEL & WENDY C        
MELTZER JACK        
SPITZER JOSEPH &        
BACCASH MARK M &        
SCHNEIDMAN ARNOLD & HILDA        
JARWOOD ASHLEY &        
KOONIN ARNOLD H &        
VALLI AMERIGO A &        
RICHER SIDNEY & MARCIA        
MERKER NEAL TR        
WEISFELD LOLA        
ROTHSCHILD FRED & LIESELOTTE        
KLEIN WERNER &        
DAVIS ROBERTA M        
JUSTIN ZOLTAN &        
ROZA KLARA        
PALMER NICK T        
LAPIN SHIRLEY        
JACKSON ROBERT L        
WEBER CORINNE        
TUCKER ALLEN &        
ROTHFELD BARBARA TR        
SELIN DAVID E        
SPERBER DONALD &        
STERN LEORA R        
RICH BENNETT I &        
KIM YONG HI &        
TEPNER HARVEY L        
GODEL HOWARD J &        
NAOMI WOLFE TRUST        
SPALTER SUSAN D &        
DIXON FREDERICK T &        
NICHOLAS KATERINA        
ESHAGHIAN DAVID &        
ESPOSITO CAROLE A        
SCHNEIDER A PETER &        
TABAS EVELYN P        
DEBBAS ELIAS H        
GASWORTH KENNETH &        
PERELMAN MARK TR EST        
KAHAN JANE G        
PILSON NEAL H &        
BICKEL PETER &        
DINKIN ARTHUR S        
KURTIS ARLENE        
SCHAFFER MATILDE J TRUST        
BRENZEL LAWRENCE A LIMITED        
BARTKOWICZ WILLIAM &        
LIOZ MICHAEL &        
BLOOM MARK        
ARCA CORP NV        
SUSSMAN RICHARD & LOIS        
RACHINS RICHARD S &        
GOLD BERNARD E &        
MATES DONALD &        
AHO ARDELLE        
SHAHIN RIAD M        
HIGGINS CORNELIUS &        
WAXMAN MARK Z        
MONDOR BERNARD G        
FIASSE CHRISTIAN &        
MCDERMOTT DARIAN        
ATAMAN AYSE B        
SCHECHTER GLADYS        
AMEDEO RAYMOND &        
ROSS ROSEMARY J TR        
WEINER BENJAMIN &        
EL-DABH ASHRAF H &        
BARON ANGELA S        
ATAMAN URAL &        
AWADALLA SAMIRA TR        
CORBER MARVIN & HARRIET        
HO CYNTHIA P        
GREEN RONALD M        
LEVINE SHELDON W & PAULA        
SAVAGE HOWARD S &        
KESS GERALD H TR &        
FREIDUS CORA        
FRALEY ELWIN E        
ROMANOW GAIL        
BOLONKIN IDA        
HUNEGS STEVEN M TR &        
CHINERY EUGENE W &        
SCHIEDT HEIDEMARIE        
CHASE STANLEY        
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THOMPSON SCOTT D ET AL TRS        
LEWIN HARRY M        
NEITLICH DAVID E &        
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CONNELL WILLIAM T &        
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COHEN HERMAN &        
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KLEIN BARBARA        
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BOMBART LOUIS &        
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GAREAU RAYMOND & GISELE        
KORNGOLD LEON & SYLVIA        
GOLDBERG LARRY R & IRIS D        
HOWARD ROGER &        
FLYNN ROBERT E TR &        
ANDREWS BARBARA F        
ULLOA ROLAND A        
PERLIN LEON H &        
HAN CLARA K        
ATHANS MICHAEL        
MANISTA STANELY F &        
HASSAN SHAWKY A & FIKRIA E        
TARANTINO JOSEPH C EST        
LIPNER NIRA        
129 31 HARRISON STREET LLC        
COFFMAN RICHARD A & MIRIAM N        
MATES DONALD & MARY        
HUNEGS CAROLYN TR &        
AHO ARDELLE        
KORNGOLD LEON & SYLVIA        
EL-DABH ASHRAF H &        
SCHWARTZ HARVEY S &        
BISSINGER CHARLES C JR TR        
MCDERMOTT DARIAN        
SAVAGE HOWARD S & FLORENCE        
GOLIMBU CORNELIA        
FIASSE CHRISTIAN &        
GREEN RONALD M        
GOLD LILA S &        
COFFMAN RICHARD A & MIRIAM N        
COHEN HERMAN &        
HOWARD ROGER &        
ANDREWS BARBARA F        
KURTIS ARLENE        
MARDER MYRON D & RUTH L        
BONANNO CHARLES D TR        
PETERSON ROBERT A &        
ADLER ESTELLE        
JAROTSKI KATHY R &        
SCHEIMAN F B & ANJETTE L        
MAGARIAN PHYLLIS        
TRONFELD JAY &        
WEISZ LAURENCE        
HACK MARTIN &        
SIEGEL RALPH & SARA L        
GAUTIERI VITO J &        
ROTHSTEIN MURRAY A        
SPIEGEL JOSEPH M & CYNTHIA        
FLEUR LEONA        
MARTINEZ PETER &        
MOLINA OSCAR M &        
RUDIN ALICE        
POLLEY ALICE A        
FATA SANTO A &        
SIEGEL VICTOR & BEATRICE        
WIDOME SUGAR FAY B ET AL        
ARTUSO VINCENT &        
BRINKER ERIC B        
WEINSTEIN HERBERT & AUDREY        
ARONSON ROBERT S & JOAN        
WEISSMAN SEYMOUR &        
GEHMAN FRANCIS H        
KLAVANS DANIEL J & HELENE        
ARONSON ROBERT S TR        
SPIEGEL JOSEPH M & CYNTHIA        
ARTUSO VINCENT &        
KLAVANS DANIEL J & HELENE        
ADLER PAUL & ESTELLE        
MOLINA OSCAR M &        
SUGAR SAMUEL &        
SIEGEL RALPH & SARA L        
RUDIN FRED D & ALICE        
SCHEIMAN F B & ANJETTE L        
FLEUR LEO & LEONA        
BRINKER ERIC B        
WEINSTEIN HERBERT & AUDREY        
WEISSMAN SEYMOUR &        
SIEGEL VICTOR & BEATRICE        

"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019142.txt,"|

James PATTERSON

“Nothing,” says Mary.

“t talked to Jeffrey, and I'm going to his h
morning,” says Wendy. “I’m going to set something up for you.”

“Cool. Like, what do you think?”

“I don’t know. I’m going to talk to him tomorr

ouse tomorrow

ow morning

when I go to his house about it.”

“Um, how much would I get paid?”

“Talk to him. I'll talk to him tomorrow, and then
u in the next day. You can talk to him about it.”

So far, so good, thinks Officer Pagan. But she needs more. She
looks at Mary expectantly, but not too expectantly, she hopes. She

can imagine how hard it must be for the girl. Or maybe she can't
rt way, Mary seems to have gotten the

n her chair, she begins to press Wendy.
«{ don’t know,” Wendy says in response. “1 don't know. You're
going to have to talk to him about it. I mean, ! don't really work for

him like that. I just bring girls to him and they work for him.... You

can ask him, like, ‘What can I do to make more money?”
Mary keeps pressing.
“The more you do, the more you get paid,” Wendy says finally.
“Want me to bring my sister for you? So that we can get paid

ll bring

yo

imagine it at all. But eithe

message. Straightening up i

more or something?”
“Well, yeah. That's what I'm saying. I’m working tomorrow,
dule together for you and

and me and him are going to put a sche
hen I leave Jeffrey with a

your sister. So I'll call you tomorrow w

schedule.”
“Okay, well, I don't have a phone. So if you guys call me, I'd

have to know what time so I could get the phone.”
“Okay. T'll leave you a message. That’s fine. I'll leave you 4

message.”

26

Noel St. Pierre: Mar

oel St. Pierre*
Haiti. His old 1
jungle border
Republic, and some of |
kids would stay in the C
of them never returned.
say too much about it.
Most of them didn’t
By the time he was
those kids. He'd learr
prostitutes.
This was how Noel

teally were devils out i)

———————

us i N A a
4 del St. Pierre is a compo:

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019142
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031227.txt,"From: 
Sent: 
To: 
CC: 
Subject: 
Darren, 
Moskowitz, Bennet J. 
7/13/2016 6:02:16 PM 
Darren Indyke 
Jeffrey Epstein [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
RE: JUDGE SWEET ALLOWING STEVEN HOFFENBERG TO TALK WITH THE TOWERS VICTIMS TO EXPLAIN THE VICTIMS 
SUIT FILING AGAINST JEFF EPSTEIN 
Privileged - Redacted 
Regards, 
Bennet 
From: Darren Indyke [mailto 
Sent: Wednesday, July 13, 2016 9:37 AM 
To: Jeffrey Epstein; Moskowitz, Bennet J. 
Subject: Fwd: JUDGE SWEET ALLOWING STEVEN HOFFENBERG TO TALK WITH THE TOWERS VICTIMS TO EXPLAIN 
THE VICTIMS SUIT FILING AGAINST JEFF EPSTEIN 
DARREN K. INDYKE 
DARREN K. INDYKE, PLLC 
575 Lexington Avenue, 4th Floor 
New York, New York 10022 
****************************************************************************************** 
************ 
The information contained in this communication is confidential, may be attorney-client 
privileged, and is intended only for the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
Darren K. Indyke, PLLC. Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this communication 
or any part thereof is strictly prohibited and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by return e-mail, and destroy this 
communication and all copies thereof, including all attachments. 
Copyright of Darren K. Indyke, PLLC - 0 2016 Darren K. 
Indyke, PLLC — All rights reserved. 
****************************************************************************************** 
************* 
Begin forwarded message: 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031227 
From: steven hoffenberg ‹> 
Subject: Fwd: JUDGE SWEET ALLOWING STEVEN HOFFENBERG TO TALK WITH THE 
TOWERS VICTIMS TO EXPLAIN THE VICTIMS SUIT FILING AGAINST JEFF EPSTEIN 
Date: July 13, 2016 at 4:45:18 AM PDT 
To: 
Steven J. Hoffenberg 
New York Post Publishing INC. 
CEO 
WHAM INC THE PUBLIC COMPANY OWNS THE BELOW OPERATIONS 
TOWERSINVESTORS.COM 
CEO 
SEE 
WWW.POST PUBLISHING.BUZZ THE JESUS CHRIST ON LINE GODs WORD NEWSPAPER 
MR HOFFENBERG ONLINE NEWSPAPER 
PUBLICSPEAKINGWALLSTREET.COM  
Begin forwarded message: 
From: steven hoffenberg < 
Date: July 13, 2016 at 6:26:21 AM EDT 
To: ""Gary H. Baise"" 
Cc: Alan Fraade <_______________________ 
Subject: JUDGE SWEET ALLOWING STEVEN 
HOFFENBERG TO TALK WITH THE TOWERS VICTIMS TO EXPLAIN THE VICTIMS SUI 
T FILING AGAINST JEFF EPSTEIN 
SIR 
PRESIDENT TRUMP WILL KNOW THAT GARY BAISE IS WORKING ON THE NEEDED FOOD 
POLICY POINTS OF FACT WITH THE FOOD INDUSTRY LEADERS . 
PRESIDENT TRUMP UNDERSTANDS THAT THE FOOD INDUSTRY IS VITAL TO THE TRUMP 
WHITE HOUSE POLICY. 
WHAT IS NEEDED IN THE PRESENTATION TO PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP WILL BE DON 
E BY OUR TEAM THAT NOW HAS THE KEY JOB AT THE STEVEN 
HOFFENBERG TRUMP SUPER PAC IN BUYING OVER $ 1 BILLION DOLLARS IN ADS & T 
HE HIRING OF THE BUS PROJECT TO GET OUT THE VOTE IN EVERY POOR AREA IN THE 
USA. 
THE POOR VOTER OVER 120 MILLION VOTERS THAT WERE DEMS ARE NOW VOTING FO 
R PRESIDENT TRUMP ON NOV 8 2016. 
T V EXPERTS DONT REPORT THE ABOVE DEMS POOR FOLKS THAT ARE VOTING FOR PR 
ESIDENT TRUMP !!!!! 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031228 
THE POOR VOTER WILL PUT PRESIDENT IN THE WHITE HOUSE IN THE 2016 RACE. 
OUR BUS PROJECT IS VITAL TO THE PRESIDENT TRUMP GET OUT THE VOTE IN NOVEM 
BER!!!!! 
JUDGE SWEET PLAYS THE KEY PART NOW IN THE TOWERS VICTIMS SUIT AGAINST 
JEFF EPSTEIN !!!! 
JEFF EPSTEIN HAS THE PICTURES OF BILL CLINTON HAVING SEX WITH THE UNDERAGE 
GIRLS !!!!!! 
BILL CLINTON & JEFF EPSTEIN BOTH HAD SEX WITH THE UNDERAGE GIRLS THAT ARE 
RECORDED BY JEFF EPSTEIN !!!!! 
JEFF EPSTEIN IS NOT IN FEDERAL PRISON ONLY BECAUSE JEFF EPSTEIN IS HOLDING TH 
E ABOVE PICTURES !!!!!! 
THANK YOU SIR 
GO PRESIDENT TRUMP !!!!! 
TRUMP SUPER PAC 
GET OUR JOBS BACK INC . COM 
STEVEN HOFFENBERG C E 0 
Steven J. Hoffenberg 
New York Post Publishing INC. 
CEO 
WHAM INC THE PUBLIC COMPANY OWNS THE BELOW OPERATIONS 
TOWERSINVESTORS.COM 
CEO 
SEE 
WWW.POST PUBLISHING.BUZZ THE JESUS CHRIST ON LINE GODs WORD NEWSPAPER 
MR HOFFENBERG ONLINE NEWSPAPER 
PUBLICSPEAKINGWALLSTREET.COM  
This e-mail communication (including any attachments) may contain legally privileged and confidential information intended solely 
for the use of the intended recipient. If you are not the intended recipient, you should immediately stop reading this message and 
delete it from your system. Any unauthorized reading, distribution, copying or other use of this communication (or its attachments) is 
strictly prohibited. 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031229 
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014106.txt,"Case 9:08-cv-80736-KAM Document 319-1 Entered on FLSD Docket 03/24/2015 Page 23 of
34

14. Copies of any and all documents evidencing that the attorneys for the Jane Does acted “in
bad faith in an effort to have the media report it” as described in paragraph 9 of the sworn
Declaration of Alan M. Dershowitz.

RESPONSE:

Subject to and without waiving the General Objections, Defendant responds that he will produce
all responsive, non-privileged documents currently in his possession, custody or control.

15. Copies of any and all documents reflecting that Jane Doe #3 has charged President Bill
Clinton with having sex with her on Jeffrey Epstein’s Little Saint James Island.

RESPONSE:

Subject to and without waiving the General Objections, Defendant responds that he will produce
all responsive, non-privileged documents currently in his possession, custody or control.

16. Copies of any and all documents reflecting that Jane Doe #3 has alleged that President
Bill Clinton had sex or engaged in any inappropriate contact with her on the Island owned by
Jeffrey Epstein.

RESPONSE:

Subject to and without waiving the General Objections, Defendant responds that he will produce

all responsive, non-privileged documents currently in his possession, custody or control.

17. Copies of all pages of Passports held by you at any time during the past 12 years.
RESPONSE:

Defendant objects to this Document Request as seeking sensitive personal information and

documents that are not relevant to the subject matter of the pending action.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014106
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031541.txt,"From: Weingarten, Reid ___________________________________ 
Sent: 7/26/2017 3:12:01 PM 
To: jeffrey E. [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Subject: Re: 
Importance: High 
Chagoury about to get indicted in I.a....wants me to rep him...supposed to be close to your guy 
Sent from my BlackBerry 10 smartphone. 
From: Jeffrey E. 
Sent: Wednesday, July 26, 2017 12:10 PM 
To: Weingarten, Reid 
Subject: Re: 
I don't but with details can ask 
On Wed, Jul 26, 2017 at 11:08 AM Weingarten, Reid < wrote: 
Do you know if your boy barrack is close witha lebanese/nigerian biz guy named chagoury? 
Sent from my BlackBerry 10 smartphone. 
From: Jeffrey E. 
Sent: Wednesday, July 26, 2017 7:53 AM 
To: Weingarten, Reid 
Subject: Re: 
https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/at-ohio-campaign-rally-trump-offers-an-unfiltered-yiew-of-his-
presidency/2017/07/25/dbbf6792-7188-11e7-8839-ec48ec4cae25 story.html?utm term=.37edla334d20  
On Tue, Jul 25, 2017 at 9:51 PM, Weingarten, Reid < > wrote: 
If trump fires mueller and gets away with it it is 1933 berlin 
Sent from my BlackBerry 10 smartphone. 
From: Jeffrey E. 
Sent: Tuesday, July 25, 2017 1:08 PM 
To: Weingarten, Reid 
Subject: Re: 
On Tue, Jul 25, 2017 at 10:43 AM, Weingarten, Reid wrote: 
Buying a new kayak...hard negotiations going on...will call when I am done...Rudy next ag... 
Sent from my BlackBerry 10 smartphone. 
From: Jeffrey E. 
Sent: Tuesday, July 25, 2017 8:44 AM 
To: Weingarten, Reid 
Subject: 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031541 
catch up today? 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031542 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031543 
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030887.txt,"From: Boris Nikolic (bgC3) 
Sent: 1/30/2011 11:39:47 PM 
To: Jeffrey Epstein [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Subject: RE: Re: 
Importance: High 
Thank you man. Want to go and take a shower! 
Worked most of fight. 
Lets plan rather to meet tmr. 
Lets talk tmr. 
Great for 7:30! It will be fun. 
Sent from my Samsung JackTM, a Windows Mobile® smartphone from AT&T 
From: Jeffrey Epstein <jeevacation@gmail.com> 
Sent: Sunday, January 30, 2011 6:35 PM 
To: Boris Nikolic (bgC3) 
Subject: Re: 
yes, would you like to come by, or are youyou as jetlagged as me„ sultan just left. I will be up for another hour 
or so.. yes 730 tomorrow is great 
On Sun, Jan 30, 2011 at 6:29 PM, Boris Nikolic (bgC3) 
Just landed to Iga. 
Are you in? 
Is it 7:30pm tmr ok? I will come w bill at that time. Pis let me know. 
Sent from my Samsung JackTM, a Windows Mobile® smartphone from AT&T 
I From: Jeffrey Epstein <jeevacation@gmail.com> 
Sent: Friday, January 28, 2011 7:35 PM 
To: Boris Nikolic (bgC3) 
Subject: 
wrote: 
I can find out if mick jagger, ken starr, clinton . julie taymor, are in town/? I suggest we leave it till mon 
night.. I will have no trouble getting anyone you want . but i think it best after the three of us noodle a bit/. 
*********************************************************** 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
Jeffrey Epstein 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 030887 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
--
*********************************************************** 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
Jeffrey Epstein 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 030888 
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019624.txt,"136 | HOW AMERICA LOST ITS SECRETS

ment in the theft of state secrets in the first week of June. The FBI
is in charge of criminal investigations of civilian U.S. intelligence
workers, even if the alleged crime occurs on an NSA base. The FBI
immediately dispatched a task force of agents to investigate a poten-
tial espionage case in Hawaii. When questioned, Lindsay Mills said
Snowden was away on a business trip. After determining from
airline and hotel data that he was in Hong Kong, the FBI realized
Snowden was a possible intelligence defector. It froze his credit and
bank cards. It also notified the passport office in the State Depart-
ment and the legal attachés at the Hong Kong consulate. The legal
attachés, who were actually FBI field agents posted in Hong Kong,
located Snowden at the Mira hotel on June 8. On the evening of
June 9, Snowden revealed in his twelve-minute video posted on the
Guardian website that he was the source of the stolen NSA docu-
ments. Because Hong Kong is part of China, U.S. law enforcement
did not have the means to recover them.

At that point, determining the magnitude of the theft of docu-
ments became a critical concern of the investigation. Aside from the

© few dozen documents published by The Guardian and The Washing- ®
ton Post, what else had Snowden stolen?

Within the next few days, a small army of forensic investigators
from the FBI, the Defense Department, and the “Q” counterintel-
ligence division of the NSA swarmed onto the NSA base in Hawaii.
The proximate crime scene for their investigation was the National
Threat Operations Center. They examined the cubicle where
Snowden had last worked and then began retracing all his activi-
ties at the NSA from 2009 to 2013. To begin with, they needed to
find out how many documents from the center had been copied and
taken by Snowden.

Meanwhile, the Defense Intelligence Agency (the Pentagon’s own
intelligence service) was kept partially in the dark. Although the
NSA is officially part of the Department of Defense, it operated with
a high degree of autonomy with its own inspector general, inves-
tigative staff, and reporting channels. The DIA did not learn from
the NSA that Snowden had stolen military documents concerning
the joint Cyber Command until July 10. The number of stolen mili-
tary documents from the Department of Defense was staggering.

| | Epst_9780451494566_2p_all_r1.z.indd 136 ® 9/29/16 5:51 Pa | |

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019624
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013669.txt,"responsibility sermons of Reformed Judaism and the Unitarians as well as the 19""
Century hymns and high |.Q. apologetics of some Presbyterian and Methodist
clergy, are like near beer. Formally equivalent but without the rush and the delicious
risk and promise of life long addiction.

National opinion polls have found my preference for churchly fireworks in
religious experience quite common. My Charismatic Christian sons are among the
many with a preference for and loving labeling of these kinds of houses of worship
as rock and roll churches. In a recent survey of Americans, 46% of respondents
claim to be twice born, Evangelical Christians. Perhaps unfortunate with respect to
their children’s academic and professional ambitions, 48% do not accept a
Darwinian view of biology. Fifty million American readers are now buying books with
plots taken from the Babylonian prophecies and anticipate the Rapture of Return
with weekly, joyful, mini-rehearsals. They include praying in tongues as the Spirit
moves them like Peter, John, James and the rest of the one hundred and twenty in
the upper room on the day of Pentecost.

Those of us with two or more available cable religious networks can, on any
given Sunday morning, choose a smiling, kind, Proverbs quoting, rational
Presbyterian liturgical stylist. In his seventies, standing tall with a full head of white
hair and in a quietly resonant voice, he delivers a sermon about seven ways to
avoid growing old. His list includes learning new things and continuing to work. His
spiritual proposal was about personal faith, always leaning on the Lord. On another
network, the three hundred pound, restlessly pacing preacher of the Cornerstone
Assembly of God Church of San Antonio, Texas, stood in front of large maps of Iraq
and the Middle East. He preached from Ezekiel about the refleshing of dry bones
and a return of all Jews to Israel. He said that contributions to his church over the
past year helped finance the return of 4000 Russian Jews to Israel. He reiterated
the promise that, when the return was completed, there would be a massive Islamic
attack on Jerusalem and “we will all rise up to Heaven” in an_ ecstatic
disappearance. Jews, as long as they accepted Jesus as their Savior, were
welcomed along on the ride. More then two thousand parishioners erupted into loud

applause along with shouts of “praise Jesus.”

169

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013669
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012577.txt,"\ is U.S. Department of Justice

United States Attorney
Southern District of Florida

500 S. Australian Ave, Ste 400
West Palm Beach, FL 33401
(561) 820-8711

Facsimile: (561) 820-8777

December 13, 2007

DELIVERY BY ELECTRONIC MAIL
Jay P. Lefkowitz, Esq.

Kirkland & Ellis LLP

Citigroup Center

153 East 53rd Street

New York, New York 10022-4675

Re: Jeffrey Epstein
Dear Jay:

Tam writing not to respond to your asserted “policy concerns” regarding Mr. Epstein’ s Non-
Prosecution Agreement, which will be addressed by the United States Attorney, but the time has
come for me to respond to the ever-increasing attacks on my role in the investigation and
negotiations.

It is an understatement to say that I am surprised by your allegations regarding my role
because I thought that we had worked very well together in resolving this dispute. I also am
surprised because I feel that I bent over backwards to keep in mind the effect that the agreement
would have on Mr. Epstein and to make sure that you (and he) understood the repercussions of the
agreement. For example, I brought to your attention that one potential plea could result in no gain
time for your client; I corrected one of your calculations of the Sentencing Guidelines that would
have resulted in Mr. Epstein spending far more time in prison than you projected; I contacted the
Bureau of Prisons to see whether Mr. Epstein would be eligible for the prison camp that you desired;
and I told you my suspicions about the source of the press “leak” and suggested ways to avoid the
press. Importantly, I continued to work with you in a professional manner even after I learned that
you had been proceeding in bad faith for several weeks — thinking that I had incorrectly concluded
that solicitation of minors to engage in prostitution was a registrable offense and that you would
“fool” our Office into letting Mr. Epstein plead to a non-registrable offense. Even now, when it is
clear that neither you nor your client ever intended to abide by the terms of the agreement that he
signed, I have never alleged misconduct on your part.

The first allegation that you raise is that I “assiduously” hid from you the fact that Bert
Ocariz is a friend of my boyfriend and that I have a “longstanding relationship” with Mr. Ocariz.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012577
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016358.txt,"Social sampling, very simply, is looking around you at the actions of people who
are like you, finding what’s popular, and then copying it if it seems like a good idea to
you. Idea propagation has this popularity function driving it, but individual adoption also
is about figuring out how the idea works for the individual—a reflective attitude. When
you combine social sampling and personal judgment, you get superior decision making.
That’s amazing, because now we have a mathematical recipe for doing with humans what
all those AI techniques are doing with dumb computer neurons. We have a way of
putting people together to make better decisions, given more and more experience.

So, what happens in the real world? Why don’t we do this all the time? Well,
people are good at it, but there are ways it can run amok. One of these is through
advertising, propaganda, or “fake news.” There are many ways to get people to think
something is popular when it’s not, and this destroys the usefulness of social sampling.
The way you can make groups of people smarter, the way you can make human ATI, will
work only if you can get feedback to them that’s truthful. It must be grounded on
whether each person’s actions worked for them or not.

That’s the key to AI mechanisms, too. What they do is analyze whether they
performed correctly. If so, plus one; if not, minus one. We need that truthful feedback to
make this human mechanism work well, and we need good ways of knowing about what
other people are doing so that we can correctly assess popularity and the likelihood of
this being a good choice.

The next step is to build this credit-assignment function, this feedback function,
for people, so that we can make a good human-artificial ecosystem—a smart organization
and a smart culture. In a way, we need to duplicate some of the early insights that
resulted in, for instance, the U.S. census—trying to find basic facts that everybody can
agree on and understand so that the transmission of knowledge and culture can happen in
a way that’s truthful and social sampling can function efficiently.

We can address the problem of building an accurate credit-assignment function in
many different settings. In companies, for instance, it can be done with digital ID badges
that reveal who’s connected to whom, so that we can assess the pattern of connections in
relation to the company’s results on a daily or weekly basis. The credit-assignment
function asks whether those connections helped solve problems, or helped invent new
solutions, and reinforces the helpful connections. When you can get that feedback
quantitatively—which is difficult, because most things aren’t measured quantitatively—
both the productivity and the innovation rate within the organization can be significantly
improved. This is, for instance, the basis of Toyota’s “continuous improvement” method.

A next step is to try to do the same thing but at scale, something I refer to as
building a trust network for data. It can be thought of as a distributed system like the
Internet, but with the ability to quantitatively measure and communicate the qualities of
human society, in the same way that the U.S. census does a pretty good job of telling us
about population and life expectancy. We are already deploying prototype examples of
trust networks at scale in several countries, based on the data and measurement standards
laid out in the U.N. Sustainable Development Goals.

On the horizon is a vision of how we can make humanity more intelligent by
building a human AI. It’s a vision composed of two threads. One is data that we can all
trust—data that have been vetted by a broad community, data where the algorithms are
known and monitored, much like the census data we all automatically rely on as at least

138

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016358
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017240.txt,"4.2.12
WC: 191694

The only theory on which I thought she could possibly succeed was that Brooke’s mother had no
right to surrender her daughter’s privacy and that Brooke, now approaching adulthood, should
have control over her own image.

Ultimately the court ruled, in a bizarre opinion, that Brooke had essentially waived her right to
privacy by allowing the photographs to be published earlier, and by pursuing a career in which she
has relied on her sexuality for her success. The court put it this way:

“Much of plaintiff's recent commercial activity upon which her fame is based has been far
more sexually suggestive than the photographs which have been shown to the court.
These photographs are not sexually suggestive, provocative or pornographic; they do not
suggest promiscuity. They are photos of a prepubescent girl in innocent poses at her bath.
In contrast, defense counsel have submitted numerous samples of sex-oriented publicity
concerning plaintiff. Particularly notable is her widely televised sexually suggestive
advertisement for blue jeans. Recent film appearances have been sexually provocative
(e.g., “The Blue Lagoon”, “Endless Love”’.). Plaintiff's claim of harm is thus undermined
to a substantial extent by the development of her career projecting a sexually provocative
image.

This reasoning fails to distinguish between a 17 year old and a 10 year old. The earlier
photographs were taken of a 10 year old kid, whose mother controlled what she would do. Her
later appearances were made by a near-adult and were far more within her own control. The
court simply ignored the argument by the 10 year old should not be bound by foolish decisions
made by an ambitious mother when Brooke was too young to say no.

I believe that if this case were to come before a court today, in light of the new sensitivity toward
child exploitation, the case would have been cited in favor of Brooke Shields. I had mixed
feelings about the result because it was a victory for the First Amendment, but at a heavy cost to a
young woman about to enter college. Eventually the case was settled and the calendar wasn’t
distributed to Brooke’s Princeton classmates. Brooke Shields went on to a successful career as a
multi-dimensional performer.

Another conflict arose when a blogger posted a naked photograph of a famous athlete’s two year
old son, and in the caption focused the viewer’s attention on the size of the boy’s penis. The issue
I was asked to address was whether the blog met the criteria for child pornography, which is not
protected by the First Amendment. This was an unusual request, since in most of my prior cases
invoking charges of child pornography, I defended the person charged. In one such case, a
medical student who had worked as a camp counselor had taken thousands of photographs of his
campers, including several of them “skinny dipping.” The focus of the photographs was not on
the genitals and we argued that they were no different, as a matter of law, from nude photographs
taken by recognized artists such as Robert Mapplethorpe, Sally Mann and David Hamilton that
were exhibited in museums. I won that case and several others like it.

133

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017240
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018173.txt,"Susan Pigg focuses on issues about aging and baby boomers. spigg@thestar.ca

Tracking Deal

A downtown L.A. company that creates GPS tracking applications for cell phones has
announced a deal to provide its friend-finding apps on Samsung smart phones.

The deal could mean more than 40 million more downloads, which would translate to increased
revenue, for GTX Corp.’s application, which is currently available for the iPhone, BlackBerry and
Android phones, said GTX Chief Executive Patrick Bertagna.

The LociMobile tracking applications send a GPS signal out to all of a person’s cell phone
contacts who use the app. Bertagna said the app can be used to meet up with friends or keep tabs
on kids.

GTX has also developed a GPS shoe for tracking Alzheimer’s patients.

Staff reporter Natalie Jarvey can be reached atnjarvey@labusinessjournal.com or at (323) 549-
5225, ext. 230.

Read the full story

Senior Gadgets: GPS Shoe May Offer Peace of Mind to Alzheimer’s Caregivers

By Teresa Steinfatt - July 1, 2010 - Safety of loved ones is a top concern for caregivers,
especially those caring for persons with Alzheimer’s disease.

Memory loss and confusion can set in without warning. For example, a loved one might set out on
a walk or errand alone, wander off and not be able to return home safely.

Currently scheduled for retail sale this summer, the Aetrex Ambulator® GPS Shoe by GTX Corp
will provide millions of caregivers the means to help easily find those afflicted with Alzheimer’s
and other forms of dementia who wander and become lost.

Read the full story

GTX Corp (OTCBB: GTXO), a provide of customizable, embedded

2-way GPS Personal Location Services (PLS) solutions, is bringing

personal GPS tracking solutions to the 5.3 million seniors afflicted with dementia by signing a

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018173
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015651.txt,"her as a “victim” of federal sex offenses. Unsurprisingly, her deposition contains highly sensitive
information about her experiences as a minor child, including detail descriptions of sexual crimes
committed against her.

ARGUMENT

1. Non-Party Virginia Giuffre Agrees That Her Deposition Should Be Provided
Confidentially To Law Enforcement to Investigate All The Crimes Committed
Against Her

Defendant Dershowitz seeks to have the Court grant an exception to the confidential nature
of the deposition so that it can be provided to the Office of the State Attorney and the Office of the
United States Attorney for investigative purposes. Specifically, Defendant Dershowitz states in
his motion that he is hoping to have law enforcement investigate whether Ms. Giuffre committed
perjury by stating in her previously filed affidavit that it is her recollection that she witnessed
former President Bill Clinton on Jeffrey Epstein’s island in the United States Virgin Islands
(“USVI’)'.

Setting aside Defendant Dershowitz’s baseless claims of perjury, Ms. Giuffre agrees that
her confidential deposition should be provided to law enforcement, including the United States
Attorney and the State Attorney in each jurisdiction where any alleged crimes occurred so that
they may investigate all of the crimes committed against her when she was a minor child. To
ensure that justice is served and that Defendant Dershowitz’s request is not just another charade
designed only to bully a sexual abuse victim, Ms. Giuffre asks the Court to impose the following
reasonable conditions relating to the disclosure:

e Mr. Dershowitz agrees and is directed to cooperate with authorities and answer all
questions relating to the investigation of crimes against Ms. Giuffre.

' Defendant Dershowitz conveniently ignores that publicly available flight logs of Jeffrey Epstein’s private
planes demonstrate that President Clinton travelled with Jeffrey Epstein and others to various locations
throughout the world including Europe, Africa and Asia. See Exhibit C, Excerpts of Flight Logs from
Jeffrey Epstein’s private plane.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015651
"
IMAGES-012-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033526.txt,"When shopping at Amazon, please be sure |
to shop using Amazon Smile, and select
AICE as your chosen charity. Its an easy

way to help out, and a portion of your
purchase supports our projects.

Click Here to Donate Today

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033526
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024432.txt,"No. Copy:

Recipient:

Private Placement Memorandum
Dated September 27, 2006

CONFIDENTIAL $1,000,000,000

KNOWLEDGE UNIVERSE EDUCATION L.P.
KUE Management Inc.

Investment Units consisting of Common Limited Partner Units of
Knowledge Universe Education LP and Class A Ordinary Shares of
KUE Management Inc.

Knowledge Universe Education L.P. (“KUE,"" and, together with its subsidiaries, the “Company’) is a
Cayman Islands exempted limited partnership. KUE Management Inc. is a Cayman Islands exempted
company and the sole general partner of KUE (the “General Partner""). KUE is the indirect controlling
stockholder of Knowledge Learning Corporation (""KLC""), the largest for-profit early childhood care and
education company in the U.S., which operates approximately 2,500 locations in 39 states.

We are offering investment units (the “Units’}, each comprised of one Cammon limited partner unit
(“Common LP Unit’) in KUE and one Class A ordinary share of the General Partner (“Class A Share’), for
$1,000 per Unit. We are offering the Units on a strictly confidential basis pursuant to a private placement
with Goldman, Sachs & Co. and Credit Suisse acting as placement agents (the “Agents""), subject to
various conditions, exclusively to accredited investors. We intend to use the net proceeds from the sale
of the Units to expand operations, including through strategic acquisitions in the U.S. and internationally,
to develop new products and services, to repay certain existing indebtedness and for other corporate
purposes. We reserve the right to withdraw, cancel or modify the offer and to reject orders in whole or in
part. The offering is expected to be completed in one or more closings on or prior to March 31, 2007.

The Units and the underlying Common LP Units and Class A Shares have not been, nor will they
be, registered under the U.S. Securities Act of 1933, as amended (the “Securities Act”), or
qualified under any applicable U.S. state statutes or laws of any non-U.S. jurisdiction. The Units
will be offered and sold under the exemption from registration provided by Section 4(2} of the
Securities Act and Regulation D and Regulation S promulgated under the Securities Act, and
other similar exemptions available pursuant to the laws of the states and other jurisdictions where
the offering will be made.

There is no public market for the Units and no such market is expected to develop in the future. There is
no obligation on the part of any person to register the Units or the underlying Common LP Units or Class
A Shares under the Securities Act or any state or nen-U.S. securities laws other than in the limited
circumstances described in this Private Placement Memorandum.

Investing in the Units involves risks. You should read the section entitled “Risk Factors”
beginning on page 44 for a discussion of certain risk factors that you should consider before
investing in the Units.

Placement Agents
Goldman, Sachs & Co. Credit Suisse

Private Placement Memorandum dated September 27, 2006.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024432
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031189.txt,"From: Barbro Ehnbom iii

Sent: 1/20/2017 10:55:49 PM
To: JEEVACATION@gmail.com
Subject: January 20, 2017

Attachments: DSC_0192.JPG; DSC_0192.JPG

Importance: — High
Dearest Jeffrey,
HAPPY HAPPY HAPPY HAPPY!!!

PRESIDENT DONALD TRUMP'!! HA HA!

LOVE & KISSES

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031189
"
IMAGES-012-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032638.txt,"CNW CNN International

Xi Jinping and the New Politburo Standing Committee
Robert Lawrence Kuhn - October 26, 2017

HOST: The author of How China’s Leaders Think: The Inside
Story of Past, Current and Future Leaders, Robert Lawrence
Kuhn is a longtime advisor to the Chinese government. He
comes to us once again from Beijing. We talked this time
yesterday. Good to have you back. And we discussed
yesterday what we would learn about that lineup of the
standing committee. It hadn’t been revealed at that point
that we spoke, but we now know and is it correct to say the
most significant thing is no sign of a leader in waiting?

RLK: I think the most significant sign is who the people are
and how they relate to each other. It’s a group that actually
respects traditional norms.

RLK: There was thought that Wang Qishan, for example,
might violate norms by being on the Standing Committee
after the traditional retirement age and that’s not the case.
There is balance among the member in terms of their

geographies, even their political affiliations within the party | “Ad
which internally are important. Two are from Shanghai,
two are from the Communist Youth League - one is actually ,

from Shanghai and the Youth League as well but he’s really
from Shanghai - two have a long relationship with General ’
Secretary Xi. And then of course General Secretary Xi has CHINA'S NEW POWER PLAYERS ./

the overarching power as everyone says - and that is correct [ily PRESIDENT XI CEMENTS POWER, REVEALS LEADERSHIP TEAM CAN
v China's Leaders Think” sms # 2454

and will be correct for a long time to come. Robert Lawrence Kuhn |

Author. ""How ¢

TODAY

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032638
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027251.txt,"sender:

Time:

Flags:

10/09/17 03

1126401

Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID:

Message: No. Working on dates.

225:26 PM (529280726)

45C34E16-981A-490B-A2FA-06F4E8B/7EFB7

Sender: e:jeeitun

Time:

Flags:

10/09/17 03

1150981

Ts Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID:

5AE36C1C-AD

s@gmail.com

231:24 PM (529281084)

E5-434F-A170-16301B9187B

Gl

Message: tomorrow

Sender: e:jeeitun

Time:

Flags:

10/10/17 07

1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID:

s@gmail.com

2:59:44 AM (529340384)

85695BC6-2F91-44E0-8DA7-EDAA667FBOEA

Message: Now?

Time:

Flags:

10/10/17 08
1060865

Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: AS81B5B8-AFB6-44F1-BE33

2:00:01 AM (529340401)

r,

1ED105903981

Message: Sure. Call me

Sender: i’

Time:

Flags:

10/10/17 08
1060865

Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

2:18:03 AM (529341483)

EB19A161-5132-4ECD-A229-C44CD2D8FCA7

I think it's me. The cell is spotty here

GUID:

Message:

Sender: e:jeeitun
Time: 10/13/17 03

s@gmail.com

223:22 AM (529583002)

Can I call you late tonight or tomorrow?

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027251
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028162.txt,"/ BARAK / 28

The next key moment in the campaign involved something I did not do. This
time, the Israeli television debate came earlier in the campaign, a month before the
election. Bibi, Yitzhik Mordechai and I were all invited, as the three main
candidates. But I told the TV people I had a conflicting personal engagement. I
figured I had nothing to gain by going. To join a three-way debate risked creating
the impression this was a genuine three-man race, and I still held out hope it would
come down to just me and Bibi. Besides, I thought a debate between the other two
would help me. Yitzhik knew Bibi well. He had served in Bibi’s government.
Though not a natural orator, he was always forthright, and often pugnacious, in
making his points. And he couldn’t stand Bibi.

Unlike the 1996 debate, this time there was a knock-out blow, and Bibi was the
one left on the canvas. It was a bit like Senator Lloyd Bentsen’s killer riposte when
Republic vice-presidential candidate Dan Quayle compared himself to John F.
Kennedy in their debate, a few months earlier: “Jack Kennedy was a friend of
mine. Senator, you’re no Jack Kennedy...” Bibi entered his television showdown
with Yitzhik Mordechai with much the same strategy he’d used against Peres. He
went on the offensive. He tried to portray himself as an indispensable bulwark
against those, like Yitzhik or me, who he said would cosy up to Arafat and Assad
and endanger Israel’s security. But Yitzhik was up for the fight. He also knew that
only months earlier, Bibi himself had been exploring the idea of giving up the
Golan Heights to the same President Assad. He didn’t actually refer to the secret
mission by Ronald Lauder, or explicitly accuse Bibi of hypocrisy. But his reply —
and Bibi’s visible discomfort — were just as effective. Smiling sardonically, he
said: “I know your outbursts, and they won’t do you any good.” He challenged
Bibi to just “look me in the eye” and admit what he really thought about the future
of the Golan. The media verdict was unanimous. Mordechai had won. Which
meant I had won.

Though my American and British brains’ trust had little input into our day-to-
day campaign, they did play a role in the thrust and strategy. I tried to drive home
two things as we entered the two-week homestretch in May. My first, broad
message was an echo of James Carville’s central theme in the Clinton Presidential
campaign: “change, versus more of the same.” It had worked in the US not because
it was clever, but because it resonated with large numbers of voters. I sensed from
the start of the campaign that it was true of Israel as well. Different groups had
different gripes, and different ideas of what they hoped I would provide as Prime

314
HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028162
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021103.txt,"More M&A

¢ S&P Global (NYSE: SPGI), a provider or markets data and analytics, has agreed to
set to acquire Panjiva, a New York-based provider of supply chain data.
WWW. panjiva.com

¢ The Adecco Group, a Swiss human resources services firm, has acquired Vettery,
a New York-based recruiting startup, for just over $100 million, according to

TechCrunch. http://axios.link/hBez

¢ Oracle has acquired Zenedge, an Aventura, Fla.-based cybersecurity solutions
provider. www.zenedge.com

¢ Bosch has acquired Splitting Fares, a Detroit-based startup that provides ride-
sharing platforms. www.splt.io

ee De

Fundraising

¢ EQT is seeking 10.75 billion euros ($13.2 billion) for a new buyout fund, according to
the Financial Times.

¢ TechOperators Venture Capital, an Atlanta-based venture capital firm, has
raised $40.2 million toward a $100 million third venture fund, according to an SEC
filing. www.techoperators.com

el

It's Personnel

¢ Amy Errett has joined True Ventures as a venture partner. Erret will remain
CEO of Madison Reed, a San Francisco-based hair color company.

http://axios.link/rgh8

e Jeff Schumacher is stepping down as CEO of BCG Digital Ventures and will
become non-executive chairman of the firm. www.begdv.com

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021103
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015889.txt,"Known Unknowns 199

Numbers

It was not until the late 18"" century that numbers were properly codified.
The mathematician Giuseppe Peano gave us the rules, so they are called
Peano axioms. Here are his ‘axioms’ in natural language.

Peano Axioms

1. The first number is named zero.

2. Every number hasa next number (called its successor). Example:
the next number after one is two.

3. Numbers are singular. Every number with the same name is the
same thing.

4. If something is true of a number, it should be true of the next
number (the successor number).

From this we can prove some very simple things.

1+1=2. Because the next number after 1 is 2 and ‘+1’ means take
the successor. (You can see J cheated here a little and did not take 100
pages for the proof.)

Back to my poor mother: “Why is the lowest number zero,
Mummy?” “Because I say so!” Or, at least “...because Mr. Peano said
so.” That’s what an axiom is.

“OK, but why is 3 greater than 2””

“Because I said that each number has a thing that comes after it.

“But, why can’t 3 come after zero!”

“Tt can!”

“But then, if 3 is the thing after zero, I could count 0, 3, 2, 4...”

“Yes, if you want to...”

“Tm sort of lost. Now, you are saying that 3 doesn't really ‘mea’
anything. It just comes after 0”

“Yes. You can make up any symbols you like. You just have to
remember what you said and be consistent.”

The dialogue shows the importance of definition in mathematics.
I could define my counting numbers as 0, 1, 2, 3, 4 or as 0, 2, p, 6, ¢, OF
= th, {k, 2 or to be really annoying and confusing 0, 3, 1, 2, 4; they
are only arbitrary symbols. It helps us to learn the numbers because 1
is a single line, 2 is two lines joined, three is basically three lines looped
together, and four is four lines, but we could have used any symbols
we cared for. It is the rules for manipulating these symbols that are the
important part and give mathematics its meaning.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015889
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031569.txt,"From: jeffrey E. [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Sent: 5/19/2014 10:37:05 AM 
To: Peter Thiel 
Subject: That was fun , see you in 3 weeks 
FP Briefing non- classified 
19 May, 2014 
Article 1. 	The National Interest Which Road Will Egypt Take? 
Kathryn Alexeeff 
Article 2. 	Now Lebanon What Saudi-Iran talks could mean for Lebanon and the 
region 
Alex Rowell 
Article 3. 	The Economist India's next prime minister: The Modi era begins 
Article 4. 	The Christian Science Monitor An India ready to dream big 
Editorial 
Article 5. 	1-1Urriyet Will it be Cyprus' year? 
Yusuf Kanli 
Article 6. 	The National Interest Stars Are Aligned for a Solution in Cyprus 
Ozdil Nami 
Article 7. 	The diplomat China's Instructive Syria Policy 
Adrien Morin 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031569 
Article 1. 
The National Interest 
Which Road Will Egypt Take?  
Kathryn Alexeeff 
May 19, 2014 -- With Abdul Fattah al-Sisi's official resignation from the  
military and bid for the presidency, the future of Egypt looks murky at 
best. While his victory is highly likely, the question remains—down which 
path will he take Egypt? Al-Sisi's support for the anti-Morsi protesters 
may indicate support for the democratization of Egypt and the will of the 
people. On the other hand, his bid looks like a giant leap backwards for 
Egypt, a return to a military dictatorship. Egypt has several potential paths 
forward under an al-Sisi government, none of which are ideal. 
Unfortunately, Egypt appears to be justifying analysts' worst fears and 
will likely return to a Mubarak-style military autocracy under al-Sisi. 
The first option is a military government that enacts economic and 
political reforms that improve the lives of the citizenry, not just the 
military or the elites. This will lead to a slower evolution toward 
democracy. On the plus side, slower evolution under a stable government 
would allow structural changes to take root, fostering effective institutions 
and greater stability. The negative side is that evolution of this sort would 
be neither smooth nor straightforward. It would come in fits and spurts, 
punctuated by returns to oppression and violence. It would also be 
extremely slow, and easy for a demagogue to reverse. Unfortunately, 
given Egypt's current situation, option one is highly unlikely. Given the 
high levels of repression and violence, the only reforms the government 
will likely enact would involve greater centralized power in its hands. 
Furthermore, there are a myriad of ways for a government to pay lip 
service to democratization without actually decreasing its power. Another 
option is that Egypt becomes stuck in a proverbial time loop—repeating 
the revolution every year or two when the government fails to deliver on 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031570 
actual, on-the-ground improvements. This would not necessarily make 
Egypt worse off, but it could further weaken the economy as revenue from 
key industries, such as tourism, continues to decline. It would not improve 
conditions either, as improvements, unfortunately, take longer that the 
voting public generally likes. The potential upshot of this option is that, 
hopefully, over time, mass action would become more and more cohesive 
and leaders start to emerge from the morass. This would bring developed 
political parties into Egypt's political system and potentially, leaders from 
outside the military and the elite as well. This, however, will remain only a 
temporary option. Revolutions, or even mass action, are difficult to 
maintain over time. Moreover, if some improvements, particularly 
economic improvements, do occur, the majority of the country will 
acquiesce to a nondemocratic government. The best example of this is the 
Chinese government, which has managed economic growth without any 
accompanying political liberalization. Eventually, either a government 
will improve conditions for the average Egyptian, or it will become so 
repressive that mass action ceases to be a viable option. The third option is 
a total crackdown on any and all political movements and the return of a 
repressive and autocratic government. The impetus behind this path is the 
idea that establishing stability is the first and foremost priority of the 
government. If you establish stability, the rest will follow. Or, if the 
government is truly cynical, it simply does not care what happens as long 
as the ruler and his or her cronies are taken care of Right now, it looks as 
though Egypt has chosen to go with option three, the return to repression 
under military rule. The first step for any autocracy is to get a firm grip on 
the political process, weeding out the opposition. This is precisely what 
has been occurring. Massive repression of the Muslim Brotherhood is the 
most obvious example of this process. While there are some legitimate  
security concerns regarding the Muslim Brotherhood ties to ongoing  
violence, banning the entire organization and labeling them all as terrorists 
is like using a sledgehammer on a nail—overkill and likely to create a 
mess. It does, however, have the benefit of getting the only meaningful 
political party out of the current political scene and that is a key step in 
political consolidation. Other examples of consolidation abound, including 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031571 
harsh treatment of dissents and a crackdown on journalists. While Egypt 
is headed down the path of autocracy, this does not suggest the futility of 
change or of promoting democracy in Egypt, nor, say, that the Arab 
Spring was a failure. Autocracy will not be a permanent fix for the factors 
that nourished the Arab Spring. It will work for a while, maybe even a 
decade, but eventually, repression will not be enough, and the 
demonstrations will begin again. A little liberty is a dangerous thing—
especially when it bears fruit. The Arab Spring in Egypt may not have 
brought about democracy, but that does not mean it failed. Egypt now 
knows the impact mass action can have on its government. They have seen 
not one, but two governments fall as a direct result of protests and popular 
action. Egypt may be moving back toward a military dictatorship, but now 
the people have a taste of liberty. No matter how repressive the military 
establishment decides to be, the genie is out of the bottle. 
Kathryn Alexeeff holds a master's degree in Security Studies from 
Georgetown University and has worked at the Atlantic Council's South 
Asia Center. 
Article 2.  
Now Lebanon 
What Saudi-Iran talks could mean for 
Lebanon and the region  
Alex Rowell 
May 16, 2014 -- In a potentially momentous surprise move that could 
herald an alleviation of political and sectarian conflict across the Middle 
East, Saudi Arabian Foreign Minister Prince Saud al-Faisal announced on 
Tuesday an invitation to his Iranian counterpart to travel to Riyadh to enter 
negotiations over the rival countries' ""differences."" 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031572 
Saudi and Iran, powerhouses of Sunni and Shiite Islam respectively, 
presently support opposing sides in many of the Middle East's major 
confrontations, and are often seen as having radically divergent and 
competing visions for the future of the region. 
Which is why, in Lebanon — a country where the two powers wield 
extensive influence over their respective allies — the news of a possible 
rapprochement has already sparked confidence that political deadlock on a 
number of key disputes may be resolved, perhaps even defying 
expectations of a presidential vacuum by ushering in a successor to 
President Michel Suleiman in time for the expiry of his term on 25 May. 
""I [now] believe we will have an elected president on the 25th,"" said MP 
Ahmad Fatfat of the Saudi-supported Future Movement. ""That [Prince 
Faisal's] invitation was public means they already agreed on many points 
under the table. That means the negotiations regarding the new president 
have already been done."" 
Beyond the elections, Fatfat added the talks would likely also yield wider 
benefits in terms of security and the economy. Earlier this week, Saudi 
lifted what has been described as an ""unofficial ban"" on its citizens 
traveling to Lebanon, fueling hopes of a boost to the country's struggling 
tourism industry. Saudi analysts concurred that the overall situation in 
Lebanon would likely improve in the near future. 
""I think in Lebanon there is already agreement [between Saudi and Iran],"" 
said Jamal Khashoggi, veteran Saudi journalist and former advisor to then-
ambassador Prince Turki al-Faisal. ""The agreement in Lebanon is to 
contain the situation."" 
In neighboring Syria, however, where Iranian-backed regime forces 
continue to suppress a Saudi-supported armed rebellion, Khashoggi 
expects very little to materialize from Saudi-Iranian talks. 
""I'm not optimistic,"" he told NOW. ""The Saudis and Iranians are still far 
apart. The Iranians must relinquish their expansionism toward the 
Mediterranean, or we have to give up Syria. And I don't think we can 
afford to give up Syria. And besides, even if we decide to give up Syria, 
the Syrian people are not going to give up Syria."" 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031573 
""So basically, the Iranians are acting like the Israelis — they want peace, 
and they want to keep the land."" 
Other analysts, while conceding any progress would be slow, had 
somewhat more positive forecasts on the Syrian front. 
""[Syria] is a tough one to happen quickly, but at least if they start talking 
then it's a good thing,"" said Andrew Hammond, policy fellow at the 
European Council on Foreign Relations and author of The Islamic Utopia: 
The Illusion of Reform in Saudi Arabia. 
""Fundamentally, the chances of the Syrian tragedy being brought to an 
end, or the beginning of this disaster being brought to an end, require these 
two countries to come to an agreement [...] They are the keys to the 
Syrian conflict, so they have to start talking, even though it will take a 
long time."" 
Accordingly, with little chance of the two reaching agreement on Syria in 
the immediate future, the talks may in fact focus on other areas of dispute, 
such as Iraq, where a new coalition government is being formed following 
parliamentary elections on 30 April. 
""The other issue is Iraq, now that the election is over and all the horse-
trading is beginning,"" said Hammond. ""I wonder whether that actually 
may have been the main impetus for this invitation."" 
Perhaps the most significant changes resulting from Faisal's initiative in 
the long run, however, will pertain to Saudi itself Having been ""shocked,"" 
as Hammond put it, by the United States' decision to pursue warmer ties 
with Tehran last year, and initially threatening a ""major shift"" in its 
relations with Washington as a consequence, Riyadh may now be 
grudgingly coming to terms with the new order envisaged by President 
Obama. 
""It does suggest there is a potential for them to reassess the situation and 
try and move things forward, find some way of having a new relationship 
with the Iranians, given the fact that the Americans clearly want to move 
forward, and the smaller Gulf states do as well,"" said Hammond. 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031574 
Alex Rowell joined NOW in Beirut as a reporter and blogger in February 
2012. A British citizen, he was raised in Dubai and studied economics in 
London. 
Article 3. 
The Economist 
India's next prime minister: The Modi era  
begins  
May 18th 2014 -- IN THE days since May 16th when Narendra Modi and 
his Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) stormed to victory in India's general 
election much commentary has wrestled with the idea of history. Most 
commentators seem to agree that May 2014 marks an historic moment. 
One reason is the scale of Mr Modi's landslide victory, which scooped up 
282 seats for the BJP and thus an absolute majority in parliament. That is 
first time since 1984 that any party has won a majority for itself It is also 
the first time ever that a party other than Congress has done so. 
Conversely, the defeat for Congress is far worse than anything in its long 
history of dominating Indian politics: it won fewer than a sixth the seats of 
its rival, getting just 44. In much of north India, the political heartland, 
Congress was wiped out. Some correctly ask if its eventual recovery 
(assuming that will happen one day) would require being rid of the Nehru-
Gandhi dynasty that has been at its heart for so long. 
Yet the size of Mr Modi's victory, and Congress's defeat, tells only part of 
the dramatic story. The immense dissatisfaction with Congress was 
undeniable. Voters were unhappy with high inflation, slowing growth, 
weak leadership, corruption and much more. Such voter grumpiness, 
usually summed up as ""anti-incumbency"", is all but inevitable for a party 
that had been in power for a decade. Yet more has happened here. Take, 
for example, the utter defeat of the Bahujan Samaj Party of Mayawati, the 
Dalit leader in Uttar Pradesh. She was not an incumbent and her party 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031575 
managed to collect some 20% of the votes cast in the state. Indeed, after 
the BJP and Congress, it got the most votes nationally of any party in the 
election. Yet it failed to win a single constituency. By contrast the BJP not 
only collected a huge tally of votes but also turned those efficiently into 
seats. With 31% of the national vote-share, they captured nearly 52% of 
the seats in parliament. 
That suggests an important shift in Indian politics. The BJP did 
extraordinarily well because it approached the election in a far more 
professional, strategic and efficient way than its rivals. The methods it 
employed were modern, and the skill at which Mr Modi and his fellow 
leaders conducted their campaigns rivalled the sort of performances put in 
by American presidential contenders (and with similar quantities of money  
to spend). Rahul Gandhi of Congress, in the end, proved to be a hopeless 
amateur, poorly advised without even decent media-management skills or 
the ability to present a strong campaign message. Many regional figures 
proved similarly out of date in their campaigning. The BJP's roadshows 
and rallies, the door-knocking by volunteers, the influence on India's press 
and television channels, the ability to set the agenda of discussion, all went 
to making the election a remarkably one-sided affair. The chief minister of 
Bihar, Nitish Kumar, tendered his resignation on May 17th, after his party 
was flattened by the BJP in the state. (Assam's chief minister, from 
Congress, has also offered to quit.) That was not because of anti-
incumbency—voters in Bihar are happy with the work Mr Kumar has 
been doing—but because the BJP's campaign was vastly superior. 
Mr Modi in his first speeches after his victory has sounded magnanimous 
and made the right noises about running the country for all, bringing 
everyone along. He also mentioned, only partly accurately, that the BJP's 
success transcended caste politics and religious appeals. If that were 
entirely true, it would be another reason to call this election result historic. 
In fact the BJP did make some use of caste and religion, as when Mr Modi 
played up his ""other backward classes"" background while campaigning in 
Uttar Pradesh, or when he criticized Bangladeshi (read: Muslim) 
infiltrators in Assam and West Bengal. It is troubling, too, that the new 
parliament will have the fewest Muslim members of any since 1952, while 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031576 
the ruling BJP has not a single Muslim MP among its cohort of 282; 
Muslims are reckoned to comprise at least 14% of the Indian population. 
But largely Mr Modi told the truth: the BJP's manifesto and Mr Modi's 
speeches emphasised economic and development matters. The victory he 
achieved is more the result of his talk of strong government and 
improvements to the material lives of voters than anything else. That is 
encouraging. It suggests that he will now seek to govern in a way that 
encourages economic growth, job creation and better infrastructure, along 
with further reductions in poverty and inflation. Mr Modi has been 
dropping strong hints that he hopes to remain in power not only for the 
current five-year term, but to win re-election and reshape India's economy 
and political landscape. In other words, he is considering his long-term 
prospects by keeping in mind the rise of a powerful new constituency that 
will only gather more influence as the years pass: the young, urban, 
educated and impatient set of voters who aspire for material gains to their 
lives. We argued before that such voters, for whom there is only ""one 
God, that is GDP"", will increasingly decide the outcome of Indian 
elections. Mr Modi and the BJP look set to corner their support. 
What comes next? On May 20th the BJP will meet, apparently to elect Mr 
Modi formally as their leader. That, apparently, is a precursor to the 
formation of a government which is going to include the immediate allies 
of the party that make up the National Democratic Alliance. It could, too, 
be made from of a wider coalition, since the BJP—if it is to push through 
legislative changes quickly—will need additional help from other parties 
that control powerful states, and to win more support in the upper house of 
parliament. 
Unease persists about the role of the Hindu-nationalist right, whose 
footsoldiers undoubtedly helped a great deal in getting BJP candidates 
elected. With Mr Modi having been an activist member in the right-wing 
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) since he was a boy, some on the 
right have expectations that he will pursue an agenda of Hindutva (for 
example getting a temple erected in Ayodhya, or changing the 
constitutional status of Muslim-majority Kashmir). Others look for 
evidence that nationalism of a protectionist variety will have a strong 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031577 
influence on Mr Modi's policies. For example over the weekend BJP 
spokesmen have been saying that the party still intends to reverse an 
existing policy that would allow foreign investors to open supermarkets in 
larger cities, and even then only under limited circumstances. 
Mr Modi would be wiser to downplay the influence of both sorts of 
nationalists. To sustain confidence that he can get the economy growing 
faster will require pulling off some difficult feats, not least attracting more 
foreign capital into a host of industries which could include insurance, 
banking, defence and many parts of infrastructure. He needs to send a 
clear message, as he picks ministers and begins to offer policy, that India 
aspires to become strong on the back of economic growth, more 
international trade, deeper global engagement—and not by promoting 
nationalist tendencies at home. He has a decent record of reaching out to 
other countries, notably Japan, in his time as chief minister of Gujarat. 
Since his victory on May 16th he has fielded calls from Barack Obama, 
David Cameron and a host of other global well-wishers eager to engage 
India internationally. Mr Obama for example made clear that India's 
prime minister would be welcome to visit the United States. The 
Americans in particular want a decisive break from an earlier period, when 
interaction with Mr Modi concerned his record in handling communal 
violence in his state in 2002. Mr Modi in other words, by winning so 
emphatically on May 16th, appears both to have made history and escaped 
it. That is no mean feat at all. 
Article 4. 
The Christian Science Monitor 
An India ready to dream big  
Editorial 
May 18, 2014 --Years before Narendra Modi won this month's election 
that now allows him to become India's next leader, the former tea-stall 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031578 
worker asked this question on behalf of the world's second most-populous 
nation: 
""It is often said that India does not dream big and that is the root cause of 
all our problems. Why can't we dream like China, Europe or America?"" 
Note how Mr. Modi compares India to other continental powers. This 
reveals just how much today's 1.25 billion Indians, who are digitally 
hitched to the global flow of ideas, have adopted new views of their 
capacity for progress — not only for India but for themselves. 
During his campaign, Modi tapped into this rising aspiration for India to 
emulate the best in other countries. One in eight voters went to the polls 
for the first time, a sign of the fact that two-thirds of the population is 
under 35. He and his Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) promised economic 
growth, clean governance, and decisive leadership, all of which Modi 
delivered as chief minister of Gujarat state — although sometimes too 
harshly or divisively. 
His record and his campaign promises really reflect an India ready to join 
the global community. Voter turnout was a record 66 percent. And the 
electoral results cut across the old divides of caste, rural vs urban, old vs. 
young, poor vs. middle-class. On those measures alone, India has 
surpassed China, which is not even allowed to have elections, and the 
political disunity in Europe and America. 
The BJP's election sweep was achieved in part out of public frustration 
with the long-ruling Congress party. Its corrupt, paternalistic, and dynastic 
style no longer fits an India of smart phones and social mobility. More 
than two-thirds of Indians are dissatisfied with their country's direction, 
according to a Pew poll. In throwing off the past, voters have allowed the 
BJP to rule with a clear majority in the lower house of parliament. Such a 
feat was achieved only once before, in 1984, after the assassination of 
Indira Gandhi boosted the Congress party in an election. 
As prime minister, Modi must not forget he is riding an awakening of 
Indian expectations as much as leading them. His checkered past as a 
Hindu nationalist, and in sometimes treating India's Muslims as less than 
citizens, cannot color his leadership in a constitutional democracy. 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031579 
Religion, including Hinduism and Islam, can help Indians define their 
individual identity. But in a country of such size and diversity, one that is 
home to a third of the world's poor, only secular rule can ensure the unity 
needed to fulfill people's collective hopes. 
""India has won,"" Modi tweeted after his victory. This apparent humility 
may serve him well in preventing an overreach of his powers. India does 
not need big-man style rule now that a historic election has shown Indians 
are ready to dream big. 
Article 5. 
Hiirriyet 
Will it be Cyprus' year?  
Yusuf Kanli 
19 May 2014 -- The highlight of the one-day trip to North Cyprus by 
Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoglu might best be his bold declaration that 
time has come to end the 50-year-old Cyprus problem. Can there be 
relevance between the age and the time for the resolution of a problem? 
Obviously not, but a minister expressing conviction that time has come to 
end a problem carries incredible importance and naturally boosts 
expectations to that end. 
Is it really the high time, best opportunity, right moment, last chance or 
whatever for a Cyprus deal? All through the past many decades, somehow 
many prominent and otherwise effective personalities, including not only 
Davutoglu and people of his caliber, but many premiers, presidents and at 
least every American leader since George Bush Sr. have declared many of 
the past years as the ""Cyprus year"" but that Cyprus year never came... 
Will it come this time? Sure... the Cyprus problem could easily be 
resolved if the two sides on the island ever develop sufficient political 
will; prepare their respective societies to be receptive to a painful 
compromise and international actors stop paying lip service to the idea of 
a resolution, but instead genuinely support a resolution. 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031580 
Do the two sides on Cyprus have political will? Does Turkey want a 
settlement? Is Greece prepared for a deal that might trigger a larger deal 
with Turkey over the Aegean and Thrace issues? Of these questions only 
one element is affirmative; Turkish Cypriots want a settlement. In 2004, 
they not only demonstrated simultaneous referenda, but repeated polls 
have shown since then that the pro-settlement resolve of Turkish Cypriots 
is over 65 percent. Greek Cypriots? Polls show a decreasing 41 percent are 
receptive to the idea of resolution, less than 30 want federation. Officially, 
both Greece and Turkey support a compromise deal on Cyprus. How 
sincere are they? Last time, in 2004, despite all of the pledges made 
before, Greece eventually could not support a plan for resolution. Will it 
support a compromise deal this time? Let us hope it will. Turkey will 
support any deal supported by Turkish Cypriots, provided it somehow 
maintains a presence on the island. Why should it not, after all, if Britain, 
a country far away, has two sovereign bases just because it was the 
previous colonial power? Was it not Turkey that leased the island to 
Greece? 
International actors all keep on vowing to support a deal on Cyprus. Why 
would the British want a settlement knowing that despite the recent 
agreement it signed in haste with the Greek Cypriots, British bases on 
Cyprus will be the next and joint target for all Cypriots if ever they resolve 
their bilateral quagmire? Russians would not want a resolution either. 
Why should they? To upset their peculiar position as the major energy 
supplier of Europe, (particularly) to Germany? Or to render life even more 
difficult to the Russian population and collaborators engaged in bleaching 
business? 
Why would Americans support a compromise deal if they benefit more 
from the British bases on the divided Cyprus? The upcoming visit of 
American Vice President Joe Biden this week and the anticipated visit to 
the island within weeks by Secretary of State John Kerry of course 
demonstrate an interest in the Cyprus problem. A visit by a U.S. vice 
president — the first in 52 years — of course will be meaningful. 
Plans to ease European energy dependency on Russia might play a role for 
an accelerated demand for a Cyprus deal push. Don't the Americans know 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031581 
better than anyone else a Cyprus peace requires engagement in goodwill 
and determination by both sides and of course at least Turkey, if not 
Turkey and Greece together? Why would Greek Cypriots want a 
resolution as long as they enjoy alone the ""sole legitimate government"" of 
Cyprus and the Turkish Cypriot part of the island is considered only as 
""areas not under the government's control?"" 
Yes, Davutoglu may wish to see accelerated peace talks and a 
commitment from Nikos Anastasiades to work for a deal ""as soon as 
possible."" In view of the latest European Court of Human Rights and these 
plain realities, can that be possible anytime soon? 
Article 6. 
The National Interest 
Stars Are Aligned for a Solution in Cyprus  
Ozdil Nami  
May 19, 2014 -- The Cyprus problem is at a critical juncture as there 
exists a unique opportunity for its solution. If this opportunity is utilized, a 
united Cyprus will be the keystone of a wider area of cooperation and 
stability in the Eastern Mediterranean and beyond. A glance at the issues 
that are affected by or directly resulted from the prolongation of the 
problem clearly highlights the need for an early settlement in 
Cyprus. 
The 50th Year on the UN Agenda 
The Cyprus problem has been on the agenda of the United Nations for 
half-a-century. For decades, it has consumed considerable diplomatic and 
political effort, domestic and international alike, but to no avail. As such, 
it has gained a reputation as an intractable and inexorable problem that 
eluded an ultimate settlement. The island of Cyprus, nearly half the size of 
the state of Connecticut, has subsequently become synonymous with 
conflict, despite its nostalgic narrative as a haven of peaceful coexistence. 
Since the drawing of the Green Line in 1963, Nicosia, the Janus-faced 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031582 
capital of both North and South Cyprus, remains today as the last divided 
city in Europe and the only divided capital in the world. However, the 
Cyprus problem has to change face and move on from this conundrum 
characterized by a relentlessly enduring state of conflict to an inspirational 
success story of peace. Time is ripe for such a change, especially in view 
of current dynamics that are molding together both on the island and in the 
region. 
Missed Opportunities 
April 24, 2014 marked the 10th anniversary of the referenda held on the 
UN Comprehensive Settlement Plan (the Annan Plan) on both sides of the 
island. This was the first time in the history of Cyprus negotiations that a 
comprehensive settlement document, comprising 9,000 pages, was put to 
separate simultaneous referenda. The Turkish Cypriots accepted the plan 
with an overwhelming majority (65 percent), despite the great sacrifices it 
entailed for them. They did not only vote in favour of a solution, but also 
for moving beyond the traumatic past and building a common future 
within the EU through a new partnership with Greek Cypriots. 
Unfortunately, the Plan failed due to the resounding 'no' vote (76 percent) 
of the Greek Cypriots. Nevertheless, the Turkish Cypriot aspiration for a 
solution has prevailed even in the face of deep frustration ensuing the 
Greek Cypriot rejection of the Annan Plan and the continued isolation 
imposed on Turkish Cypriots in all aspects of life. The fact that they have 
been left out in the cold, while the Greek Cypriot side has unilaterally 
become a member of the EU, did not change the Turkish Cypriots' resolve 
for settlement. Yet, it further complicated the prospects of reconciliation 
on the island. 
Thriving Opportunities from Within 
Against this background, the Turkish Cypriot side has intensified its 
endeavors to overcome this crisis of confidence and engaged sincerely 
with the Greek Cypriot side for the preparation of the ground for a new 
dialogue. Subsequently, the two sides were able to initiate a series of 
agreements in early 2008, which paved the way for the resumption of full-
fledged negotiations after a four-year stalemate. Since then, intermittent 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031583 
negotiations have been underway, with significant progress attained on the 
majority of the chapters of the Cyprus problem as a result of the intensive 
efforts put forward by the two sides in reaching convergences. 
Furthermore, with the recent agreement on the Joint Declaration of 
February 11, 2014, an important milestone in the negotiations has been 
reached, which clearly provides for the broad outline of a solution and the 
main principles upon which the new partnership will be established. 
Hence, the announcement of the Joint Declaration triggered a very 
positive atmosphere that was further fostered by the support of a wide 
spectrum of actors on both sides as well as the extensive espousal received 
by the international community. 
The Far-Reaching Consequences of the Problem 
In light of this promising political climate on the island, combined with 
the existence of some external factors that are currently at play, there is an 
historic opportunity that should not be missed in bringing the long-
overdue Cyprus problem to a closure. The recent developments in our 
region strongly signal a pressing need in this direction. It is beyond doubt 
that the Cyprus problem holds back the potential of cooperation in a 
broader context. Since its conception, the relations between Turkey and 
Greece have been negatively affected by it. A full-scale rapprochement 
between the two countries has been held hostage to the chronic status quo 
on the island. In the course of time, this has been exploited as an excuse to 
oppose Turkey's bid for EU membership through the blocking of some 
chapters in her accession talks. EU-NATO strategic cooperation has also 
been hampered in a similar fashion due to the non-existence of diplomatic 
relations between South Cyprus and Turkey. As a NATO member, Turkey 
has proven to be an indispensable strategic partner of the Transatlantic 
cooperation since the inception of the Cold War. Although a NATO 
Council decision in late 2002 enabled the participation of the non-EU 
members of NATO in the European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP), 
the Greek Cypriot side has been blocking Turkey's involvement both in 
the ESDP and her prospective membership in the European Defense 
Agency (EDA). As a result, no meaningful dialogue can practically be 
established between the EU and NATO, creating a situation whereby the 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031584 
Cyprus problem is literally obstructing the deepening of the EU-NATO 
strategic relations. The current crisis in Ukraine clearly highlighted, once 
again, the need for closer cooperation between the two institutions. 
External Dynamics Necessitating a Settlement 
The crisis in Ukraine also brings forward the necessity of alternative 
energy supplies en route to Europe. Recently, the island of Cyprus has 
driven considerable attention as a result of the newly found energy 
reserves in the Eastern Mediterranean. Common sense dictates that 
Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots, together with neighboring countries, 
adopt a win-win approach and share the benefits of the natural resources 
of the region on an equitable basis. Such cooperation and the resulting 
interdependency could only bring much needed stability and prosperity to 
the region and help restore the ties between Turkey and Israel. 
The Promise of a Solution 
Cyprus lies at a strategic crossroads between the East and the West. 
However, as all these developments indicate, the island's full potential can 
only be utilized with the solution of the Cyprus problem. A solution will 
not only provide for peace on the island, but will also prompt a wave of 
cooperation in its wider region. Therefore, all relevant actors, including 
the two sides on the island, should act in a spirit of good-will and 
compromise in bringing an end to this half-century-old problem. The 
Turkish Cypriot side is ready to do its utmost in this regard, with a view to 
realizing the island's destiny to become a hub for peace and stability rather 
than a source of conflict and tension. 
Ozdil Nami is the Minister of Foreign Affairs for the Turkish Republic of 
Northern Cyprus. 
Article 7. 
The diplomat 
China's Instructive Syria Policy 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031585 
Adrien Morin 
May 18, 2014 -- The crisis in Syria erupted early in 2011 as part of the 
Arab Spring and worsened as the year went on. A first draft resolution to 
intervene in Syria was proposed by France, Germany, Portugal and the 
U.K., on October 4. This proposal was vetoed by Russia and China, 
marking the start of a long diplomatic impasse with Moscow and Beijing 
on one side and the Western powers on the other. China and Russia would 
later veto two more draft UN resolutions. Three years after the clashes in 
Syria began, and with the civil war now being supplanted in media 
headlines, it is worth reviewing Chinese policy. Has Beijing purposefully 
been more assertive toward Western powers, and the U.S. in particular? 
Western Concerns 
Chinese foreign policy worries the West on a number of fronts. One 
concern is the formation of a ""united front"" of China and Russia, to 
oppose Western goals. Certainly, China and Russia have together vetoed 
draft resolutions supported by the three other permanent members of the 
Security Council. The world has meanwhile witnessed China's impressive 
rise in recent decades as well as Russia's attempts to return to Great Power 
status. Perhaps an anti-Western alliance of those two actors could indeed 
challenge the U.S. and its allies. In the meantime, the West finds itself 
frustrated by Chinese foreign policy pragmatism, or as the critics would 
have it, the absence of values. This is de facto incompatible with Western 
moral ideals, which invoke human rights or other ethical arguments. 
Chinese realpolitik is seen as amoral, if not immoral. Chinese policy is 
also not up for domestic debate — a lack of transparency and little civic 
engagement make sure of that. Those who fear that Chinese foreign 
policy is driven by the intent of challenging (and eventually supplanting) 
the West would view Beijing's support for the Syrian regime as 
ideological. This concern rises as China becomes more popular in the 
Middle East. Mostafa Kamel, a member of the Egyptian Foreign Ministry, 
""expressed admiration for China's position and proposition on the Syrian 
issue and said that Egypt is willing to strengthen communications and 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031586 
coordination with China on the issue."" Could the influence of Western 
powers in the region be weakened, for the benefit of China? All these 
concerns come back to one issue: China's new role within the 
international community. As a new — and still growing — power, some 
observers fear that China may soon have the ability to challenge and 
threaten the Western liberal model that has dominated international 
organizations since the end of the Cold War. 
The Reality 
These concerns are misplaced. First, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) 
has a high level of suspicion toward Western proposals at the international 
level and within the executive organs of the United Nations in particular. 
China seems to view the UN as a potential tool to oppose what it considers 
Western interventionist policies around the world, and it is clear that the 
Chinese government was greatly disappointed when the United States and 
its allies acted on their own to impose, by force, a regime change in Iraq in 
2003. The frustration was even greater during the Libyan crisis that ended 
with the overthrow and execution of former leader Muammar Gaddafi. 
Indeed, from Beijing's perspective, resolution 1973 of the United Nations 
seeking to impose a no-fly zone in Libya did not give any foreign power 
the right to intervene militarily on Libyan territory and against the Libyan 
regime. Beijing learned a lesson. The second element may be more 
important: Beijing's stance on the Syrian crisis is consistent with China's 
long-term foreign policy and its fundamental principles. The basis of 
Chinese foreign policy is articulated in the Five Principles of Peaceful 
Coexistence, enunciated by Zhou Enlai in 1954: 1) mutual respect for 
sovereignty and territorial integrity; 2) mutual non-aggression; 3) non-
interference in each other's internal affairs; 4) equality and mutual benefit; 
and 5) peaceful coexistence in developing diplomatic relations and 
economic and cultural exchanges with other countries. 
Since the opening of the country under Deng Xiaoping in 1978, Chinese 
foreign policy can be more generally characterized as pragmatic. 
Pragmatism and the five principles are the key to understanding China's 
response to the Syrian crisis and indeed its general approach to foreign 
relations. This model excludes moral or ethical arguments from the 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031587 
practice of foreign policy, and as such is antithetical to Western ideals, 
which raises questions, misunderstandings, and fears among the Western 
powers as China emerges a major world power. The notion of peaceful 
development is also important, and is central to Xi Jinping's 
administration. This concept means that China seeks peaceful relations 
with other members of the international community to establish fruitful 
economic relations that will serve Chinese development goals. To achieve 
this goal, China needs a stable environment. The concept of peaceful 
development means, according to Xi Jinping, that ""China will never seek 
hegemony or expansion."" 
Although Western powers may not approve of the ""Chinese Model,"" it 
does explain Chinese policy on the Syrian crisis. 
It is also worth noting the influence of China's domestic situation on 
Chinese policy in Syria. Beijing cannot legitimize any insurrection abroad, 
as it has to deal domestically with separatist issues (such as in Tibet, 
Xinjiang, or Inner Mongolia.). To show that domestic considerations can 
logically obliterate considerations of human rights, George Abu Ahmad, 
taking domestic policies of Iran, Russia or China as an example, explains 
that ""the exceptional decision to attack the population is, therefore, not 
only a sovereign right of the twentieth-century state, but the paramount 
right that guarantees a state's integrity."" This perspective helps us to 
understand the way in which China may have internalized the causes of 
the Syrian crisis in the context of its own domestic separatist issues and 
thus cannot provide any legitimacy to an insurrection abroad. 
A final point to make is China's inability and unwillingness to take on a 
""superpower"" role within the international community. China has no 
experience being a political leader on the international stage, and as a 
result has mostly abstained in the Security Council on any draft resolution 
that did not directly affect its own domestic situation. Nor does it like to 
take any strong stances that could lead to diplomatic clashes with a major 
power, especially the U.S. It seems improbable, given the record of 
Chinese positions in the UN, that China would have opposed the Western 
resolutions on Syria without the support of Russia. 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031588 
The South China Sea, the Senkaku/Diaoyu, and the ADIZ 
Some may argue that China is clearly adopting a more assertive policy in 
East Asia — using the South China Sea, the Senkaku/Diaoyu islands 
dispute, or the Air Defense Identification Zone as examples. However, 
there is a difference, and this has to do with the ""sphere of influence"" of 
China and, more specifically, with the sovereignty and integrity of 
Chinese national territory (as Beijing defines it). For the CCP, the Syrian 
crisis is a ""pure"" foreign policy issue, as the Chinese government has no 
territorial claim in Syria or in the Middle East in general. On the other 
hand, Beijing has always considered the South China Sea and the 
Senkaku/Diaoyu islands as part of its sphere of influence and by 
vigorously defending its claims on those territorial disputes, the CCP 
purports to do nothing but protect its territorial integrity. It's arguable that 
this concern with territory has been the very first priority of China 
throughout its history. The debate over the East China Sea ADIZ, which 
China established in November, can also be related to the territorial 
integrity of the Middle Kingdom. However, Western criticisms should be 
balanced against the knowledge that the ADIZ is an American invention 
(1950), which South Korea (1951) and Japan (1969) adopted long before 
China did. At any rate, the South China Sea, the Senkaku/Diaoyu islands, 
and the ADIZ issues are domestic issues for the CCP, rather than ""pure"" 
foreign policy matters. 
This article doesn't seek to take a normative position. Rather, the point is 
that in the Syrian crisis China has followed a consistent foreign policy, in 
line with its principles and traditions. The outcome of this policy may not 
satisfy many Western actors, but that is not enough to accuse China of 
following a more assertive foreign policy toward Western powers and the 
U.S. in particular. Of course, the new status of China in the international 
community allows it to make its voice heard, instead of the silence that 
may have prevailed before its economic arrival. But the considerations of 
the CCP as it formulates its foreign policy have remained the same since 
the creation of the PRC. In the future, China is likely to be more capable 
of achieving its goals in its ""domestic"" Northeast Asian claims, but there 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031589 
is no evidence showing that the CCP is purposefully becoming more 
assertive in its foreign policy towards the West. 
Napoleon said two-hundred years ago that, when China wakes ""she will 
shake the world."" It may not be time to start shaking yet. 
Adrien Morin is a postgraduate student of International Affairs at Peking 
University. 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031590 
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029326.txt,"﻿Jeffrey Epstein, Prominent Education Patron, Backs Obama’s Call for Early Education.

The Jeffrey Epstein VI Foundation, which supports science education across the United States and has expanded to support early development and charter schools, heralded President Obama’s State of the Union call for universal pre-school education for young children.
“Early education is essential,” Jeffrey Epstein asserted who started his foundation in 2000. “It physically stimulates the rapidly developing mind, and fosters a lifetime of curiosity and achievement. All the statistics point to a much greater chance for success when a student experiences early education, from scores to school attendance.” 
According to the National Institute for Early Education Research, only 28% of 4 year olds in the United States are enrolled in state-financed preschool programs and only five states, offer preschool options to all 4-year-olds. The President’s proposal would provide federal matching funds to states that offer public preschool openings to families earning up to 200% of the poverty level. The President would also allocate funds to states to expand public pre-kindergarten slots for middle-class families, who could pay on a sliding scale of tuition. The federal government would also have to approve the states’ curriculum and administrative standards for their preschools.
“Setting standards of excellence is essential,” Jeffrey Epstein affirmed, who has funded numerous early development programs including the first Head Start program in the US Virgin Islands, where his foundation is based. “However, there should be a large degree of autonomy and schools should be rewarded by their results. It becomes problematic when schools cannot make effective decisions for themselves.” 
Critics of Congress’ Head Start program which started in 1981 to directly support preschools across the country, cite an expensive $7 billion annual endeavor that has had an uncertain impact on improving education rates. But many argue that the requirements for excellence are inconsistent, unenforced and teachers are still paid well below the public school level. 


“If we don’t make this investment now and wisely,” Bob Powers countered, Chairman of the Education Workforce Development Committee of the Business Council of Alabama, “we’re going to pay for it later.” 


In addition to supporting early education, Jeffrey Epstein founded the Program for Evolutionary Dynamics at Harvard University with a $30 million grant. He is a former member of the Trilateral Commission, the Council on Foreign Relations, Rockefeller University, New York Academy of Science and sits on the board of the Mind, Brain and Behavior Committee at Harvard University.
SOURCE: www.jeffreyepsteineducation.com








"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013641.txt,"indirectly by my sons and church elders about joining a study group for personal

conversion.

| was surprised to learn that discussions of current political topics were a
regular part of these discussions as well as the Sunday and Wednesday night
services. We received a weekly political action committee report. Their issues
involved abortion, school vouchers, sex education in schools, family planning,
school prayer and carefully chosen Christian elected officials for school boards and
the Congress. As a congregation, we frequently held hands in small circles and
prayed for the electoral success of our issues and candidates. Twenty years later,
this movement has evolved into the public political morality play of the Republican

base of George W. Bush.

Laying on of hands, dying in the Lord, speaking in tongues, dancing in the
aisles and praying with up stretched arms were routine in the hymn dense services.
The goal for all was the spiritual transformation of mind as in Romans, “...be not
fashioned according to this world, but be ye transformed by the renewing of your
mind that ye may prove what is the good and well-pleasing and perfect will of
God...” The pastor told us that the world ruled mind could not grasp spiritual things
as in Corinthians “...they are foolishness unto him and he cannot know them,

because they are spiritually understood.”

My research took me to a collaborative project at a European mathematics
institute for three months. | returned to our town very late on a Saturday night. |
planned to surprise my sons by appearing at their usual choice of the middle service
the next day. | drove up to the warehouse church fifteen minutes before the service
was scheduled and found that the parking lot of the strip mall was nearly empty.
There was no Cadillac parked at the front door. | banged on the double door when |
found it locked. More then a little surprised, | called my eldest. He told me that four
weeks before, the pastor disappeared, | later found that his disappearance
accompanied that of the congregation’s bank account, and no one knew where he
had gone. He had not warned or informed anyone in the congregation about his

plans. Calmly and without apparent awareness of my surprise and distress, my

141

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013641
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"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016370.txt,"Stevini and John Latham, of the Artist Placement Group, took things a step further by
asserting that there should be artists in residence in every company and every
government. Today, these inspiring historical models can be applied to the field of AI.
As AI comes to inhabit more and more of our everyday lives, the creation of a space that
is nondeterministic and non-utilitarian in its plurality of perspectives and diversity of
understandings will undoubtedly be essential.

150

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016370
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018512.txt,"Here's a short list of some things I think are totally awesome:
+ Squirming and moaning during sex in a genuine way, out of genuine pleasure!

+ Acting Super Excited when your partner wants to do something you're actually Super
Excited about!

+ Being up for sexual experimentation and trying new things, while keeping track of your
boundaries and saying no (or calling your safeword) to sexual things you really don't
like!

Those things are great. They're great when they happen in all kinds of sex, and I have no
problem with how people experience or deal with with those things -- whether people get
them from vanilla or S&M sex, or porn, or sex with multiple people, or queer sex, or
whatever. All consensual sex is fine with me. (In particular, in pieces like the one you're
about to read, I often have to make it really clear that I'm not anti-porn. OK? I'm not anti-
porn. Got that? Say it with me now: Clarisse Thorn is not anti-porn. Yay, it rhymes!)

What scares me, however--what continuously gets my goat, what still occasionally makes
me feel weird about sex -- is how easy it is to perform those three things I listed above.
Because I have always, since before I even started having sex, known exactly what I was
supposed to look like while I had sex. I don't even know how I internalized those
images: some of them through porn, I suppose, or art or erotica or what have you; some
of them by reading sex tips on the Internet or hearing the ones whispered to me by
friends. But I can definitely assure you that before I had any actual sexual partners, I
knew how to give a good blowjob. I also knew how to tilt my head back and moan, and I
knew how to twist my body, and I knew what my reactions and expressions were
supposed to look and sound like -- I knew all those things much better than I knew what
would make me react.

There was a while there, where my sexuality was mostly performance: an image, an act, a
shell that I created because I knew it was hot for my partners. I'm not saying I was
performing 100% of the time -- but certainly, when I was just starting to have sex, that's
mostly what it was. And, scarily, I can put the shell back on at any time. Sometimes it's
hard to resist, because I know men will reward me for it, emotionally, with affection and
praise. It's much, much more difficult to get what I actually want out of a sexual
interaction than it is for me to create that sexy dreamgirl shell: hard for me to
communicate my desires, hard for me to know what I'm thinking, hard for me to set
boundaries.

And hard to believe that a guy will like me as much, if I try to be honest about what I
want. Honesty means that sometimes I'm confused, and sometimes we have to Talk
About It; honesty means that sometimes I say no, it means that sometimes I'm not Up For
It. Something in me is always asking: Surely he'd prefer the sexy, fake, plastic dreamgirl
Shell? It's not true, I know it's not true, I swear it's not true -- I don't have such a low
opinion of men as that. I know this is just a stereotype, the idea that men are emotionally
stunted horndogs with no interest in how their partners feel.

So sometimes, I have to fight myself not to perform. But it's worth it -- because the
hardest thing of all is feeling locked into an inauthentic sexuality. I tell myself, I try to

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018512
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013899.txt,"On the opposite end of the market size spectrum, I know a man who created a low-budget how-to
DVD for less than $200 and sold it to owners of storage facilities who wanted to install security systems.
It’s hard to get more niche than that. In 2001, selling DVDs that cost $2 to duplicate for $95 apiece
through trade magazines, he made several hundred thousand dollars with no employees.

But I’m Not an Expert!

L, you aren’t an expert, don’t sweat it.

First, “expert” in the context of selling product means that you know more about the topic than the
purchaser. No more. It is not necessary to be the best—just better than a small target number of your
prospective customers. Let’s suppose that your current dreamline—to compete in the 1,150-mile Iditarod
dogsledding race in Alaska—requires $5,000 to realize. If there are 15,000 readers and even 50 (0.33%)
can be convinced of your superior expertise in skill X and spend $100 for a program that teaches it, that
is $5,000. Bring on the Huskies. Those 50 customers are what I call the “minimal customer base” — the
minimum number of customers you need to convince of your expertise to fulfill a given dreamline.

Second, expert status can be created in less than four weeks if you understand basic credibility
indicators. It’s important to learn how the PR pros phrase resume points and position their clients. See
the boxed text later in this chapter to learn how.

The degree to which you personally need expert status also depends on how you obtain your content.
There are three main options.

1. Create the content yourself, often via paraphrasing and combining points from several books on a
topic.
2.  Repurpose content that is in the public domain and not subject to copyright protection, such as

government documents and material that predates modern copyright law.

3. License content or compensate an expert to help create content. Fees can be one-time and paid up
front or royalty-based (5-10% of net revenue, for example).

If you choose option 1 or 2, you need expert status within a limited market.

Let’s assume you are a real estate broker and have determined that, like yourself, most brokers want a
simple but good website to promote themselves and their businesses. If you read and understand the three
top-selling books on home-page design, you will know more about that topic than 80% of the readership
of a magazine for real estate brokers. If you can summarize the content and make recommendations
specific to the needs of the real estate market, a 0.5—1.5% response from an ad you place in the magazine
is not unreasonable to expect.

Use the following questions to brainstorm potential how-to or informational products that can be sold
to your markets using your expertise or borrowed expertise. Aim for a combination of formats that will
lend itself to $50-200 pricing, such as a combination of two CDs (30-90 minutes each), a 40-page
transcription of the CDs, and a 10-page quickstart guide. Digital delivery is perfectly acceptable—in
some cases, ideal—if you can create a high enough perceived value.

1. How can you tailor a general skill for your market—what I call “niching down”—or add to what is
being sold successfully in your target magazines? Think narrow and deep rather than broad.

2. What skills are you interested in that you—and others in your markets—would pay to learn? Become
an expert in this skill for yourself and then create a product to teach the same. If you need help or want

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013899
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025027.txt,"si

qualities America inspires would warm the heart of any marketing
manager.

As an ice-breaking exercise, I asked everyone I interviewed on my
trip to free-associate the first word they thought about when they hear
“America.” There were numerous cynics (“greedy,” “consumerism,”
“McDonald’s’’) and the occasional outlier (“Sex and the City”), but a
majority repeated affirmative terms like melting pot, power,
democracy, modernity. Even a majority of jaded Newsweek—Daily
Beast poll respondents said that the U.S. had a positive effect on the
world—the highest of any nation we asked about. Blend it all
together, and that’s an image of America well positioned for the new
Arab World.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025027
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023375.txt,"In re: TERRORIST ATTACKS ON SEPTEMBER 11, 2001., 2012 WL 257568 (2012)

remaining defendants, who allegedly held more junior positions in foreign governments, was unclear. Struggling to interpret
the precise meaning of Terrorist Attacks III's personal jurisdiction holding, plaintiffs submitted that the decision could be
interpreted as drawing a distinction between direct and indirect support of terrorism for due process purposes, and that
Terrorist Attacks [II should not be read to allow defendants with direct ties to al-Qaeda to evade jurisdiction. Plaintiffs
expressly reserved their right to argue on appeal that, among other things, a rule immunizing indirect sponsors of terrorism
from the jurisdiction of U.S. courts for injuries *17 suffered in the United States on due process grounds is incorrect and
inconsistent with controlling precedent.

For their part, the defendants asserted that Terrorist Attacks IIT should be read to require, for purposes of due process, a
showing that the defendant “intentionally provided funding to support the September 11 attacks against the United States.”
R.2140, 1-2, 13.

On February 4, 2009, plaintiffs filed a Notice of Supplemental Authority bringing to the district court’s attention the Seventh
Circuit’s decision in Boim v. Holy Land Foundation for Relief and Development, 549 F.3d 685, 693 (7th Cir. 2008 (en banc)
(Boim IID). R. 2156. In its decision, the Seventh Circuit comprehensively discussed the substantive liability standards
governing civil claims under the ATA, and the findings and policies that prompted the Legislative and Executive Branches to
establish a civil cause of action for the benefit of terror victims against material sponsors and supporters of terrorism. The
Boim HT court held that liability under the ATA extends to any person who knowingly or recklessly provided material
support or resources to the terrorist organization responsible for the plaintiff’s injuries, whether directly or indirectly, and that
a plaintiff in an ATA case need not allege any specific or temporal link *18 between the defendant’s support and the attack
producing the plaintiff's injury. Jd. at 688-702.

On June 17, 2010, Judge Daniels issued an opinion, Terrorist Attacks IV, resolving the motions to dismiss of thirty-seven
defendants, and holding that thirty-six of those defendants were entitled to dismissal for lack of personal jurisdiction.
SPA152-211. The defendants dismissed through that decision included Appellees Abdullah bin Laden, Bakr bin Laden, Omar
bin Laden, Tariq bin Laden, Yeslam bin Laden, Dallah Avco Trans-Arabia Co. Ltd. (Dallah Avco), DMI Administrative
Services, Faisal Islamic Bank, Saleh al Hussayen, Yousef Jameel, Abdulrahman bin Mahfouz, Khaled bin Mahfouz, National
Commercial Bank (NCB), Abdullah al Obeid (Obeid), Abdullah al Rajhi, Saleh al Rajhi, Suleiman al Rajhi, Schreiber &
Zindel Treuhand Anstalt, Frank Zindel, Engelbert Schreiber, Sr., Engelbert Schreiber, Jr., Al Shamal Islamic Bank (Shamal),
Abdul Rahman al Swailem (Swailem), Tadamon Islamic Bank (Tadamon), Abdullah Muhsen al Turki (Turki), Martin
Wachter, Erwin Wachter, Sercor Treuhand Anstalt, and Asat Trust (Asat).

Generally, the district court predicated the dismissals of those Appellees on its conclusions that: (1) a defendant’s indirect
funding of al- *19 Qaeda through a charitable intermediary “is, under controlling Second Circuit law, of no jurisdictional
import,” see SPA196; or (2) plaintiffs were required, but failed, to present allegations and facts sufficient to demonstrate the
defendant’s “specific intent that [his support for al-Qaeda] be used to aid al-Qaeda in the commission of a terrorist attack
against the United States, see SPA197. In certain cases, the district court went further, appearing to require allegations or
facts (or even evidence) directly linking the defendant to the September 11th Attacks. See SPA194.

On September 13, 2010, Judge Daniels issued another decision concerning the motions to dismiss for lack of personal
jurisdiction of an additional seven defendants, and thirty-three defendants’ motions to dismiss for failure to state a claim.
SPA214-253 (Terrorist Attacks V, 740 F. Supp. 2d 494). The district court granted the motions of all seven defendants
seeking dismissal for lack of personal jurisdiction, thereby dismissing Appellees Abdullah Naseef (Naseef), Sulaiman al-Ali
(Al), Adnan Basha (Basha), Jamal Khalifa (Khalifa), Aqeel Al-Aqeel (Aqeel), Yassin al Kadi (al Kadi), and Soliman
al-Buthe (al-Buthe). SPA217-227. The reasoning in support of those dismissals generally followed that offered by the district
court relative to the dismissals in Terrorist Attacks *20 TV. As a component of its rulings dismissing two of the
defendants-Appellees, the district court specifically held that a defendant’s “terrorist designation” by the U.S. government for
sponsoring al-Qaeda is insufficient to confer personal jurisdiction, Terrorist Attacks V, 740 F. Supp. 2d at 508, and that a
defendant’s status as “a key al Qeda operative” and direct participation in several al-Qaeda plots and attacks other than 9/11
was insufficient to establish jurisdiction absent an allegation that he “played any role in the 9/11 terrorist attacks” or “had
authority to steward the direction of al-Qaeda’s terrorist operation.” SPA223. Terrorist Attacks Valso granted motions to
dismiss for failure to state a claim, under the Anti-Terrorism Act, of Appellees Dar al-Maal-al Islami Trust (DMI Trust),
Saleh Abdullah Kamel (Kamel), and al Baraka Investment and Development Corp (al Baraka). The dismissal was primarily
based on the conclusion that plaintiffs did not adequately allege that those defendants knew, or recklessly disregarded, that

WESTLAW

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023375
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017268.txt,"4.2.12
WC: 191694

5 Tn one case a client who was acquitted of murder was subsequently convicted of an entirely different type of
crime. I did not represent him the second time. He was convicted.

181

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017268
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015679.txt,"Are the Androids
Dreaming Yet?

Amazing Brain.
Human
Communication,
Creativity &
Free Will.

JAMES TAGG

Hurst Farm Books
An Imprint of
Hurst Farm Enterprises

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015679
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027279.txt,"Time: 06/10/18 12:13:35 PM (550350815)
Flags: 1126401
Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 8816FDFO0-0D71-4E3C-A57C-E97AFAF36744

Message: Dear Sebastian, Steve Bannon, who behind the scenes still is one of the most
insightful and influential players in Washington ( and very close to the President),
would like to see you on various issues. He is now working very closely with Victor
Orban and other of your colleagues in Europe. I am having dinner with him in Paris on
22 June. He could come to Vienna any time between the 23 and 28 of that month. He is a
very astute and extremely well informed analyst and player, though we have
significantly different views on some issues ! I will strongly recommend that you see
him, and am sure you will find it very useful. Warmest Terje

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 06/10/18 12:18:52 PM (550351132)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: Cé6BIBC95-AD63-4D33-99AE-499D10B88814

Message: You might add that if he is in Paris. He is welcome to join for dinner . Up to
you.

Time: 06/11/18 07:02:57 AM (550418577)

Flags: 1060865
Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: F473C12D-D186-412D-8949-7335914D4CBD

Message: Tried.

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 06/11/18 12:18:56 PM (550437536)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 86F2043E-C018-47FB-932E-B81BAA57033C

r,
r

Message: ?

Sender: Zi”

Time: 06/12/18 02:08:24 PM (550530504)
Flags: 1060865

Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027279
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014567.txt,"We may see some fireworks in US-China relations during the Trump administration.

With respect to trade, President-elect Trump
can use any one of six US statutes, including the
Trading with the Enemy Act of 1917 and the
International Emergency Economic Powers Act of
1977, to shift trade policy. The latter two statutes
give him latitude to change foreign commerce
without interference from Congress or the courts.

President-elect Trump has advocated
imposing tariffs and labeling China a “currency
manipulator.” While he has continued to
threaten tariffs of 45% on imports from China,
there is considerable uncertainty as to what
his administration will actually impose. If the
US and China engage in a full trade war, the
Peterson Institute for International Economics has
estimated a notable drag on US GDP growth over
three years.”

Any of these actions by the Trump
administration may provoke a strong reaction
from China, including a sizable depreciation of the
renminbi. Such depreciation would certainly be
disruptive to financial markets.

With respect to foreign policy, many policy
experts have been calling for a change in strategy
toward China. In April 2015, the Council on
Foreign Relations published a special report on
China, suggesting that Washington needed “a
new grand strategy toward China that centers
on balancing the rise of Chinese power rather
than continuing to assist its ascendancy.”” The
militarization of the seven artificial islands in the
South China Sea (see image on page 33), according
to the Asia Maritime Transparency Initiative at the
Center for Strategic and International Studies,”
will only expedite such a shift in strategy.

If President-elect Trump’s actions to date,
such as the telephone conversation with Taiwan
President Tsai Ing-wen” and his response to the
recent Chinese seizure of a US Navy drone,” are
any indication, we may see some fireworks in US-
China relations during the Trump administration.

34 | Goldman Sachs | JANUARY 2017

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014567
"
IMAGES-012-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032610.txt,"return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and

destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032610
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016610.txt,"Code Enforcement Board Meeting Minutes 04/17/08

C. Case # 07-2097, 333 Sunset Ave., Royal Poinciana South

Violation of Chapter 134, Section 134-416 (d), Section 134-417 and Section 134-
418 of the Town of Palm Beach Code of Ordinances, when any building or
structure or part thereof which is nonconforming is altered, changed or replaced,
the non-conforming building or structure or part thereof shall thereafter conform
to the regulations of the district in which such building or structure is located and
the terminated nonconformity shall not thereafter be resumed nor shall any
additional nonconformity be permitted.

Lead Code Enforcement Officer Walton said this case had previously been heard
and was remanded back to the Code Enforcement Board by the Circuit Court.
The case has been previously postponed due to the attorneys for 333 Sunset Ave.
being on vacation. Mr. Walton said the Town is asking that the case be postponed
again because Mr. Castro, the Zoning Administrator, could not be present today.

MOTION BY MR. KOEPPEL TO RESCHEDULE THE CASE UNTIL
MAY 15, 2008

SECONDED BY MS. GREENBERG

MOTION PASSED UNANIMOUSLY

Mr. Hoffman addressed a question to Sgt. Krauel or Lead Code Enforcement
Officer Walton as to whether people were starting to pay more attention to Code
Enforcement or perhaps fewer violators were found this month. Mr. Walton said
the Town was getting better compliance and perhaps these agendas would be even
shorter in the future. He said the word was out that not only were the Code
Enforcement officers looking harder but the Board is not being as generous with
the time but still being fair. Mr. Hoffman said he needed to compliment the Town
Council on their efforts to make Code Enforcement an important part of making
the community a more habitable place. He said he also wanted to compliment the
Staff for doing that for the Town.

Captain Blouin said when Code Enforcement was first transferred to the Police
Department, things were structured a little differently. In the past, it had been
treated more leniently. The citizens did not take it seriously because they believed
they were

going to keep getting more time. He said some of the earlier cases when the Police
Department took over were more than a year old when they came before the
Board. The police department changed it so the cases are before the Board more
quickly. Many of the attorneys who were known to defend the code violation type
of cases initially were very combative. That attitude has now changed and they are
contacting the Police Department to see what they need to do to come into
compliance. Captain Blouin said he wanted to thank the Board for their efforts in
making this happen within the community because it is making code enforcement
more efficient in the Town.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016610
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025999.txt,"Table 10: Statistics on implied, realised, skew and term structure for 3-month and 12-month vols (emerging markets)

10-day realised 12M - 3M term vol spread

EEM US IBOV RDXUSD TOP40 EEM US IBOV RDXUSD TOP40
Current Level 10.4% 13.2% 18.5% 11.0% 24% 18% 11% 2.3%
%atile (2yr) 4.2% 3.4% 5.3% 16.6% 14.1% 98.3% 88.1% 90.0%
1Wk Change -0.5% 24% 6.2% 2.3% -0.1% -0.1% 0.3% 0.1%
1Mth Change -31.3% -15.2% 88% -19.6% 15% 11% 0.5% 1.3%

Cash index
Current Level 36.62 57,661.14 1,090.44 45 385.74
1Wk Change 1.15% 0.62% 1.72% -1.16%
1Mth Change 786% 11.22% 144% 0.12%
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research
22 Global Equity Volatility Insights | 09 August 2016 (pertain

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025999
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020553.txt,"94

November 2018 gathering in Beijing was cancelled by Beijing and forced to move to

Singapore.)

International service broadcasters

Another roadblock has been China’s efforts to limit the influence of the Mandarin
services of the Voice of America and Radio Free Asia. Starting in the first decade of the
2000s, the Chinese embassy in Washington, DC, and the leadership of VOA’s Mandarin
service began an annual meeting to allow embassy officials to voice their opinions
about VOA’s content. PRC embassy officials have also reached out to VOA hosts to
convince them to be more supportive of the regime. VOA personalities have hosted
events at the embassy. One of VOA’s TV editors even publicly pledged his allegiance

to China at an embassy event. It is not surprising, then, that some VOA staffers
interviewed for this report believe that China’s outreach campaign has succeeded in
pushing the VOA Mandarin service away from programs with direct relevance to China
toward programming that seeks instead to highlight American everyday life or teach
American-style English to Chinese listeners. An example would be a program called
Cultural Odyssey, a VOA TV series that focused on Americana, such as fried chicken,
doughnuts, and national parks. For years, Cultural Odyssey ate up one-third of the
Mandarin service’s travel budget. Another program featured English teacher Jessica
Beinecke, which launched her on a career as an English-teaching TV personality on
mainland China itself. VOA officials internally praised these programs as both “non-
political and non-sensitive,” a current senior VOA staff member noted. What’s more,
VOA officials sought to scale back what were perceived to be sensitive reports. After
running two years of a radio series on aspects of modern Chinese history, including the
Cultural Revolution and other events post-1949, VOA cut the program in 2009 despite
several of those shows garnering well over three million hits each on the web. In 2011,
the Broadcasting Board of Governors sought to cut 65 percent of the workforce from
the Mandarin service. However, reporters and editors in the service fought back, they
lobbied Congress, and the cuts were restored. In 2012, a Chinese immigrant, who was
also a former Chinese dissident and a specialist on the US political system, became

the first female Chinese head of the service. She was later fired over a controversial

interview that drew the official ire of the PRC, which threatened repercussions.*’

Since her dismissal, VOA’s Mandarin service has resumed a pattern of avoiding stories
that could be perceived to be too tough on China, according to several staffers. For

example, blogs written by dissidents such as Cao Yaxue, who runs the human rights—

Media

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020553
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012081.txt,"EM Growth? TABLE 1 highlights data from the 10 largest emerging mar-
kets, which account for 89.2% of the MSCI Emerging Mar-
kets Index. The growth prospects of this group appear sur-
prisingly tepid. The median real GDP growth for the next
five years is forecasted at 2.5%, while population growth is
expected to be less than 1.0%. The term “emerging markets”
was coined in the 1980s, but frankly, most of these econo-
mies have already “emerged.” The countries with the most
long-term economic growth potential are arguably those
with young, growing populations—namely, India, Indone-
sia and Malaysia. However, these countries have small eq-
uity markets that, when combined, do not even equal South
Korea's in size.

CAPE ratios are lower outside the U.S., with emerging mar-
kets even lower than those in developed markets. While we
have been more constructive in recent issues of Global Fore-
sight on non-U.S. opportunities, we believe there is limited rel-
evance of CAPE ratios when comparing the very deep, diverse
set of companies in the U.S. with most other markets. While
valuation from 30,000 feet looks better in many places, there
are reasons to discount CAPE asa reliable valuation tool when
analyzing smaller markets. As an extreme example, Russia has
the lowest CAPE ratio in the world, but its equity market is
very concentrated in commodity businesses whose earnings

are highly cyclical.

TABLE 1: KEY DATA FROM THE TEN LARGEST EMERGING MARKETS

ESTIMATED
INDEX LAST5 YEAR NEVE Geis POPULATION INFLATION MEDIAN FISCAL LEADING 10-YEAR SOVEREIGN

GDP GROWTH GROWTH TO RATE POPULATION DpEBT/GDP MARKETP/E BONDYIELD DEBT RATING
GDP GROWTH Mer AGE

COUNTRY WEIGHT

CHINA 27.7% 7.3% 6.4% 0.6% 2.0% 371 x 3.5%
SOUTH KOREA 15.4% 2.8% 2.7% 0.4% 1.3% 41.2 i 2.2%
TAIWAN 12.2% 2.1% 2.2% 0.2% 1.4% 40.2 b 1.0%
INDIA 8.8% 6.3% 7.5% 1.3% 5.0% 27.6 iE 6.5%
SOUTH AFRICA 7.0% 1.6% 1.5% 1.6% 6.3% 26.8 z 8.4%
BRAZIL 6.7% -0.4% 1.8% 0.7% 8.8% 31.6 . 10.7%
MEXICO 3.7% 2.5% 2.4% 0.9% 2.8% 28.0 : 7.1%
RUSSIA 3.3% 0.5% 1.5% -0.1% 7.1% 39.3 . 7.6%
INDONESIA 2.5% 5.6% 5.3% 1.3% 3.5% 29.9 6.8%
MALAYSIA 24% 5.1% 4.6% 1.7% 2.1% 28.2 17.9 3.8%

SOURCE MSCI*ASOF BLOOMBERG BLOOMBERG IMF/ BLOOMBERG CIAWORLD MSCI/ BLOOMBERG
MAY 31, 2017 BLOOMBERG FACTBOOK BLOOMBERG

89.7%

MEDIAN
AVERAGE

Sources: Bloomberg, IMF, CIA World Factbook, MSCI, S&P

Aging Populations

China is a market that has looked attractively valued at times

relative to its growth prospects. However, China has already A major challenge South Korea and China already face, is an

aging population. Countries that are major economic powers
are aging rapidly, while most of the youth in the world is
concentrated in the poorest nations. One useful country demo-
graphic is the median age of its citizens. The U.S., with a median
age of 37.9 years (half of all Americans are 38 or older), ranks
62 out of 230 nations, making it one of the older nations in the
world, though one of the world’s younger developed markets.
Aging in the US. is dwarfed by comparison to most of Europe
and Japan. Japan and Germany have median population ages of
46.9 and 46.8, respectively. Remarkably, if people in the U.S.
ceased having kids for the next nine years, only then would we
have a median population age approaching those today in
Japan and Germany. Europe has a median age of 42.7 as a
region and is nearly five years older than the US.

had a spectacular recovery from a correction that rattled mar-
kets globally in August 2015 and again in January 2016. China
is the largest emerging market and a vital trading partner for
many other key emerging markets, such as Brazil. While Chi-
na remains an important source of long-term global economic
growth, it faces some cyclical and structural challenges that
Jimmy Chang discusses in his article.

South Korea is an emerging market that has screened well for
valuation and poorly for governance. As the second largest
emerging market after China, we believe that South Korea is
an important economy and source for potential investments.
We cover it in more detail in the articles from Michael Seo and
Dr. Mariela Vargova.

GLOBAL FORESIGHT THIRD QUARTER 2017 3

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012081
"
IMAGES-012-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033268.txt,"From: Larry Visoski

Sent: 1/9/2018 1:04:53 AM

To: Je vacation [jeevacation@gmail.com]
Subject: Friday POTUS

Jeffrey

Boston / Bedford are not gateway airports to PBI.
Only airports that are gateway into Palm Beach are:
White Plains

Teterboro

Orlando

Dulles

Orlando

Fortlauderdale

Most operators are using Boca for arrivals when Trump is in town. Parking reservation at Boca are required
since the ramp fill up. Other options is Fort Lauderdale when Boca is full.

POTUS arrival — Friday, January 12"", time TBD (likely PM)

POTUS departure — Monday, January 15"", time TBD (likely PM)

Should I request parking at Boca?

Thx
Larry

Sent from my iPhone

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033268
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026601.txt,"From: Skip Rimer

Sent: 4/25/2013 4:20:39 PM

To: Jeffrey Epstein [jeevacation@gmail.com]

cc:

Subject: A message to Global Conference 2013 Attendees

Importance: — High

Dear Global Conference Registrant:

We look forward to seeing you in a few days at the 16th annual Milken Institute Global Conference. It’s a full and
exciting program with a record 620 speakers on 140+ sessions addressing the major economic and policy issues
of the day. In addition, we have many other events in store that we hope will make your time with us that much
more valuable and enjoyable, including a first-time Tuesday night wine tasting and shopping event in the heart of
Beverly Hills.

We've made a number of other changes to this year’s program, including the addition of three late-afternoon
plenary sessions — featuring Congressman and Majority Leader Eric Cantor together with Sen. Harry Reid,
Majority Leader (Monday); former Vice President Al Gore (Tuesday); and a special session focused on
Africa’s brightening future (Wednesday), described below.

We have also added a larger stage in the Global Conference Pavilion, allowing for a variety of more innovative
sessions and audience involvement.

Please note two important program/speaker updates:

° We've saved one of the best for last. The Global Conference closes on Wednesday with “Investing in
African Prosperity,” featuring Rwandan President Paul Kagame, former British Prime Minister Tony Blair,
philanthropist Bill Gates, and Rhonda Zygocki of Chevron, moderated by Institute Chairman Mike Milken.

° Wednesday’s lunch program brings together some of America’s most important health leaders, including
Nancy Brown, CEO of the American Heart Association; Francis Collins, Director of the National Institutes
of Health; Thomas Frieden, Director of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention; and Andrew von
Eschenbach, former Commissioner of the Food and Drug Administration, to talk about the scientific
revolution that promises to change lives and society.

We may have moved some panels since you set your schedule, so | encourage you to visit
www.globalconference.org for the latest speakers and program.

Within the next 24 hours, you will be receiving your Global Conference confirmation email. Be sure to
bring the confirmation email and a photo ID with you to registration.

We look forward to seeing you. | hope you take advantage of everything the Global Conference has to offer. Most
important, have a great time.

Sincerely,

Skip Rimer
Executive Director of Programs and Communications
Milken Institute

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026601
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021895.txt,"Oo O DN OO FF WwW NY =|

NO RO PO PNP NM NO | S| S| HS SF S| S| S| S| S|
non BP WO NO -|- ODO OO WDN OO OT BP WO NYO —

72

yelling going on here, so I was trying to make
sure that everybody was quiet so that the client
could answer.

MR. SIMPSON: All right. Let me back up.

Professor Cassell, I think you were in the middle
of an answer?

THE WITNESS: Yeah, I was.

MR. SIMPSON: Could the court reporter read

me the last two lines of your answer?

(Thereupon, a portion of the record was read

by the reporter.)
BY MR. SIMPSON:

Q. Can you pick up then?

A. Sure. I'll pick up the ans -- so I was
beginning to draw an adverse inference when Jeffrey
Epstein, who is at the heart of the sexual abuse of not
only Virginia Roberts, but dozens and dozens and dozens
of girls literally scattered across the globe, takes the
Fifth, refuses to answer the question.

Off the top of my head, I can't recall
exactly, but something along lines of: Do you know Alan
Dershowitz? And he says, I take the Fifth. That sort
of, frankly, startled me, that this international sex
trafficker was taking the Fifth now when asked about

Mr. Dershowitz.

ROUGH DRAFT ONLY

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021895

"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025741.txt,"Time: 08/27/18 04:06:30 AM (557060790)
Flags: 1060865

Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 7914B30B-589C-40D6-9A66-F60E683F05B8

Message: And u r dead spot on re calamari

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 08/27/18 04:07:02 AM (557060822)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 45615207-F711-4FD6-A35 9-7 0AB859D5AD0

Message: And or Rona

Time: 08/27/18 04:08:52 AM (557060932)
Flags: 1060865
Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 74889A72-BD47-4457-97DB-6EOBB14A9B91

Message: She has been in

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 08/27/18 04:09:17 AM (557060957)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 66706951-B955-4354-A6E0-F5E2091F16A8

Message: Yes, I know, but I don't know if she took 5

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 08/27/18 04:09:48 AM (557060988)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: E61E9580-160C-4AF6-888F-85B3D4F4758B

Message: And both will be brought to the state proceeding.

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 08/27/18 04:09:59 AM (557060999)

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025741
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023413.txt,"In re: TERRORIST ATTACKS ON SEPTEMBER 11, 2001., 2012 WL 257568 (2012)

ie JA3609, 3780, 3838, 3868-69, 4513, 4530-31, 5982, 6212; R.1257, Ex. 4, pp. 16-17, 27 (Amaout Evidentiary Proffer); R.1030, Ex.
P, p. 19 (9/11 Commission Monograph on Terrorist Financing).

76 JA3607, 4512-15, 4530, 5982, 6212; R.977, Ex. U (December 21, 2004 Press Release from the U.S. Department of the Treasury
regarding the designation of Adel Abdul Jalil Batterjee).

i JA4332, 5988, 6216.

v8 JA3812, 3823; R.277, Ex. 5 (January 4, 2002 letter from the U.S. Department of the Treasury to Swiss officials regarding Yousef
Nada); R.1031, Ex. 9 (August 29, 2002 Press Release from the U.S. Department of the Treasury regarding the designations of
Yousef Nada-related entities); R.1762, Ex. 5, p. 10 (October 22, 2003 Testimony of Former National Security Advisor Richard A.
Clarke before the U.S. Senate Banking Committee).

2 JA3838-39, 4365, 6208-09, 6236.
So JA3724.

a1 The pleadings allege that al Rajhi Bank senior officers Saleh al Rajhi, Suleiman al Rajhi’s brother and al Rajhi Bank’s Chairman,
Abdullah al Rajhi, the bank’s General Manager, and Sheikh Saleh al Hussayen, a member of its Sharia Board, also participated
directly and knowingly in al Rajhi Bank’s sponsorship of al Qaeda. JA828, 3715-18, 4281-83, 4465-69. By virtue of their positions
and the pervasive character of al Rajhi Bank’s systematic sponsorship of al Qaeda, the allegations concerning their participation in
al Rajhi bank’s sponsorship of al Qaeda are well founded. Jd.

8 JA3866-68, 4465-69, 4496-4504; R.1031, Ex. 8, pp. 14-15 (INTERPOL Task Force Report, Financing of Terrorism and Charities,
July 2003).

83 JA3785-86, 3866-68, 4467, 4500-01, 4529, 6164-65; R.977, Ex. G (Exhibit to Arnaout Evidentiary Proffer -- the “Golden Chain”);
R.1762, Ex. 5, p. 6 (October 22, 2003 Testimony of Former National Security Advisor Richard A. Clarke before the U.S. Senate
Banking Committee).

oe JA3785, 4467, 4500-01, 4529, 6164-65.

BS JA3785-86, 4467, 4500-01, 4529, 6164-65; R.1257, Ex. 4, pp. 18-19 (Arnaout Evidentiary Proffer); R.1030, Ex. P, pp. 102-103
(9/11 Commission Monograph on Terrorist Financing); R.1762, Ex. 5, p. 6 (October 22, 2003 Testimony of Former National
Security Advisor Richard A. Clarke before the U.S. Senate Banking Committee).

86 JA4467, 4500-01, 4514-15, 4529, 6164-65; R.977, Ex. E, pp. 23-24 (August 2002 FBI Report -- Interview with former Al Qaeda
member Jamal Al Fadl).

oY R.1030, Ex. P, p. 94 (9/11 Commission Monograph on Terrorist Financing).

88 R.1030, Ex. P, pp. 102-103 (9/11 Commission Monograph on Terrorist Financing).

89 R.1030, Ex. R, pp. 2-3 (CRS Report for Congress, Saudi Arabia, Terrorist Financing Issues, December 8, 2004).

a JA3831, 3867-68, 4478, 4501, 6188-91, 7867.

ea JA3827-28, 3866-67, 4465-66.

a 9/11 Commission Final Report, pp. 169-170.

aa JA3785-86.

eet JA3710-14, 3845, 3870-71, 4394-4402.

ES 9/11 Commission Monograph on Terrorist Financing, available at www.9-11commission.gov/staff.../911_TerrFin_Monograph.pdf.

a JA4394-95, 5982-83, 6212-13.
WESTLAW

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023413
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026248.txt,"THE WHITE HOUSE

WASHINGTON
February 2, 2018

The Honorable Devin Nunes

Chairman, House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence
United States Capitol

Washington, DC 20515

Dear Mr. Chairman:

On January 29, 2018, the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence (hereinafter “the
Committee”) voted to disclose publicly a memorandum containing classified information
provided to the Committee in connection with its oversight activities (the “Memorandum,”
which is attached to this letter). As provided by clause 11(g) of Rule X of the House of
Representatives, the Committee has forwarded this Memorandum to the President based on its
determination that the release of the Memorandum would serve the public interest.

The Constitution vests the President with the authority to protect national security secrets from
disclosure. As the Supreme Court has recognized, it is the President’s responsibility to classify,
declassify, and control access to information bearing on our intelligence sources and methods
and national defense. See, e.g., Dep’t of Navy v. Egan, 484 U.S. 518, 527 (1988). In order to
facilitate appropriate congressional oversight, the Executive Branch may entrust classified
information to the appropriate committees of Congress, as it has done in connection with the
Committee’s oversight activities here. The Executive Branch does so on the assumption that the
Committee will responsibly protect such classified information, consistent with the laws of the
United States.

The Committee has now determined that the release of the Memorandum would be appropriate.
The Executive Branch, across Administrations of both parties, has worked to accommodate
congressional requests to declassify specific materials in the public interest.! However, public
release of classified information by unilateral action of the Legislative Branch is extremely rare
and raises significant separation of powers concerns. Accordingly, the Committee’s request to
release the Memorandum is interpreted as a request for declassification pursuant to the
President’s authority.

The President understands that the protection of our national security represents his highest
obligation. Accordingly, he has directed lawyers and national security staff to assess the

' See, e.g, S. Rept. 114-8 at 12 (Administration of Barack Obama) (“On April 3, 2014 . . . the Committee agreed to
send the revised Findings and Conclusions, and the updated Executive Summary of the Committee Study, to the
President for declassification and public release.”); H. Rept. 107-792 (Administration of George W. Bush) (similar);
E.O. 12812 (Administration of George H.W. Bush) (noting Senate resolution requesting that President provide for
declassification of certain information via Executive Order).

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026248
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030190.txt,"Lenny had been reading a study of anti-Semitism by Jean-Paul
Sartre. Now, on stage, giving credit to Thomas Merton's poem about the
Holocaust, he requested that all the lights go off except one dim blue spot.
Then he began speaking with a German accent:

My name is Adolf Eichmann. And the Jews came every day to what

they thought would be fun in the showers. People say | should have

been hung. We/n. Do you recognize the whore in the middle of
you-that you would have done the same if you were there

yourselves? My defense: | was a soldier. | saw the end of a

conscientious day's effort. | watched through the portholes. | saw

every Jew burned and turned into soap.

Do you people think yourselves better because you burned your

enemies at long distance with missiles without ever seeing what you

had done to them? Hiroshima auf Wiedersehen. [German accent
ends.] If we would have lost the war, they would have strung Truman
up by the balls, Jim. Are you kidding with that? Not what kid told kid
told kid. They would just sch/ep out all those Japanese mutants.
“Here they did; there they are.” And Truman said they'd do it
again. That's what they should have the same day as Remember

Pearl Harbor. Play them in unison.

Lenny was arrested for obscenity that night. One of the items in the
Chicago police report complained: “Then talking about the war he stated,

‘If we would have lost the war, they would have strung Truman up by the
balls.’ ” The cops also broke open Lenny's candy bars, looking for drugs.
They checked the IDs of audience members, including George Carlin, who
told the cops, “I don’ t believe in IDs.” Then they arrested him for

disorderly conduct, dragged him along by the seat of his pants and

hoisted him into the police wagon.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030190
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016416.txt,"Alex Flachsbart gives a presentation on opportunity zones in Athens, Alabama.
Photographer: Nicole Craine/Bloomberg

When he read about opportunity zones in a 2017 draft of the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act, his
mind reeled. Here was an uncapped subsidy far more flexible than anything he’d used
before. It could draw investment for an array of projects. He imagined funding startups in
Huntsville, where NASA’s presence has lured a deep bench of talented engineers, and the
renovation of an old civic complex in Mobile.

Flachsbart’s nonprofit—which has board members from the state’s largest utility and its
biggest bank, Regions Financial Corp.—is now in talks for 10 potential projects that need
more than $100 million in equity investment, he said. None have been funded yet, but he’s
certain some will be. Meanwhile, he keeps driving.

Baltimore Billionaire

One of the arguments over opportunity zones is whether the U.S. is handing wealthy
investors and companies big breaks on projects they would’ve done anyway. One example:
Hedge fund executive and former White House spokesman Anthony Scaramucci plans to
build a “swank, boutique hotel” in Oakland. The paperwork for the permit was filed
months before the neighborhood was designated an opportunity zone.

But that project pales in comparison to what’s happening in Baltimore. More than a year
before President Donald Trump signed the law, real estate developer Steven Siegel helped
negotiate one of the largest public financing deals of its kind for a client, a company owned
by billionaire Kevin Plank, founder of athletic-wear maker Under Armour Inc.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016416
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011588.txt,"each, they’d put the name of the military unit to be called up in an emergency.
We'd been allocated Lod Airport, because our base was just 15 minutes away.
Still, as I accompanied the engineer back to the control tower, I tried to work
out in my mind whether we could plan, prepare and train quickly enough to
mount an operation to free the plane later that night.

More than a dozen members of the unit had now arrived, and more were
joining us every half-hour or so. I arranged for El Al to give us a hangar and a
707 identical to the Sabena plane. Shai, Danny Yatom and I took two airline
technicians with us for a closer look at the Boeing. We studied up on it as
quickly as we could, beginning with the cockpit and the front door, which we
saw was too high to reach without a large ladder. But making our way back, we
realized the wings were low enough to climb on to. When, with the help of
Danny, I clambered onto one of them, I managed to get one of the emergency
doors to open by banging hard on the top end with my open fist. I asked the
technicians whether we could expect the Sabena doors to give way as well. Yes,
he said, but he cautioned me that on some airlines, there were passenger seats
next to at least one of the two doors above each wing.

Walking up into the cabin, I tried to work out how we might attack the
hijackers before they were able to harm the passengers, or us. The risks were
obvious. But I felt we had to be ready to act. With the rest of the sayeret still
making its way to Lod, I put Danny in charge of briefing the new arrivals,
familiarizing them with the 707 and preparing for the possibility of an assault
operation. I also told him to get hold of a couple of dozen small, 22-caliber,
Beretta pistols. I couldn’t see how we’d manage to make our way onto the plane
with Uzis. We knew we’d have to get up to speed quickly on using the Berettas.
None of us had trained on them. But many of the air marshals on board El Al
flights were Sayeret Matkal reservists, and they did use Berettas. I told Danny
to check for any sayeret marshals arriving on El Al flights and get them to join
us.

As | headed back to see Dado, we were nowhere close to a detailed plan on
how to confront the hijackers. Nor did we have any orders. The people who
would give them — Dado, Dayan and ultimately Prime Minister Meir — were still
deciding how to respond. But when I reached the control tower, at about
9:30pm, the order came, if not to mount an operation, at least to make sure the
sayeret was ready. “Talk to Talik,” Dado told me. “See what the options are to
take over the plane if that’s the decision.” I sat down with Talik and ran through
what I’d learned from my brief look at the hijacked plane and the work we’d

117
HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011588
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028986.txt,"From: 
Sent: 
To: 
Subject: 
Attachments: 
Deepak Chopra 
8/8/2016 9:52:40 AM 
jeffrey E. [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Re: America's Shadow: The Real Secret of Donald J. Trump - SFGate by Deepak Chopra 
supergenes[2].png 
Importance: High 
Yes 
Thanks for forwarding it! 
It was a fascinating evening! 
I've felt a kinship with Woody because he is tortured by existential dilemmas as am I. 
The Russian was just being Russian- a socialist with right wing tastes . I actually liked him. 
The wife was being a mother to Woody. I think he's needed that all his life . 
I will meet you at the Bowery at 230 PM 
Send me the address 
Deepak Chopra 
2013 Costa Del Mar Road 
Carlsbad, CA 92009 
'ffaste• 
Super Genes: Unlock the Astonishing Power of Your DNA for Optimum Health and Wellbeing 
On Aug 8, 2016, at 5:43 AM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
i will forward it. he asked if you would come back again, without the russian. to me it was a woody 
allen movie. you talking conciousness , his wife more concerned with the salad dressing, and the russian 
deciding the future of syria. . As you know I find ideas no matter how extreme , the root of possible 
insight, so the other day I had viisitn the psychedelic crowd. one of them has opened a store on 1 st and the 
bowery called the alchemist kitchen. . How about we meet there , I want to see the store and you ride with 
me back uptown. lets say 230? I have left my schedule open after. 
On Mon, Aug 8, 2016 at 4:57 AM, Deepak Chopra <MM=111.  wrote: 
Since Woody was into the subconscious mind I thought I'd share this 
See you at 3PM 
http://www.sfgate.com/opinion/chopra/article/America-s-Shadow-The-Real-Secret-of-Donald-J-7965248.php 
Deepak Chop, d 
2013 Costa Del Mar Road 
Carlsbad, CA 92009 
The Chopra Foundation  
<supergenes[2].png> 
Super Genes: Unlock the Astonishing Power of Your DNA for Optimum Health and Wellbeing  
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 028986 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 028987 
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013127.txt,"12.4 Ethical Synergy 211

e Procedural memory corresponds to “ethical habit” ... learning by imitation and rein-
forcement to do what is right, even when the reasons aren’t well articulated or understood

e Attentional memory corresponds to the existence of appropriate patterns guiding one to
pay adequate attention to ethical considerations at appropriate times

e Intentional memory corresponds to the pervasion of ethics through one’s choices about
subgoaling (which leads into “when do the ends justify the means” ethical-balance questions)

One of our suggestions regarding AGI ethics is that an ethically mature person or AGI must
both master and balance all these kinds of ethics. We will focus especially here on declarative
ethics, which corresponds to Kohlberg’s theory of logical ethical judgment; and episodic ethics,
which corresponds to Gilligan’s theory of empathic ethical judgment. Ultimately though, all five
aspects are critically important; and a CogPrime system if appropriately situated and educated
should be able to master and integrate all of them.

12.4.1 Stages of Development of Declarative Ethics

Complementing generic theories of cognitive development such as Piaget’s and Perry’s, theorists
have also proposed specific stages of moral and ethical development. The two most relevant
theories in this domain are those of Kohlberg and Gilligan, which we will review here, both
individually and in terms of their integration and application in the AGI context.

Lawrence Kohlberg’s [IKLH83, Koh81] moral development model, called the “ethics of justice”
by Gilligan, is based on a rational modality as the central vehicle for moral development. In our
perspective this is a firmly declarative form of ethics, based on explicit analysis and reasoning. It
is based on an impartial regard for persons, proposing that ethical consideration must be given
to all individual intelligences without a priori judgment (prejudice). Consideration is given for
individual merit and preferences, and the goals of an ethical decision are equal treatment (in
the general, not necessarily the particular) and reciprocity. Echoing Kant’s [Kan64]| categorical
imperative, the decisions considered most successful in this model are those which exhibit
“reversibility”, where a moral act within a particular situation is evaluated in terms of whether
or not the act would be satisfactory even if particular persons were to switch roles within the
situation. In other words, a situational, contextualized “do unto others as you would have them
do unto you” criterion. The ethics of justice can be viewed as three stages (each of which has
six substages, on which we will not elaborate here), depicted in Table 12.1.

In Kohlberg’s perspective, cognitive development level contributes to moral development, as
moral understanding emerges from increased cognitive capability in the area of ethical decision
making in a social context. Relatedly, Kohlberg also looks at stages of social perspective and
their consequent interpersonal outlook. As shown in Table 12.1, these are correlated to the
stages of moral development, but also map onto Piagetian models of cognitive development (as
pointed out e.g. by Gibbs [Gib78], who presents a modification/interpretation of Kohlberg’s
ideas intended to align them more closely with Piaget’s). Interpersonal outlook can be under-
stood as rational understanding of the psychology of other persons (a theory of mind, with or
without empathy). Stage One, emergent from the infantile congitive stage, is entirely selfish
as only self awareness has developed. As cognitive sophistication about ethical considerations
increases, so do the moral and social perspective stages. Concrete and formal cognition bring
about the first instrumental egoism, and then social relations and systems perspectives, and

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013127
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010696.txt,"OGE Form 278 (March 2014)

Instructions for Part 2
Note: This is a public form. Do not include account numbers, street addresses, or family member names. See instructions for required information.

A29 of 47
Reference # _ ental a,
Owned by: % Ownership Name Role
100 DTTM Operations Managing Shareholder
Member Corp
Has ownership interest in : Entity Name Ownership Title
TRUMP MARKS EGYPT LLC 1.00% Managing Member

332 TRUMP MARKS EGYPT LLC *(3)

Owned by: % Ownership Name Role
4 TRUMP MARKS EGYPT CORP Managing Member
99 DTTM OPERATIONS LLC Member

333 TRUMP MARKS FINE FOODS LLC

Owned by: % Ownership Name Role
1 TRUMP MARKS FINE FOODS Managing Member
MEMBER CORP
99 DTTM OPERATIONS LLC Member
334 TRUMP MARKS FINE FOODS MEMBER CORP *(1)
Owned by: % Ownership Name Role
100 DTTM Operations Managing Shareholder
Member Corp
Has ownership interest in : Entity Name Ownership Title
TRUMP MARKS FINEFOODSLLC 1.00% Managing Member

335 TRUMP MARKS FT LAUDERDALE LLC *(3)

Owned by: % Ownership Name Role
1 TRUMP MARKS FT LAUDERDALE Managing Member
MEMBER CORP
s9 DTTM OPERATIONS LLC Member
336 TRUMP MARKS FT LAUDERDALE MEMBER CORP *(3) ‘
Owned by: % Ownership Name Role
100 DTTM Operations Managing Shareholder
Member Corp
Has ownership interest in: Entity Name Ownership Title
TRUMP MARKS FT LAUDERDALE 1.00% Managing Member
LLC
337 TRUMP MARKS GP CORP *(1)
Owned by: % Ownership Name Role
100 DTTM Operations Managing Shareholder
Member Corp
Has ownership interest in : Entity Name Ownership Title
TRUMP MARKS HOLDINGS LP 1.00% Partner
338 TRUMP MARKS HOLDINGS LP *(1)
Owned by: % Ownership Name Role
1 TRUMP MARKS GP CORP Partner
99 DTTM Operations LLC Partner
Has ownership interest in: Entity Name Ownership Title
TRUMP MARKS LLC 100.00% Member
339 TRUMP MARKS HOLLYWOOD CORP *(3)
Owned by: % Ownership Name Role
100 DTTM Operations Managing Shareholder
Member Corp
Has ownership interest in: Entity Name Ownership Title
TRUMP MARKS HOLLYWOOD LLC 1.00% Managing Member
340 TRUMP MARKS HOLLYWOOD LLC *(3)
Owned by: % Ownership Name Role
1 TRUMP MARKS HOLLYWOOD CORP Managing Member
99 DTTM OPERATIONS LLC Member
341 TRUMP MARKS ISTANBUL fl CORP *(1)
Owned by: % Ownership Name Role

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010696
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022344.txt,"Date: Monday, January 13 2014 08:14 PM
Subject: mission acomplished for some

From: Boris Nikolic <j >

To: Jeffrey Epstein (jeevacation@gmail.com) <jeevacation@gmail.com>;

Philanthropy — Full text articles

Revealed: the world’s most admired people
Stephan Shakespeare — Times

Bill Gates is the most admired person in the world, according to a global survey for The Times by YouGov. The man who many
see as oe for the democratisation of computing and who is the biggest activist philanthropist across the globe is

In his home, America, he ranks only 5th, behind Pope Francis, President Obama, Billy Graham, and George W. Bush. Mr
Obama and the Pope have a strong lead in Western nations but Mr Gates is highly regarded in every country polled, from
Brazil to Egypt, Nigeria to Indonesia, Britain to Russia to Australia. ee as respondents there said: “He
got into a good university, but gave up studying to start his business. He has become a rich man despite dropping out of school
... He has a successful career and a caring heart — he is ordinary, but great.”

The Queen came highest in Britain and second in Australia, but didn’t make the Indian top ten. Nevertheless she is the most
admired woman in the world, in 17th place, closely followed by Angelina Jolie and Oprah Winfrey.

Half of the top ten admired in Russia are women, including the pop singer Alla Pugacheva and the Queen. That is the highest
figure in all countries surveyed — women are strikingly under-represented.

Some light is shed on this by comparing our results with a recent Gallup poll in America, which asked for most admired man
and woman in separate questions. In that poll, Bill Clinton scored 2 per cent and Hillary Clinton 15. YouGov asked a single
question, not differentiating men and women, and the two Clintons rated about the same. The two polls also show the power of
the media to direct public attention: Gallup polled early in December, and Pope Francis was “most admired” by only 4 per cent.
By the time of the YouGov survey, Time magazine had made him its Person of the Year, and he shot up to 21 per cent.

Business leaders did well in general. YouGov puts Sir Richard Branson 4th in Britain, the Hong Kong billionaire Sir Li Kashing
was sixth in China; the Nigerian industrialist Aliko Dangote was third in his home country; Silvio Santos, a media billionaire,
was 4th in Brazil; Mikhail Khodorkovsky, the tycoon recently freed by Vladimir Putin, was 8th in Russia; while Warren Buffett,
who is admired in India, Pakistan and China, was 8th in the world.

Actors and musicians do less well. With the exception of the Bollywood superstar Amitabh Bachchan, Ms Jolie and Stephen
Fry, who confirms his enormous Twitter following by making 7th in Britain, just below Desmond Tutu. Johnny Depp and Brad
Pitt get close to the top in a couple of countries and Justin Bieber did well in Indonesia, but the rock star and anti-poverty
campaigner Bono is notable by his absence.

Sportsmen were more highly regarded, with the Indian cricketer Sachin Tendulkar 5th in the world — but only because he is so
adored in the world’s second-most populous country. The footballer Lionel Messi had broader support, reaching 15th in the
world. In Britain, David Beckham squeaked into 10th place.

In only two countries of the 13 surveyed did no local politician make it into the top ten — Australia and the UK. The omission
was most striking in Britain where Nigel Farage, the top politician, was in 16th place. David Cameron received the “most
admired” accolade from only two people in a thousand. In Germany, Angela Merkel scored 65 times higher at 13 per cent,
second only to the Pope. Vladimir Putin topped the Russian poll with a whopping 24 per cent, Nicolas Sarkozy was third in
France and Goodluck Jonathan 8th in Nigeria. Edward Snowden, responsible for leaking classified documents that revealed
the extent of surveillance by America’s National Security Agency, was 10th most admired in the country that granted him
asylum, Russia. He also showed strongly in Germany. We also asked who was the most famous person in the world. The

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022344
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028907.txt,"time and again.

¢ The fighting spirit, resilience and
the internal solidarity are deeply bound
to both our strength and our
righteousness. Our righteousness is just
as important as our strength.

Our righteousness, and not our strength
in and of itself, 1s what gives Zionism's
struggle its meaning and sense of
purpose (especially for ones who can
choose). The support of a superpower

¢ and the resilience of our society
and economy, which are among the
components of our ""strength"" — will
never be without recognition of our
righteousness. And without it, they will
erode

¢ This is the time to point out the risk
in the weakening of the cohesive forces
which hold the Israeli society together.
We are turning into an increasingly
divided society whose very fabric
seems to be ripping apart, and which 1s
riddled with hatred for one another.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028907
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030105.txt,"From: jeffrey E. [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Sent: 8/12/2016 4:15:15 AM 
To: Kathy Ruemmler 
Subject: Re: Press: LA Times - Federal jury decides Middle East bank did not defraud Orange County entrepreneur 
Importance: High 
Flag: Follow up 
Cool 
On Thursday, 11 August 2016, Kathy Ruemmler wrote: 
Begin forwarded message: 
From: - 
Date: August 11, 2016 at 7:52:12 PM PDT 
To:_____________________________ 
Subject: FW: Press: LA Times - Federal jury decides Middle East bank did not defraud Orange County 
entrepreneur 
From: Pizzurro, Frank (LA) < 
Date: Thursday, Aug 11, 2016, 7:41 PM 
To: Dunlavey, Dean (OC) <____________ 
Schecter, Daniel (CC) < 
Nima (LA) < 
.>> 
_____ >, 
>>, Mohebbi, 
>, Ruemmler, Kathy (DC) 
,iiruno, iicoie 
>, Harris, Nicole (CH) 
>, Greenberg, Jeffrey (LA-NY) 
>>, Bauer, Steve (SF-BR) 
>>, Moore, Wendy (OC) 
>>, Jennings, Alex (LA) Robins, Greg (LA) 
Wine, Jamie 
Subject: Press: LA Times - Federal jury decides Middle East bank did not defraud Orange County entrepreneur 
The LA Times appears to be the first media to report on the verdict. Latham references are highlighted: 
BUSINESS 
Federal jury decides Middle East bank did not defraud Orange County entrepreneur<http://fw.to/aXv1QHI> 
[Farooq Bajwa] 
Farooq Bajwa 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 030105 
By Andrew Khouri 
August 11, 2016 
A federal jury decided Thursday that one of the Middle East's most prominent banks did not commit fraud and 
steal technology from an Irvine firm that sued it for half a billion dollars in damages after their partnership 
collapsed. 
Orange County company InfoSpan had alleged that Emirates NBD ended a partnership for a mobile payment 
system because it didn't want to share revenue and stole InfoSpan's technology to launch its own service. 
The Dubai-based bank, in turn, denied it stole or ever used InfoSpan's technology. It argued that it cancelled 
the partnership because InfoSpan couldn't produce a working product and misled it into thinking it was an 
established company, not one with little to no track record. 
After deliberating for a day, the jury unanimously decided that InfoSpan did not prove its case of fraud and 
theft of trade secrets. 
InfoSpan had asked for $540 million in damages. An attorney for InfoSpan declined to comment on the 
possibility of an appeal. 
The verdict capped a two-week trial that involved dueling accusations of fraud levied by high-profile attorneys 
on both sides, including the former White House counsel to President Obama. 
At the center of the high-stakes battle was San Juan Capistrano resident and entrepreneur Farooq Bajwa and a 
mobile payment system that he said would allow migrant workers in the Middle East to send remittances back 
home through text messages. 
Bajwa contended that InfoSpan, with support from outside investors, spent $87 million developing the 
business and technology. 
To launch the system, known as SpanCash, Bajwa partnered in 2007 with Emirates Bank, which is controlled 
by the United Arab Emirates' sovereign wealth fund. 
It seemed the ideal collaboration for the Pakistani immigrant, who earned millions operating another Irvine 
company that manufactured computer components in the 1980s and 1990s 
The Gulf States rely heavily on migrants to work construction and other low-wage jobs, offering a ready-made 
market for SpanCash. InfoSpan aimed to allow migrants to transfer money back home far more cheaply than 
Western Union or hawala, a traditional Middle Eastern broker-to-broker money transfer system. 
A study from McKinsey & Co., cited in court records, projected annual revenue of $3.5 billion by the deal's 
fifth year, with InfoSpan receiving more than $2.8 billion in fees. 
But the relationship between InfoSpan and Emirates Bank soured and the bank cancelled the deal in 2009. 
A few days later, Emirates filed a criminal complaint in Dubai against Bajwa and a partner alleging that they 
defrauded the bank and misrepresented InfoSpan as an established business with a working technology. 
Two years later, InfoSpan sued in U.S. District Court in Santa Ana and alleged that its technology was working 
and that it delivered its source code to the bank on servers. Emirates ended the deal, InfoSpan said, to launch 
its own mobile payment system after stealing InfoSpan's technology. 
In court, an attorney for InfoSpan argued that Emirates torpedoed the InfoSpan relationship because it abhorred 
how much money it would have to share with the Irvine firm. 
""They wanted SpanCash and they wanted the money,"" attorney William A. Isaacson said in his closing 
arguments Wednesday. 
Isaacson — a partner with powerhouse law firm Boies Schiller & Flexner, chaired by high-profile litigator 
David Boies — argued that the bank resorted to ""pure extortion"" in an attempt to get its way. 
As a result of the bank's criminal complaint, InfoSpan alleged Bajwa's partner, Larry Scudder, was detained at 
the Dubai International Airport and taken to a cell where he was locked in with 30 other men for 19 hours until 
he secured his release by turning over his passport. 
According to the lawsuit, Bajwa tried to resolve the situation but was told Scudder's passport would be 
released and he could leave the country only if InfoSpan gave up ownership and control of SpanCash to the 
bank. 
Six months later, the bank withdrew the fraud accusations and Scudder got his passport back, but SpanCash's 
reputation was tarnished and it collapsed, Bajwa previously told The Times. 
The bank disputed that it acquired InfoSpan's source code or used it at any time. 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 030106 
Former White House counsel and an attorney for the bank, Kathryn Ruemmler, said that Emirates never would 
have acquired source code in a joint-partnership deal like the one reached with InfoSpan. She said such 
technology would instead be held by a third-party escrow company for the length of the partnership. 
In her closing arguments, the partner with global firm Latham & Watkins told the jury that Bajwa and 
InfoSpan sold the bank a ""bill of goods,"" arguing that despite promises to Emirates, the technology never 
worked and InfoSpan wasn't as big a company as it claimed. 
The bank cancelled the deal and filed a criminal complaint, not as a form of extortion but simply to regain the 
bank's money after it was misled and doubts grew about the character of InfoSpan's employees, Ruemmler 
told the jury. 
""They concluded, definitively, that they had been defrauded,"" she said. 
Lubna Qassim, group general counsel for Emirates Bank, said in a statement after the verdict that ""Emirates 
Bank is gratified by today's decision and the opportunity to receive a fair trial in U.S. courts."" 
Bajwa said the trial has taken a toll on him and he doesn't know his next steps. 
""I am just beat up,"" he said. 
Phil Hirschkorn contributed to this report. 
> 
Copyright 0 2016, Los Angeles Times<http://www.latimes.com/> 
Frank Pizzurro 
Public Relations Senior Manager 
LATHAM & WATKINS LLP 
355 South Grand Avenue 1Los Angeles, CA 90071-1560 
This email may contain material that is confidential, privileged and/or attorney work product for the sole use of 
the intended recipient. Any review, reliance or distribution by others or forwarding without express 
permission is strictly prohibited. If you are not the intended recipient, please contact the sender and delete all 
copies. 
Latham & Watkins LLP 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
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communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 030107 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 030108 
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030184.txt,"29

Article 7.

TIME

Why the Muslim Brotherhood Are
Egypt's Best Democrats

Bobby Ghosh

June 21, 2011 -- After the fall of Saddam Hussein in 2003, many
Western commentators were surprised by the ease with which Iraq's
religious movements adapted to multiparty democracy. The Shi'ite
groups, in particular, were quick to organize into political parties, set
up grass-roots organizations across the country and form practical
coalitions ahead of elections. Long assumed to be ideologically
opposed to democracy, these groups showed they were in fact
brilliantly adaptable. Their leaders, despite having little experience in
kissing babies, campaigned like seasoned pros.

In contrast, Iraq's liberal parties were rank amateurs. Their leaders,
despite having spent decades in exile in Western democracies
(whereas most Islamist exiles were confined to places like Iran and
Syria), seemed not to understand how democracy works: people like
Tyad Allawi and Ahmed Chalabi had an air of entitlement, assuming
that people would vote for them merely because they were modern,
progressive and famous. They didn't bother to create a national party
infrastructure, nor did they care to campaign. Instead, they held all-
day salons in the manner of medieval monarchs giving audience to
the elite.

Something very similar is unfolding in Egypt. Of all the political
groups to have emerged since the fall of Hosni Mubarak — including
the myriad youth movements, secular parties, leftists and remnants of
the old National Democratic Party — the Muslim Brotherhood seem
to have the best understanding of how democracy works. The Islamist

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030184
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016402.txt,"ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE AND THE FUTURE OF CIVILIZATION
Stephen Wolfram

Stephen Wolfram is a scientist, inventor, and the founder and CEO of Wolfram
Research. He is the creator of the symbolic computation program Mathematica and its
programming language, Wolfram Language, as well as the knowledge engine
Wolfram|Alpha. He is also the author of A New Kind of Science.

The following is an edited transcript from a live interview with him conducted in
December 2015.

I see technology as taking human goals and making them automatically executable by
machines. Human goals of the past have entailed moving objects from here to there,
using a forklift rather than our own hands. Now the work we can do automatically, with
machines, is mental rather than physical. It’s obvious that we can automate many of the
tasks we humans have long been proud of doing ourselves. What’s the future of the
human condition in that situation?

People talk about the future of intelligent machines and whether they’Il take over
and decide what to do for themselves. But the inventing of goals is not something that
has a path to automation. Someone or something has to define what a machine’s purpose
should be—what it’s trying to execute. How are goals defined? For a given human, they
tend to be defined by personal history, cultural environment, the history of our
civilization. Goals are uniquely human. Where the machine is concerned, we can give it
a goal when we build it.

What kinds of things have intelligence, or goals, or purpose? Right now, we
know one great example, and that’s us—our brains, our human intelligence. Human
intelligence, I once assumed, is far beyond anything else that exists naturally in the
world; it’s the result of an elaborate process of evolution and thus stands apart from the
rest of existence. But what I’ve realized, as a result of the science I’ve done, is that this is
not the case.

People might say, for instance, “The weather has a mind of its own.” That’s an
animist statement and seems to have no place in modern scientific thinking. But it’s not
as silly as it sounds. What does the human brain do? A brain receives certain input, it
computes things, it causes certain actions to happen, it generates a certain output. Like
the weather. All sorts of systems are, effectively, doing computations—whether it’s a
brain or, say, a cloud responding to its thermal environment.

We can argue that our brains are doing vastly more sophisticated computations
than those in the atmosphere. But it turns out that there’s a broad equivalence between
the kinds of computations that different kinds of systems do. This renders the question of
the human condition somewhat poignant, because it seems we’re not as special as we
thought. There are all those different systems of nature that are pretty much equivalent,
in terms of their computational capabilities.

What makes us different from all those other systems is the particulars of our
history, which give us our notions of purpose and goals. That’s a long way of saying that
when the box on our desk thinks as well as the human brain does, what it still won’t have,
intrinsically, are goals and purposes. Those are defined by our particulars—our particular
biology, our particular psychology, our particular cultural history.

182

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016402
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010682.txt,"Referenceff |

OGE Form 278 (March 2014)

Instructions for Part 2
Note: This is a public form. Do not include account numbers, street addresses, or family member names. See instructions for required information.

Filer’s Name Page Number

Donald J. Trump

99

DIT Holdings LLC

168 THC CENTRAL RESERVATIONS MEMBER CORP *(1)

Owned by: % Ownership

100

Has ownership interest in: Entity Name

THC CENTRAL RESERVATIONS LLC 1.00%

169 THC CHINA DEVELOPMENT LLC

% Ownership
100

Owned by:

170 THC CHINA TECHNICAL SERVICES LLC *(3)

% Ownership
1

Owned by:

99

Name
DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC

Ownership Title
Managing Member

Name
TRUMP INTERNATIONAL HOTELS
MANAGEMENT LLC

Name

THC CHINA TECHNICAL SERVICES
MANAGER CORP

DJT Holdings LLC

171 THC CHINA TECHNICAL SERVICES MANAGER CORP *(3)

Owned by: % Ownership
100
Has ownership interest in: Entity Name

THC CHINA TECHNICAL SERVICES

LLC

172 THC DEVELOPMENT BRAZIL LLC. *(3)

Owned by: % Ownership

a

99

Name
DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC

Ownership Title
1.00% Managing Member

Name

THC DEVELOPMENT BRAZIL
MANAGING MEMBER CORP
DJT Holdings LLC

173 THC DEVELOPMENT BRAZIL MANAGING MEMBER CORP *(3)

Owned by: % Ownership
100
Has ownership interest in : Entity Name

THC DEVELOPMENT BRAZIL LLC.

THC Barra Hotelaria LTDA

176 THC HOTEL DEVELOPMENT LLC *(3)

Owned by: % Ownership

100

177 THC IMEA DEVELOPMENT LLC

Owned by: % Ownership

100
178 THC MIAMI RESTAURANT HOSPITALITY LLC

Owned by: % Ownership

1

99

Name
DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC

Ownership Title

1.00% Managing Member
1.00% Managing Member
Name

DJT Holdings LLC

Name
TRUMP INTERNATIONAL HOTELS
MANAGEMENT LLC

Name

THC MIAMI RESTAURANT
HOSPITALITY MEMBER CORP
DJT Holdings LLC

179 THC MIAMI RESTAURANT HOSPITALITY MEMBER CORP *(1)

Owned by: % Ownership
100
Has ownership interest in: Entity Name

THC MIAMI RESTAURANT

HOSPITALITY LLC

Name
DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC

Ownership Title
1.00% Managing Member

180 THC QATAR HOTEL MANAGER LLC *(3)--DISSOLVED 1/26/17

Owned by: % Ownership

Name

A15 of 4 =|

Role
Shareholder

Role
Member

Role
Managing Member

Member

Role
Shareholder

Role

Managing Member
Member

Role
Shareholder

Role
Member

Role
Member

Role
Managing Member

Member

Role
Shareholder

Es]
io
iD

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010682
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013133.txt,"12.4 Ethical Synergy 217

Stage Characteristics
Pre-ethical

e Piagetan infantile to early concrete (aka pre-operational)

e Radical selfishness or selflessness may, but do not neces-
sarily, occur

@ No coherent, consistent pattern of consideration for the
rights, intentions or feelings of others

e Empathy is generally present, but erratically

Conventional Ethics

e Concrete cognitive basis

e Perry’s Dualist and Multiple stages

e The common sense of the Golden Rule is appreciated,
with cultural conventions for abstracting principles from
behaviors

@ One’s own ethical behavior is explicitly compared to that
of others

e Development of a functional, though limited, theory of
mind

e Ability to intuitively conceive of notions of fairness and
rights

e Appreciation of the concept of law and order, which may
sometimes manifest itself as systematic obedience or sys-
tematic disobedience

e Empathy is more consistently present, especially with
others who are directly similar to oneself or in situations
similar to those one has directly experienced

e Degrees of selflessness or selfishness develop based on eth-
ical groundings and social interactions.

Table 12.4: Integrative Model of the Stages of Ethical Development, Part 1

logical inference step to take in thinking about applying the notions of rights and fairness to a
given situation.

Gilligan’s stages correspond to increasingly sophisticated control of empathic simulation —
which in a CogPrime-type AGI system, is carried out by a specific system component devoted
to running internal simulations of aspects of the outside world, which includes a subcomponent
specifically tuned for simulating sentient actors. The conventional stage has to do with the raw,
uncontrolled capability for such simulation; and the post-conventional stage corresponds to its
contextual, goal-oriented control. But controlling empathy, clearly, requires subtle management
of various uncertain contextual factors, which is exactly what uncertain logical inference is
good at — so, in an AGI system combining an uncertain inference component with a simulative
component, it is the inference component that would enable the nuanced control of empathy
allowing the ascent to Gilligan’s post-conventional stage.

In our integrative perspective, in the context of an AGI system integrating inference and
simulation components, we suggest that the ascent from the pre-ethical to the conventional
stage may be carried out largely via independent activity of these two components. Empathy
is needed, and reasoning about fairness and rights are needed, but the two need not intimately
and sensitively intersect — though they must of course intersect to some extent.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013133
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028913.txt,"¢ The moderates among Arab rulers
are unable (and also unwilling) to float
this common interest and turn it into
policy — because they worry how their
people would respond. This is how the
Palestinian issue is related to
possibility of an overall agreement in
the Middle East.

e And this isn't just an assessment.

¢ We must remember, vis-a-vis the
Palestinians, Israel can (practically
only) give. Regarding the rest of the
moderate Arab world — Israel can also
get, and a lot..

Not just recognition and legitimacy but
also an opportunity for regional
infrastructure projects — and mostly —
for the beginning of a process,
protracted though it may be — to
change the region's fundamental
attitudes towards Israel.

¢ On the road to seize this
opportunity — Israel will have to
consider embracing the Saudi proposal,

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028913
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022350.txt,"May 2012

J.E. CASCADING GRAT & INSTALLMENT SALE ANALYSIS

Investment products: Not FDIC insured ¢ No bank guarantee « May lose value

Please see important information at the end of this presentation.

J.P Morgan

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022350
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022719.txt,"murky. Sure, Goldman Sachs partners and tech fortunes, but what to make of
a Coney Island, Zelig-like no-namer?

In 1994, just at the moment when Prince Charles is on television
acknowledging his love for Camilla Parker Bowles, Jeffrey Epstein is sitting
with his arm around Princess Diana at a dinner at the Serpentine Galley in
London (Diana 1s wearing her “revenge” dress that evening). Graydon
Carter, into his second years as editor of Vanity Fair, is also at the dinner.
Epstein’s rise and Carter’s rise are not, with a little critical interpretation,
that different. Both are a function of the age of new money, both are helped
by strategic relationships with the exceptionally wealthy (i.e. they are social
climbers), both men have made themselves up. To say that Epstein, in the
company of the Princess, sticks in Carter’s craw would be an
understatement. Epstein becomes one of the “what do you know about him”
figures in Carter’s gossip trail—a story waiting to happen. A variety of the
gossip that begins to circulate about Epstein—for instance, that he secretly
films his guests—is seeded by Carter, who once advised me not to go to
Epstein’s house or accept a ride in his car least I risk being blackmail. (“For
what?” I asked Carter. “For you have no idea,” said Carter.)

Epstein is playing a cat and mouse game with his own growing wealth
and influence. He 1s private and secretive, but grandly so. He joins the board
of Rockefeller University. He’s suddenly on the Trilateral commission, that
cabal of business people who fancy themselves, and who are fancied by
conspiracy buffs, as running the world. He buys from his client Limited
Founder Les Wexner the larges private house in Manhattan. (Rumors will
continue for many years, that Wexner owns the house and Epstein is just
squatting in it—an 18-year squat.) He buys an airplane. He buys another. He
expands his holdings in New Mexico. He begins a Zanadu refurbishment of
his Caribbean Island.

He befriends Bill Clinton in his new after-office life.

And that’s quite the fatal pairing.

The post-Monica Clinton, now having pardoned the on-the-lam
financier Marc Rich, is suddenly being ferried around in the jet of...who
exactly?

The New York Post is the first to take formal media note of the
Clinton-Epstein connection, hinting at a sex and money bromance. The
instinctively private Epstein is not just increasingly exposed, but clearly
curious about the nature of exposure.

I met Epstein around this time. Epstein had become a more and more
active backer of advanced scientific research—ultimately he will donate $30

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022719
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016604.txt,"Code Enforcement Board Meeting Minutes 04/17/08

Enforcement Board meeting because the homeowner had applied to ARCOM and
was seeking Town Council approval. Those hearings will be in May.

MOTION BY MR. OCHSTEIN TO POSTPONE THIS CASE UNTIL May
15, 2008.

SECONDED BY MS. GREENBERG

MOTION PASSED UNANIMOUSLY

B. Case # 08-2478, 151 Chilean Ave., E. Nordin Gilbertson
Violation of Chapter 134, Section 134-889 of the Town of Palm Beach Code of
Ordinances, commercial use of land in the R-B low density residential district.

Code Enforcement Officer Gerry presented the facts of this case and said the
complaint had been received from a tenant of an adjacent property owner. He said
there had been no response from Mr. Gilbertson with the exception of a letter
which was received today and was included in the packet of case information given
to the Board members. The Board took a few minutes to review the letter.

(While this review was taking place, Mr. Hoffman acknowledged the presence of
Councilwoman Coniglio in the audience and expressed his appreciation for her
attendance.)

Mr. Gerry said the Town’s recommendation was that the violator be found in non-
compliance, administrative costs of $150.00 assessed and that the yard be restored,
the brick pavers removed and parking of vehicles from a commercial zoned
property no longer be allowed at this location. Mr. Gerry said Mr. Gilbertson
could obtain zoning approval and building permits for the brick pavers but it would
have to be related to residentially permitted uses allowed for that particular
property. He requested compliance by May 1, 2008. Ms. Van Buren said she did
not see anything in Mr. Gilbertson’s letter that addressed this particular violation.
She then asked Mr. Randolph if prior outstanding fines could be discussed and Mr.
Randolph said only if it related to this particular violation. He said this violation
should be considered on its own merit. Mr. Gerry said there was an existing fine
still running on the property for other violations that were still not in compliance.
Ms. Duemler asked if there was a lien against the property and Mr. Randolph
advised that if the previous Board order had been recorded, there was a lien
against the property. It was confirmed the previous Board order had been
recorded and there was an existing lien on the property. Mr. Randolph questioned
whether the property was homesteaded and said if it was, foreclosure would not be
an option. Mr. Gerry said the property was homesteaded.

MOTION BY MR. FRIED TO FIND THE VIOLATOR IN NON-
COMPLIANCE, ASSESS ADMINISTRATIVE COSTS OF $150.00 AND
GIVE

THE VIOLATOR UNTIL MAY 1, 2008 TO COMPLY.
3

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016604
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021659.txt,"Default Contract Code ne S
CALL DETAIL RECORDS -I — %
All Facilities o
06/30/08 TO 10/10/08: INMATE PHONECALLSTO[.__sd ir
Originating Nomber Dialed Type Term Dest Recorder
Date Plekup Connect ease Sip Phone# CC Number Faciiy Location Minutes Code Code Code Channet Acct. Na. on
THERE ARE NO RECORDS FOR THE CHOSEN SET OF CRITERIA. | g
END OF DETAIL an
-
os
wn
s)
o
ml
@ :
Oo
2
QP
a
“ goooi06/t7 12:00:33 Form: INO@4WEB Version: {.000 A Page | S

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021659

"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024368.txt,"Table of Contents
COST OF PROXY SOLICITATION

Carvana is paying the expenses of this solicitation. Carvana will also make arrangements with brokerage houses and other custodians, nominees
and fiduciaries to forward proxy materials to beneficial owners of stock held as of the record date by such persons, and Carvana will reimburse such persons
for their reasonable out-of-pocket expenses in forwarding such proxy materials. In addition to solicitation by mail, directors, officers, and other employees
of Carvana may solicit proxies in person or by telephone, facsimile, email, or other similar means.

-59-

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024368
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020547.txt,"88

transitioned from an authoritarian state to a democracy, leading to new calls from
the island and from some of its immigrants in the United States for an independent
Taiwan. Seeking to capitalize on the ever-larger number of mainlanders in the United
States and to battle the nascent Taiwan independence movement, PRC authorities
established organizations and Chinese-language schools to bolster their propaganda
work in the United States. The Party’s United Front Work Department founded the
China Council for the Promotion of Peaceful National Reunification in 1988, and
within a decade it had more than one hundred chapters in sixty countries, including
more than a dozen offices in the United States. Chinese officials described Chinese-
language media, Chinese-language schools, and Chinese-backed organizations as the

“three treasures” (==)of united front work overseas.*?

Chinese-language media. By the mid-1990s, analyst He Qinglian estimated that, of
the some one hundred Chinese-language newspapers in the United States, more than
one-third were funded by money from the mainland.** Owners of these newspapers,
seeking subsidies from Beijing, cozied up to PRC authorities with statements such as
“opposing Taiwan independence and fostering peaceful unification are the glorious

missions and historical responsibility of overseas Chinese publications.”*>

Beijing also moved to take control of online and social media outlets. Wenxuecheng
(Cu, http://wenxuecheng.com) is the most popular Chinese-language website

in the United States. Launched in 1997 by a group of students from the University
of Michigan, the website was sold in 2003 to a Taiwanese-American businessman*®
with investments in China. Since being purchased, Wenxuecheng has signed deals

to run news from Xinhua and the China Daily.*’ There is even an unsubstantiated
rumor that the purchase of the website was subsidized by $1 million from the CCP

Propaganda Department.

Duowei is another online source that was for years an independent Chinese-language
media outlet. Among its many scoops was the prediction of the composition of the
sixteenth Politburo Standing Committee. But in 2009, Duowei was purchased by a
Hong Kong businessman* with substantial business interests in China, including two
companies listed on the Hong Kong Stock Exchange. The businessman is a founding
member of the Tsinghua University Center for US-China Relations and is also fond

of writing pro-Beijing essays on China’s claims to the South China Sea. Duowei is
now headquartered in Beijing. Indeed, since selling Duowei, the online news source's

founder*’ has moved to Mingjing (Mirror Media), a Chinese-language web presence

Media

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020547
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026615.txt,"Now Marc and Chelsea are in their early thirties and purchased a $10.5
million NYC apartment.

Has anyone heard mention of any of this in any of the media?

If this guy was Jenna or Barbara Bush's, or better yet, Sarah Palin's
daughter's father-in- law, the news would be an everyday headline and
every detail would be reported over and over and over.

And yet liberals say there are no double standards in political
reporting.

And people are already talking about Hillary as our next
President!

And then there is possibly Chelsea for president in our
future!

The cycle never ends!

Lying and corruption seem to make Democrat
candidates more popular.

WAKE UP AMERICA

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026615
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012095.txt,"a ROCKEFELLER
NY ASSET MANAGEMENT

November 1, 2017

A “Vixing” Puzzle |

Market’s unusual lack of volatility;
Be fearful when others are greedy

ctober has historically been a spooky month in

which some of the biggest market declines took

place — the crash of 1929, 1987’s Black Monday,
the financial crisis of 2008, etc. This October, however,
there were only treats and no tricks — the biggest one-day
movement for the S&P 500 Index during the month was a
0.81% gain, and the biggest down day had a mere 0.47%
drop. That said, there was quite a bit of turbulence among
individual stocks. The Information Technology sector had
a huge month, with the so-called FANG stocks (Facebook,
Amazon, Netflix, Google) leading the way up, while some
old economy bellwethers and the much beleaguered brick
and mortar retailers took a beating. The rising hope of
U.S. tax reform and the continued strength of the global
economic expansion lifted U.S. Treasury yields as well as
commodity prices from oil to copper. The U.S. reflation
expectation also boosted the greenback. European
sovereign bond yields and the euro declined after ECB
President Draghi announced a reduction in monthly asset
purchases starting in 2018, but promised a longer
duration of QE. China completed its quinquennial
leadership transition at the conclusion of the 19th Party
Congress, which should usher in a new era with more
focus on the quality of growth over the quantity. President
Xi now awaits President Trump’s State visit to Beijing on
November 84, Investors will likely be focused on issues
ranging from trade to North Korea, though major
breakthroughs appear unlikely. Lastly, there is still one
unresolved sleeper issue that may come back to roil the
market — will a new bipartisan deal be reached in time to
fund the U.S. government beyond December 8, when the
current continuing resolution expires?

arket Review

JIMMY CHANG, CFA
Chief Investment Strategist
212-549-5218
jchang@rockco.com

Equity Markets Indices’ 9 ~ ie 7 10/ erica 7 Chose aor
MSCI All Country World 487 497 2.0% 17.7%
S&P 500 2519 2575 2.2% 15.0%
MSCI EAFE 1974 2003 1.5% 18.9%
Russell 20002 1491 1503 0.8% 10.7%
NASDAQ 6496 6728 3.6% 25.0%
TOPIX 1675 1766 5.4% 16.3%
KOSPI 2394 2523 5.4% 24.5%
Emerging Markets 1082 1119 3.5% 29.8%

Fixed Income

2-Year US Treasury Note 1.49% 1.60% 12 41
10-Year US Treasury Note 2.33% 2.38% 5 -7
BarCap US Agg Corp Sprd 1.01% 0.95% -6 -28
BarCap US Corp HY Sprd 3.47% 3.38% -9 -71
Australian (AUD/$) 1.28 1.31 -2.3% 6.3%
Brazil Real (Real/$) 3.16 m27 -3.3% -0.5%
British Pound ($/GBP) 1.34 1.33 -0.9% 7.6%
Euro ($/Euro) 1.18 1.16 -1.4% 10.7%
Japanese Yen (Yen/$) 113 114 -1.0% 2.9%
Korean Won (KRW/$) 1145 1120 2.2% 7.6%
US Dollar Index (DXY) 93.08 94.55 -1.6% 8.1%

Commodities

Gold 1280 1271 -0.7% 10.3%
Oil 51.7 54.4 5.2% 1.2%

Natural Gas, Henry Hub 2.89 2.80 -3.0% -24.0%
Copper (cents/Ib) 296 310 4.9% 23.8%
CRB Index 183 188 2.4% -2.6%
Baltic Dry Index 1356 1534 13.1% 59.6%

SOURCE: BLOOMBERG

MONTHLY MARKET REVIEW NOVEMBER 2017 1

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012095
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025755.txt,"Time: 08/30/18 08:15:35 AM (557334935)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: E2D06A5C-F4F9-41A4-92FC-7C55E78758A4

Message: sooo. predictable

Sender: TT

Time: 08/30/18 08:16:57 AM (557335017)
Flags: 1060865

Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: AA784FE7-5A3C-4FB7/-8B7/0-4440F8B03BC3

Message: I'm meeting Cisneros when I get back from Venice

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 08/30/18 08:17:49 AM (557335069)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 8C9D59F5-1876-4B45-AE3E-D694C7362BB2

Message: Im trying to make the patch. The two pens.
are too much

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 08/30/18 12:56:10 PM (557351770)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: DD4D7/7C37-AlCB-47BD-AF7A-BABCBC27 6FA8

Message: Do you think you will get time to meet leaders un
head down here before then

Time: 08/30/18 12:58:13 PM (557351893)
Flags: 1060865

Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 6B271355-26E3-44B4-B772-COEB2788FC2B

Message: Yes

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 08/31/18 01:23:26 AM (557396606)

not sure if red and black

Europe before nov. or

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025755
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021881.txt,"Oo O DN OO FF WwW NY =|

NO RO PO PNP NM NO | S| S| HS SF S| S| S| S| S|
non BP WO NO -|- ODO OO WDN OO OT BP WO NYO —

58

are called trash covers; that is when trash came out of
the mansion of Epstein, the police would intercept the
trash and then they would go through the trash and look
for incriminating information.

And what they began to discover was memo
pads -- and I say memo pads, let's be clear. Pad after
pad after pad or I guess I should say, sheet after sheet
after sheet, that had the name of a girl. And then
there was the notation of something to the effect of a
massage. And so the Palm Beach Police Department began
tracking down -- wait a minute, these are girls giving
massages and they don't seem to have any specialized
training in massages; they don't seem to be masseuses in
any sense of the term; what's going on here?

And so the Palm Beach Police Department
began, you know, I guess what we would call
knock-and-talks, Knocking on doors to try to get to some
of these girls, and they would get to the girls and many
of them initially were -- were afraid to explain what
had happened.

But as they as they continued talking to
them, the girls began to explain that what was happening
was, they were going over to Epstein's house under the
guise of giving a massage, and when they got there, the

massage was, in fact, sexual activity. And for many of

ROUGH DRAFT ONLY

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021881

"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023407.txt,"In re: TERRORIST ATTACKS ON SEPTEMBER 11, 2001., 2012 WL 257568 (2012)

The district court also dismissed many other non-Federal plaintiffs’ intentional tort claims for assault and battery, trespass,
and wrongful death and survival on the ground that plaintiffs failed to allege that the defendants had “supported, aided and
abetted, or conspired with the September 11 terrorists” in a manner that warranted liability. SPA101-02 (SAMBA J);
SPA87-88 (Terrorist Attacks IT); SPA53-54 (Terrorist Attacks I). The court dismissed corresponding wrongful death and
survival claims, as well as the Federal Ins. plaintiffs’ trespass claims, on the same grounds. SPA231-32, 252-53 & n.12
(Terrorist Attacks V); SPA101-02 (SAMBA J); SPA88, 98 (Terrorist Attacks IT); SPA53-54, 61-62 (Terrorist Attacks I).

As the court recognized, however, because the ATA incorporates state tort law causes of action, liability under the plaintiffs’
intentional tort claims, wrongful death and survival claims, and trespass claims is necessarily coextensive with liability under
the ATA. SPA88 (Terrorist Attacks IT) (“If Plaintiffs state a claim for relief under the ATA, they will have also stated a claim
for wrongful death and survival, the Federal Plaintiffs will have stated a claim for trespass, and the Aston and Burnett
Plaintiffs will have stated claims for intentional infliction of emotional *149 distress.”). Because the complaints state claims
under the ATA for knowingly providing material support to al-Qaeda, see supra Pomt LA & LB, the district court’s dismissal
of plaintiffs’ intentional tort claims -- like its dismissal of the ATA claims -- should be vacated.

2. Defendants Who Supported al-Qaeda Through Its Network Are Liable.

Finally, in its most recent opinion, the district court held that the intentional tort claims against some defendants (precisely
which ones, the court does not say) fail because plaintiffs “broaden the scope of liability to include those who allegedly
aided, abetted, conspired and/or provided material support to other terrorist organizations that were affiliated with al Qaeda.”
SPA231-32 (Terrorist Attacks V). The court appears to have concluded that because plaintiffs alleged that some defendants
supported front charities and institutions in the larger al-Qaeda network that funnel money to the organization, rather than,
say, wrote a check directly payable to “al Qaeda,” plaintiffs therefore have not alleged that defendants supported al-Qaeda at
all.

To the extent that this is what the court meant, then Judge Daniels -- who took over the MDL litigation after Judge Casey
passed away -- advances a line of reasoning never endorsed by his predecessor. Indeed, *150 this line of reasoning would be
contrary to the court’s own prior statements of law, if not its applications thereof. Cf SPA24 (Terrorist Attacks IT) (“The
Court is not ruling as a matter of law that a defendant cannot be liable for contributions to organizations that are not
themselves designated terrorists. But [the defendant must have] kn[own] the receiving organization to be a solicitor,
collector, supporter, front or launderer for such an entity.”).

More problematic than inconsistency, however, is the fact that the court’s rationale is incorrect. Support for a terrorist
organization can be just as intentional if provided directly to the organization as if provided through an intermediary or agent
certain to pass the funds to the terrorists. For this reason, courts have repeatedly recognized that material supporters of
terrorism may be found liable “even where support wasn’t provided directly” to the attackers, but rather through “support to
an alias or agent.” Goldberg, 660 F. Supp. 2d at 432; cf Nat’l Council of Resistance of Iran, 373 F.3d at 157-58 (“Just as it is
silly to suppose” that State Department designations of terrorist organizations did not survive organizational name changes,
“so too it is implausible to think that Congress” did not “authorize the Secretary to prevent” terrorist organizations “from
marshaling all the same support via juridically separate agents subject to its *151 control.”). And, such a rule would have
provide a ready path for terrorist organizations to shield their financiers from liability -- simply by placing having the
financier contribute to a cooperative intermediary. See Companion Brief at Point I.A.3 (describing implications of excluding
from liability indirectly provided support for terrorism); see Boim ITI, 549 F.3d at 690-91 (shielding a financier from liability
would exclude from the operation of the law precisely those parties most likely be deterred by the prospect of liability).

Plaintiffs have consistently alleged in their pleadings that al-Qaeda operates through an integrated network of institutions and
individuals. E.g., R.3779-80. The district court, for its part, cited no authority in support of its “al Qaeda-only” principle,

which departs from both precedent and common sense. The dismissals of plaintiffs’ tort claims predicated upon it should be
vacated.

V. The Court Should Reverse The Dismissals Of NCB and the Sovereign Defendants Based Upon Doe v. Bin Laden

WESTLAW

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023407
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025033.txt,"FP: You write about how we like to talk of “Good Muslims” and how we are always on the eternal search
for “moderate” Muslims (Khatami, Mousavi, Abbas, etc), while we stress how the “extremists” are the real
problem and how “‘f ew” they really are. All of this is connected to the Control F actor. Enlighten us.

Siegel: The Control Factor seeks to have us feel in control of the situation. The easiest way to do this is to
simply minimize the number of potential enemies. We have been lectured for years about how Islam is a
“religion of peace” and that the violence we see (remember that we have already improperly limited the
problem to violence) is the product of a small number of “crazies” (remember Hillary Clinton’s 50,000)
who have distorted Islam. I call this the “Peaceful Muslim Disclaimer” as virtually everyone in the press
and government has been bullied into making some statement of the kind to silence those who will pressure
them that they are “Islamophobic” and Islam is being attacked. (These are the Islam hustlers who operate on
the same principles that black race hustlers so effectively used to extort concessions over the last six
decades or so).

Nobody has done any real work to support this proposition, nor is it clear exactly how it would be tested.
My view is that the grammar “Islam is x” is itself problematic because Islam has expressed itself throughout
history in a variety of fashions. It is more useful to talk in terms of how seriously engaged with Islam, the
Koran and other texts, a Muslim is. What is significant is how Muslims today are using Islam and most of
those who are in power either throughout a large territory or within a small community tend toward, if not
fully advocate, the very supremacist ideas that we try to tell ourselves are reserved for the

few ”extremists.” Presumably most Germans did not wish to see all Nazi atrocities carried out but in the
end they fell in line because they had to. Those our politicians and press call the “extremists” are in one
sense more accurately the “good” Muslims who ar e following their Islamic beliefs dutifully.

FP: Tell us how Western shame and guilt play into all of this.

Siegel: One of the dirty little secrets the Control Factor preys upon is that if we believe we control
something we can comfort ourselves that we can change it. Remember the horror film- the threat has one
purpose and that is to destroy you. You can not change it, talk it out of it, teach it alternatives or otherwise.
That is what makes it so inherently frightening. If we can convince ourselves that we caused the threat to act
the way it does we can maintain the secret hope that we can change it. Consequently, there is a tremendous
attraction to blaming ourselves for the Islamic Enemy’s behavior. And we see this power in our readily
accepting responsibility for terror- because of our occupation, our greedy quest for oil, our failure to extend
a hand of “engagement,” Israel’s building settlements, our making videos that defa me Mohammed and so
on. Again, the relationship is defined by the enemy blaming us for his actions and our accepting such
responsibility.

Shelby Steele has written brilliantly about what he calls “white guilt” and outlines how whites during the
60's and thereafter were pressured into a transaction whereby in order to re-obtain a sense of moral authority
they accepted blame for the condition of blacks and behaved as if guilty. Blacks were able to extract great
concessions and whites were able to view themselves as morally restored and redeemed. At a certain point,
however, the behavior takes on a life of its own and the narratives become deeply embedded in the culture
and, as we can see today, difficult to uproot.

Western guilt is an extension of Steele’s notion. President Obama’s confessionals to the Arab world
admitting that America has made “mistakes” and was not born a colonial pow er express this same tendency
to appease through guilt. Hillary Clint on’s “reset” with Russia conveyed the same submissive request for a
more acceptable response. In being guilty we presume the other party will recognize our contrition and
respond in like kind. One of the Control Factor’s most devastating moves is employed- presuming the other
is just like us and will respond the way we would. This is frequently how an enabler justifies his continuous
support for an addict. The problem, however is that our Islamic Enemy is NOT like us and will not respond
in like kind. Rather, as we repeatedly refuse to learn, appeasement invites more abuse from an

enemy. This becomes the ”game of guilt;” it tends to expand to greater and greater consequences.
Paradoxically, psychological defenses tend to create the very outcomes they seek to eliminate and it is no
different here. It is a game we love to play but, unfortunately, the game gives us no rules for how to end it.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025033
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023361.txt,"In re: TERRORIST ATTACKS ON SEPTEMBER 11, 2001., 2012 WL 257568 (2012)

2012 WL 257568 (C.A.2) (Appellate Brief)
United States Court of Appeals, Second Circuit.

In re: TERRORIST ATTACKS ON SEPTEMBER 11, 2001.

Nos. 11-3294-cv(L), 11-3407-cv(CON), 11-3490-cv(CON), 11-3494-cv(CON), 11-3495-cv(CON), 11-3496-cv(CON),
11-3500-cv(CON), 11-3501-cv(CON), 11-3502-cv(CON), 11-3503-cv(CON), 11-3505-cv(CON), 11-3506-cv(CON),
11-3507-cv(CON), 11-3508-cv(CON), 11-3509-cv(CON), 11-3510-cv(CON), 11-3511-cv(CON).

January 20, 2012.

On Appeal from the United States District Court for the Southern District of New York

Appellants’ Consolidated Brief with Respect to Dismissals for Failure to State a Claim and Foreign Sovereign
Immunity

Ronald L. Motley, Robert T. Haefele, Motley Rice LLC, 28 Bridgeside Boulevard, Mount Pleasant, South Carolina 29464,
(843) 216-9000; Stephen A. ¢ Elliott R. Feldman, Sean P. Carter, Cozen O’Connor, 1900 Market Street, Philadelphia,
Pennsylvania 19103, (215) 665-2000, and Carter G. Phillips, Richard Klingler, Sidley Austin LLP, 1501 K Street, N.W.,

Washington, D.C. 20005, (202) 736-8000, Attorneys for All Plaintiffs-Appellants.

Andrea Bierstein, Hanly Conroy Bierstein Sheridan Fisher & Hayes, LLP, 112 Madison Avenue, 7th Floor, New York, New
York 10016, (212) 784-6400; Robert M. Kaplan, Ferber Chan Essner & Coller, LLP, 530 Fifth Avenue, 23rd Floor, New
York, New York 10036, (212) 944-2200; James P. Kreindler, Justin T. Green, Kreindler & Kreindler LLP, 750 Third
Avenue, 32nd Floor, New York, New York 10017, (212) 687-8181; Jerry S. Goldman, Anderson Kill & Olick, P.C., 1251
Avenue of the Americas, New York, New York 10020, (212) 278-1000, Chris Leonardo; Adams Holcomb LLP, 1875 Eye
Street N.W., Suite 810, Washington, D.C. 20006, (202) 580-8820, Attorneys for All Plaintiffs-Appellants.

*{ Corporate Disclosure Statement

In accordance with Federal Rule of Appellate Procedure 26.1, appellants certify as follows:

11-3509 (Ashton v. Al Qaeda Islamic Army):

Appellants are natural persons.

11-3503, 11-3505, 11-3506, 11-3507 (Burnett v. Al Baraka Investment & Development Corp.):

Appellants are natural persons.

11-3508 (Cantor Fitzgerald & Co. v. Akida Bank Private Limited):

Appellants Cantor Fitzgerald & Co.; Cantor Fitzgerald Securities; Cantor Fitzgerald, L.P.; CO2e.com, LLC (now known as
Cantor C02e, LLC); and Cantor Index Limited have no parent corporation and there is no public corporation that holds more

than 10% of any of them.

Appellant eSpeed, Inc. (now known as BGC Partners, Inc.) has no parent corporation and there is no public corporation that
holds more than 10% of it; BCG Partners, Inc. is publicly-held.

Appellants Cantor Fitzgerald Associates, L.P. (now known as BGC Capital Markets, L.P.); Cantor Fitzgerald Brokerage, L.P.

(now known as BGC Environmental Brokerage Services, L.P.); Cantor Fitzgerald International (now known as BGC
International); Cantor Fitzgerald Partners (now known as Seminole Financial); eSpeed Securities, Inc. (now *ii known as

WESTLAW

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023361
"
IMAGES-012-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032604.txt,"From:

Sent: 9/9/2017 11:39:24 PM
To: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com]
Subject: Re: science in Trump time

Importance: — High
I'll think how to execute on it. I'm very focused on my fund but I want it to exist, will find a way

On Sep 9, 2017, at 3:50 AM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:

yes akickstarter with no return, you form a501c3 charity , that can accept donations. and give them out to
scientists.. it s avery clever idea. good work!

On Sat, Sep 9, 2017 at 4:46 AM, i wrote:
Startup idea - marketplace where a scientist can find a donor. I realize what we've started. We've started a new
PR campaign to engage donors to support science during Trump's time.

It can be massive. And you can be a face of if it doesn't sound scary for you © But what I really like it's
actually important and we are the first one who started thinking about it

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032604
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022267.txt,"﻿Describe WE Talks, and why you believe it's different from other ""empowerment series.""

WE Talks (“WE” standing for women empowerment) is an event series for female entrepreneurs and professionals organized on a monthly basis. The idea of WE Talks was to create an intimate environment where our attendees can build relationships in an organic way, based on mutual interests and shared values. We encourage our guests to learn not only from our speakers, but also from each other, to connect exchange contacts, and stay in touch. WE Talks is a “safe space,” where it is ok to express your vulnerability (most speakers on our panel address not only their past challenges, but also the current pressing issues), and to ask the community for support and guidance. We also hope that as our community grows, our members meet future business partners, advisors, investors, and friends. 

After attending many business events in NYC and internationally, I have noticed that women are less likely to network and introduce themselves than their male peers. That’s why, at every event that we host we try to make curated introductions and make sure that each guest meets at least three people relevant to her business. 

Part of the inspiration for WE Talks was birthed from a negative experience at a popular ""empowerment"" event. Share that story and how it motivated you to start WE Talks.

Ever since I moved to NY, I have been searching for a community where I would feel comfortable and could turn for guidance. A while ago, I attended a very interesting and intellectually stimulating women summit aimed at empowering female founders and helping them scale up. As the second day of the conference was coming to an end, the participants were encouraged to publicly express their take always. After a long hesitation, I asked for the microphone. It was a big challenge for me, being terrified of public speaking and English being only my third language. I am not sure whether my manner of speaking, or my accent was the reason why the host cut me off after 10 seconds and asked to hurry. After not getting the support I had been looking for from something that was described as the most inclusive and friendly community, I decided to start my own. At WE Talks, we are very inclusive and don’t make judgements based on your accent or physical appearance. If you are driven, ambitious, thoughtful, and giving - you are always welcome here! 


Why is now a more important time than ever for a WE Talks?

I believe the women movement to be one of the most fascinating phenomena of our times. The woman’s role has changed so much in modern society with more women taking leadership positions and starting their own companies. The modern woman is wearing more hats than ever. In the 80-s, a successful woman was expected to pursue an education and then to get married and raise children. Right now, women are expected to have successful careers, be equal financial contributors to the family, and yet maintain their traditional “feminine” roles, including taking care of the home, cooking, and raising kids. 

Yet women with full-time jobs still earn only about 77 percent of their male counterparts' earnings. About four-in-ten employed women  say they have experienced some form of gender discrimination at work. There is also a serious gender gap in startup rates of men and women, where there are about seven women entrepreneurs for every ten men entrepreneurs. The statistics is pretty gloomy in both corporate and startup world. The share of female Fortune 500 CEOs has dropped by 25% in 2018 to 5%. Female founders receive only 2% percent of the venture capital. Nevertheless, female-founded startups generate more revenue and do it with less funding. 

I think networking a paramount to business and personal success. For ages, men had men only clubs, including cigar clubs, university clubs, golf clubs etc. Even nowadays, male investors and intrapreneurs would go out for drinks and talk about business. Women are starting to do it, but just don’t do it enough. Curated networking, right introductions, and a solid community would help narrow the gender gap. 



You were a model, then ran a nonprofit, and now you've started WE Talks. Where did you learn to have the courage to ""put yourself out there"" and take risks again and again?
I think risk taking is in my DNA. I grew up playing tennis competing on a Junior Circuit and simply couldn’t envision a predictable and “normal” life in Moscow. I come from a very patriarchate society where women are encouraged to study and to meet future husband in the their early 20s, then to get married and to take care of the home. The entrepreneurship “à la russe” usually includes your husband or father “buying” a beauty salon/ retail brand/ fashion magazine and the woman “running it”, usually without a solid understanding how business operates and mostly without ever becoming profitable. It just wasn’t for me. My biggest fear in life was not that of failure, but that of leading the most predictable life in Moscow and being like everyone else. I saw modeling not as long-term career path, but a way to explore the world, gain financial independence, and eventually move to the US (I got denied for a tourist visa but approved for a work permit in the fashion industry). My parents and friends thought I was completely out of my mind when I quit a well-paid job in finance to move to Milan, but in less than two years I had enough savings to invest in real estate in Russia (one of the best investment decisions I have ever made). 


Modeling is one of the most competitive industries in the world where thousands of women compete for one job. The supply outweighs the demand dramatically, and consequently most models (even the most accomplished ones) have to face rejection on a daily basis. Embracing rejection and maintaining confidence at the same time is one of the most important lessons I have learned from modeling. 

What's a challenge or failure you've faced in your journey thus far? From growing up in an intellectual family in Moscow until now. How did you get through that challenge? What did you learn from it that has led to your entrepreneurial resilience today? 

I grew up in the 90-s in Moscow, one of the most dramatic and controversial times in Russian history. When Soviet Union collapsed, my family was on the one hand excited about the future opportunities, but in the other hand, completely unprepared for capitalism. In order to provide, both of my parents had to quit high rank government jobs and to start their careers from scratch trying to embrace entrepreneurship – something that used to be condemned during the communist regime. In 1998, Russia experienced one of the worst financial crises in its history, resulting in our government defaulting on its debt. The situation was so unstable and unpredictable that my parents thought it would be safer for me to get enrolled in college two years earlier than I was supposed to. We just couldn’t predict what would happen next. I took high school graduation tests and then the college entrance exams (Russian system din not have SATs back then and every college required students to take particular exams to be admitted).  

My family has always placed a high value on education and the only option we thought would help me succeed in life was the Moscow State University of Foreign Relations, famously referred to as “Harvard of Russia” by Henry Kessinger. My entrance grades were excellent and I got the state scholarship covering my tuition and living costs. Most of the students studying with me were coming from a completely different “oligarchy” world, driving (or being driven) the most expensive cars in the world and being accompanied by bodyguards. Girls would fly to Milan and Paris to shop the latest Chanel collections. I was an outlier, a normal kid, taking a bus and commuting for 2 hours to get to school. And I was pretty unhappy feeling that just didn’t belong to this world and got there by mistake. Not having many friends, I focused on my studies, graduating Cum Laude top on the class with only “A” grades in my diploma. Now looking back, I am incredibly grateful for something I used to see as a traumatizing experience. I would have never grown up as ambitious and resilient had I been given all the opportunities my peers had at a young age. 


What's the biggest challenge(s) you're currently facing as you grow WE Talks - personally and/or professionally - and what are you doing to navigate that challenge(s)? 
WE Talks started as an idea and became a rapidly growing community. We were expecting just about 30 attendees at our first gathering, but ended up having over 50 guests. Consequently, we have been growing at a 50% monthly rate and just had an event in partnership with TOPSHOP with over 100 attendees, including more than 30 entrepreneurs. One of the major challenges would be to keep growing at a sustainable pace and to turn the community into a business. 
When I was just starting WE Talks, many told me that the event space market in NY in very saturated and that without a significant experience I the event space it would be incredibly hard to create a quality community. And yet here we are, 


Anything else you want us to know?
After hosting a few successful events, WE are planning a bigger and better event in fall. In fact, WE are making a statement that women should not be judged based on their external beauty and should be rewarded for their intellect and hard work. 

The majority of our society still emphasizes the importance of female physical qualities, such as beauty, body, or photogenic skills.  Miss USA, the famous Beauty Pageant previously owned by Donald Trump, until this summer required the participants to pose in a swimsuit paired with high heels. Effective this year, the show will abolish the bikini contest. We think that it is time to take one step further and to finally start rewarding women for their mind, hard work, and creativity. 

Our idea is to host a “Beauty Pageant” for female entrepreneurs and to have the top five finalists do a five-minute pitch in front of our jury. The finalists will not only get a money prize, but also receive a significant exposure to investors and media. We are hoping to get at least a few hundred applications as the application is completely free. Female founders should have equal opportunities and resources to their male counterparts. We hope that our event will encourage other female entrepreneurs and help them advance in their careers. 







"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014573.txt,"Exhibit 34: US GDP per Hour Worked
We expect a rebound in productivity growth from
generational lows.

% YoY

1971 1975 1979 1983 1987 1991 1995 1999 2003 2007 2011 2015

Data through 2015.
Source: Investment Strategy Group, OECD.

Exhibit 35: Goldman Sachs US Current
Activity Indicator
Economic activity accelerated in the second half of 2016.

Annualized % Change
3.0

25 Z5

1.6

0.0 +

Average: January—-May Average: June-November November Reading
Data as of November 2016.
Note: The current activity indicator is the first principal component of real-activity indicators,
expressed in GDP-equivalent units. This is the growth signal in the main high-frequency
indicators for the US economy.
Source: Investment Strategy Group, Goldman Sachs Global Investment Research.

near zero and inflation expectations still below
levels compatible with its inflation target, the
Federal Reserve is likely to hike rates two or three
times in 2017, below the historical average pace.
On this point, it is worth remembering that the
Federal Reserve originally projected four hikes by
the end of 2016, yet enacted only one in December.
Thus, even if the Federal Reserve does raise rates
three times this year, it will have delivered those
four hikes over two years instead of just one.
Lastly, although a recession created by an
external shock is always a risk, the probability we
place on a hard landing in Europe and/or China
or a destabilizing increase in oil prices is not
currently high enough to alter our base-case view.
Indeed, even with the recent cut in oil production
coordinated between OPEC and non-OPEC
members, the size of today’s oil-supply glut and the
historical tendency for producers to exceed their
quotas greatly reduce the risk of a price spike (see

With none of the typical signs of

economic contractions flashing red,

we accord a 15% probability of a
recession in 2017.

Section III, Global Commodities). With none of
the typical signs of economic contractions flashing
red, we accord a 15% probability of a recession in
2017, roughly in line with historical average risk.

Against this backdrop, we expect US real GDP
growth to accelerate from last year’s moderate
1.6% pace, reaching 1.9-2.7% in 2017. There are
three key drivers to this story: fading headwinds,
a resilient US consumer and supportive policy. We
discuss each below.

Fading Headwinds

The combination of falling oil prices and a

rising dollar that began in mid-2014 has been a
meaningful drag on US growth, with energy-related
capital spending falling by more than 60% over
this period. In addition, exports have softened,

the S&P 500 has suffered almost two years of
contracting profits, and inventories throughout the
supply chain have ballooned as activity has slowed.
Such broad-based weakness has rarely
occurred outside a recession.

The silver lining to last year’s
slowdown, however, is that growth is
now poised to improve from depressed
levels. A modest recovery in oil prices
and stabilization of the dollar enabled
US economic activity to accelerate
notably in the second half of last year

(see Exhibit 35). This boost will be aided

40 | Goldman Sachs | JANUARY 2017

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014573
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019618.txt,"130 | HOW AMERICA LOST ITS SECRETS

per answered that the NSA did not knowingly “collect any type of
data” on millions of Americans. Clapper’s answer was clearly untrue,
but it did not mislead Senator Wyden or any other members of the
Senate Intelligence Committee; Clapper had truthfully testified in a
classified session of the committee earlier that week that the NSA
did collect Americans’ telephone records. It was the American people
who were being misled. Yet none of the senators on the committee
corrected this obviously false answer. When Clapper realized he had
misspoken, he could not publicly correct the record of the public ses-
sion, because to do so would be revealing classified information he
had sworn to protect. No doubt other intelligence officers find them-
selves in a similar bind in discussing secret matters. This suggests
that there is a risk in accepting statements made by the intelligence
chiefs at face value.

But Snowden also has a credibility problem. He has told numerous
untruths, including some calculated to help him insinuate himself
into the key positions from which he stole secrets and some calcu-
lated to cover up the nature of his theft. For example, Snowden got

© access in the spring of 2013 to the NSA’s super-secret computers that ©
stored these electronic files by working at Booz Allen Hamilton. On
his application to Booz Allen in March 2013, as we’ve seen, Snowden
claimed to be in the process of completing a master’s degree at the
University of Liverpool in computer security sciences. Snowden had
not completed a single course there and purposely lied to get access
to classified documents and then to get safely away with them.

He was also not entirely truthful with the journalists whose
trust he sought when it suited his purpose of protecting himself.
For example, as we have seen, in contacting Laura Poitras under the
alias Citizen Four in January 2013, he told her that he was currently
a “government employee,” although in fact he was working for a
private contractor at the time.

Snowden had little concern about misleading journalists when
it suited his purpose. For example, he told Alan Rusbridger of The
Guardian, Brian Williams of NBC News, James Bamford of Wired,
Katrina vanden Heuvel of The Nation, Barton Gellman, and Jane
Mayer of The New Yorker that the U.S. government intentionally

| | Epst_9780451494566_2p_all_r1.z.indd 130 ® 9/29/16 5:51 Pa | |

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019618
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013655.txt,"perhaps not so different in variety and complexity from the range of representations
in art and literature of the /eft hand of evil and the right hand of grace.

Oscillations that appear spontaneously in nonlinear systems without external
periodic input were known to Henri Poincaré in 1882, and were systematically
studied and made accessible to non-mathematicians by early 20"" Century Russian
mathematicians and physicists, well represented by a 1949 book, Theory of
Oscillations by the Russian engineer-mathematicians, A. A. Andropov and C.E.
Chaikin. Another relatively early classic is Nonlinear Oscillations by Nicholas
Minorsky. The most common form of transition from a fixed point to a limit cycle was
pictured as changes in the surface of the action, the bow/-hillock manifold in the
paragraphs above, and is called a Hopf bifurcation. Recall that bifurcation means a
discontinuous change in an observable over a continuous change in what is known
as a control parameter, such as dose of amphetamine or intensity of an experience.
The mathematical mechanism resulting in circular directional motion represented by
the (eigen)vectorial states, was named for the German mathematician, Eduard
Hopf. His 1942 paper was a mathematical proof of its existence and was discussed
in the context of fluid flows that role up such that circling vortices arise from smooth,
called jaminar, water flow, at a critical value of the flow rate. Hurricanes are another
example of these kinds of dynamics.

The Hopf bifurcation to limit cycles has been found in several, many
dimensional, physical, chemical and biological systems. The latter include calcium
conductance oscillations in the excitable membranes of muscle, heart and the brain,
cardiac arrhythmias such as ventricular flutter as well as oscillations in population
numbers in foxes and rabbits, predator-prey systems. California Institute of
Technology’s Professor, James Old and Johns Hopkins Professor, Joseph Brady
made experimentally obvious the potential for the rigid irrationality implied by the
brain’s inclination to be locked up into limit cycle behavior. They demonstrated that
animals, from rats to monkeys, could get locked up in apparent self torture,
repeatedly and endlessly pushing a bar to deliver current to pain systems in the

their brains. These pushes induced almost unremitting screams in monkeys and

155

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013655
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022436.txt,"with the goal of putting up a chic high-rise on the site. It’s markedly cheaper than
Extell’s deal, in part because Icon started assembling properties in 2007. (Icon is
working on a second high-rise as well as a shorter rental building in the same neck of
the woods.)

Just look to other data and the same trend emerges. In 2010, Yorkville’s median sale
price was $663,500, according to real estate listings site StreetEasy. Compare that to
the first seven months of this year — it’s 14 percent higher, at $757,500. But remember,
the sub-market remains cheaper relative to the Upper East Side at large, which boasts
a year-to-date median of $1.15 million.

0

NOW ON ‘age

Justin Timberlake shows off
son, Silas

Docs don’t have to admit
wrongdoing in Rivers’ death: judge

John Slattery drops $1,600 at NYC
art fair

Get your fill of brats and glass boots of Warsteiner at Heidelberg.

SEE ALL

Despite the building boom, some low-rises remain, housing institutions, such as
German butcher Schaller & Weber and beer garden Heidelberg, that are vestiges of NOW ON

centuries past when Yorkville was an immigrant enclave. DEC i DER
4 7 4 - . pes \ as tl x | -

=

Run your business |

anytime. |
¥ Track sales & > | Lo}
expenses 111 hea gan |
Schaller & Weber owner Ralph Schaller happily holding his weisswurt. ¥ Get paid faster |
>hoto: Anne Wermiel/NY Post ¥ Run payroll
Let’s hope they can hang on: Even more small buildings were razed to make way for inturt
star architecture firm SHoP (of Barclays Center fame) to design a tower of 83 condos QuickBooks “Try itFree >

with Anbau Enterprises at the corner of 89th Street and First Avenue. The building,
dubbed Citizen360 because its height will afford many residents an all-around view of

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022436
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018506.txt,"I saw an online video from sex educator Betty Dodson called ""Did I Orgasm?”""... and I
realized that I'd been occasionally having weak orgasms already. I was also
experimenting more and more with BDSM; simultaneously, I put more and more power
into the hands of my fantasy men; and once I had compelling private fantasies to feed on,
I couldn't help masturbating. Here was the key: initially, I'd felt that masturbating in itself
involved having too much control over the situation. And that's not how my sexuality
worked.

Oh yes, in practice I take responsibility for my pleasure; and now I'm pretty good at
clearly discussing what kind of role my partners will take ahead of time, describing what
they'll do with me. These days, I sometimes take the dominant role, too. But even now,
it's hard for me to come if I feel like I'm in control.

On some level, even if it's the most tissue-thin fantasy, I usually have to convince my
emotional-sexual self that I'm not in charge. It helps if I have an emotional connection
with whoever I'm fantasizing about, too. If I don't have an emotionally involved romantic
partner, I seem to automatically create BDSM-themed fantasy worlds with hilariously
ornate storylines. Years ago, it never occurred to me that I couldn't reach orgasm because
my internal characters weren't compelling or my plotlines weren't dramatic enough... but
sometimes it's true!

In my case, I believe that BDSM is the key to my sexuality. It is as close to the core of
my sexual identity as I can get; close enough that, like some other BDSMers, I
occasionally call it my ""orientation."" But I don't think BDSM is like that for everyone,
and I don't even think that's the whole story with me -- because during the whole time,
this self-discovery process, I was doing things like eating more regularly, keeping a
healthier diet, putting some weight on my previously stick-thin frame, and exercising
more. Health plays a big role in any kind of sex, and it's important to think about. Still,
even now I can't come without some thread of dominance and submission, even if it's an
entirely internal fantasy that I imprint on whatever is happening.

When women ask me for advice on how to have orgasms, I feel helpless because there is
no ""one true way."" I don't want to fall back on the old ""let go"" and ""keep trying” that I
received -- it's decent advice, but it's so vague. Perhaps something more useful would be
this: first, it really helps to have an idea of what you want. I know this can be hard in a
society that soaks us with sexual images designed for stereotypical men, rather than
images for women (and especially not for non-normative women like myself). And I feel
so aware of how patronizing and useless the ""you aren't in touch with your sexuality,
that's why you can't come” argument can be. Remember, I had that argument used against
me by my lesbian friend. But it was, in fact, kinda true for me -- just in a different way: I
need BDSM.

If you're not sure what you want, don't panic. Just keep your eyes and ears open, and try
to monitor your reactions. It may surprise you. If it does, don't worry -- just research it!
No matter how unusual your sexuality, there is probably information on the Internet

about it. (And even if your sexuality is unusual, odds are it's not nearly as unusual as you
think it is.)

I often refer to my personal favorite sex education website in the entire world: it's

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018506
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016364.txt,"MAKING THE INVISIBLE VISIBLE: ART MEETS AI
Hans Ulrich Obrist

Hans Ulrich Obrist is artistic director of the Serpentine Gallery, London, and the author
of Ways of Curating and Lives of the Artists, Lives of the Architects.

In the Introduction to the second edition of his book Understanding Media, Marshall
McLuhan noted the ability of art to “anticipate future social and technological
developments.” Art is “an early alarm system,” pointing us to new developments in
times ahead and allowing us “to prepare to cope with them... . Art as a radar
environment takes on the function of indispensable perceptual training. . . .”

In 1964, when McLuhan’s book was first published, the artist Nam June Paik was
just building his Robot K-456 to experiment with the technologies that subsequently
would start to influence society. He had worked with television earlier, challenging its
usual passive consumption by the viewer, and later made art with global live-satellite
broadcasts, using the new media less for entertainment than to point us to their poetic and
intercultural capacities (which are still mostly unused today). The Paiks of our time, of
course, are now working with the Internet, digital images, and artificial intelligence.
Their works and thoughts, again, are an early alarm system for the developments ahead of
us.

As a curator, my daily work is to bring together different works of art and connect
different cultures. Since the early 1990s, I have also been organizing conversations and
meetings with practitioners from different disciplines, in order to go beyond the general
reluctance to pool knowledge. Since I was interested in hearing what artists have to say
about artificial intelligence, I recently organized several conversations between artists
and engineers.

The reason to look closely at AI is that two of the most important questions of
today are “How capable will AI become?” and “What dangers may arise from it?” Its
early applications already influence our everyday lives in ways that are more or less
recognizable. There is an increasing impact on many aspects of our society, but whether
this might be, in general, beneficial or malign is still uncertain.

Many contemporary artists are following these developments closely. They are
articulating various doubts about the promises of AI and reminding us not to associate the
term “artificial intelligence” solely with positive outcomes. To the current discussions of
AI, the artists contribute their specific perspectives and notably their focus on questions
of image making, creativity, and the use of programming as artistic tools.

The deep connections between science and art had already been noted by the late
Heinz von Foerster, one of the architects of cybernetics, who worked with Norbert
Wiener from the mid-1940s and in the 1960s founded the field of second-order
cybernetics, in which the observer is understood as part of the system itself and not an
external entity. I knew von Foerster well, and in one of our many conversations, he
offered his views on the relation between art and science:

I’ve always perceived art and science as complementary fields. One shouldn’t
forget that a scientist is in some respects also an artist. He invents anew
technique and he describes it. He uses language like a poet, or the author of a
detective novel, and describes his findings. In my view, a scientist must work in

144

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016364
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020099.txt,"forms seemed to have been leaked; assuming he’d been sabotaged by his enemies,
Scaramucci blamed Priebus directly, implicitly accusing him of a felony. In fact,
Scaramucci’s financial form was a public document available to all.

That afternoon, Priebus told the president that he understood he should resign and they
should start talking about his replacement.

Then, that evening, there was a small dinner in the White House, with various current
and former Fox News people, including Kimberly Guilfoyle, in attendance—and this was
leaked. Drinking more than usual, trying desperately to contain the details of the
meltdown of his personal life (being linked to Guilfoyle wasn’t going to help his
negotiation with his wife), and wired by events beyond his own circuits’ capacity,
Scaramucci called a reporter at the New Yorker magazine and unloaded.

The resulting article was surreal—so naked in its pain and fury, that for almost twenty-
four hours nobody seemed to be able to quite acknowledge that he had committed public
suicide. The article quoted Scaramucci speaking bluntly about the chief of staff: “Reince
Priebus—if you want to leak something—he’ll be asked to resign very shortly.” Saying
that he had taken his new job “to serve the country” and that he was “not trying to build
my brand,” Scaramucci also took on Steve Bannon: “I’m not Steve Bannon. I’m not trying
to suck my own cock.” (In fact, Bannon learned about the piece when fact-checkers from
the magazine called him for comment about Scaramucci’s accusation that he sucked his
own cock.)

Scaramucci, who had in effect publicly fired Priebus, was behaving so bizarrely that it
wasn’t at all clear who would be the last man standing. Priebus, on the verge of being fired
for so long, realized that he might have agreed to resign too soon. He might have gotten
the chance to fire Scaramucci!

On Friday, as health care repeal cratered in the Senate, Priebus joined the president on
board Air Force One for a trip to New York for a speech. As it happened, so did
Scaramucci, who, avoiding the New Yorker fallout, had said he’d gone to New York to
visit his mother but in fact had been hiding out at the Trump Hotel in Washington. Now
here he was, with his bags (he would indeed now stay in New York and visit his mother),
behaving as though nothing had happened.

On the way back from the trip, Priebus and the president talked on the plane and
discussed the timing of his departure, with the president urging him to do it the right way
and to take his time. “You tell me what works for you,” said Trump. “Let’s make it good.”

Minutes later, Priebus stepped onto the tarmac and an alert on his phone said the
president had just tweeted that there was a new chief of staff, Department of Homeland
Security chief John Kelly, and that Priebus was out.

The Trump presidency was six months old, but the question of who might replace
Priebus had been a topic of discussion almost from day one. Among the string of

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020099
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029865.txt,"﻿01.00 t.h.rici NA ritil A MU. 14.1.31 own WBeIC 
ELECTION Z016 
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Photographs by CAROLyN COLE Los Angeles Times 
NEAR TEHRAN, Shehrzad Bolandkish, an IT worker, left, and her new husband, Sarma.d Kodeiri, 
dance at their Western-inspired wedding party. ""We represent the change in society,"" Kodeiri says. 
YOUNG IRANIANS 
PUSH BOUNDARIES 
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would abolish lega 
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experts are skepti 
Rebelling with fashion, pets, even Deepak Chopra 
BY SHASHANK BENGALI 
AND RAMIN MOSTAGHIM 
TEHRAN— The groom wore a 
navy blue tuxedo, the bride a cus-
tom-made gown with a fish-scale 
pattern inspired by pictures she 
found on Instagram. 
Walters passed around French 
tarts as guests crowded a dance 
floor pulsating under strobe 
lights. When the DJ played 
""Oangriam Style, ""a cheer went up 
hcnn the young tvomen in tight 
resses, salon-styled hair falling 
own their bare shoulders. 
The wedding reception was 
ke so many except that it took 
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lays ofsldn and secular, Western-
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"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011775.txt,"/ BARAK / 18

save himself: by suggesting a delay of 72 hours for talks on a “unity” government.
I said that I was all for unity. But I reminded him that, time after time, we’d saved
his government in order to continue the peace process. We could no longer help
out a “government that is not interested in upholding the Wye agreement, but only
in its political survival.”

The vote of no-confidence went against him by the yawning margin of 81 to 30,
with nine Knesset members abstaining or staying away. A few days later, the date
for the election was announced: May 17, 1999.

304
HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011775
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028522.txt,"u
1

==| Share ===-| Tweet = Forward

Intelligence Squared is proudly supported by its media partner:

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028522
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032133.txt,"It's hard to imagine, but true: Summer will slip away before you know it. Which means it's time for a mini-getaway to one of
your favorite cities. And this is the time to go - the streets are quieter, the parks are in bloom and concerts, movies and
performances are staged nearly every day. We've got last-minute availability at the Landmark London and three Manhattan
standouts: the elegant Hétel Plaza Athénée, the family-friendly Roger Williams and the Uber-sleek Thompson LES. Choosing
can be tough when the options are so good.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032133
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019397.txt,"Course Requirements:

e Midterm: Wednesday October 14 (in-class, closed book; but exam will provide most of the
basic formulas you might require, to lessen need for memorization). Analytical problems
on the exam will closely parallel material covered in problem sets (but will generally
require much less algebra), and the essay problem will relate to a central topic covered
extensively in class.

e Final: The final will have a larger essay component than the mid-term. The final will draw
on the entire course, though any technical material on the final will be closely related to
material covered in Problem Set III.

e Short policy paper: You will be asked to write a short policy paper on a topic drawn from
a list of questions relating to reform of the international monetary system. A one-page

outline of your paper is due on Wednesday,
Fale Eo RECESS. and the complete paper is due on Monday

These papers will form the basis for class discussions and (depending on class size) in-
class presentations during the final four meetings of the class. The papers are intended to
be short and succinct—there is an absolute total page limit of 10 double-spaced (12 pt.)
pages (roughly 2500 words): Only figures and references are excluded in this limit. Zhe
papers do not need to include any formal analytical or econometric analysis; you may
write them in a style you find suitable to the question you are addressing. The final exam
will include (a choice of) essay questions relating to the paper topics that you and your
classmates have chosen.

e Problems: There will be 3 problem sets, due Sept 14, Oct. 5 and Nov 16.

Grades:

Problems: 10%, Mid-term: 20%, Final: 35%, Paper: 35%

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019397
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023836.txt,"90 Teaching Minds

in the story are ones that a graduate of such a program actually might
do in real life or actually might need to know about (possibly because
he is likely to manage or work with someone who performs that role).

Stories have been at the center of human consciousness for a long
time. People tell stories, and the stories they tell shape who they are.
People hear stories and remember those that resonate deeply with
them. And, people live stories. The stories they live become part of
them in a deep way. While we may easily forget everything about a
traditional course we took in high school, we can hardly forget the
roles we have played in real-life experiences, especially when those
roles went on for a long time and had emotional impact on us.

The central argument here is that good education requires good
stories—not solely stories that one is told, however. A good education
relies on the creation of stories that a student can participate in and
feel deeply about. This means that those stories must include others
who are playing roles the student will have to deal with on the job,
and that the roles the student plays in the stories must relate to the
current or future roles that the student intends to play in his or her
career.

The SCC is inherently goal-based. The goals must be those that a
student has already. For small boys, for example, it can be assumed
that the idea of building a truck or designing an airplane is an activ-
ity that would grab their interest. For older students, these would be
ones like current or future job assignments. In an online world, it is
quite possible to create hundreds or thousands of choices and allow
students to pick what they want to do—not what they want to study,
but activities that genuinely excite them.

The SCC is inherently activity-based. The tasks that constitute the
SCC must relate to goals that the student has and the tasks that people
actually perform in the roles that the student will play when the train-
ing is completed. Thus, an SCC is made up of a set of real-life types of
tasks that make up the bulk of the work done by the student, and a set
of events that occasionally interrupt or augment those tasks.

Thanks to a grant from the Kauffman Foundation, we built a full-
year (all day, every day) high school curriculum in health sciences.
This would be, ideally, used in a high school that offered perhaps over
100 full-year curricula. Students would choose four that they liked and
after completing them would graduate from high school. All of the
curricula would teach what it is like to live in a part of the real world,
as well as allowing for practice in the 12 cognitive processes. It takes

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023836
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020976.txt,"Restructure Medicare & Medicaid:

Observations About America’s Healthcare System

1) High Expenses — however measured, the costs are high:
a) total dollars; b) share of GDP relative to other countries;
c) cost relative to ability to pay (government, business, or
individual), and

2) Inefficiencies — both the data and the insights of doctors,
nurses, patients, and healthcare professionals identify
opportunities for more efficient communication, data sharing
and cost saving.

KP
www.kpcb.com USA Inc. | What Might a Turnaround Expert Consider? 269

Restructure Medicare & Medicaid: Mathematical Challenge Related to

Government Healthcare Programs Facing USA Inc. per CBO Forecasts

Medicare & Medicaid Have Been Crowding Out Spending for Other Federal
Programs and are Projected to Exceed All Federal Revenue by 2080E

Federal Revenue & Medicare / Medicaid Spending as % of GDP, 1965 — 2080E

FE i Federal Revenue as % of GDP

(forecast based on historical trend line)

Federal Spending on
Medicare & Medicaid as
5% % of GDP

Federal Revenue & Medicare / Medicaid Spending as % of
GDP

0%
1965 1975 1985 1995 2005 2015E 2025E 2035E 2045E 2055E 2065E 2075E

P Source: CBO Long-Term Budget Outlook alternative fiscal scenario, 6/10.
(@E) www.kpcb.com USA Inc. | What Might a Turnaround Expert Consider? 270

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020976
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024181.txt,"08.00 PM — 11:00 PM:

Wednesday, 26 September 2012

8:00 AM — 9:00 AM:

9.00 AM — 11.00 AM:

09.30 AM- 11.00 AM:

11.30 AM- 12.00 PM:

01.15 PM — 03.00 PM:

03.00 PM- 03.30 PM:

04.15 PM — 05.00 PM:

05.00 PM:

06.00 PM — 08.00 PM:

08.30 PM:

fe) President + Foreign Minister + PR

Private Dinner
° Helmsley Hotel

Breakfast with Maldivian Delegates

° Helmsley Hotel

Museum Tour hosted by Mrs Ban Soon-taek
° Location: Morgan Library 225 Madison Ave. + 36 street
° First Lady

2012 Launch of the Climate Vulnerability Monitor
Invitation received from Prime Minister of Bangladesh
fe) Location: Asia Society, 725 Park Avenue (at 70"" Street)
fe) President + Foreign Minister + Environment Minister+ PR

Tanzania Foreign Minister

fe) Location: bilateral booth at the UN.(Walking distance)
fo) President +Foreign Minister + State Minister+ AG + PR+
Aliny
South Africa Reception, hosted by the President of South Africa
© Location: Ambassador’s Riverview, UN Headquarters.
fe) President+ Foreign Minister + PR

Trinidad and Tobago Foreign Minister
fe) Location: bilateral booth at the UN.(Walking distance)
° President + Foreign Minister + State Minister + Amb
Rasheed + PR + Aliny

Meeting with Commonwealth Secretary General, H.E Mr.
Kamalesh Sharma.

° Location: Commonwealth Joint Office Large Conference
room.
fo) President+ Foreign Minister + State Minister + AG+ PR+
Aliny
Visit to the Permanent Mission of Maldives
fe) Location: 800 2™ Ave. 4 Floor
fo) President+ Entire Delegation

Reception hosted by Luxembourg, in honor of His Royal Highness
Grand Duke Henri. (TBC)

fo) Location: Permanent Mission of Luxembourg, Luxembourg
House, 17 Beekman Place, NY 10022
° President + PR

Cyprus: Musical Philoxenia hosted by the President of Cyprus

° Location: Alice Tully Hall, Starr Theater, 1941 Broadway on
65” street.
° President+ PR+ FM+ Spouses

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024181
"
IMAGES-012-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033095.txt,"From: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com]
Sent: 6/22/2018 1:58:37 PM

To: Darren Indyke

Importance: — High

https://www.thedailybeast.com/how-did-trump-and-clinton-pal-jeffrey-epstein-escape-metoo

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033095
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030724.txt,"From: David Stern

Sent: 7/12/2018 10:51:21 AM
To: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com]
Subject: Re:

Importance: — High

Have I been trained by you to fly commercial ?? What do you think ??

I am in London tomorrow and can have Tea with Bannon - but I guess he’s got better things to do....
On 12 Jul 2018, at 12:44, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:

my assistant also going. you guys are nuts. . are you flying comercial? bannon and trump in
london. fun

On Thu, Jul 12, 2018 at 5:35 AM, David Stern TT wrote:

On my way to Munich
Weekend going to Russia to World Cup Final.

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030724
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025939.txt,"Case 1:16-cv-04642 Document 1-1 Filed 06/20/16 Page 1 of 2 
DECLARATION IN SUPPORT OF PLAINTIFF'S REQUEST FOR PROTECTIVE ORDER 
I, Jane Doe, the Plaintiff in this matter proceeding under a pseudonym, state as follows: 
1. I am a competent adult over 18 years of age able to testify as to personal knowledge. The facts 
in this declaration are true and correct to the best of my knowledge, information, and belief, and I am 
competent to testify to them if called upon to do so. 
2. I was subject to extreme sexual and physical abuse by the Defendants, including forcible rape, 
that took place at several parties of Defendant Epstein during the summer of 1994 in New York City at a 
residence used by Defendant Epstein. During this period, I was 13 years old. 
3. More particularly, I traveled by bus to New York City in June 1994 in the hope of starting a 
modeling career. I went to several modeling agencies but was told that I needed to put together a 
modeling portfolio before I would be considered. I then went to the Port Authority in New York City to 
start to make my way back home. There I met a woman who introduced herself to me as She 
told me about the parties and said that, if I would join her at the parties, I would be introduced to 
people who could get me into the modeling profession, also told me I would be paid for 
attending. 
4. The parties were held at a New York City residence that was being used by Defendant Jeffrey 
Epstein. Each of the parties had other minor females and a number of guests of Mr. Epstein, including 
Defendant Donald Trump at four of the parties I attended. I understood that both Mr. Trump and Mr. 
Epstein knew that I was 13 years old. 
5. Defendant Trump had sexual contact with me at four different parties in the summer of 1994. 
On the fourth and final sexual encounter with Defendant Trump, Defendant Trump tied me to a bed, 
exposed himself to me, and then proceeded to forcibly rape me. During the course of this savage sexual 
attack, I loudly pleaded with Defendant Trump to stop but he did not. Defendant Trump responded to 
my pleas by violently striking me in the face with his open hand and screaming that he would do 
whatever he wanted. 
6. Immediately following this rape, Defendant Trump threatened me that, were I ever to reveal 
any of the details of Defendant Trump's sexual and physical abuse of me, my family and I would be 
physically harmed if not killed. 
7. Defendant Epstein had sexual contact with me at two of the parties that summer. On the 
second occasion involving Defendant Epstein, Defendant Epstein forced himself upon me and proceeded 
to rape me anally and vaginally despite my loud pleas to stop. Defendant Epstein then attempted to 
strike me about the head with his closed fists while he angrily screamed at me that he, Defendant 
Epstein, should have been the one who took my virginity, not Defendant Trump, before I finally 
managed to break away from Defendant Epstein. 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 025939 
Case 1:16-cv-04642 Document 1-1 Filed 06/20/16 Page 2 of 2 
8. Immediately following this rape, just like Defendant Trump, Defendant Epstein threatened me 
not to ever reveal any of the details of Defendant Epstein's sexual and physical abuse of me or else my 
family and I would be physically harmed if not killed. 
9. Both Defendants had let me know that each was a very wealthy, powerful man and indicated 
that they had the power, ability and means to carry out their threats. Indeed, Defendant Trump stated 
that I shouldn't ever say anything if I didn't want to disappepr like , a 12-year-old female that was 
forced to be involved in the third incident with Defendant Trump and that I had not seen since that third 
incident, and that he was capable of having my whole family killed. 
10. The duress imposed on me by Defendants not to ever reveal any of the details of the sexual and 
physical abuse caused to me by Defendants has not terminated and the fear it has instilled in me has not 
subsided. Unfortunately, making matters worse for me, I was subjected to daily painful reminders of 
the horrific acts of Defendant Trump via mass media coverage of him starting last summer that, over a 
short period of time, became continuous and unavoidable. 
11. The duress had prevented me from starting litigation before this year. However, as soon as I 
surfaced, I received threats. More specifically, shortly after my first complaint was filed in California on 
April 26, 2016, I started receiving threatening phone calls on a cell phone I then owned. The calls were 
never for more than 20 seconds or so before they hung up and they were always from a blocked or 
unavailable phone number according to my caller ID feature. Since I changed phone numbers, the 
threatening calls have completely stopped. 
12. This litigation involves matters that are highly sensitive and of a personal nature, and I believe 
that identification of me would pose a risk of retaliatory physical harm to me and to others. 
13. I have no reason to believe that the Defendants' threats have ever been lifted or will ever be 
lifted and so I request that the Court issue an order protecting me and my family from harm and 
harassment by the Defendants. 
I declare under penalty of perjury that the foregoing is true and correct. 
DATED: June 18, 2016 
ne Doe, a pseudonym 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 025940 
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015484.txt,"NAUTILUS EDUCATION | BETA PRODUCT

avuncular and black-haired. His interests are broad:
He spends his spare time writing and reading history,
and has authored books on conflict in the Middle East
and the role of Christian missionaries in China.

A lifetime in fuels chemistry left Fang with one
burning question: “What is the real solution to the
energy crisis?” His career at oil companies BP and
ExxonMobil, and engine manufacturer Cummins,
spanned not just one but two major energy upheav-
als—the oil crisis of the 1970s and then its sequel in
the first decade of the 21st century, which is arguably
still ongoing. These experiences impressed on Fang
the importance of securing the fuel supply in such
a way as to avoid despoiling the environment. The
solution, says the bespectacled chemist, is “nature-
sourced biomass or natural gas converted effectively
to gas or diesel.”

Primus’s original idea was simple: take scrap wood
or other biomass, turn tt into pellets, and apply pres-
sure and heat (700 degrees Celsius or more) to break
it down into hydrogen and carbon monoxide. Then
build this composite “syngas,” shorthand for “synthet-
ic gas,” back up into whatever hydrocarbon product is
desired—the molecules of eight carbon and 18 hydro-
gen atoms known as iso-octane that are a measure
of the quality of conventional gasoline, or the longer
chains of similar hydrocarbons that comprise diesel or
jet fuel. Because plant biomass absorbs carbon dioxide
as it grows, the emissions produced by burning the
biofuel should balance out overall—every molecule of
CO2 emitted when the fuel is burned was previously
absorbed by the plant that made the fuel.

The story of the search for such green fuel 1s lit-
tered with disappointments, however. Major compa-
nies brew ethanol in large quantities in the United
States. It is routinely added to gasoline (at levels of
around 10 percent, on its way to 15 percent) as a way
to improve combustion, reduce pollution, and support
industrial corn farmers. But most ethanol is still made
from the edible kernels of com plants, instead of the
inedible cellulose that was promised in the heady days
of the mid-2000s, when Congress passed a spate of
laws promoting biofuel production. Since 1978, the
ethanol industry has enjoyed subsidies and tax credits
to the order of 40 cents per gallon, and now produces
an annual dead zone at the mouth of the Mississippi

24

River each summer as a result of fertilizer washing off
the endless cornfields of the Midwest. But ethanol is
unlikely to ever fully replace conventional fossil fuels,
since it is more difficult to transport, produces a frac-
tion of the energy of oil, and would require engines to
be refitted or replaced on a massive scale.

Hence the interest in “drop-in” biofuels as a sub-
stitute for conventional fuels in existing cars, planes,
and trucks. The problem is not one of infrastructure,
but chemistry: Companies must find a way to eco-
nomically imitate and fast-track a process for which
time and geology have done most of the work in con-
ventional fossil fuels. The energy in these fuels is the
pent-up power of ancient sunlight, which billions of
photosynthetic microorganisms soaked up before
dying, fossilizing, and turning into the hydrocarbon-
rich stew we know as petroleum, and from which we
refine gas, diesel, and jet fuel, among other products.
In theory, then, it should be possible to turn the car-
bohydrates and other chemicals that store energy for
today’s living things into the hydrocarbons we rely on
for transportation.

Potential routes to such “green crude” include
algae, other photosynthetic organisms, and specialty
microbes engineered to spit out hydrocarbons. Biofuel
company Solazyme has a contract to supply United
Airlines with 20 million gallons of algal jet fuel, and
teamed up with a green fuel-station network to offer
biodiesel in a test run in San Francisco’s Bay Area. But
it takes a lot of water—and a lot of energy to move that
water around—in order to grow algae in large quan-
tities, and tailor-making microbes is expensive at its
current scale. As a result, companies are diversifying.
Algal fuel producer Sapphire Energy is now focusing
on isolating the genetic traits in the ancestors of all
plants that might be usefully incorporated into other
crops. Solazyme is making oils and specialty fats to sell
at high margins to cosmetics and food companies, as
is would-be microbial fuel-maker Amyris. The industry
for “advanced biofuels is literally mm its infancy,” con-
cedes Jonathan Wolfson, Solazyme CEO.

The allure of Primus’s technology 1s its promise to
harness waste wood and other inedible biomass that
would otherwise be thrown into landfills, and turn
it ito a renewable source of gasoline. Its “syngas to
gasoline plus” process consists, essentially, of four

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015484
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014942.txt,"higher-than-expected International investments. The biggest downside risk is lower
revenue if Tinder experiences a decline in popularity or public perception.

Netflix, Inc. (NFLX)

Our $154 price objective is based on a peak penetration sum-of-the-parts analysis
which discounts back future EPS at peak penetration by 10%. At peak penetration, we
assume domestic streams peak at 65mn subscribers in five years while the international
segment reaches 200mn seven years later. We assume APRU of $9.99 and 40%
contribution margins for the domestic business and a $8.50 APRU and 40% contribution
margin for the international business. We also assume a $1.50 price increase
domestically over six years and a $3.60 price increase internationally over twelve years
which will be 75% incremental to operating income. We assume a US tax rate of 40%
and an international tax rate of 25%. At peak penetration, we assume a 15x S&P
average multiple.

Downside risks to our price objective are: 1) increasing content costs, 2) potential new
competitors in the company's streaming business, 3) execution challenges and
competition potentially limiting growth in new markets, 4) U.S. saturation point
approaching quicker than expected, and 5) net neutrality repeal causing ISPs to look to
recoup higher rents from Netflix's high bandwidth requirements for streaming.

Upside risks to our price objective are: 1) content costs rising slower than expected, 2)
total subscriber growth is faster than expected, and 3) international expansion into new
large markets (e.g. China).

OnDeck Capital (ONDK)

Our $6 price objective is based on 10x our 2018E EBITDA. This is below the internet
ecommerce comparable group (11x) which is justified in our view given OnDeck's double
digit revenue growth and potential to expand margins starting in 2018 as it gains scale
and operating leverage, but tempered by a slower FY18.

Upside risks to our PO are: 1) faster than expected originations growth, 2} signing of
new large strategic partners, and 3) lower than expected operating expenses.

Downside risks to our PO are: 1) higher than expected loss rates from worsening macro
environment, 2) credit market freeze shutting down liquidity access, 3) lower effective
yield from competition, and 4) increased marketing spend.

Pandora Media, Inc. (P)

Our $9 price objective is based on 1x our 2018 revenue estimate, a significant discount
to online media and subscription service peers, but justified in our view as the multiple
takes into account the company's difficult transition to a subscription on-demand
service and lack of near term profitability balanced by the value of its data and user
base.

Upside risks to our PO are: 1) direct licensing agreements for lower royalty rates, 2)
international expansion announcements, 3) ad-load increases in key demos, increasing
monetization rates, 4) faster than expected launch of on-demand service, and 5) the
company is acquired.

Downside risks to our PO are: 1) emerging competition from both other Internet models
like Spotify and Apple Music, as well as large, established radio companies like
iHeartMedia embracing Internet streaming, 2) slow down in the company's ability to
grow monetization, 3) lack of historical or near-term GAAP profitability, and 4) delayed
on-demand service launch

BankofAmerica <2”

56 Internet/e-Commerce | 06 April 2017 Merrill Lynch

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014942
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023188.txt,"OUP CORRECTED PROOF - FINAL, 12/9/2014, SPi

( N A (Lake
| “Haifa \ Tiberias
TABA TALKS .
(2 001 ) J . Nazareth

Proposal made by Israel (January 2001) )

Areas to be annexed to Israel

Areas intended for Palestinian state

i Areas A and B of Oslo Agreements

= mmm m Safe passage route

r Israeli early warning station {
calf Israeli settlemet /

ee se 1967 boundary

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EGYPT \ (Moratinos) ""Non-Paper”; ""Le Monde Diplomatique”
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© IPI (Map by Miklos Pinther)

Map 15. Taba Talks 2001

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023188
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017095.txt,"4.2.12
WC: 191694

may be why Jews of my generation are so influenced in their attitudes and ideology by the
Holocaust. There but for the grace of God, and the forethought of our grandparents, go we. (In
1999, I wrote a novel Just Revenge, which reflected my dear feelings about the unavenged
murders of so many of my relatives.)

Once a person is born in a certain place, at a certain time, attitudes and ideology are shaped (in
part, because luck always intrudes’) directly by family, religion, culture, neighborhood, childhood
friends, teachers and other mentors and role models. Sometimes they are a reaction to these
influences. Often they are a combination of both.

If ideology is biography, then autobiography must honestly attempt to explore the sources of the
author subject’s ideology in his or her life experiences. This requires not only deep introspection,
but a willingness to expose—to the reader but also to the writer—aspects of one’s life that are
generally kept private or submerged. Everyone has the right, within limits, to maintain a zone of
privacy. I have devoted a considerable portion of my professional life seeking to preserve, indeed
expand, that zone. But a decision to write an autobiography requires a commitment to candor
and openness—a “waiver” (to use a legal term) of much of the right to privacy.

I keep fairly complete records of my cases and controversies. My archives are in the Brooklyn
College Library where, subject to a few limited exceptions, they are available for all to read. I
have published dozens of books, hundreds of articles and thousands of blogs. My professional life
has been an open book and the accessibility of my architves—containing letters, drafts and other
unpublished material— opens the book even further.

But beyond the written record lies a trove of memories, ideas, dreams, conversations, actions,
inactions, passions, joys, and feelings not easily subject to characterization or categorization.
Fortunately, I have a very good memory (more about that later) and I am prepared to open much
of my memory bank in this autobiography, because I believe that the biography that informs my
ideology and life choices cannot be limited to the externalities of my career. It must dig deeper
into the thought processes that motivate actions, inactions and choices. In the process of self-
exploration, I must also be willing to examine feelings and motivations that I have kept
submerged, willfully or unconsciously, from my own conscious thought process. I don’t know
that I will be able to retrieve them all, but I will try. Nor can I be absolutely certain that all of my
memories are photographically precise, since my children chide me that my stories get “better”
with each retelling.

I believe that my actions, inactions, and choices have been significantly influenced by my
upbringing. That might not seem obvious to those who know me and are familiar with my family
background. Superficially, I am very different from my parents and grandparents, who lived
insular lives in the Jewish shteles of Galicia, Poland, the Lower East side of Manhattan, and the
Williamberg, Crown Heights and Boro Park Orthodox Jewish neighborhoods (also “shtetles”) of
Brooklyn. My parents and grandparents had little formal education. They rarely traveled beyond
their routes to and from work (except for my grandparents’ one-way journeys from Poland to
Ellis Island). They almost never attended concerts, the Broadway Theater or dance recitals.
They owned no art, few books, and no classical records. They rarely visited museums or

5 An old Yiddish expression says: “Man plans, God laughs.”
8

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017095
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027084.txt,"THE SOCIAL CASE FOR FC2

Empowering women as a development tool by decreasing maternal mortality & fewer
unwanted pregnancies and protecting from HIV-infection, and other STIs

= Worldwide 215 million women who like to plan or limit number of children have
no access to contraception

= Worldwide 21.6 million unsafe abortions cause 5 million women hospitalized
each year, and account for 13 % of maternal deaths

= Worldwide women and girls account for slightly more than half of all HIV
infections

= In sub-Saharan Africa 23 million people live with HIV/AIDS: over 12 million are
women and nearly 2.5 million are children

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027084
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018937.txt,"(Rev. 01-31-2003)

FEDERAL BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION

Precedence: ROUTINE Date: 09/13/2006

To: Miami , Attn: SSA
Miami-FIG SIA

From: Miami
Squad PB-2, PBCRA

Approved By:
Drafted By:
Case mf 31E-MM-108062* (Pending)

Title: JEFFREY EPSTEIN;

WSTA - CHILD PROSTITUTION

Synopsis: To request analytical assistance regarding
telephone toll records.

Enclosure(s): 1 A CDrom containing Cingular telephone toll
records for cellular_telephone

2) Hard copies of Cingular
telephone toll records from the dates of March 05 to
December 2005. (not included on CDrom.

2) A list of all identified (561) area code
telephone numbers, primarily those of the underage victims.

Details: An ongoing federal investigation has revealed that

Enclosed for analytical review are the 2004 and 2005
cellular toll records oe cellular number
It is requested to ascertainL_——r~—Ctéw—“C;tC*idCS

over the two year period.

The primary focus should be on the identification and

Be -UM-19° fO62-/)

b6
b7C

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018937

"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011013.txt,"Global Financial Data reports annual rate of return, growth rate in market cap, and
“imputed dividend rate” as the difference. Dividend rate itself is reported as
something a little different. | made no attempt to get to the bottom of this distinction,
just as | made none to allow for editorial bias in the Piketty-Zucman website. I chose

the imputed version for logical consistency.

This direct information obviates the chain of reasoning from (4.2) to (4.5), and
allows me to jump to the latter. “Productivity gain” in (4.5) is simply annual change
in reported rate of return. Acceleration is annual change in reported market cap

growth rate. (4.6a) defines the free growth index as their ratio. @(SM), the green

line, tracks it in the charts. It too fluctuates around the number one. Gains in
dividend rate have coincided as often with gains in market cap growth rate as with

drops.

This seems only to expound what everyone knows. Of course firms are likelier to
raise dividends in years of growth, and cut them in years of decline. I never claimed
that free growth theory does more than state the obvious. What is made obvious by
the data is that a change in total return is the prime mover enabling market cap and
dividend rate to accelerate or decelerate as a pair. What is made obviously wrong
would be a thrift theory casting dividend restraint as the prime mover. Were that so,
market cap acceleration would coincide with lower rather than higher dividend

rates.

This pretty much completes my evidence for free growth theory. | have not found
other promising data sources. One is tantalizingly close to hand. There is not much
reason why corporate bond history is less transparent to the world than corporate
stock history. A qualified expert might reconstruct market caps of both, side by side,
to show a picture of the whole corporate sector. Surely I am not the only person who
would take interest. What is the history of leverage, and of total return, and its

growth and yield components, to debt and equity claims cap-weighted together?

Chapter 4 Mill’s Idea 1/11/16 22

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011013
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020270.txt,"118

CHAPTER FIFTEEN

Did Snowden Act Alone?

“When you look at the totality of Snowden's actions certainly one hypothesis that jumps out at you, that seems to
explain his ability to do all these things, is that he had help and had help from somebody who was very competent
in these matters.”

--General Michael Hayden, Former Director of the NSA and CIA

Snowden describes himself a whistle-blower, and, according to the polls, the vast majority of
the American public, accept this definition of him. But the operational distinction between a
whistle-blower and a spy is not always clear. A whistle-blower enters the enterprise of stealing
state secrets for reasons of conscience, but so do many spies. Such conscience-driven spies are
called, in CIA parlance, “ideological agents.” For instance, the British diplomat Donald Maclean,
who was one of the most important Russian spies in the Cold War, was an ideological recruit.
Maclean stole immensely valuable US nuclear secrets for the Russian intelligence service without
receiving any monetary compensation and later defected to Moscow to avoid arrest.

As it turns out, the acceptance of money is also necessarily a meaningful distinction when it
comes to espionage. To be sure, many spies get paid, but some whistle-blowers also receive paid
a rich bounty for their work. Indeed, under federal laws, whistle-blowers can qualify for multi-
million dollars bounties for exposing financial malfeasance. The whistle blower Bradley
Birkenfeld, for example, after he himself was paroled from prison in 2012, received an award of
$104 million for providing data that exposed illicit tax sheltering at the Swiss UBS bank. Assange
also offered political whistle-blower six-figure cash bounties from money he raises on the Internet.
In 2015, for instance Wikileaks offered S100, 000 bounties to any whistle-blowers who provided
the site with secret documents exposing details of the Pacific Trade Agreement.

Nor is acting alone necessarily a line that divides whistle blowers from spies. In many cases,
whistle-blowers have accomplices that help them carry out their mission. For example, in 1969,
the celebrated whistle-blower Daniel Ellsberg, a military analyst at the RAND Corporation, had
an accomplice, Anthony Russo, who also had worked at RAND. (Both were indicted by the
government.) Acting in concert, they copied secret documents that became famously known as
the Pentagon Papers.

Whistle-blowers also can, like conventional spies, enter into elaborate conspiracies to carry out
a penetration operation, For example, on the night of March 8, 1971, eight whistle-blowers
working together with burglary tools, broke into the FBI office in Media, Pennsylvania, and stole

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020270
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018923.txt,"FD-350 (Rev. 5-8-81)

@

Mount Clipping in Space Below)

(Indicate page, name of

newspaper, City and state.)
20B / The Palm Beach Post

West Palm Beach, FL

Date: 8/4/2006

Edition

Title: He was over 50
And they were girls

Character

or

Classification: 31E-MM-108062

Submitting Office:

He was over 50. And they were girls

If the women whom Palm Beach
police say a part-time town resident
invited to his home and paid for
sex acts were, in fact, women, the
solicitation charge against Jeffrey
Epstein might feel more sufficient.
But, according to police records,
they weren’t. He was over 50. And
they were girls.

_ 45.
16.
17-year-old girls.
That should

count for some-
thing — the dit
ference between
prostitution and
pedophilia.

So, it is baffling
that Mr. Epstein, who was indicted
last month by a grand jury on one
felony count of solicitation of pros-
titution, has not been charged, as
Palm Beach police strenuously
urged, with unlawful sex acts with
a minor and lewd and lascivious
molestation.

Conviction of crimes against mi-
nors would mean steeper penalties
than the maximum five-year prison
term Mr Epstein faces if convicted
of the single count of felony solicita-
tion. It also would help carry a mes-
sage of intolerance to perverts who
prey on girls.

Prosecutors did not pursue charg-
es against Mr. Epstein reflecting
the age of the victims because they
assumed a jury would view the girls
not as victims but as promiscuous,
untrustworthy, willing participants.
The presumption is offensive.

Mr. Epstein, a 53-year-old Man-
hattan money manager who has
hired Harvard law professor Alan
Dershowitz and defense attor
ney Jack Goldberger, has denied
knowing how old the girls were.

Elisa
Cramer

Jury should have decided
if Epstein is a pedophile.

But police interviews with five
alleged victims and 17 witnesses
under oath, as well as phone mes-
sages, a high school transcript and
other items that police found from
searching Mr. Epstein’s trash and
7,234-square-foot waterfront home,
provide evidence that he knew the
girls were teenagers.

One girl couldn’t show up when
Mr. Epstein wanted because she
had soccer. Another time, Mr. Ep-
stein had to wait for his “massage”
session because the girl he wanted
was still in class.

Why didn’t State Attorney Barry
Krischer let a jury decide whether
to believe the teenagers — in-
cluding a 16-year-old who went to
Mr. Epstein’s house to “work” in
December 2004 after being asked
whether she needed to make money
for Christmas gifts?

Prosecutors gave greater weight
to the details Mr. Dershowitz pro-
vided about the girls in an apparent
effort to assail their character. Mr.
Dershowitz pointed out to prosecu-
tors that some of the teenagers had
talked on myspace.com about mari-
juana and alcohol use.

The 20-year-old Royal Palm
Beach woman who told police she
recruited girls for Mr Epstein has
a Web page on myspace.com that
features one girl using the name
“Pimpin’ Made EZ.”

Although no charges of witness
tampering have been filed, the par-
ents of at least one of the teenage
victims complained to police of be-
ing followed and intimidated by two
men. Police determined that their

1

vehicles were registered to two pri-
vate investigators. Mr. Goldberger
denied knowing anything about it.

Police also note in their reports
that the state attorney's office of
fered Mr. Epstein a plea deal that
would have placed him on proba-
tion for five years, allowing him
ultimately to walk away with no
criminal record at all.

I asked Mr. Krischer’s spokes-
man, Mike Edmondson, why the
case was referred to a grand jury in-

‘stead of Mr. Epstein being charged

and facing a trial before a jury. And
shouldn’t the victims’ credibility
be a factor to determine whether a
crime’s been committed, not wheth-
er a jury will convict? (After all, as
Mr. Goldberger told The Palm Beach
Post of Mr. Epstein, “He's never de-
nied girls came to the house.”)

Especially, I asked Mr. Edmond-
son to explain: Why shouldn’t the
public look at this case and think
there are two kinds of justice — one
for the wealthy and one for the rest
of us?

Mr. Edmondson said he could

not comment on the case because it °
is active, but on the latter point, he |

offered, for the sake of “philosophi-
cal debate”: “Whether wealth buys a
different standard of justice across

the country ... the answer to that _

would, of course, be yes.”

But in this case, he said, “regard-
less of the battery of attorneys, the
outcome would be the same. Every
issue that was debated in public was
debated in our office before this
case went to the grand jury.”

In this case, it is not the victims’
credibility but the state attorney's
that deserves questioning.

Elisa Cramer is an editorial writer for
The Palm Beach Post. Her e-mail
address is elisa_cramer@phpost.com

wy

MM

WL ¢

%)

BIGMN- [gol

-

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018923
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011007.txt,"acceleration = free acceleration + thrift acceleration. (4.5b)

Rates are flows divided by capital expressing them. Then define the two flows as

free growth = capital * freeacceleration, and (4.8)
thrift = capital * thriftacceleration, giving (4.9)
growth = free growth + thrift. (4.10)

These equations apply equally in continuous or discrete-period time. In the latter,
they leave the periods of acceleration and growth unspecified. Marginal or current
free growth, as with the speed ofa car, is the sum of free accelerations since some
past origin when growth was zero. So it is with current thrift. That need not place
the origin with Ancestral Eve. Surprising as it might seem in the growth age, zero
points appear to recur every few minutes at the longest. Online stock index numbers
reverse direction at least that often. They pass through zero each time. Debt claims
on the corporate sector figure to be less volatile, but equity (stock) ones outweigh
them. Then marginal free growth means accumulated free acceleration, or rise in
rate of return, since the last zero growth point no more than a few minutes ago
when return and cash flow were equal. Growth is free whenever cash flow rate rises

or holds steady.

The Charts and Tables

Mill lacked data to test whether growth tends to lead with output when it changes,
or to lag with consumption, or something else. So did all economists until national
accounts began reporting market-valued capital in 1990 or so, and reconstructing it
backward over a few decades before. The equations through (4.7) show how to test

from data in the Piketty-Zucman and Global Financial Data websites.

First | downloaded the Piketty-Zucman data for market-valued capital and

consumption for all countries and periods. | chose their “private wealth” data for the

Chapter 4 Mill’s Idea 1/11/16 16

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011007
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016199.txt,"Case 1:19-cv-03377-LAP Document 36-4 Filed 07/03/19 Page 3 of 6

Ms. Virginia Roberts Giuffre as a Witness in the Crime Victims Rights Act Case

17. One witness who became available to Mr. Edwards and me in the CVRA case was
Ms. Virginia Roberts Giuffre. She had previously fled to Australia to escape from Mr. Epstein’s
sexual abuse. But at some point, in around spring 2014, we learned that she was in the United
States and was willing to provide testimony in our CVRA case.

18. Because the CVRA case continues to be litigated today, nothing in this affidavit is
intended to disclose — nor does it disclose — any confidential communications we received from
Ms. Giuffre. However, I can report that in approximately May, 2014, I flew from Utah to Fort
Lauderdale, Florida, where Mr. Edwards and I conducted a full-day interview of Ms. Giuffre to
learn what evidence she had and to determine whether it was credible,

19. Without going into specific lawyer-client communications that we had with our
client, Mr. Edwards and | determined that Ms. Giuffre’s allegations of having been sexually
abused by Epstein were credible. Ms. Giuffre also said that she had been sexually abused by Mr.
Dershowitz. Mr. Edwards and I determined, based on that interview and subsequent careful
follow-up, that her allegations were credible and were relevant to our allegations of improper
influences affecting the Epstein plea negotiations.

20. Ms. Giuffre also credibly alleged that she had been sexually abused by other rich and
powerful friends of Epstein. It appears that she had civil claims that she could file against
Epstein’s friends. However, because I am law professor with limited litigation resources, I
recommended to Mr. Edwards that we should attempt to locate additional litigation support
before pursuing lawsuits against abusers who could be expected to marshal considerable
financial and other resources in response.

21. Mr. Edwards agreed and ultimately discussed the civil cases with Mr. David Boies,
the name partner in the New York-based law firm of Boies Schiller Flexner LLP. I was aware
that Mr. Boies not only had a well-regarded large litigation firm, but also had a strong track
record of providing legal services for legal cases that might not otherwise attract attention from
civil law firms (including cases involving sex trafficking victims).

22. I thought Mr. Boies was an excellent choice to help represent Ms. Giuffre. It is my
understanding that Mr. Edwards conveyed to Mr. Boies — as well as, at some point, to his law
partner Sigrid McCawley — that I had personally interviewed Ms. Giuffre, had investigated her
allegations against Dershowitz and others, and had found them to be credible.

23. Because the CVRA revolved primarily around criminal law issues — an area where
both Mr. Edwards and I had considerable experience — we did not require any assistance from
Mr. Boies in the CVRA case and we did not approach him about assisting in that case. In 2014,
we had successfully handled the CVRA case for more than six years, winning multiple motions
without needing outside assistance, and anticipated no need for further help.

Filing Ms. Giuffre’s Allegations and Dershowitz's Attacks

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016199
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020264.txt,"Liz

he was the most famous visitor in Hong Kong, his passage through passport control may have
reflected the acquiescence of the Hong Kong authorities to the reported request of China to be rid
of Snowden by June 23rd. All we know for certain is that Hong Kong airport police did not stop
Snowden.

He was allowed on the Aeroflot flight at Hong Kong International Airport. Aeroflot, a state-
owned airline, presumably responds to the Russian government when matters of state security are
concerned. According to one Aeroflot official, ordinarily all international passengers are required
to have a valid passport as well as a visa to the country of final destination. Snowden had neither
a valid passport nor a visa. These boarding requirements were waived so that Snowden was able
to board the flight to Moscow.

Snowden only met Harrison in person on June 23"", the day he was to depart Hong Kong. She
was waiting for him in the private car that Jonathan Mann had arranged to take him to the airport
that morning. Snowden was dressed in a grey shirt and khaki slacks. Harrison was also casually
dressed in jeans and flip-flops. She said she chosen this dress style so that they would blend in at
the airport with vacationing tourists. As she had financed the trip, she was apparently now calling
the shots. Harrison’s concern was that they might be arrested at the airport, so Mann
accompanied them through passport control. He was able to do this because he bought a ticker
on a cheap international flight. Harrison also gave Mann a phone number to call if they got
arrested. When they finally boarded the flight at 12:45 pm, Harrison effectively became
Snowden’s second “carer”—a job that would require her presence in Moscow for the next four
months.

Once the plane took off, Snowden, who had only said a few words in the car, said to her, as
she recalled, the first full sentence she had heard from him. It was “I didn’t expect that WikiLeaks
was going to send a ninja to get me out.”

Meanwhile, Assange continued creating “distractions,” as he put it. On June 24"", a booking
was made for Snowden on the Aeroflot flight to Cuba, and this information was relayed to the
foreign press organization in Moscow, resulting on over a dozen reporters buying tickets on the
flight. But Snowden never showed up for the flight. This ruse resulted in these foreign
correspondents flying to Havana. “In some of our communications, we deliberately spoke about
that [flight] on open lines to lawyers in the United States,” Assange said. One subsequent piece of
his misinformation was that Snowden was flying to Bolivia on the private plane of Bolivian
President Evo Morales (who was then in Moscow for a meeting.) That misinformation had the
desired effect. US allies in Europe, including France, Spain and Portugal refused to allow that
plane to fly through its airspace, forcing the plane to land in Austria. This Assange-inspired
distraction caused an international incident but did not change the fact that Snowden was in the
custody of Russia.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020264
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015490.txt,"HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015490
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017081.txt,"Enrique V. Iglesias
David Ignatius
Emmanuel Ikazoboh
Michael J. Inacker
Masa Inakage
Bjarke Ingels

José Miguel Insulza
Yoko Ishikura

Faisal Islam
Yoshinori lsozaki

Kiyohiko Ito

Koji lwama
Daisuke lwase

Alexander V. Izosimov
Natalia Izosimova

Michael |zza

Sir Mohammad Jaafar

Abdul Malik Al Jaber
Vuyo Jack
Shirley Ann Jackson

Paul E. Jacobs
Munizae Jahangir

Christopher Jahns
Anshu Jain

Dipak C. Jain
Hans-JUurgen Jakobs

Kate James

Esam Janahi
Rashad Y. Janahi
Amjad Parvez Janjua
Garth C. Japhet

Livia Jaréka

Jeff Jarvis

Mohamed Husnee Jazeel
Alain Jeannet
Richard A. Jefferson
Kevin J. Jenkins
Philip J. Jennings
Jeong Kim

Jean-Luc Jezouin
Jiang Jianging
Emmanuel Jimenez

Joseph Jimenez
Naveen Jindal

Secretary-General, SEGIB Secretaria
General Iberoamericana, Spain
Associate Editor and Columnist

Acting Director-General

Senior Vice-President, Corporate
Communications and Public Affairs
Dean and Professor, Graduate
School of Media Design

Architect

Secretary-General, Organization of
American States (OAS), Washington
DC

Professor, Graduate School of
International Corporate Strategy (ICS)
Economics Editor

Managing Director

Managing Director

Corporate Vice-President, Corporate
Representative, EMEA

Co-Founder and Representative
Director

President and Chief Executive Officer
Managing Director

Chief Executive Officer

Chairman and Managing Director

Chief Executive Officer
Co-Founder and Chairman
President

Chairman and Chief Executive Officer
Special Correspondent and Associate
Executive Producer

President and Chief Executive Officer
Member of the Management Board
and Head of the Corporate and
Investment Bank

Dean Designate

Head of Economic and Financial
Department

Chief Communications Officer

Board Member
Board Member
Executive Director

Founder and Chief Executive Officer
Member of the European Parliament
Blogger, Buzzmachine.com and
Professor

Chief Executive Officer

Editor-in-Chief

Chief Executive Officer

President and Chief Executive Officer
General Secretary

President, Bell Labs

Senior Vice-President and General
Manager, New Markets Region
Chairman of the Board

Director, Human Development, East
Asia and Pacific Region and Editor,
World Bank Research Observer
Chief Executive Officer

Executive Vice-Chairman and
Managing Director

World Economic Forum Annual Meeting 2011

The Washington Post
Company

The Nigerian Stock
Exchange Ltd
METRO GROUP

Keio University

Bjarke Ingels Group (BIG)

Hitotsubashi University

Channel 4 News

Kirin Holdings Company
Limited

Keizai Doyukai (Japan
Association of Corporate
Executives)

Toshiba of Europe Ltd

Lifenet Insurance Company

VimpelCom Ltd
Foundation for Effective
Governance

The Institute of Chartered
Accountants in England and
Wales (ICAEW)

The Kuwaiti Danish Dairy
Company KCSC

Zain Jordan
Empowerdex

Rensselaer Polytechnic
Institute (RPI)

Qualcomm Inc.

Express TV

EBS University
Deutsche Bank AG

INSEAD
Stiddeutsche Zeitung GmbH

Bill & Melinda Gates
Foundation

Vision 3

Vision 3

Pakistan State Oil Company
Limited (PSO)

Heartlines

European Parliament
Graduate School of
Journalism (CUNY)
Dabbagh Group Holding Co.
Ltd

L'Hebdo

Cambia

World Vision International
UNI Global Union
Alcatel-Lucent Bell
Laboratories

Kudelski Group

Industrial and Commercial
Bank of China Limited
The World Bank

Novartis AG
Jindal Steel and Power
Limited

USA
Nigeria
Germany
Japan

Denmark

Japan

United Kingdom
Japan

Japan

United Kingdom
Japan

Netherlands
Ukraine

United Kingdom

Kuwait

Jordan
South Africa
USA

USA
Pakistan

Germany
United Kingdom

France
Germany

USA

United Arab Emirates
United Arab Emirates
Pakistan

South Africa
Belgium
USA

Saudi Arabia

Switzerland
Australia

United Kingdom
Switzerland
USA

Switzerland
People's Republic of

China
USA

Switzerland
India

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017081
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014956.txt,"TED2017: The future you 4/20/17, 12:07 PM

aclu.org

T. Morgan Dixon
Health activist

T. Morgan Dixon is the co-founder and CEO of GirlTrek, inspiring nearly 100,000 neighborhood walkers.

T. Morgan Dixon co-leads GirlTrek, the largest public health nonprofit for African-American women and girls in the United States.
GirlTrek encourages women to use walking as a practical first step to inspire healthy living, families and communities and knits local
advocacy together to lead a civil rights-inspired health movement that seeks to eliminate barriers to physical activity, improve access to
safe places to walk, protect and reclaim green spaces and improve the walkability and built environments of 50 high-need communities
across the United States.

Prior to GirlTrek, Dixon was on the front lines of education reform. She served as Director of Leadership Development for one of the
largest charter school networks in the country, Achievement First, and directed the start-up of six public schools in New York City for St.
Hope and the Urban Assembly, two organizations funded by the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation. As the leader of GirlTrek, Morgan
received fellowships from Echoing Green (2013), Ashoka (2014) and The Aspen Institute (2015).

girltrek.org @GirlTrek

Vanessa Garrison
Health activist

As COO of GirlTrek, Vanessa Garrison encourages African American women and girls to get out and take a walk.

‘Vanessa Garrison is the co-founder and COO of GirlTrek, the largest public health nonprofit for African-American women and girls in the
United States. With nearly 100,000 neighborhood walkers, GirlTrek encourages women to use walking as a practical first step to inspire
healthy living, families and communities.

Working with partners, GirlTrek has developed a world-class training for African-American women to serve as health professionals in the

areas of fitness, mental health, nutrition, and environmental stewardship. Prior to GirlTrek, Garrison worked as a Program Coordinator for
Our Place DC, a nonprofit organization that provides services to currently and formerly incarcerated women. In her work with GirlTrek,
she's received fellowships from Echoing Green and The Aspen Institute and been named “Health Hero” by Essence Magazine.

girltrek.org @GirlTrek

Tuesday, April 25, 2:15PM - 4:00PM PDT

TED en Espafiol: Conexi6n y Sentido

Hosted by Gerry Garbulsky, TED en Espafiol showcases powerful ideas in Spanish. Join us in the Community Theater. (English translation will be available.)

Gabriela Gonzalez
Astrophysicist

Gabriela Gonzalez is part of the collaboration of more than 1,000 scientists who measured for the first time the gravitational waves that
Einstein predicted over 100 years ago.

Over 100 years after Albert Einstein predicted gravitational waves -- ripples in space-time caused by violent cosmic collision, like the
merging of two black holes -- the LIGO Scientific Collaboration confirmed their existence using large, hyper-sensitive detectors in
different parts of the world. As LIGO's former spokesperson and the person responsible for the collaboration of 90 international scientific
institutions that the project entailed, Argentine astrophysicist Gabriela Gonzdlez announced the extraordinary discovery to the world in
2016.

Arelentless curiosity about the universe led Gonzalez to astrophysics as a teenager. Over the course of her 25-year career, she has
advanced the field of gravitational wave detection, working on both improving the sensitivity of interferometers and data analysis. She is
the recipient of the E. Bouchet and the Jesse W. Beams awards from the American Physical Society, the B. Rossi prize from the American
Astronomical Society, and the 2016 Scientific Discovery Award from the US National Academy of Sciences. She was the first woman to
receive a full professorship in the physics department at Louisiana State University.

phys.lsu.edu/faculty/gonzalez/

Jorge Drexler
Musician, poet

Jorge Drexler is a musician and the first Uruguayan to win an Oscar. His music plays with genre and influence, combining subtle
harmonies and regional styles with electronic effects.

Jorge Drexler doesn't lay claim to one identity over another. Born to a German-Jewish exile, Drexler grew up between Uruguay and Israel,
traveled widely across Latin America, and eventually settled in Spain. Within his music, you can hear touches of milonga and bossa nova
and even Bach, as his lyrics wrangle with notions of nationality and belonging, language, identity and love.

https://ted2017.ted.com/program Page 6 of 21

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014956
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031348.txt,"www.forbes.com/.../jeffrey-epstein-sex-offender-yes-bil...

Forbes

by Clare O'Connor - in 138 Google+ circles

Feb 28, 2011 - The pervert of Palm Beach is back in the news, and back to being described as a
""billionaire"". Here's why he's not.

3. Jeffrey Epstein Philanthropy: Overview

www .jeffreyepstein.org/
Jeffrey Epstein Philanthropy supports innovative research and programs in science, medicine, education and
international affairs.

4. Jeffrey Epstein V1 Foundation - New York, NY - Medical & Health ...

https ://www.facebook.com/jeffreyepsteinvifoundation
Jeffrey Epstein VI Foundation, New York, NY. 27 likes - 1 talking about this. The Jeffrey Epstein V1

Foundation was founded in 2000 by Jeffrey Epstein to sponsor ...
5. Jeff Epstein profiles | LinkedIn

www.linkedin.com/pub/dir/Jeff/Epstein
View the profiles of professionals named Jeff Epstein on LinkedIn. There are 25 professionals named Jeff

Epstein, who use LinkedIn to exchange information, ...
6. Dr. Jeffrey M. Epstein, MD - Babylon, NY - Neurosurgery ...

www.healthgrades.com > ... » New York (NY) >» Babylon
HealthGrades

Rating: 4.3 - 6 reviews
Visit Healthgrades for information on Dr. Jeffrey M. Epstein, MD. Find Phone & Address information,
medical practice history, affiliated hospitals and more.

7. Billionaire Jeffrey Epstein: I'm a sex offender, not a predator | New....

nypost.com/.../billionaire-jeffrey-epstein-im-a-...

New York Post

by Amber Sutherland

Feb 25, 2011 - Billionaire pervert Jeffrey Epstein is back in New York City — and making wisecracks
about his just-ended jail stint for having sex with an...

8. Woody Allen spotted with convicted child sex-offender Jeffrey ...

www.dailymail.co.uk/.../Woody-Allen-spotted-convicted-chil...

Daily Mail

Sep 24, 2013 - Woody Allen has been spotted strolling on New York's Upper East Side with millionaire child
sex-offender Jeffrey Epstein, who served time for ...

9. Jeffrey Epstein: International Moneyman of Myster

nymag.com/nymetro/news/people/n_7912/

New York Magazine

He's pals with a passel of Nobel Prize—winning scientists, CEOs like Leslie Wexner of the Limited, socialite
Ghislaine Maxwell, even Donald Trump. But it wasn't ...

10. Jeffrey Epstein ‘kept a diary of his under-aged victims’ - Telegraph

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031348
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027090.txt,"2) THERE IS NO DEMAND: FALSE

Uruguay Study, UNFPA Uruguay and MOH Uruguay (2017):

- 77% of average women said the FC2 was good or very good

Study participants cited greater comfort and practicality and greater protection and
safety as the two main advantages of the FC2

THE LATEST DATA ON

FEMALE CONDOM
ACCEPTABILITY ,

‘Confirms: Female condoms have high acceptance
rates, are in high demand by both women and
‘men, and provide women with triple protection:
with the FC2, they have the autonomy to protect
themselves from unplanned pregnancy as well as
STs, including HIV & Zika.

- 81% said they would continue using the FC2 in the future

- 64 % said they experienced no difficulties at all

South Africa National Female Condom Program
Evaluation (2017)

- 80% of women feld the FC put them in charge

- The level of unprotected sex declined from 43,3 % at baseline

to 8,4 % at 12 months after the introduction of the FC

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027090
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023822.txt,"76 Teaching Minds

Why do we have such a failed system? Could it be the policies of
presidents like Clinton, who pursued a policy of never offending the
teachers unions by doing anything threatening to them, like changing
the curriculum?

Or, could it be that people such as this writer define education
in terms of random facts they wished everyone knew? The problem
is not that people don’t know who Thomas Jefferson was. If citizens
knew who he was, would that mean that they could think clearly and
not be influenced by all the special interests who were trying to tell
them what to think? If they knew who George Washington was, what
exactly would they know about him? That he could never tell a lie?
This is obviously untrue, and many have written about what a good
liar he actually was. That he was a brilliant general? There is lots of
evidence against that. That he owned 300 slaves? This is not usually
mentioned. That he married a rich woman probably so he could get
her land? Historians discuss this. Schools never do. Nevertheless, peo-
ple are upset because our students don’t know our national myths and
some random facts.

The real issue in the healthcare debate is that the general public
can’t think clearly. That would have a simple explanation. The schools
don’t even try to teach people to think clearly.

I mentioned President Clinton above, but really all U.S. presidents
are culpable. It may not be their fault. Certainly they are given terrible
information.

Lamar Alexander, former Secretary of Education (under George
H.W. Bush) was speaking in the U.S. Senate recently on restoring
teaching history to its “rightful place” and making sure that history
was part of the NCLB act. Here is a quote from him from 2006:

Just one example of how far we are from helping our children
learn what they need to know. The fourth grade national
report card test asked students to identify the following
passage, “We hold these truths to be self-evident that all men
are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator
with certain unalienable rights, that among these are Life,
Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness.” Students were given
four choices: Constitution, Mayflower Compact, Declaration
of Independence, and Articles of Confederation. Less than

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023822
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020962.txt,"Aim to Answer Questions Like These About USA Inc....

Strategy / Financial Model

Which countries (or states) have ‘best practices’ (based on productivity and outcomes) in key areas of
operations (like healthcare, retirement plans, welfare, defense, education, infrastructure) — which of
these best practices can / should be implemented by USA Inc.?

What is the organization trying to solve for - what is USA Inc.'s mission? / Who are USA Inc.'s
customers?

Is USA Inc. providing its customers an optimized mix of services, based, in part, on ability to fund the
services?

Are there ‘business lines’ that USA Inc. should exit / scale back / expand?

Why is USA Inc. spending more money than it brings in (and borrowing more money) — what are the
checks and balances?

What do USA Inc.'s financials tell us about the health of the business?

Should USA Inc. consider a capital budget separated from the operating budget to ensure sufficient
levels of investment in education, technology and infrastructure?

What are the best attributes / biggest problems of USA Inc.'s business?
Does USA Inc. have a path to profitability (or break-even)?

How should the government improve transparency in long-term budgeting and projections? How can
USA Inc. engage the public in this process?

USA Inc. | What Might a Turnaround Expert Consider? 241

Source: KPCB and Alvarez & Marsal Public Sector Services, LLC.
(@)E) www.kpcb.com

...Aim to Answer Questions Like These About USA Inc....

People / Organizational Structure

Has management effectively articulated a sound mission to its employees and constituents
- is USA Inc. properly organized to effectively achieve its mission?

Does the organization have the right people, in the right places, at the right time?

Does the business have a best-in-class leadership team and are they empowered to make
change?

Are employees motivated / empowered / accountable for maximum performance?
Are employees properly trained and compensated?

Has the organization 'run the numbers’ and effectively quantified the things that are
quantifiable?

Do leading performance measures exist that support proactive management?

How do you change the culture to be one that is steeped with focus on costs savings and
operating efficiency?

Source: KPCB and Alvarez & Marsal Public Sector Services, LLC.
(@E) www.kpcb.com

USA Inc. | What Might a Turnaround Expert Consider? 242

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020962
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024195.txt,"Eye on the Market | October 22, 2012 J.P Morgan

The most important energy developments of 2012: how countries are planning for Independence Day

I:_ What might US energy independence look like?
Rising crude oil production in Texas and North Dakota has contributed to a reversal of the long-term US production decline.
The latest data (June 2012) show North Dakota now ahead of Alaska’s North Slope.

Crude oil production by region Total US crude oil production
Million barrels crude oil production per day Million barrels crude oil production per day
25 9.5
8.5
1.5
6.5
05 Federal Offshore 55
Gulf of Mexico North Dakota
0.0 45
1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010
Source: US Energy Information Administration. Source: US Energy Information Administration.

The growth in US domestic production is notable, but on its own insufficient to result in energy independence since the US still
imports ~9 mm bpd of oil. But when combined with other factors affecting demand and supply, the concept of energy
independence comes into view over the next couple of decades. What is “energy independence”? After some adjustments
(and I may be underestimating some of them), US net imports could fall to 4-5 mm bpd, a level which can be met by imports
from countries with historically reliable economic and political linkages to the US (everything is relative). The point is not that
reduced US crude imports will lower oil prices; countries like China with growing oil needs may offset that. What matters
here are the economic and geopolitical benefits from (a) not having to design military and foreign policy objectives based
on energy security to the degree the US has over the last 30 years’, and (b) being able to reap the growth, employment
and current account benefits of domestically sourced-oil and natural gas.

What US energy independence might look like
US net crude oil imports, million barrels per day
10

ce}

= = = = =, Oil imported for refined product exports
=== ===== Displaced by Natural Gas Vehicles

Tt Reduced consumption: CAFE standards
; and Auto Replacement Cycle

: Net increase in domestic production

Imports

Imports

OA-NWAADN

2012 2025 Current US
Projection imports

Source: US Energy Information Administration, JPMAM.

For a review of the assumptions in this chart, see page 3; otherwise, skip to page 4.

> See “Addicted to Oil: Strategic Implications of American Oil Policy” from the Strategic Studies Institute of the U.S. Army. The piece
outlines 4 pillars to U.S. national interests: defense of the homeland, promotion of U.S. democratic values, creation of a favorable world
order, and enhancement of the nation’s economic well-being. According to the authors, each has been negatively impacted by US demand
for foreign oil. They believe that U.S. foreign policies that support repressive oil states are diametrically opposed to American values, and
reversed the 20"" century trend of the U.S. fighting against totalitarianism and in favor of liberty, and in turn caused the U.S. to lose the “war
for ideas” that is critical to wining the “war on terror”.

2

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024195
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012268.txt,"msor & Associates

* Floparting and Trenseviption, In.

Q. Okay. Now while you were with Epstein, did

he touch his penis at all?
Bus No, he did not.
Q. Did he masturbate in front of you?
Ne.
And you didn't touch his penis, I assume?
No.

You didn't help him masturbate?

No.
( a And certainly --
Sex A. Sorry. He was too old.

Q. I hear you. And I'm sorry to ask these
questions that are so obvious.

A. It's your job.

Q. Mr. Epstein did rot have any sex with you
in any way?

A. No.

Q. You didn't have any kind of oral sex with

A. No.
Q. Okay. Did Mr. Epstein ever penetrate you

in any way with his finger or anything?

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012268
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030730.txt,"please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030730
"
IMAGES-012-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033081.txt,"From: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com]
Sent: 3/24/2018 1:15:12 PM

To: Stephen Hanson [aa

https://www.thedailybeast.com/how-close-is-donald-trump-to-a-psychiatric-breakdown?ref=home

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033081
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011761.txt,"/ BARAK / 4

reason, that was absurd. Near the end of the campaign, there was going be a head-
to-head television debate. In the meantime, though Bibi might be many things, he
wasn’t stupid. He was already telling voters that while Peres was making deals
with Arafat, ordinary Israelis were being left to wonder where the next terrorist
would strike. He would surely ramp up the accusations that Peres was “weak on
security,” especially if there was more violence. To assume that if we just sat back
we would win seemed to me complacent and risky. Yet when I mentioned to
Shimon that a couple of our internal polls still actually had Bibi slightly ahead, he
just laughed. “I have good polls,” he said. ““Why should I believe the bad ones?”

Then, however, violence intervened again. It was not Hamas this time.
Beginning on March 30 and escalating sharply 10 days later, Katyusha rockets
rained onto towns and settlements in northern Israel by Hizbollah — the first
sustained attack since the cease-fire in 1994. It was pretty obvious that, like
Hamas, the Iranian-backed Shiite militia in Lebanon was not just targeting Israeli
civilians, but Oslo, and Peres’s chances of winning the election. The last thing
Shimon wanted was for tens of thousands of people in the north of Israel to be
cowering in shelters during the final stretch of the campaign. So on April 11, he
ordered a major military operation in Lebanon.

I wasn’t party to the discussions about the operation. But the model chosen was
similar to the one I’d drawn up in 1994: a large-scale air and artillery assault
designed to hit Hizbollah hard, force civilians to flee and persuade the Lebanese
and Syrian governments to commit to a US-mediated end to the rocket attacks.
Again, all of that happened. But not before a tragic accident which brought a storm
of international criticism and hastened the end of the operation. An Israeli special-
forces unit was ambushed while providing laser targeting support for an air force
strike. When it called in artillery support, four of the shells fell on a UN compound
near the Lebanese village of Qana, killing more than 100 civilians seeking shelter
inside.

Peres phoned me a few hours later, distraught not just because the wayward
artillery strike had laid us open to charges of “targeting” civilians in an operation
designed to try to avoid doing so. Also, because the accident seemed likely to deal
a further blow to his efforts to convince Israel’s voters that he, rather than Bibi,
was the man best placed to lead the country. “We’re in trouble,” he said. Yet
within days, it became clear that our basic campaign strategy — ignore Bibi and
“kick the ball into the stands” — was not going to change. I did make one last

290
HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011761
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030379.txt,"3) How much back tax you have settled with the tax authorities following their investigation of your affairs.
Additionally, from public records and from material we have seen we note that:

4) In 2008 you pleaded guilty to solicitation of prostitution and procuring minors for prostitution. You were
sentenced to 18 months in prison.

5) Your above accounts were also linked with Mr Leslie Wexner.

6) You are known to be or have previously been closely associated with Bill Clinton, Prince Andrew and Kevin
Spacey.

7) You have made substantial contributions to the Clintons’ philanthropic causes. Tax reform campaigners
have previously been critical of those who engage in public life or the political process while avoiding or
evading tax. Hilary Clinton herself, speaking in 2012, noted the importance of elites paying a substantial
share of tax: ""One of the issues that | have been preaching about around the world is collecting taxes in an
equitable manner — especially from the elites in every country.”

It is intended shortly to publish the results of our survey in both the US and the UK.

As responsible journalists acting in the public interest, we would first like to give you the opportunity to
comment.

If we do not hear from you by 18:00 on Monday 12th January 2015 (preferably by email to

ee. we shall proceed on the basis that you do not wish to comment on or

amend our information.

But we have approached you in a straightforward fashion and hope you will take this opportunity to respond
if you wish. Your substantive responses to each of our numbered points will be carefully considered and
published if appropriate.

(For the avoidance of doubt, we do not normally regard any generalised assertion of “inaccuracies” as a
substantive response; nor any generalised statement that the holders acted on advice. Neither will we
regard as substantive any comment that only refers to the present state of affairs and not to the past.)

We are, of course, happy to discuss directly any concerns you may have.
We would be most grateful if you would acknowledge receipt of this letter. This will save us from chasing.
Yours faithfully,

David Pegg
The Guardian
Kings Place
90 York Way
London

Ni 9GU

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030379
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028536.txt,"From: Scott J. Link |

Sent: 5/30/2018 11:23:48 PM
To: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com];
Subject: Memo: Sex offender Jeffrey Epstein talked to FBI to get plea deal

https://www.mypalmbeachpost.com/news/crime--law/fbi-epstein-files-say-gave-info-does-explain-sweetheart-
deal/NdgitAifcilk6édJgpLV630/?utm_source=newspaper&utm_medium=email&utm_campaign=4832804&ec
mp=newspaper_email&

FBI Epstein files say he gave info. Does it

explain sweetheart deal?

Updated: 12:28 p.m. Wednesday, May 30, 2018 | Posted: 12:21 p.m. Wednesday, May 30,
2018

Uma Sanghvi WEST PALM BEACH —

Ten years after convicted Palm Beach sex offender Jeffrey Epstein escaped federal charges
in connection with allegations that he paid dozens of teenage girls for sex, the FBI last week
released what appears to be an explosive explanation for what many have long described as
a sweetheart deal.

“Epstein has also provided information to the FBI as agreed upon,” agents wrote in one of
dozens of heavily redacted, decade-old memos that were unexpectedly and inexplicably
posted on an FBI website known as “The Vault.”

The simple declaration stunned those who have been following the tortuous and celebrity-
studded case for years. It rekindled talk that the billionaire’s 2008 decision to plead guilty to
state charges to make the federal investigation disappear was part of a cover up to protect
Epstein’s high-powered friends, including President Donald Trump, former President Bill
Clinton and Britain’s Prince Andrew.

“That sentence obviously means something but I, too, am at a loss as to what it really
means,” said attorney Brad Edwards, who for a decade has been trying to unravel the
mystery of Epstein’s plea deal. “If there was some cooperation I would have expected that
we would have been told. However, nothing surprises me at this point.”

In recent years, federal prosecutors have offered various explanations for why they agreed to
drop the case they were building against the 65-year-old enigmatic money manager if he
pleaded guilty to state prostitution charges. In court papers, they have said they wanted to
get justice for Epstein’s young victims but worried a jury wouldn’t believe them.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028536
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029628.txt,"The

Shimon Post

4 June, 2011

Article 1. NYT
President Assad’s Bloody Hands
Editorial

Article 2. | The Washington Post

Egypt’s revolutionary justice
Editorial

Article 3. | Al Ahram Weekly

Egypt: In search of a foreign policy
Mohamed Anis Salem

Anicle | Foreign Policy

Do the American people support the 'special

relationship ?'
Stephen M. Walt

Ancle S| Yale Center for the Study of Globalization
The Battle for Pakistan
Bruce Riedel

Article 6. | The New Republic

We shouldn't remove all U.S. troops from Iraq
Fouad Ajami

Article 7.’ Asharg Alawsat

lran: The fight at the top heats up
Amir Taheri

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029628
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019383.txt,"(Rev. 01-31-2003) S @

FEDERAL BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION

Precedence: ROUTINE Date: 09/13/2006

To: Miami ‘ Attn: SSA
Miami-FIG SIA
From: Miami
Squad PB-2, PBCRA
Contact: SA
approves ay: [in 1 oy

b6 -1, -2
Drafted By: nk b7c -1, -2

Case ID . 31E-MM-108062 (Beneine)

Title: JEFFREY EPSTEIN;

WSTA - CHILD PROSTITUTION

Synopsis! To nedues® analytical assistance regarding 47, 1

Enclosure (s}:

b6é -1

b7c -1
b7D -2
bv7E -1

Details: An onqoing federal investigation has revealed that

b3 -1
b6 -1, -3
b7c -1, -3

Enclosed for analytical review are

b3 -1

b6é -1, -3
b7c -1, -3
b7D -2
bvE -1

AGlenkoal. ¢¢03956-96
SIE - AM lO SOLA -/9

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019383
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032127.txt,"Fairmont Turnberry Isle Resort

Starting Friday at Noon BST
Hotel Allegro - Chicago

Starting Sunday at Noon BST
Alila Sothea - Cambodia

Sofitel - Philadelphia

Starting Friday at 8pm BST
Vidago Palace - Portugal

The Manor On Golden Pond - NH
Candia Maris Resort - Crete

Starting Sunday at 8pm BST
The Pavilions - Phuket

Siam Kempinski Hotel Bangkok
Anantara Bophut - Koh Samui

Hotel Derek - Houston
Arches to Moab
Spirit Ridge, British Columbia

Starting Saturday at Noon BST
Round Hill - Jamaica

Fairmont Royal Pavilion
Experience Baja, Two Ways
Maca Bana - Grenada

Starting Monday at 8pm BST
The Madison - D.C.

Grand Hyatt Atlanta

Hotel Bellevue - Washington
The Adolphus - Dallas

Art Deco Meets Modern at South Beach Newcomer

Dream South Beach

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032127
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017917.txt,"In re Terrorist Attacks on September 11, 2001, 392 F.Supp.2d 539 (2005)

10 A.L.R. Fed. 2d 789

Dr. Al-Nafissa states that private charities in the
Kingdom of Saudi Arabia receive governmental approval
through Royal Order, are run by boards, and disburse
*552 funds in accordance with their charters. (Al-Nafissa
Decl. § 5.) In contrast, governmental commissions, such
as SHC, are chaired by a governmental official, like
Prince Salman, and conduct their affairs in accordance
with the Kingdom’s policy objectives. Ud. § 5.)
According to Dr. Al-Nafissa, “[d]ecisions regarding
causes to support and recipients for Saudi High
Commission funds are within the discretion of the
Executive Committee, the Supreme Commission, and
Prince Salman.” (/d. § 8.) The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia
is SHC’s largest source of funding, having provided
approximately 30% of the funds used and distributed by
SHC. (Al-Roshood Decl. § 24.) The remainder of SHC
funds are collected through fundraisers “in accordance
with the directives of ... King Fahd.” Ud. 9 5.) SHC can be
sued for its administrative acts in the Board of
Grievances. (Al-Nafissa Decl. § 8.)

In their complaint, the Federal Plaintiffs alleged that SHC
is “an agency, instrumentality and organ of the Kingdom
of Saudi Arabia.” (Federal Compl. § 181.) They now
back away from that allegation and join other Plaintiffs in
disputing SHC’s status. Plaintiffs submit that SHC has
repeatedly and systematically described itself as a
non-governmental organization in representations to the
Bosnian government. (See Plaintiffs’ Mem. in Opp’n to
SHC Mot. to Dismiss at 10.) Thus, even if SHC is
considered a foreign state, Plaintiffs assert it has
implicitly waived its immunity through those
representations. See 28 U.S.C. § 1605(a)(1) (FSIA waiver
provision). Plaintiffs also argue that it is disingenuous for
SHC to simultaneously maintain that it is an organ of the
Kingdom and that this Court lacks personal jurisdiction
over it when the Kingdom itself did not dispute the
personal jurisdiction issue.

In response to Plaintiffs’ arguments that it described itself
as a non-governmental organization to Bosnian
authorities, SHC submits the declaration of
Hadsimuratovic Hajrudin, a Bosnian lawyer who serves
as a legal advisor to SHC. (See generally Hajrudin Decl.
at SHC Reply Ex. A.) Mr. Hajrudin states that SHC
characterized itself as non-governmental in accordance
with Article 22 of the Law on Humanitarian Activities
and Humanitarian Organizations of the Federation of
Bosnia and Herzegovina because SHC is “not considered
part of the government of Bosnia—Herzegovina.” (/d. § 4.)
Mr. Hajrudin attests that the head of SHC’s European
Office received diplomatic status in Bosnia—Herzegovina
in 1996 because SHC is an organization of the Saudi

WESTLAW

government. (/d. J 6.) He also states that the Kingdom of
Saudi Arabia is represented by SHC when it makes
donations to Bosnia—Herzegovina. (/d.)

(61 There is no dispute that SHC is a separate legal person
from the Kingdom and not a citizen of the United States
or any third country. See 28 U.S.C. § 1603. Accordingly,
the only dispute regarding SHC’s status is whether it is an
organ of the Kingdom. In Filler v. Hanvit Bank, 378 F.3d
213 (2d Cir.2004), the Second Circuit considered various
factors to determine whether an entity could be
considered an organ of a foreign sovereign. Jd. at 217.
The factors include:

(1) whether the foreign state
created the entity for a national
purpose; (2) whether the foreign
state actively supervises the entity;
(3) whether the foreign state
requires the hiring of public
employees and pays their salaries;
(4) whether the entity holds
exclusive rights to some right in the
[foreign] country; and (5) how the
entity is treated under foreign state
law.

Id. at 217 (citations omitted).

SHC offers undisputed evidence that it was created by the
Kingdom’s Council of *553 Ministers to “centralize all
charitable giving from the Kingdom to
Bosnia—Herzegovina [and that it was] vested with the sole
authority to collect and distribute charitable funds in
Bosnia.” (Al-Roshood Decl. [J 5—6; Hajrudin Decl. 9 6 &
Ex. D (noting the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia provides
humanitarian relief to Bosnia through SHC).) The Council
of Ministers appointed Prince Salman to supervise SHC.
(Al Roshood Decl. 9§ 7-9.) The salaries of SHC
employees are paid by either the Kingdom of Saudi
Arabia or out of the SHC budget. Ud. § 10.) Like other
Saudi Arabian government agencies, SHC can be sued in
the administrative court of the Kingdom. (Al—Nafissa
Decl. { 8.)

The Court finds that SHC has made a prima facie showing
that it is a foreign sovereign. See Cargill, 991 F.2d at
1016 (requiring defendant to make prima facie case of
sovereignty). Because SHC was formed by order of the
Kingdom’s governing body, it provides the Kingdom’s
aid to Bosnia, it is governed by a Saudi official and its

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017917
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031406.txt,"response to a Times editorial that called on Congress and the Trump administration to hold Acosta and others

involved in the case accountable.

Epstein’s lawyers said the editorial’s conclusions were “in profound conflict with the reality,’’ noting that there

was no evidence that Epstein committed federal sex trafficking offenses. The letter was signed by former

Epstein lawyers Kenneth Starr, Jack Goldberger and Lilly Ann Sanchez, as well as Epstein’s current attorney,

Martin G. Weinberg.

Read more here: https://www.miamiherald.com/news/politics-

government/article227136459.html#storylink=cpy

Lilly Ann Sanchez
The LS Law Firm

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031406
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027906.txt,"One of the captured Golani soldiers was a 19-year-old named Uri Ilan, the
son of a member of the Israeli Knesset whom Ben-Gurion and the whole of the
government knew well. The soldiers’ captivity dragged on until they were
finally returned to Israel in March 1956. By then, however, Uri Ilan had hanged
himself. He managed to hide a note into his uniform. It was found when the
body was being prepared for burial. It read: Lo bagadeti. Nekamah. “J did not
betray anything. Revenge.”

Ever since the Uri Ilan mission, there had been a de facto ban on cross-
border intelligence operations by Israeli soldiers. Ben-Gurion and his military
commanders knew, of course, the importance of getting early warning of an
enemy attack. But they decided the price of possible failure was simply too
high.

Sayeret Matkal was born three years later. Avraham was still part of the unit
running low-level agents in Syria and Lebanon, but his commander reluctantly
agreed to allow him to set up his new intelligence group. His initial
“headquarters” was a sparsely furnished Tel Aviv apartment. The first people he
brought in were veterans of the Palmach’s Arab Platoon, pre-state fighters who
trained themselves to pass as Arabs and gather intelligence, or stage raids,
behind enemy lines. Next, he invited friends who had served in Unit 101 and
Company A. Finally, he enlisted a core of them to help train recruits to his new
sayeret. He hoped the involvement of these commando veterans would also give
the unit credibility inside the kirva. One of them, Micha Kapusta, had been part
of 101, as had Itzhak Gibli, who had been a teenage Palmachnik in 1948. A
third was another Company A officer named Aharon Eshel, known as Errol, in
part for his undeniably Errol Flynn-like swagger, but also an acronym of his
Hebrew name. But the crowing addition to the group had the distinction of
having led the last successful Israeli bugging mission on the Golan, in addition
to being the most respected commando in Israel, a man who Dayan would later
call the country’s greatest soldier. It was Meir Har-Zion himself.

I was part of the second group of recruits to Sayeret Matkal, in the early
summer of 1960. The unit had been given its own base barely a year earlier. Bu
it had yet to carry out a single mission, and there was no sign of that happening.
Avraham couldn’t be sure when, or if, the generals in the kirya might give him

58
HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027906
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025580.txt,"Morgan Stanley | ®esearcs NORTH AMERICA INSIGHT

Brokers & Asset Managers Comps Sheet

Exhibit 50:
Brokers & Asset Managers Comps Sheet

Brokers & Asset Managers
26/Jan/18 EPS As % Dividend
Earnings Per Share (EPS) © CAGR (%) Price/Earnings (P/E) EV/ EBITDA of AuM Yield (%)
LTM Net
Price Price Market Cap Flows/BoP YTD Stock
Company Ticker Rating 26/Jan/18 Target Upside (%) Shares (M) ($B) AUM ($B) — AuM (%) Perf. (%) 2017E 2018E 2019E 17-19 2017E 2018E 2019E 2018E 2019E 2017E 2018E 2019E Mkt Cap 2018E

Covered Brokers & Asset Managers

Franklin Resources (5) BEN UW $45.86 $42 555 2 753
BlackRock Inc BLK Ow $586.80 $660 12.5 162 94.8 5,977 14.2 14.5x 13.4x 1.6
Hamilton Lane HLNE EW $38.85 $38 (2.2) 53 2.1 29 9.8 19.2x 15.5x 71 2.0
Invesco Ltd IVZ EW $38.40 $39 1.6 407 15.6 917 1.2 5.1 9.1x 8.6x 17 3.3
a) Janus Henderson Group JHG OW $41.43 $50 214 198 8.2 361 (2.9) 8.3 10.0x 9.0x 2.3 3.4
© Legg Mason (5) LM uw $45.75 $43 (6.0) 92 42 754 (3.0) 9.0 9.5x 9.8x 0.6 24
& OM Asset Mgmt. (4) OMAM EW $18.31 $19 3.8 110 2.0 236 (0.3) 9.3 7.6x 7.2% 0.9 2.2
& T. Rowe Price TROW, EW $119.99 $115 (4.2) 244 29.3 948 0.7 14.4 10.7x 10.9x 3.1 19
a Virtus Investment Partners VRTS EW $131.00 $127 (3.1) 7 0.9 91 0.4 13.9 71x 6.6x 1.0 15
Waddell & Reed Financial WDR UW $22.98 $20 (13.0) 83 19 81 (15.3) 2.9 7.0x 7.9x 24 44
WisdomTree Investments WETF EW $12.33 $14 13.5 137 17 46
Mean (Excl. HLNE, JHG, WETF), (Market Cap, EV and AuM equals Total) (2.1) 176.0 9,804
Median (Excl. HLNE, JHG, WETF) (3.6)
Apollo Global Mgmt APO Ow $36.42 $42 403 14.7 242
Ares Mgmt. ARES EW $24.70 $20 216 5.3 106
3 Blackstone Group BX OW $40 1,199 387
a Carlyle Group CG OW $33 343 174
s KKR & Co KKR EW $24 848 153
Oaktree Capital Group (2) OAK ow $45.20 $60 156 100
Mean (Covered Alts), (Market Cap, EV and AuM equals Total) 100.6 1,162
Median (Covered Alts)
TD Ameritrade Holding Corp AMTD EW $54.97 $61 11.0 567 31.2 1,119
E*TRADE Financial Corp ETFC OW $53.49 $66 23.4 271 14.5 365
§ LPL Financial Holdings Inc LPLA EW $60.76 $62 2.0 90 5.5 560
é Charles Schwab Corp SCHW OW $54.27 $63 16.1 1,340 20 3,181
Mean (Market Cap, EV and AuM equals Total) 13.1 123.8 5,225
Median 13.5
Covered Brokers & Asset Managers
Mean (Excl. WETF and HLNE), (Market Cap, EV and AuM equals Total) 5.6 398.8 16,144 3.4 10.2 12.6 15.8x 13.8x 13.0x 14.6x 13.6x 11.2x 10.2x 9.5x 4.0 3.3
Median (Excl. WETF and HLNE) 2.9 2.2 8.9 10.2 14.1x  12.9x 12.4x 12.8x 12.9x 10.7x 9.9x 9.4x 2.9 cosh
Non-Covered Brokers & Asset Managers SS ee
AllianceBernstein AB NC $27.85 NC NC 94 2.6 535 1.8 11.2 2.11 2.38 2.64 12.0 13.2x 11.7x 10.5x n/a n/a 3.7x 3.3x 3.1x 0.5 8.5
Affiliated Managers Group AMG NC $215.76 NC NC 56 12.0 804 (0.1) 5.1 14.49 17.39 18.81 13.9 14.9x 12.4x 11.5x n/a n/a 14.4x 13.0x 11.9x 15 0.5
z Eaton Vance (5) EV NC $60.87 NC NC 118 7.2 422 11.2 7.9 2.61 3.36 3.79 20.6 23.3x 18.1x 16.1x n/a n/a 14.4x 12.3x n/a 17 2.2
3 Fortress Investment Group FIG NC N/A NC NC 240 n/a 0 (0.9) n/a 0.06 0.07 0.08 20.7 n/a n/a n/a n/a n/a 4.5x 3.7x 3.0x n/a n/a
q QcheZiffCapital Mgmt OZM_ NC $2.38 NCC 8588)
2 Stifel Financial Corp__st__NC___$6636_ NCC AS 65a =a 321 L__ 5.40296 207K 1x 123K inva eG 403K AT

Raymond James Financial, Inc. RJF NC $98.26 NC NC 145 14.3 664 n/a 10.0 5.47 6.90 714 18.9 18.0x 14.2x 12.7x n/a n/a 28.2x 25.1x n/a 2.2 11

Interactive Brokers Group, Inc. IBKR NC $64.20 NC NC 71 46 97 n/a 8.4 1.22 2.04 2.34 38.4 52.6x 31.4x 27.5x n/a n/a 6.4x 47x 4.0x 47 0.6

S&P 500 (3) 2,872.9 2,750 (4.3) 75 131.60 145.00 150.00 6.8 21.8x 19.8x 19.2x 19.0x 18.3x 2.2

Source: Company data, Thomson Reuters, Morgan Stanley Research estimates, except for NC (not covered), which are Thomson Reuters estimates

(1) Alternative asset manager net flows include fee-paying fundraising and inflows net of redemptions and distributions.

(2) OAK estimates reflect Adjusted Net Income (ANI), given that is the primary metric reported by the company.

(3) S&P500 EPS based off of MS Equity Strategy Team's estimates

(4) ENI/Unit represents EPS and P/ENI represents P/E

(5) BEN, LM and EV have fiscal years not ending in December, so for these companies CY estimates were used in order to have temporal consistency. BEN and LM reflect MS estimates; EV reflects consensus Thom son estimates.

Source: Company Data, Thompson Reuters, Morgan Stanley Research estimates, except for non-covered companies (NC), which are consensus estimates

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025580
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030718.txt,"destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030718
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012240.txt,"on™

~~

10
11
12
13

14

16
17
18
19
20
21

22

MP:

MP:

| | how could you do this? Biah, blah, blah. And then['s like, okay, |
won't do it again. And like she just kind of like hung up and he was like | hate
her, | hate her and then | hate you too. And | was like okay and we broke up and
then | think (inaudible) on the computer and | think he told PE wat
happened and she turned it into an extraordinary, like story so at school so |
would look like, you know, like I'm the bad persan, {ike ('m a slut, I'm a whore or
something and she’s going around school saying all this stuff and then so my
parents came, cause that's when | got mad at her and told her to stop talking but
she wouldn't stop talking about it. So | just gotin a fight with her, like a fist fight
at school. And | got suspended and so did she but she only got suspended for
one day because | started the fight. So | got in trouble more. And my dad got
really mad and he grounded me for it, because he found the $300 in my walict
and then my dad was like, you're grounded, you're grounded forever and he's ail
freaking out, how could you do this, blah, blah. The school said you did. And
um, | didn't tell the schoof how, | told them | got it from my job, cause | worked at
Chick Filet but! quit. So | said | (inaudible) but nobody believed me so | was just
like believe what you want. Cause | didn't want to tell the principal or my
parents.

Well, | think that the best thing that you're doing is that you're being honest.
Okay?

Um hm.

You already know that they have a pretty good idea what happened. Okay?

| didn’t even know there was like an investigation.

Page 29 of 43

05146

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012240
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024846.txt,"COWEN
COLLABORATIVE INSIGHTS February 25, 2019

- Figure 33 Lord Jones Price Point Reflects Premium Positioning Figure 34 CV’s Plus CBD Oil Competitively Positioned Within Premium

23

HIGH CBD
PAIN & WELLNESS FORMULA

TINCTURE

HIGH CBD
PAIN & WELLNESS FORMULA

TINCTURE

PEPPERMINT

HIGH CBD
TINCTURE

PLUS
HIGH CBD 4

Gl Formula 3 mg CBC:
pe om
Gul

laflavored ALY ORCAMBOKYLATLD AnaD VATE ; y ss oe '
SUPPLEMENT | 1f10r (30 Ov i MEIN) 7

Source: Company Reports Source: Company Website

Figure 35 Papa & Barkley Currently Offer Tinctures Only Figure 36 Reliva Tinctures Compete On Value

PAPA ®) BARKLEY

essential!

emp

DieTaRy sup

CARY Supp CEMENT LOZ / SOMe

Source: Company Website Source: Company Website

30 COWEN.COM

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024846
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020792.txt,"HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020792
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029859.txt,"From: Darren Indyke__________________________________ 
Sent: 3/2/2019 4:56:48 PM 
To: Martin Weinberg 
CC: Darren Indyke ; jeeyacation@gmail.com 
Subject: Epstein paid three women $5.5 million to end underage-sex lawsuits 
Importance: High 
Privileged - Redacted 
https://www.palmbeachpost.com/news/crime—law/epstein-paid-three-women-million-end-underage-sex-
lawsuits/8GEJk4YYa2X4ffig4HAqyJ/  
Epstein paid three women $5.5 
million to end underage-sex lawsuits 
Jane Musgrave  
Most Popular 
Our Picks 
Hide caption 
Hide caption 
Jeffrey Epstein, a former Palm Beach resident, pleaded guilty in Palm Beach County 
Circuit Court in 2008 to two prostitution-related charges in connection with having 
teenage girls give him sexual massages. (Uma Sanghvi / The Palm Beach Post) 
Palm Beach Post Staff Writer 
Hide caption 
Jeffrey Epstein 
Palm Beach Post Staff Writer 
Hide caption 
Attorney Brad Edwards 
Palm Beach Post Staff Writer 
Hide caption 
Attorney Jack Scarola 
Palm Beach Post Staff Writer 
Hide caption 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 029859 
Jeffrey Epstein, a former Palm Beach resident, pleaded guilty in Palm Beach County 
Circuit Court in 2008 to two prostitution-related charges in connection with having 
teenage girls give him sexual massages. (Uma Sanghvi / The Palm Beach Post) 
Palm Beach Post Staff Writer 
Hide caption 
Jeffrey Epstein 
Palm Beach Post Staff Writer 
Hide caption 
Attorney Brad Edwards 
Palm Beach Post Staff Writer 
Hide caption 
Attorney Jack Scarola 
Palm Beach Post Staff Writer 
By 
Posted Oct 3, 2017 at 12:01 AM Updated Oct 4, 2017 at 12:46 AM 
Ending years of speculation about how much Palm Beach billionaire Jeffrey Epstein  
paid young women who claimed he used them as sex toys, court documents filed last 
week show he shelled out $5.5 million to settle lawsuits with three of more than two 
dozen teens who sued him. 
Responding to requests from Epstein's attorneys in a complex lawsuit that was 
spawned by the sex scandal, attorney Bradley Edwards said the politically-
connected 64-year-old convicted sex offender paid more than $1 million to each of 
the three women Edwards represented. 
Identified in court papers only by their initials or pseudonyms because of the nature 
of the allegations and their youthful ages, L.M. was paid $1 million, E.W. $2 million 
and Jane Doe $2.5 million, Edwards said of the settlements he negotiated with 
Epstein to end the lawsuits. 
Jack Goldberger, one of Epstein's criminal defense attorneys, on Tuesday declined 
comment on the revelations, citing confidentiality agreements that were part of the 
settlements. For the same reason, he declined to say whether Epstein paid similar 
amounts to settle roughly two dozen lawsuits filed by other young women against 
Epstein, claiming he paid them for sex when some were as young as 14 years old. 
Attorney Jack Scarola, who is representing Edwards, said his client was compelled 
to divulge the confidential settlements to answer questions posed by Epstein's 
attorneys. ""Brilliant move on their part,"" he said. 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 029860 
Even if Epstein's attorneys hadn't opened the door, Scarola said the information 
would have likely come out. He says the information will help him undermine 
Epstein's claims that Edwards ""ginned up"" the allegations to help his former law 
partner, imprisoned and disbarred Fort Lauderdale lawyer Scott Rothstein, 
perpetuate a $1.2 billion Ponzi scheme. 
The revelations of the settlements came as part of an ongoing lawsuit that started as 
a dispute between Epstein and Rothstein, both billionaires. 
A year after Epstein in 2008 pleaded guilty to solicitation of prostitution and 
procuring a minor for prostitution, he sued Rothstein and Edwards, claiming they 
trumped up the allegations of sexual molestation to perpetuate the Ponzi scheme. 
Rothstein was sentenced to 50 years in prison in 2010 after admitting he had built 
his wildly successful law firm by forging the names of federal judges and others to 
persuade investors he had negotiated settlements in lawsuits against high-profile 
people. Investors were told they could get a cut of the cash. 
One of the high-profile people Rothstein used to lure investors was Epstein, 
according to a lawsuit West Palm Beach attorney Robert Critton filed on Epstein's 
behalf. According to the lawsuit, Rothstein told investors Epstein, a money 
manager, had agreed to settle the lawsuits with the teens for 8200 million — a claim 
Critton described as ""a complete fabrication."" 
After Epstein dropped the lawsuit in 2012, Edwards turned the tables on him. 
Edwards accused Epstein of filing the lawsuit maliciously to punish him for 
representing the young women. Although Edwards was a partner in Rothstein's now 
defunct firm, Scarola claims Epstein had no evidence Edwards was involved in the 
Ponzi scheme. Federal prosecutors successfully charged other attorneys and 
members of the firm, but Edwards was never implicated, Scarola said in the 
malicious prosecution lawsuit. 
The revelations about the money Epstein paid to three of the young woman came 
last week in documents filed for a hearing Tuesday in preparation for a December 
trial on the lawsuit. 
Attorney Tonja Haddad Coleman, who represents Epstein, on Tuesday sought a 
delay of the trial, in part, because she claimed she has been unable to talk to her 
client since his estate on his private island in the U.S. Virgin Islands was devastated 
last month by Hurricane Irma. ""I've had no ability to communicate with Mr. 
Epstein,"" she said. 
Pointing out Epstein's enormous wealth and his private jet, Palm Beach County 
Circuit Judge Donald Hafele rejected her request. While saying he didn't want to 
appear insensitive to those victimized by the storm that hammered the Caribbean 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 029861 
and roared through South Florida, he said Coleman offered no proof, such as an 
affidavit from Epstein, to shore up her claims. 
Still, Hafele gave Coleman extra time to respond to various motions that he will have 
to decide before the case goes to trial. 
Despite Scarola's insistence that Edwards had nothing to do with Rothstein's Ponzi 
scheme, Coleman said the evidence indicates otherwise. Why else would he try to 
depose Epstein's well-known friends, such as now President Donald Trump, former 
President Bill Clinton and illusionist David Copperfield, she asked. He used the 
celebrities as a draw, she said. 
""The Epstein cases were used to fleece money and defraud investors,"" she said. 
Edward's malicious prosecution case has been difficult for both sides because both 
Epstein and Edwards have refused to answer questions. As he did in the civil 
lawsuits, Epstein has invoked his Fifth Amendment right against self-incrimination 
when questioned by Scarola. Edwards has claimed that much of the information 
Epstein is seeking is protected by attorney-client privilege. 
The malicious prosecution lawsuit is one of two hotly-contested lawsuits that 
continue to pit Edwards against Epstein. Edwards also is suing the U.S. attorney's 
office, claiming it violated the federal Crime Victims Rights Act when it negotiated a 
non-prosecution agreement with Epstein. 
Only after federal prosecutors agreed to drop their investigation of Epstein, did he 
agree to plead guilty to two prostitution charges in Palm Beach County Circuit 
Court. In federal court records, prosecutors claim one of the key reasons they agreed 
to drop their case was Epstein's agreement to settle lawsuits filed against him by 
dozens of his underage victims. 
Sign up for daily e-mail  
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By The Palm Beach Post 
Read the latest news specific to the Baby Boomer Generation on health, retirement, 
finances, and much more... 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 029862 
Read more  
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DARREN K. INDYKE 
5300 W. Atlantic Avenue, Suite 602 
Delray Beach, Florida 33484 
****************************************************************************************************** 
The information contained in this communication is confidential, may be attorney-client 
privileged, and is intended only for the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
Darren K. Indyke. Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this communication 
or any part thereof is strictly prohibited and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by return e-mail, and destroy this 
communication and all copies thereof, including all attachments. 
Copyright of Darren K. Indyke - @ 2019 Darren K. Indyke — All rights reserved. 
******************************************************************************************************* 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 029863 
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011749.txt,"heart of Tel Aviv. He was worried that not enough people would show up, and
that those who did would be from the left: Meretz, not Labor, people who would
be there mainly to criticize him for not going far, or quickly, enough in pulling
out of the West Bank.

In the end, he was persuaded it should go ahead. In fact, by the time the date
approached — Saturday evening, November 4 — he seemed to be feeling more
energized, and upbeat. I wouldn’t be there, because I was going to New York as
the government’s representative at a fundraising dinner that same night for the
Yad Vashem Holocaust memorial. A few hours before leaving, however, I met
with Rabin. We’d found a 15-minute window in his schedule, but we ended up
talking for an hour. He said he knew that, in some ways, the difficulties
surrounding the peace talks were likely to get worse. Hamas would not abandon
terror. The kind of intolerance we were seeing from the right wing was not
going to go away. He was furious at Bibi, who in his view was hypocritically
going through the motions of calling for restraint and pretending to be unaware
that the mobs were full of Likud voters. “They’re his people,” he said, “and he
knows it.”

But he was relishing the idea of taking on Bibi in the next election, due in
about a year’s time. Though Rabin was trailing in the polls, he was confident of
turning that around once the campaign began. “The main thing is that the party
isn’t focused. We have to get serious about preparing,” he said. He was worried
about the effect of inevitable tensions between his supporters and Peres’s over
how to run the campaign. “Bring back Haim Ramon,” I suggested. I knew by
now that Haim had helped orchestrate the false story which Yediot had run
about Tze’elim. But I also realized he was a Labor heavyweight and that,
although he’d left the government, he remained personally close to Yitzhak.
“Yes,” Yitzhak replied, nodding, suggesting that we talk through the idea in
detail when I returned from New York.

I was in my room at the Regency Hotel, on New York’s Upper East Side,
when the phone rang on Saturday afternoon. I was dimly aware that the Tel
Aviv rally had been going on back home, but was more focused on preparing
my speech for the Yad Vashem event. “Ehud, “hud!” It was Nava, her voice
barely understandable through the sobs. “Rabin has been shot!”

278
HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011749
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026089.txt,"please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026089
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030351.txt,"Date: Thursday, May 11 2017 08:22 PM
Subject: Re: What is going on with your man Jes?

From: Thomas Jr., Landon Fo

To: jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com>;

Other stuff I am sympathetic -- but to answer a random gmail email, that is not smart!

How are you Trump contacts responding to Comey?
On Thu, May 11, 2017 at 4:18 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:

iknow, everyone gets their turn in the barrel

On Thu, May 11, 2017 at 10:17 PM, Thomas Jr., Landon <> wrote:

‘Thanks for sharing the foxhole’

Twi Fac Linl 4HOURS AGO By: Kadhim Shubber, Martin Arnold 6 Print

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030351
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029600.txt,"From: Lisa New ay

Sent: 11/26/2018 2:31:48 PM
To: Jeffrey Epstein [jeevacation@gmail.com]
Subject: Re: invitation

Attachments: invitation to Serena Williams November 25 (1).docx

Importance: — High
better?

On Sun, Nov 25, 2018 at 7:06 PM Lisa New <q wrote:
okay....let me revise with I and me in mind before I talk to you.
Can I call you tomorrow am?

On Sun, Nov 25, 2018 at 6:56 PM J <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:
count how many times you say I or me?

On Sun, Nov 25, 2018 at 7:30 PM Lisa New <> wrote:
Jeffrey,

How's this

On Sun, Nov 25, 2018 at 11:05 AM J <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:
Needs edit. Start with id like you to join clinton ..eyc

On Sun, Nov 25, 2018 at 10:52 AM Lisa New <> wrote:

Dear Jeffrey,

Here is an invitation you can forward. Fingers crossed.

I'm going upstairs to hunt for my copy of Lolita, or will get on my kindle and reread on our way to
Australia. I may have lent it to one of my kids. I would recommend reading My Antonia by Cather next
time you're on a long plane trip. The prose is gorgeous, and the book has-- come to think of it-- similar
themes to Lolita in that it's about a man whose whole life is stamped forever by his impression of a young
girl.

Thank you for this help with Serena. I'm so sorry about what happened with WA. I will keep the ""bootleg""
episode and hope to release someday. It's so good, and he was so kind to read the poem with me and you
were so kind to make it happen.

Lisa

Elisa New

Powell M. Cabot Professor of American Literature
Director, Poetry in America

Harvard University

148 Barker Center

12 Quincy Street
Cambridge, MA

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029600
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011991.txt,"Uscis H
Vermont Service Center

7 Lower Welden Street

&. Albans, ¥T 0g479-0001

RE: 0-1 Non-immigront View Petition on bebalf of Jean Lac Didier
Henrl-Rene Brune!

1 write this letter In arong support of Mfr, Jean Lue Brine! applicat:on for
& non-immigrant vise to this country. | ue currently Ammiloistratore
Unico fm Studio Pp. 1 have been asked to review the professional
eredentlals of Ma. Brunel, and it is my professional opinion that Mis. Briel
fa an Art Director and Talent Coordinator of extraerdipary who
ranks among the xmall perrentege of fareign people at vcr} top of his field.

1 have seen first-hand Mr. Jean Luc’ cpecial expertise in the field,
including esting, production, coordination, and art direction for shoots.
Mr. Brune] is considered by those in our indumtry to be an extraordinary
creative director talent, particularly for the fashion and related industries.
In gay persona! declings with Mr. Jean Lae Brunct, [ found him to he
thoroughly professional and capable of being utilieed in connection with a
wide range of creative subject matier on any amignnient. He bas the
intuitive ability to provide just what's needed in eonacction wih any
particular creative process and passesses excellent artistic ohinagement
and operational skifls that oome from his years of experience.

Many people do net understand that behind every sececssful advertising
campalgn and fashion shoot there ere creative men and woraen who are
making sure that the business operates efficiently by noardinating different
tasks betwecn models, photographers, and managing creative teams. | can
honestly exy that Mr. Bruncl continually prove. himself an
extraordinary talent im his Held.

L offer an aninitigaied endomement for Mir. Jean Luc Brunel regarding bis

visa gpplication ga @ person of extraordinary ability. There ip po doubt in

Tay mind thet he populsrity end ability in the field will only cantinue to

Proeper in years to come
| ah

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011991
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022185.txt,"ABOUT THE AUTHORS

James Patterson received the Literarian Award for Outstand-
ing Service to the American Literary Community at the 2015
National Book Awards ceremony. He holds the Guinness World
Record for the most number one New York Times bestsellers, and
his books have sold more than 325 million copies worldwide.

John Connolly has been an investigative reporter for twenty-five
years, the last twelve of them with Vanity Fair. He has written

scores of nonfiction pieces for numerous national magazines. °

Tim Malloy is a thirty-year veteran of print and television jour-
nalism. He has won eight Emmys as an investigative reporter,
documentary maker, and war correspondent. He appears in

print, on the Web, and on TV as a political analyst.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022185
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013480.txt,"IN THE CIRCUIT COURT OF THE
FIFTEENTH JUDICIAL CIRCUIT IN

AND FOR PALM BEACH COUNTY, FLORIDA
GENERAL JURISDICTION DIVISION

JEFFREY EPSTEIN,
Plaintiff,
vs. No. 502009CA040800XXXXMBAG
SCOTT ROTHSTEIN, individually,
and BRADLEY J. EDWARDS,
individually,
Defendants.

500 Hast Broward Boulevard,
Ft. Lauderdale, Florida
Thursday, June 14, 2012
9:14 a.m. - 12:37 p.m.

DEPOSITION
of
SCOTT ROTHSTEIN

(Via Video Conference)

Taken on behalf of the Trustee

pursuant to a notice of taking deposition

FRIEDMAN, LOMBARDI & OLSON
305-371-6677

[of (28

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013480
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029166.txt,"oversees the Mueller team. Indeed, Rosenstein, as recently as April,
publicly declared that the President was not a target. This may have
been a form of fig leaf to soothe a President who regularly demands
aides assure him he is not being pursued: the President does not
become a formal target until Rosenstein agrees to designate him as one.

The proposed indictment confronts Rosenstein with matters with
which he has been intimately involved. The case, according to my
conversations with White House and other sources familiar with the
investigation, is fundamentally Trump versus the FBI, Justice
Department, and Mueller investigation itself. In many ways, it boils
down to the word of former FBI Director James Comey against the word
of Donald Trump. Rosenstein, at the President's behest, drafted a memo
justifying the Comey firing for how the former FBI Director handled the
Hillary Clinton email investigation. But that justification, in an
embarrassment for Rosenstein, was shortly brushed aside by the
President when he admitted that he fired Comey to disrupt the Russian
investigation. What's more, the indictment is said to charge that the
firing of Andrew McCabe, the former Deputy Director of the FBI, who
reported directly to Rosenstein after the Comey dismissal, was an
instance of illegal retaliation by the President against a potential
witness.

According to a source with knowledge of the proposed
indictment, it will be all the more controversial because if finds the
entire narrative of the case for obstruction in plain sight. Almost nothing
about the case involves new information. ""This indictment could have
been drafted without anyone being interviewed,"" said this source.
Rather it takes well covered public events and moves them to a set of
circumstantial conclusions. There is no smoking gun beyond the often
flagrant, custom-breaking, events of the President's 16 months in office.
Indeed, much of the evidence is based on the President's public
statements and tweets about those events.

This is, according to White House sources who have gotten wind
of this approach, good news: the case then, is just an issue of what
motives you ascribe to the President's behavior—behavior that is, the
President's supporters believe it is easy to show, impulsive and not
thought out. Hence no intent. For the Mueller team, it is precisely that
careless behavior and flagrant disregard for the rules that they aim to
put on trial.

There is no certainty that the Special Counsel's office will

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029166
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012946.txt,"30 2 What Is Human-Like General Intelligence?

between the learning components associated with different kinds of memory, and hence are un-
likely to give rise to the emergent structures and dynamics characterizing general intelligence.
One of the central ideas underlying CogPrime is that with an integrative cognitive architecture
that combines multiple aspects of intelligence, achieved by diverse structures and algorithms,
within a common framework designed specifically to support robust synergetic interactions
between these aspects.

The simplest way to create an integrative AI architecture is to loosely couple multiple com-
ponents carrying out various functions, in such a way that the different components pass inputs
and outputs amongst each other but do not interfere with or modulate each others’ internal
functioning in real-time. However, the human brain appears to be integrative in a much tighter
sense, involving rich real-time dynamical coupling between various components with distinct
but related functions. In [Goe09a] we have hypothesized that the brain displays a property of
cognitive synergy, according to which multiple learning processes can not only dispatch
subproblems to each other, but also share contextual understanding in real-time, so
that each one can get help from the others in a contextually savvy way. By imbuing AI ar-
chitectures with cognitive synergy, we hypothesize, one can get past the bottlenecks that have
plagued AT in the past. Part of the reasoning here, as elaborated in Chapter 9 and [Goe09b], is
that real physical and social environments display a rich dynamic interconnection between their
various aspects, so that richly dynamically interconnected integrative AI architectures will be
able to achieve goals within them more effectively.

And this brings us to the patternist perspective on intelligent systems, alluded to above and
fleshed out further in Chapter 3 with its focus on the emergence of hierarchically and heterarchi-
cally structured networks of patterns, and pattern-systems modeling self and others. Ultimately
the purpose of cognitive synergy in an AGI system is to enable the various AI algorithms and
structures composing the system to work together effectively enough to give rise to the right
system-wide emergent structures characterizing real-world general intelligence. The underlying
theory is that intelligence is not reliant on any particular structure or algorithm, but is reliant
on the emergence of appropriately structured networks of patterns, which can then be used to
guide ongoing dynamics of pattern recognition and creation. And the underlying hypothesis is
that the emergence of these structures cannot be achieved by a loosely interconnected assem-
blage of components, no matter how sensible the architecture; it requires a tightly connected,
synergetic system.

It is possible to make these theoretical ideas about cognition mathematically rigorous; for
instance, Appendix ?? briefly presents a formal definition of cognitive synergy that has been
analyzed as part of an effort to prove theorems about the importance of cognitive synergy for
giving rise to emergent system properties associated with general intelligence. However, while
we have found such formal analyses valuable for clarifying our designs and understanding their
qualitative properties, we have concluded that, for the present, the best way to explore our
hypotheses about cognitive synergy and human-like general intelligence is empirically — via
building and testing systems like CogPrime.

2.5.1 Achieving Humanlike Intelligence via Cognitive Synergy

Summing up: at the broadest level, there are four primary challenges in constructing an inte-
grative, cognitive synergy based approach to AGI:

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012946
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030437.txt,"John Humphrys

Award-winning journalist who has been one of the presenters of
BBC Radio 4's flagship news and current affairs programme Today
since January 1987. During his career with the BBC, he has also
worked as a foreign correspondent in both America and Africa, as
well as being a diplomatic correspondent and presenter of the Nine
O'Clock News. He has presented Panorama, fronts On the Ropes
on Radio 4 and presents Mastermind on BBC Two. His has written
two books on the English language, Lost For Words: The Mangling
and Manipulating of the English Language and Beyond Words:
How Language Reveals the Way We Live Now.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030437
"
TEXT-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033307.txt,"From: Richard Kahn 
Sent: 7/25/2016 4:28:09 PM 
To: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com] 
Subject: trump getting RNC bounce... 
Importance: High 
Monday, July 25 
Race/Topic (Click to Sort) 	Poll 	Results 	Spread 
General Election: Trump vs. Clinton 	CNN/ORC 	Trump 48, Clinton 45 	Trump +3 
General Election: Trump vs. Clinton 	CBS News 	Trump 44, Clinton 43 	Trump +1 
General Election: Trump vs. Clinton vs. Johnson vs. Stein 	CNN/ORC 	Clinton 39, Trump 44, Johnson 9, Stein 3 	Trump +5 
General Election: Trump vs. 	CBS News 	Clinton 39, Trump 40, Johnson 12 	Trump +1 
Clinton vs. Johnson 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 033307 
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031360.txt,"—=_. NCT Convention

NOBEL CHARITABLE TRUST

Nobel Charitable Trust Earth Environment Convention (tentative), hosted by NC T

A convention will be hosted for developers (organizations and corporations) of eco-friendly products and renewable,
alternative and sustainable energy developments from around the world to exhibit their products at the time the winner of the
NCT Energy Award (and the other awards) are announced. Visitors and judges from the Judging Committee will select , .
from the exhibited products of the exhibitors ( organizations and corporations) , the best corporation or exhibitor of the year
and an accreditation mark (NCT No.1010) or award will be granted.

Convention Name

Nobel Earth Environment Convention (tentative)

“Environment and Technology, Looking to the Future of the Next Generation”

By providing grants to efforts in the fields of natural conservation, natural resources and energy, education, culture and other
relevant areas, NCT hopes to contribute to the creation of a stable protected environment and promote sustainable development of
our societies NCT aims to promote and encourage travels to Japan as well as assisting Japan to become the world’s leader in
environmental issues and environmental technologies.

#NCT will support activities to improve children’s environments and education conditions around the world as children are the source
of our future energy.

1

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031360
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025911.txt,"From: Terry Kafka 
Sent: 3/9/2016 10:21:30 PM 
To: 'Philip Kafka'_________________________________ 
CC: jeevacation@gmail.com 
Subject: RE: Gingrich view of Trump 
Importance: High 
Exactly! Bernie's like a Mark Twain or Lafayette teacher from Brooklyn back in the 60's and 70's. 
Terry B. Kafka, President 
Impact Outdoor Advertising Co. 
5454 La Sierra Dr., Suite 200 
Dallas TX 75231 
cell 
Impactoutdoor.com 
From: Philip Kafka [mailto 
Sent: Wednesday, March 09, 2016 4:18 PM 
To: Terry Kafka________________________________ 
Subject: Re: Gingrich view of Trump 
I love ole Bernie. Wish he wasn't a damn socialist. He probably reminds you of your Social Studies teacher 
from Lafayette high...? 
-pk 
On Wed, Mar 9, 2016 at 5:15 PM, Terry Kafka wrote: 
Agree. Funny, I too have been saying Trump or Bern. Get Hillary the hell out. She's shameless! 
I Terry B. Kafka, President 
Impact Outdoor Advertising Co. 
5454 La Sierra Dr., Suite 200 
Dallas, TX 75231 
cell 
Impactoutdoor.com 
From: Philip Kafka [mailto 
Sent: Wednesday, March 09, 2016 4:11 PM 
To: Terry Kafka < 
Subject: Re: Gingrich view of Trump 
I openly and proudly support Trump. 
I've actually been able to pull people away from Hillary by saying I'd ONLY vote for Trump or Sanders. Citing 
they everyone else is establishment politics. I convinced a lesbian woman, older, to consider Trump after she 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 025911 
went on a rampage about him. It just shows, people HAVE NO IDEA what they are talking about. Media holds 
the cards.... people are sheep. 
On Wed, Mar 9, 2016 at 5:04 PM, wrote: 
Agree 
Sent via BlackBerry by AT&T 
-----Original Message 
From: Philip Kafka 
Date: Wed, 9 Mar 2016 17:01:58 
To: Terry Kafka< 
Cc: Janet Kafka<I_______________________ 
Subject: Re: Gingrich view of Trump 
And I believe we have a problem 
Sent from my iPhone 
> On Mar 9, 2016, at 4:58 PM, Terry Kafka 
> Trump is a problem solver for sure. 
> Terry B. Kafka, President 
> Impact Outdoor Advertising Co. 
> 5454 La Sierra Dr., Suite 200 
> Dallas, TX 75231 
cell 
> Impactoutdoor.com 
-----Original Message----- 
> From: Philip Kafka [mailto:_______________________________ 
> Sent: Wednesday, March 09, 2016 3:55 PM 
> To: Terry Kafka ‹> 
> Cc: Janet Kafka 
> Subject: Re: Gingrich view of Trump 
> Great one. Thanks 
> Sent from my iPhone 
>> On Mar 9, 2016, at 4:47 PM, Terry Kafka < 
>> On trump. 
>> Terry B. Kafka, President 
>> Impact Outdoor Advertising Co. 
>> 5454 La Sierra Dr., Suite 200 
>> Dallas, TX 75231 
cell 
wrote: 
> wrote: 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 025912 
>> Impactoutdoor.com 
-----Original Message----- 
>> From: Brad Bowen [mail 
>> Sent: Wednesday, March 09, 2016 2:16 PM 
>> To: Kevin McIntosh <; Ryan McIntosh 
» <JIMIMI>; Al Eckert < >; 'Henry 
>> Peek (=I=I)' <>; 'Terry Kafka 
>> ____________________ <=1111.1>; Coy E. Garrett 
» < 
iNiiM.M>; Blake <111' 
>> Subject: FW: Gingrich view of Trump 
>> Brad Bowen 
>> Partner 
>> Trinity Partners Commercial Real Estate Work phone:________________Cell 
>> phone: Mailing Address: 
>> P.O. Box 96011 
>> Southlake, TX 76092 
>> Physical Address: 
>> 450 N Kimball Ave 
>> Suite 100 
>> Southlake, TX 76092 
>> www.trinitypartnerstexas.com 
>> [Description: Description: Description: TRINITI PARTNER logo22] 
>> From: Kenny Shirley [mailto: 
>> Sent: Wednesday, March 09, 2016 12:11 PM 
>> To: Danny Shurden; Brad Bowen; 
>> Subject: Fwd: Gingrich view of Trump 
>> Sent from my iPhone 
>> Begin forwarded message: 
» From: Realblondes <11111<mailto: 
>> Date: March 9, 2016 at 9:26:23 AM CST 
>> Subject: Fwd: Gingrich view of Trump 
>> SUBJECT; GINGRICH VIEW OF TRUMP 
>> Understanding Donald Trump The Washington Times January 8, 2016 by Newt Gingrich 
>> 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 025913 
>> Donald Trump is a genuine phenomenon. He may or may not become the Republican nominee for 
president. He may or may not win the presidency even if he becomes the nominee. Yet it is clear that he is a 
phenomenon and that any history of the 2016 presidential race will have to spend a good bit of time analyzing 
Trump and his impact. 
>> From the time he announced on June 16, Trump has dominated social and mainstream media. He 
dominates the conversation despite the lack of paid advertising. Trump says outrageous things and his 
supporters shrug it off. At every turn, his poll numbers continue to rise. 
>> As a step toward understanding this amazing performance, I spent part of the Christmas break reading his 
first bestseller, 'The Art of the Deal'. Written in 1987, this book is a classic among American business books 
and has influenced a generation of entrepreneurs. Trump wrote 'The Art of the Deal' when he was 41 years 
old and having a successful run. The book's popularity contributed to Time Magazine's decision to feature 
Donald Trump on its cover in January 1989. 
>> The portrait that emerges from this easy-to-read and remarkably interesting book is of an aggressive, 
ambitious person who is constantly pushing, constantly learning, and always seeking the next 
challenge. Reporters and analysts who are trying to understand Trump would be well served by slowing 
down and reading this nearly three-decade-old bestseller. 
>> They would discover that Donald Trump has developed a remarkable set of rules and principles that allow 
him to make decisions with incredible speed. Trump knows a lot, but what is amazing is how rapidly he 
figures out what he doesn't know. 
>> My favorite story is of the Wollman Skating Rink in New York's Central Park. 
>> The Wollman Rink was a heavily used public skating rink which had fallen into disrepair in 1980. New 
York City tried for six years to fix it, spent $13 million, and the rink still was not ready to open. In June of 
1986 Trump, who could see the rink from his apartment, finally got tired of the embarrassment and offered to 
fix the rink at his own expense. At first the city turned him down because its bureaucracy did not want to be 
embarrassed by someone fixing something they couldn't fix. Trump kept pushing and finally out of 
embarrassment the city gave in. 
>> The key part of the story is Trump's reaction to being put in charge. He promptly recognized that he didn't 
know anything about fixing a skating rink. He asked himself who built a lot of skating rinks. ""Canadians!"" he 
concluded. He found the best Canadian ice skating rink construction company. When the Canadians flew in 
to assess the situation, they were amazed at how bad the city had been at solving the problem. They assured 
Trump that this was an easy job. Trump fixed the six year embarrassment two months ahead of schedule and 
nearly $800,000 under-budget. (The city did end up paying for the work, and Trump donated the profits to 
charity.) 
>> After reading this chapter you begin to think that maybe Donald Trump really could build a wall along our 
southern border for a lot less than our current government estimates. 
>> 'The Art of the Deal' is filled with stories like this — stories of common sense stories of calculated risk 
taking, and stories of innovation and marketing. 
>> Anyone who would like to better understand Donald Trump would be helped by reading this remarkable 
book. 
>> Another is his pledges and I have no way of knowing if he will make good on all of them but I do agree 
with all of them. Trump is the only candidate that is serious about building The Wall"" ! Two other important 
pledges Trump has made that no other candidate of either party has matched! First deportation of millions of 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 025914 
illegals that are demanding and costing American taxpayers billions of dollars and second Closing 34 Muslim 
traing Camps throughout our country! I WOULD LIKE TRUMP OR ANY OTHER CANDIDATES 
PLEDGE TO REINSTATE ANY AND ALL MILITARY OFFICERS DISCHARGED BECAUSE THEY 
DISAGREED WITH OBAMA OR HIS POLICIES!! 
» 
>> Here is another that kind of wraps up my feelings about Trump 
>> Raccoon's in your basement! An interesting analogy 
>> You've been on vacation for two weeks, you come home, and your basement is infested with 
raccoon's. Hundreds of rabid, messy, mean raccoon's have overtaken your basement. You want them gone 
immediately so you hire a guy. A pro. You don't care if the guy smells, you need those raccoon's gone 
pronto and he's the guy to do it! You don't care if the guy swears, you don't care if he's an alcoholic, you don't 
care how many times he's been married, you don't care if he voted for Obama, you don't care if he has 
plumber's crack...you simply want those raccoon's gone! 
» 
>> You want your problem fixed! He's the guy. He's the best. Period. That's why Trump. Yes he's a bit of 
an ass, yes he's an egomaniac, but you don't care. 
>> The country is a mess because politicians suck, the Republican Party is two-faced & gutless, illegal's are 
everywhere. You want it all fixed! You don't care that Trump is crude, you don't care that he insults people, 
you don't care that he had been friendly with Hillary, you don't care that he has changed positions, you don't 
care that he's been married 3 times, you don't care that he fights with Megyn Kelly and Rosie O'Donnell, you 
don't care that he doesn't know the name of some Muslin terrorist,...this country is weak, bankrupt, our 
enemies are making fun of us, we are being invaded by illegal's, we are becoming a nation of victims where 
every Tom, Ricardo and Hamad is a special interest group with special rights 
>> to a point where we don't even recognize the country we were born and raised in; ""AND WE JUST 
WANT IT FIXED"" and Trump is the only guy who seems to understand what the people want. 
» 
>> You're sick of politicians, sick of the Democratic Party, Republican Party, and sick of illegal's. You just 
want this thing fixed. Trump may not be a saint, but doesn't have any lobbyist money influencing him, he 
doesn't have political correctness restraining him, all you know is that he has been very successful, a good 
negotiator, he has built a lot of things, and he's also not a politician, so he's not a cowardly politician. And he 
says he'll fix it. You don't care if the guy has bad hair. You just want those raccoon's gone. Out of your house! 
» 
>> This one is more about why we don't want Hillary. 
>> I think this sums it up well ! 
>> Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton are in a bar. Donald leans over, and with a smile on his face, says, ""The 
media are really tearing you apart for That Scandal."" 
» 
>> Hillary: ""You mean my lying about Benghazi?"" 
>> Trump: ""No, the other one."" 
» 
>> Hillary: ""You mean the massive voter fraud?"" 
>> Trump: ""No, the other one."" 
» 
>> Hillary: ""You mean the military not getting their votes counted?"" 
>> Trump: ""No, the other one."" 
» 
>> Hillary: ""Using my secret private server with classified material to Hide my Activities?"" 
>> Trump: ""No, the other one."" 
» 
>> Hillary: ""The NSA monitoring our phone calls, emails and everything Else?"" 
>> Trump: ""No, the other one."" 
» 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 025915 
>> Hillary: ""Using the Clinton Foundation as a cover for tax evasion, hiring cronies, and taking bribes from 
foreign countries? 
>> Trump: ""No, the other one."" 
» 
>> Hillary: ""You mean the drones being operated in our own country without The Benefit of the law?"" 
>> Trump: ""No, the other one."" 
» 
>> Hillary: ""Giving 123 Technologies $300 Million, and right afterward it Declared Bankruptcy and was sold 
to the Chinese?"" 
>> Trump: ""No, the other one."" 
» 
>> Hillary: ""You mean arming the Muslim Brotherhood and hiring them in the White House?"" 
>> Trump: ""No, the other one."" 
» 
>> Hillary: ""Whitewater, Watergate committee, Vince Foster, commodity Deals?"" 
>> Trump: ""No the other one:"" 
» 
>> Hillary: ""The IRS targeting conservatives?"" 
>> Trump: ""No the other one:"" 
» 
>> Hillary: ""Turning Libya into chaos?"" 
>> Trump: ""No the other one:"" 
» 
>> Hillary: ""Trashing Mubarak, one of our few Muslim friends?"" 
>> Trump: ""No the other one:"" 
» 
>> Hillary: ""Turning our backs on Israel?"" 
>> Trump: ""No the other one:"" 
» 
>> Hillary: ""The joke Iran Nuke deal?"" 
>> Trump: ""No the other one:"" 
» 
>> Hillary: ""Leaving Iraq in chaos?"" 
>> Trump: ""No, the other one."" 
» 
>> Hillary: ""The DOJ spying on the press?"" 
>> Trump: ""No, the other one."" 
» 
>> Hillary: ""You mean HHS Secretary Sibelius shaking down health insurance Executives?"" 
>> Trump: ""No, the other one."" 
» 
>> Hillary: ""Giving our cronies in SOLYNDRA $500 MILLION DOLLARS and 3 Months Later they 
declared bankruptcy and then the Chinese bought it?"" 
>> Trump: ""No, the other one."" 
» 
>> Hillary: ""The NSA monitoring citizens' ?"" 
>> Trump: ""No, the other one."" 
» 
>> Hillary: ""The State Department interfering with an Inspector General Investigation on departmental sexual 
misconduct?"" 
>> Trump: ""No, the other one."" 
» 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 025916 
>> Hillary: ""Me, The IRS, Clapper and Holder all lying to Congress?"" 
>> Trump: ""No, the other one."" 
>> Hillary: ""Threats to all of Bill's former mistresses to keep them quiet"" 
>> Trump: ""No, the other one."" 
>> Hillary: ""You means taking the $145,000,000.00 from Putin for the Uranium Bribe ? "" Trump : "" No the 
other one ."" 
>> Hillary: ""I give up! ... Oh wait, I think I've got it! When I stole the White House furniture, silverware and 
China when Bill left Office?"" 
>> Trump: ""THAT'S IT! I almost forgot about that one"". 
>> ********** 
>> Everything above is true. Yet she still gets the Democratic votes. Could there be that many stupid people 
in this country? 
>> Does anyone understand this??? I think we're doomed! 
>> This email has been sent from a virus-free computer protected by Avast. 
>> http://www.avast.com/  
>> 
Philip Kafka 
Philip Kafka 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 025917 
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031374.txt,"Other Events

 — —
a
To promote interest and knowledge of environmental issues and renewable, alternative Provide an opportunity to exchange information and promote
and sustainable energy resources in children. application into future businesses
Establishment of the NCT Children’s Goodwill Ambassador
Deepen Exchanges Between Members

Events for Children

Experiments & Interactive Events Reception Party

After the end of Day 1, a reception party inviting members and

Provide children, who will take on the role of R&D for
future energies, an opportunity to learn and other related authorities will be held to provide an opportunity to
experience energy and the environment prema and Geepen exehanges.

Experimenting with the Wonders of Energy

A special children’s experiment corner will be set up in the exhibition zone ; ; ; ;
The reception party will be an informal gathering for NCT and members
to deepen exchanges, an opportunity for future product development

With the cooperation of exhibitors, we will have a corner for
and opening new distribution channels,

children to experience energy related experiments. (ex. fuel

cell experiments etc.)
Purpose is for children to experience and understand, not to

watch experiments
¢ Only available on public days. Participation will be on a first come first serve basis ePlace: Reception Hall ( 1,700m’ )
@Participants: Members (2 per corporation),

STS IMTS OSE eae Wa Rela Tse EET) other related authorities, approx. 1500 people
5 = Reception Style: Stand up Party

Energy and environment related experiment
shows will be conducted on the special stage
in the Atrium on public days

Ex. Performances by popular science producer

Date & Time: Day 1 (18:00 to 20:00)

{Draft Schedule)
@Opening Speech by Host

Denjiro Yonemura (energy experiment shows) Denjiro Yonemura

Only available on public days, Participation is free

Establishment of the NCT Children’s Goodwill Ambassador program.

Camps for children to experience and think about nature/
visits to locations with environmental issues (plan)

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031374

@®Guest Speaker
@Festive Opening of Sake Barrel
@Free time

Shave time Tap Show lllusion Magic
©Free time ( Super LiBLAZE ) ( Cyril )

"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029172.txt,"instrument to undermine the investigation.

According to present and former White House advisors, the
President's recent spates of pardons are in part his way of taunting the
Special Counsel. The White House, according to these sources, is aware
that the Special Counsel has concluded the pardon power is near
absolute: the President can certainly pardon himself, and others
involved in the investigation.

Early in June, the Special Counsel, believing that a pardon for
Michael Flynn was imminent, rushed to build a case that might form an
exception to the President's pardon authority. The argument, perhaps a
slim thread one, tries to undermine what both the White House and
many outside legal authorities, and much of the Special Counsel's own
research, believes to be one of the few unchallengeable powers granted
the President. In effect, the Special Counsel continues the theme of it’s
case: there is a level of obstruction of justice that all reasonable men
might know when they see it. If you pardon someone to get yourself off
the hook, that’s a ""corrupt"" action. Since the President is in charge of
upholding the constitution and much of the constitution is about
preventing corrupt acts, the pardon, in the case of Michael Flynn, is
unconstitutional. What's more, since there is an impeachment process
in place—or there at least several impeachment resolutions before
congress—and impeachment is the province of Congress, a pardon ofa
potential witness in this impeachment is an unconstitutional trampling
on the separation of powers.

As the President, by nature and design, tries to claim aggressive
new powers, the Mueller team, almost in equal proportion, is trying to
limit the theory of Presidential power and, even, to criminalize an
expansive exercise of those powers.

People who know and have worked with Mueller find it, at best,
unexpected that such a traditional, and by the book, G-man, would be
pursuing such far-reaching legal theories. One view, shared by the
White House, is that Mueller is overly reliant on his staff. In this
scenario, the legal charge is being led by his number two, Andrew
Weissman, the aggressive prosecutor whose pursuit of the accounting
firm Arthur Anderson in the Enron debacle end in its conviction—a
judgement reversed well after the firm's bankrupcy and dissolution.
Weissman is a particular bet noir and favorite whipping boy for the
White House.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029172
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012952.txt,"36 3 A Patternist Philosophy of Mind

system for recognizing patterns in itself and the world, critically including patterns regarding
which procedures are likely to lead to the achievement of which goals in which contexts.

Pattern as the basis of mind is not in itself is a very novel idea; this concept is present, for
instance, in the 19th-century philosophy of Charles Peirce [Pei34], in the writings of contempo-
rary philosophers Daniel Dennett [Den91] and Douglas Hofstadter [Hof79, Hof96], in Benjamin
Whorf’s [Who64] linguistic philosophy and Gregory Bateson’s [Bat79] systems theory of mind
and nature. Bateson spoke of the Metapattern: “that it is pattern which connects.” In Goertzel’s
writings on philosophy of mind, an effort has been made to pursue this theme more thoroughly
than has been done before, and to articulate in detail how various aspects of human mind and
mind in general can be well-understood by explicitly adopting a patternist perspective. !

In the patternist perspective, ""pattern"" is generally defined as ""representation as something
simpler."" Thus, for example, if one measures simplicity in terms of bit-count, then a program
compressing an image would be a pattern in that image. But if one uses a simplicity measure
incorporating run-time as well as bit-count, then the compressed version may or may not be a
pattern in the image, depending on how one’s simplicity measure weights the two factors. This
definition encompasses simple repeated patterns, but also much more complex ones. While
pattern theory has typically been elaborated in the context of computational theory, it is not
intrinsically tied to computation; rather, it can be developed in any context where there is a
notion of ""representation"" or ""production"" and a way of measuring simplicity. One just needs
to be able to assess the extent to which f represents or produces X, and then to compare the
simplicity of f and X; and then one can assess whether f is a pattern in X. A formalization of
this notion of pattern is given in [Goe06a] and briefly summarized at the end of this chapter.

Next, in patternism the mind of an intelligent system is conceived as the (fuzzy) set of
patterns in that system, and the set of patterns emergent between that system and other
systems with which it interacts. The latter clause means that the patternist perspective is
inclusive of notions of distributed intelligence [[ut96]. Basically, the mind of a system is the
fuzzy set of different simplifying representations of that system that may be adopted.

Intelligence is conceived, similarly to in Marcus Hutter’s [ut05] recent work (and as elabo-
rated informally in Chapter 2 above, and formally in Chapter 7 below), as the ability to achieve
complex goals in complex environments; where complexity itself may be defined as the pos-
session of a rich variety of patterns. A mind is thus a collection of patterns that is associated
with a persistent dynamical process that achieves highly-patterned goals in highly-patterned
environments.

An additional hypothesis made within the patternist philosophy of mind is that reflection is
critical to intelligence. This lets us conceive an intelligent system as a dynamical system that
recognizes patterns in its environment and itself, as part of its quest to achieve complex goals.

While this approach is quite general, it is not vacuous; it gives a particular structure to the
tasks of analyzing and synthesizing intelligent systems. About any would-be intelligent system,
we are led to ask questions such as:

e How are patterns represented in the system? That is, how does the underlying infrastructure
of the system give rise to the displaying of a particular pattern in the system’s behavior?

e What kinds of patterns are most compactly represented within the system?

e What kinds of patterns are most simply learned?

1 In some prior writings the term “psynet model of mind” has been used to refer to the application of patternist
philosophy to cognitive theory, but this term has been ""deprecated"" in recent publications as it seemed to
introduce more confusion than clarification.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012952
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030423.txt,"Intelligence Squared [info=intelligencesquared.com@mcsv136.net]
Intelligence Squared [info@intelligencesquared.com]

4/28/2011 12:31:12 PM

j epstein [jeevacation@gmail.com]

May events, plus what's new online

Forward to a friend | Email not displaying correctly? View it in your browser.

What will the fall-out be from the crisis in the eurozone? Tighter economic coordination or an increasingly detached
Germany? We're bringing together a former French president, controversial Conservative MEP Dan Hannan and
Timothy Garton Ash to debate the motion ""Germany no longer needs Europe — the dream is over"" on May 17th.

Then two very different literary events: Rob Lowe, Hollywood actor and star of The West Wing, talks about his new
autobiography with Kate Muir on May 25th, and Nobel Prize-winning author V. S. Naipaul will be discussing Africa,
magic and travel with Geordie Greig on May 31st.

7 Buy tickets online using any credit card at www. intelligencesquared.com/events

Buy over the telephone on 020 7792 4830, or email info@intelligencesquared.com with a phone number,

and we will call you back to take your order.

Scroll down for more information and for what's new on our website this week, including video and audio of a recent
event with Artangel Longplayer and new videos from 5x15 Stories.

Germany no longer needs Europe - the dream is over
Tuesday 17th May 2011, 6:45pm
Royal Geographical society

The Germans have got what they wanted from Europe — reunification — and
feel increasingly disenchanted with the bargain they had to make to get it —
accepting the euro. After the grudging bailout of Greece, the fumbled bailout
of Ireland and all the sharp divisions exposed by the financial crisis, isn't the
idea of Europe as a world power beginning to look like a pipe dream? Or
will the euro crisis drive Europe's leaders to strengthen economic policy
coordination to make sure there's no repeat performance, giving a fresh
impetus for the dream of Europe? Come and hear what a former French
president and five other big hitters have to say on the issue.

Rob Lowe: Tales from Hollywood
Wednesday 25th May 2011, 7pm
Royal Geographical Society

Teen idol at fifteen, founder of the Brat Pack at twenty, at 47 Rob Lowe is
still one of Hollywood's top international stars. On May 25th he comes to the
Intelligence? stage to recount the successes and disappointments of his
Hollywood career. He'll be in conversation with Kate Muir, chief film critic
on The Times, and signing copies of his new autobiography, Stories I Only
Tell my Friends.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030423
"
TEXT-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033313.txt,"From: Richard Kahn 
Sent: 6/22/2018 1:12:21 PM 
To: Jeffrey Epstein [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Importance: High 
see video at the bottom of the page as someone at rally printed a picture of you and trump together 
https://www.washingtonexaminer.com/news/watch-trump-kicks-out-protesters-from-rally 
Richard Kahn 
HBRK Associates Inc. 
575 Lexington Avenue, 4th Floor 
New York, NY 10022 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 033313 
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020258.txt,"106

according to Assange, Snowden claimed that one reason he decided to take the secret NSA
documents was the brutal treatment of Bradley Manning after he was arrested in 2010 by the US
government. “Snowden told me they had abused Manning in a way that contributed to his
decision to become a whistleblower,” Assange said in an interview in 2015. If Manning’s
mistreatment was Snowden’s motive, it was a sharp departure from the position that Snowden
had taken in his postings on the Ars Technica site in January 2009. He complained in a post on
Ars Technica about the detrimental consequences to U.S. intelligence of leakers revealing
“classified shit” to the New York Times, and he suggested as punishment “those people should be
shot in the balls.” Either he either had a change of heart about punishment or he was telling
Assange what he believed he wanted to hear.

Assange did not suggest that Snowden go to Ecuador to seek asylum. He counseled him to go
directly to Russia. “My advice was that he should take asylum in Russia despite the negative PR
consequences,” he told the (London) Times in 2015. He found “Snowden was well aware of the
spin that would be put on it if he took asylum in Russia.” Assange had another way for Snowden
to defuse the “PR consequences” of Snowden landing in Moscow. A story would be released,
coinciding with his departure, asserting that Snowden was “bound for the republic of Ecuador via
a safe route.”

When Snowden asked how he would carry out the plan, Assange told Snowden that he would
immediately dispatch one of his senior staff members to help him engineer his escape to Russia.
That senior staff member was Sarah Harrison,

After speaking to Snowden, Assange called Harrison, who was in Melbourne, Australia. She
had gone there a month earlier to help organize Assange’s somewhat quixotic election campaign
for President of Australia, | Assange now told her to forget the campaign and go to Hong Kong.
Her mission there was to use Wikileaks resources to save Snowden from “a life time in prison.”
Presumably, he also told her that he advised Snowden to proceed to Russia, where Harrison had a
visa since part of her work on the Mediastan film was done in Moscow.

Harrison did not hesitate in following Assange’s instructions. She later said that she didn’t
even bother to pack her clothing. She caught the next plane out of Australia.

After an eight hour flight, she arrived in Hong Kong on June 11""—the same day that Snowden

texted Greenwald he was in a safe house. Harrison had her own connections in Hong Kong.
Both her two younger sisters, Kate and Alexandra Harrison, who had also attended Sevenoaks,
lived there and were part of the expatriate community. She also had an older brother, Simon
Harrison, who headed Avro, a ship brokerage and commodity trading company. Although
headquartered in Singapore, Avro also operated out of Hong Kong, and he frequently travelled
there.

Like Poitras, Harrison took great care to shield her movements. She did not even have a
Twitter, Facebook or any other social media account. She made it a point not to own a cell

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020258
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030345.txt,"JEFFREY EPSTEIN
1) You may therefore have been a person evading or avoiding tax, or laundering money.
We will be particularly concerned with these questions:

2) Why you had Swiss accounts.
3) How much back tax you have settled with the tax authorities following their investigation of your affairs.

Additionally, from public records and from material we have seen we note that:

4) In 2008 you pleaded guilty to solicitation of prostitution and procuring minors for prostitution. You were
sentenced to 18 months in prison.

5) Your above accounts were also linked with Mr Leslie Wexner.

6) You are known to be or have previously been closely associated with Bill Clinton, Prince Andrew and Kevin
Spacey.

7) You have made substantial contributions to the Clintons’ philanthropic causes. Tax reform campaigners
have previously been critical of those who engage in public life or the political process while avoiding or
evading tax. Hilary Clinton herself, speaking in 2012, noted the importance of elites paying a substantial
share of tax: ""One of the issues that | have been preaching about around the world is collecting taxes in an
equitable manner — especially from the elites in every country.”

It is intended shortly to publish the results of our survey in both the US and the UK.

As responsible journalists acting in the public interest, we would first like to give you the opportunity to
comment.

If we do not hear from you by 18:00 on Monday 12th January 2015 (preferably by email to
Ls we shall proceed on the basis that you do not wish to comment on or
amend our information.

But we have approached you in a straightforward fashion and hope you will take this opportunity to respond
if you wish. Your substantive responses to each of our numbered points will be carefully considered and
published if appropriate.

(For the avoidance of doubt, we do not normally regard any generalised assertion of “inaccuracies” as a
substantive response; nor any generalised statement that the holders acted on advice. Neither will we
regard as substantive any comment that only refers to the present state of affairs and not to the past.)
We are, of course, happy to discuss directly any concerns you may have.

We would be most grateful if you would acknowledge receipt of this letter. This will save us from chasing.

Yours faithfully,

David Pegg

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030345
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029614.txt,"Please direct all scheduling inquiries to my office at: pe

Follow me on twitter @lhsummers
www.larrysummers.com

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029614
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011985.txt,"major newspapers, or other publicotions:

(5) Evidence that the alien has recelved significant recognition for
achlevemen!s from organizations, critics, government agencles, or other
recognized experts In the field In which the alien la engaged. Such
testimonials musi be In a form, which clearly Indicates the author's
authorlty, expertise, and knowledge of the allan's achlevements: or

(4) Evidence that the afien has eiffer commanded a high salary o¢ will
command a high salary of other substantial remuneration for services in
relation to others In the fleld, as evidenced by contracts or other refiable
evidence; or

C. if the criteria In paragraph (0)(3)(1v) of this section do not teadily apply to
the beneficiary's occupation, the petitioner may submit comparable
evidence In order to establish the beneficlary's eligibility.

EVIDENCE THAT THE BENEFICIARY MEETS AT LEAST THREE OF THE PFRONGS OF THE
1A R.SUBSECTI

The fist prong that ihe beneficiary solisfies is 8 CFR §214.2{o3)(tviBy 1).

which requires evidence that the allen has performed, and will perform, services
as a lead or staring participant in productions or events which have o
distinguished reputation as evidenced by ceutical reviews, advertisements,
publicity releases, publication contracts, or endorsements.

As a result of Mr. Brunel's combined expertise in fashion and tourism. he
Gecided to create Latin Model Pageants, now known os Models New
Generation. fo cross promote these key industries with international! business and
investment opportunities. Mr. Brunel has promoted ond judged various modeting
coniesis throughout South America including modeling contests staged in
countries such as Peru, Ecuador, Brazil, Argentina, and Chile. Conceived in 1987,
tne Lalin Model of Ihe World eveni was a high-end modeling and enterlainment
produci ihat appeated io upscale international audiences. reaching nearly 400-
milion television viewers worldwide. Throughout his hislory as a major
infernahona: event promoter and artistic and talent coordinator, Mr. Brunel has
orchesirated mulfi-foceted public relations, advertising and media campargns
that incoiporated television, magazines, Programs. newsletters, and promotions,
becoming nofubly lucrative for vonous major brands as a promotional teal. Mr.
Brunel's acule knowledge of markeiing and promoting skills has furned his
various international events into highly successful arhstic and business ventures
for vanous major brands Latin Model Pageéanis offracied major brands as

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011985
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022191.txt,"Sent: Friday, January 9, 2015 12:50 PM
Subject: Re: we'll see

notable?

On Fri, Jan 9, 2015 at 1:44 PM, i rote:

Definitely not gonna talk to the reporters. It doesn't feel

right. Xoxoxo

They called my friend Illtoday and told her they are writing a story about notable people from the east and would like to talk to her about me. She didn't fall

for it.. Slovakian press is going crazy now.

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited

2

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022191
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031412.txt,"From: Jeffrey Epstein [jeevacation@gmail.com]
Sent: 5/18/2011 10:37:36 AM
To: Gmax [gmax1@ellmax.com]

do you have photos from our clinton trip to africa

De ee ee ee ee ee ee ee ee ee a

The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of

Jeffrey Epstein

Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031412
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017903.txt,"838

TVPA, assault and battery, intentional in-
fliction of emotional distress, and negli-
gence claims against the SAAR Network
are dismissed. Adel Batterjee’s motion to
dismiss the Burnett complaint is denied.

So ordered.

© & KEY NUMBER SYSTEM

aMms

Lawrence AGEE Plaintiff,
Vv.

Richard GRUNERT, M.D., Chris Fuku-
da, M.D., Fletcher Allen Health Care,
Inc., and Copley Hospital Defendants.

No. 2:00-CV-169.

United States District Court,
D. Vermont.

Oct. 1, 2004.

Background: Physician brought federal
statutory and state contract and tort
claims against former partners in medical
eroup practice and others, after partners
reported his alleged mental unfitness to
practice medicine and placed him on dis-
ability leave. Partners moved for summary
judgment, and physician cross-moved for
summary judgment.

Holdings: The District Court, Sessions,
Chief Judge, held that:

(1) under Vermont law, partners did not
make false and defamatory statements
about physician in reporting his con-
duct;

(2) partners’ statements were conditional-
ly privileged;

(8) physician did not have claim for “re-
striction of trade” against doctors who
raised legitimate concerns about his
fitness to practice;

349 FEDERAL SUPPLEMENT, 2d SERIES

(4) partners’ behavior in reporting physi-
cian’s suspected mental unfitness was
not extreme and outrageous conduct
that intentionally inflicted emotional
distress;

(5) partners did not negligently inflict
emotional distress;

(6) physician failed to exhaust administra-
tive remedies on ADA claim; and

(7) physician was not employee for pur-
poses of ADA claim.

Motions granted in part and denied in
part.

1. Federal Civil Procedure #2554

On defendants’ motion for summary
judgment, district court would not consider
new claims raised for first time in plain-
tiffs memorandum in opposition to motion.
Fed.Rules Civ.Proc.Rule 56, 28 U.S.C.A.

2. Libel and Slander <1

Under Vermont law, the elements of
defamation are: (1) a false and defamatory
statement concerning another; (2) some
negligence, or greater fault, in publishing
the statement; (8) publication to at least
one third person; (4) lack of privilege in
the publication; (5) special damages, unless
actionable per se; and (6) some actual
harm so as to warrant compensatory dam-
ages.

3. Libel and Slander ¢=30

Under Vermont law, partners in medi-
cal practice did not make false and defam-
atory statements in telling hospitals that
physician had been determined to be dis-
abled and that he was on disability leave;
partners were required under ethics code
to question physician’s fitness when he
attempted surgery despite not having slept
for weeks and while on sleep medication,
and their group practice agreement pro-
vided for his acquiescence in determination

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017903
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021498.txt,"FD-302 (Rev. 10-6-95) * @

-l-

FEDERAL BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION

Date of transcription 08/28/2007

date of birth home telephone b6
was interviewed at her residence, b7c
regarding a federal investigation involving
the sexual exploitation of minors. After being advised of the
identity of the interviewing agents and the nature of the
interview, [__]provided the following information:

advised that she_began workin
JEFFREY EPSTEIN in

by JEFFREY EPSTEIN,
osition. Her current job responsibilities include

EPSTEIN's office is located at
adison Avenue, New York, New York, telephone 212-750-9895.
[— ldescribea EPSTEIN as a good boss.

confirmed was employed by EPSTEIN.
nocamiing Ba works aS EPSTEIN's|
The interview was sakezeuptee then

atter [__________________ requested to 3

speak with an attorney at which point the interview was concluded. y¢
[ee b7C

File # 31EL-MM-108062 Date dictated 08/21/2007

This document contains neither recommendations nor conclusions of the FBI. It is the property of the FBI and is loaned to your agency;

it and its contents are not to be distributed outside your agency. ‘ .
—~ J
SIE-MU- 108062- /F6

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021498
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027912.txt,"Chapter Four

At first, it was only “approval in principle”. It’s impossible to overstate the
trepidation with which Israel’s military brass, and Ben-Gurion himself,
approached the decision finally to send Sayeret Matkal into action. It was not
just the fact that we were a unit uttterly untested in the field. The stakes in the
mission we were contemplating were enormous. For the first time since Uri
Ilan’s deseperate act of suicide in a Damascus jail cell, Israeli soldiers would be
crossing into Arab territory on an intelligence mission. Amid continuing
tensions with the increasingly militant rulers of Egypt and Syria, there seemed
little doubt that at some stage we would again have to fight to defend our
security, perhaps even our existence as a state. The Rotem debacle had
highlighted the danger of a surprise attack, potentially leaving us in a scramble
to call up reserve units as Syrian or Egyptian tanks advanced on our borders.
But the memory of Uri Ilan remained a haunting reminder of the risks of failure.

My role, again, came down partly to accident. The man initially chosen to
lead the operation was someone I’d liked from my first days in the sayeret.
Ya’akov Tal, known as Tubul, was a year older than me. He came from Tiberias
in the north of Israel. As a teenager, he’d worked for extra pocket money
alongside shepherds in the hills above the Sea of Galilee, picking up a near-
fluent command of Arabic. He was self-confident without a trace of arrogance,
with a natural talent for connecting with his soldiers. In my case, there was a
further bond: a shared fascination with math and sciences.

But Tubul had applied to the leading technology institute in Israel, the
Technion near Haifa. As he began training his four-man team to cross onto
Syria’s Golan Heights, he received word that he’d been accepted. The academic
year wouldn’t begin until September, and it had been assumed at first that the
operation would happen before then. But even though Meir Amit was pressing
the rest of the military brass for a final go-ahead, it still hadn’t arrived by early
August. Avraham decided he needed a fall-back plan. He called Tubul and me
into his office. He said he wanted me to join the team’s training as Tubul’s
deputy, and to be ready to step in as commander if that proved necessary. When
we next heard from Amit, a week later, it became clear the mission would not
happen in time for Tubul to lead it.

We would be setting out from the northeast corner of Israel, a patch of
parkland near a kibbutz called Dan, only a mile or so from where Uri Ilan’s
group had begun its mission. This time, however, the target was more

64
HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027912
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025594.txt,"Date: Monday, May 6 2019 11:15 AM
Subject: Re: $25K from ASU
From: J <jeevacation@gmail.com>

To: Joichi to Sa.

send details .

On Mon, May 6, 2019 at 7:14 AM Joichi Ito ; ff wrote:
Can he give a gift to me at MIT?

Sent from my iPhone
On May 6, 2019, at 06:56, J <jeevacation@gmail.com > wrote:

yes, hes not beholden to ME too _:). how should farkas give the money

On Mon, May 6, 2019 at 6:52 AM Joichi Ito <P wrote:
That would be great. I’ve been busy, but good. How are you? Heard you saw Madars.

> On May 6, 2019, at 06:48, J <jeevacation@gmail.com > wrote:

oe

>1ican have andrew farkas , he gave a building to the hasty pudding harvard. fund plant guys. how
are you >?

>

> On Thu, Apr 18, 2019 at 8:23 AM Joichi Ito <> wrote:

> Nice.

>

>> On Apr 18, 2019, at 08:03, J <jeevacation@gmail.com > wrote:

Se &

> > https://www.nytimes.com/2019/04/18/opinion/sunday/oliver- sacks-gardens.html?action=click
&module=Opinion &pgtype=Homepage

te bs

>> On Mon, Mar 4, 2019 at 11:08 AM Joi Ito <P wrote:

>> Tm good. Good luck!

ts bs

>> - Joi

>>

>>> On Mar 4, 2019, at 7:45 AM, J <jeevacation@gmail.com > wrote:
Ss Se

>>> brutal press. .sorry . itseemsimasymbol for allills. :). if you hate the rich, the men , the

trump types . im yourboy . atleast for the moment. . hope you are well
>>>

>>> On Thu, Feb 28, 2019 at 1:24 PM Joi Ito <> wrote:
> >> Thanks!

>>>

> >>> On Feb 28, 2019, at 1:18 PM, J <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:
> >>>

> >>>No problem- Trying to get more black for you

> So

> >>> On Thu, Feb 28, 2019 at 1:10 PM Joi Ito - £« wrote:

> >>> Hey Jeffrey.

o> Se

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025594
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012254.txt,"11
12
13

44

2:

23

MP:

Are you lying about anything?

No. /'ll swear on the bible.

Okay. Swearing to God, that’s good enough for me.

| swear to God.

Okay. Is there anything else you'd like to talk to me about?

No, because thal’s about....nothing else about the whale thing.

At any time, did he touch you.....

At no time...

Besides puiting his hands...

Besides that, no times did he touch me.

And just so | can be sure, you saw him whacking off once.

Yes, | saw him.

Okay. And as far as you think.....

i think, | know, well, | couldn't say f know, but it’s the same noises were being
made when he was (inaudible).

And that’s it. | thank you very much. This will conclude the interview. The time
now by my watch is approximately 3:05.

Page 43 of 43

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012254
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020786.txt,"HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020786
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024852.txt,"COWEN
COLLABORATIVE INSIGHTS

February 25, 2019

Benchmarking across the topical market, we would highlight the absolute number of
brands offering a product, which while not exhaustive, provides context on the
popularity of the form factor. Similar to most other verticals, Mary's topicals fall into the
super-premium segment, which we define as anything above $0.54 per mg of CBD. Of all
the SKUs analyzed, the premium segment looks to be the narrowest, while mainstream
and value segments are the most popular price point among the competitive set.

Figure 51 Popularity in Topicals Are Reflected In The Overall Number Of Brands Playing Within The Segment

$0.80 $0.74

$0.70 $0.62$0.61$0.60
ae $0.45
$0.40
$0.30
$0.20
$0.10
$0.00

Sagely Naturals
Curaleaf Hemp
Kush Queen

a
©
=

2
r=]

‘=
=]
5

=
wv

>
=
6
=

Super Premium

(> $0.54)

$0.40

$0.32$0.32¢9 30

Mazz Hanna

RX CannaCare

CBD Topicals by Price Segment

0.26$0.25
: : . £650.19 175
S 1750. 0.16$0.15 $
S S ‘ : , 0.1250.11$0 10$0 10s0 085
25 235 2350.22 Sc 5$0.14 5 e : 0.0 $0.05$0.0550.

Mary's Medicinals
Green Roads
Hemp Bombs

Highline

LEEF Organics
Medix CBD
Canna Hemp X
Bee's Knees
Wildflower
Pure Kana
Canna Hemp
Premium Jane
Try the CBD
Green Mountain

Main
($0.21-50.38)

Source: Company Websites and Cowen and Company

Note: Reflects price per mg of CBD; For companies with multiple SKUs, we used a straight line average

According to our proprietary Cowen consumer survey, of respondents who use CBD,
26.2% of people use topicals as a form factor, which is the highest level seen after
tinctures. Usage among men and women look to be similar, though younger, lower
income use looks to be more prevalent when benchmarking to older, higher income
cohorts. Similar to capsules, this could reflect the large number of brands we see playing
in the value segment.

Figure 52 Topical Use Is More Prevalent Among Younger, Lower Income Consumers

35.0%

30.0% 26.2% 26.5%

25.0%
20.0%
15.0%
10.0%
5.0%
0.0%

Male

Gender

CBD Topical Use

30.1%
° 27.8%, 29.3%

25.8%

Female <S50K S$50K-$100K >$ 100K

Income

Source: Cowen Survey, N=~2500, January 2019

36

COWEN.COM

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024852
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018403.txt,"change, lock in great-state peace. So many desires scatter our minds and when we
fail to achieve them they erode our will. Here is a basic lesson of accomplishment in
any human domain: Better for us to focus on a single aim, and tighten our efforts
around that one aim and use success to strengthen our will. The answer to the great,
newly-charged existential question of politics - “Are you a gatekeeper or the
gatekept?” - is not yet decided for the United States. So, strategy first: We live ina
connected age where power is sliding into that gated order we've learned about.
America’s role? Not to make the entire world democratic. Not to try to bomb or
force stability onto every nation now collapsing under network pressures. Not to
passively wait for our version of history to “win”. Not to thwart the rise of other
countries. No. The strategy that fits the nature of our age and position is to perfect
and then operate the essential, topological mechanisms of power now. Sometimes
with warm humanity; other times with the ruthlessness demanded by the touch of
danger and evil. This involves gates. It involves firmness and nerve and willpower. It
demands what we might call Hard Gatekeeping.

2.

Everything around us now is or soon will be connected. Access to our trade, the use
of technology and networks, our defense or our currency - all of these must be
considered as gated systems. Each will come to throb with new power as a result of
their links, as a byproduct of their escalating sensitivity, intelligence and power, and
from that in-or-out distinction. Much remains to be instantly, fully linked in this
way. Our education. Our medicine. Our military. Real-time information, sensors and
machine intelligence will erect Gatelands in each of these areas and in others. These
walls will go up even faster than real-world berms and fences. The strategic position
of any nation or terror group or business is not going to be secured by industrial
measures. No one at Google wants to build a newspaper. No one in Al-Qaeda is
trying to float an aircraft carrier. Rather, it will be determined in the construction of
new tools, which largely means the building of a new, gated order.

“Every new age and every new epoch in the coexistence of peoples,” the historian
Carl Schmitt once wrote, “is founded on new spatial divisions, new enclosures, and
new spatial orders of the earth.” Schmitt was contemplating history: The great
Mediterranean empires and the long, millennial power trails of Asian chieftains. But
his insight touches every age, our own included. To make a nation, to build an
empire, is to draw lines, to push at borders, to smash at gates. Some of this is the
wild martial ambition of a Napoleon or Hitler (who Schmitt unwisely advised); often
itis simple protection. Lord Balfour, serving as Foreign Secretary, contemplated this
problem from his imperial vantage in 1918 and observed: “Every time I come toa
discussion - an intervals of say, five years — | find there is a new sphere we have got
to guard,” he wrote. “Those gateways are getting further and further away from
India, I don’t know how far west they are going to be brought by the General
Staff.”245 This problem of where exactly to put the gates confronts us now as well.

245 “Those gateways”: Quoted in Robert Jervis, “Cooperation Under the Security
Dilemma”, World Politics Vol 30, Issue 2 (Jan, 1978) p. 169

171

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018403
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017730.txt,"Page 16 of 52
2005 B.Y.U.L. Rev. 835, *861

Second, prosecutors and their agents continue dealing with victims throughout the course of a prosecution. They work with
victims in investigating the crime, identifying potential defendants, preparing the indictment, and presenting evidence to the
grand jury and at trial. Because of this working relationship, prosecutors are best situated to provide notice in most cases.
Third, most crime victims lack legal counsel and are unfamiliar with federal criminal proceedings. They may need assistance
from someone familiar with the process to understand what is happening. United States Attorneys’ offices, including the victim-
witness components in those offices, are well situated to provide that assistance. As the President's [*862] Task Force of
Victims of Crime concluded, the prosecutor is ""in the best position to explain to victims the legal significance of various
motions and proceedings."" |34 For all these reasons, prosecutors should notify victims of their rights and of upcoming
hearings. '35 Most states that have addressed the issue follow this approach. !3°

The Justice Department appears to agree that 1t should notify victims. In the 2000 Attorney General Guidelines for Victim and
Witness Assistance, the Department required prosecutors and their [*863] agents to provide notice to crime victims. In
particular, the Guidelines currently obligate prosecutors to provide victims with ""the earliest possible notice"" of:

(a) The release or detention status of an offender or suspected offender ... .
(b) The filing of charges against a suspected offender, or the proposed dismissal of all charges ... .

(c) The scheduling, including scheduling changes and/or continuances, of each court proceeding that the victim or witness is
either required to attend or entitled to attend ... .

(d) The acceptance of a plea of guilty or nolo contendere or the rendering of a verdict after trial ... .

(e) If the offender is convicted, the date set for sentencing, the sentence imposed ... . 137

134 President's Task Force on Victims of Crime, Final Report 64 (1982).

35 But cf. United States v. Turner, 367 F. Supp. 2d 319, 328 (E.D.N.Y. 2005) (concluding that, in the absence of a national rule requiring
prosecutors to provide notice to victims, the court would direct the prosecutor to provide the name and contact information of each victim so
that the court can ensure that notice is properly given).

16 See, e.g., Ala. Code 15-23-62(8) (2000) (requiring law enforcement officers to give victims initial description of their rights and “the
name and telephone number of the office of the prosecuting attorney to contact for further information""); Ariz. Rev. Stat. 13-4409 (2001)
(requiring prosecutor to provide notice to victim of criminal proceedings; Conn. Gen. Stat. Ann. 5]-286e (2000) (requiring prosecutor to
notify victim of any judicial proceedings related to the case); Del. Code Ann. tit. 1], 9411 (2001) (requiring Attorney General to provide
information to victim including ""notice of the scheduling of court proceedings and changes including trial date, case review and sentencing

hearings""); Ga. Code Ann. 17-17-8(b) (2004) (requiring prosecutor where possible to give victim ""prompt advance notification of any

scheduled court proceedings""); Ky. Rev. Stat. Ann. 421.500.5 (LexisNexis 1992) (requiring prosecutor to provide victim ""prompt notification,
if possible, of judicial proceedings relating to the case""); Me. Rev. Stat. Ann. tit. 15, 6101 (2003) (requiring prosecutor to provide victims of
certain crimes notice of any plea agreement and of trial date); Afass. Gen. Laws Ann. ch. 258B, 3 (West 2004) (requiring prosecutor to give
victims notice of various rights); Afich. Comp. Laws Ann. 780.755(1) (West 1998) (requiring prosecutor to give victims notice of court

proceedings); Minn. Stat. Ann. 6114.03 (West 2003) (requiring prosecutor to give victim notice of plea agreement and sentencing hearing);
N.M. Stat. Ann. 31-26-9(B) (LexisNexis 2004) (requiring prosecutor to provide victim with notice of scheduled court proceedings); N.Y.
[Executive] Law. 646a (McKinney 2005) (requiring prosecutor to provide notice of court proceedings); S.D. Codified Laws 23A-28C-]
(2004) (requiring prosecutor to notify victim of certain hearings); Tenn. Code Ann. 40-38-103 (2003) (requiring prosecutor to notify victim of
""times, dates, and locations of all pertinent stages in the proceedings""); Tex. Code Crim. Proc. Ann. art. 56.08(b) (Vernon 2004) (requiring
prosecutor to give victim notice of court proceedings); Utah Code Ann. 77-38-3 (2004) (requiring prosecutor to give victim notice of
""important criminal justice hearings""); Wis. Stat. Ann. 972.14(2m) (West 1998) (""Before pronouncing sentence, the court shall inquire of the
district attorney whether he or she has complied with 971.095(2) and with sub. (3)(b), whether any of the victims of a crime considered at
sentencing requested notice of the date, time and place of the sentencing hearing and, if so, whether the district attorney provided to the
victim notice of the date, time and place of the sentencing hearing.""); vo. Stat. Ann. 1-40-204(b)(i) (2004) (requiring prosecutor to inform
victim about all hearings). But see Ohio Rev. Code Ann. 2930.06(C) (2005) (requiring court to give notice to victim of court proceedings).

DAVID SCHOEN

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017730
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024142.txt,"Global economic outlook - Summary

Key questions

e Can emerging markets (EM) continue to offset developed market (DM) weakness to buoy global
growth?

e What are the risks of near-term faltering of the US economic recovery?

e When is the European economy likely to return to sustainable economic expansion?

CIO View (Probability: 60%*)

¢ Global economic activity remains moderate; the growth impulse stems largely (some 80%) from the EM
region. As expected, China started to ease monetary policy. The country is better placed than other EM
and particularly DM countries to counter growth weakness with further monetary and fiscal stimuli. Thus,
we expect EM growth to stabilize soon and pick up in 2H 2012.

e US economic indicators have on balance been disappointing recently, especially data related to business
fixed investment and employment growth. Thus, we lowered our 2Q 2012 real GDP growth forecast to an
annualized rate of 1.5% from 2%. We still expect growth slightly above 2% in 2H 2012. We think that the
risk that the Fed will take measures in addition to the extension of ""Operation Twist"" is still significant.

e Large parts of Western Europe are in recession or stagnation. We expect the economies of the Eurozone
and the UK to show mild improvement in 2H 2012. Still, economic activity is likely to remain very sluggish
despite support from lower oil prices and less rigorous fiscal austerity. The Bank of England may support
the UK economy by increasing its amount of bond purchases soon. The probability that the ECB will take
further action to support the economy has risen significantly.

A” Positive scenario (Probability: 15%*)

e The Eurozone crisis abates. Financial market conditions recover, mitigating the drag from fiscal austerity.
¢ Growth in Western Europe is marginally positive (Eurozone stagnates) in 2012 and the US economy
grows moderately above trend.

i Negative scenario (Probability: 25%*)

e There are three key downside risks to the global economy: 1. a significant escalation of the Eurozone
debt crisis; 2. a sharp fiscal contraction in the US, and 3. a sharp deceleration of the Chinese economy. Each
one of these risks could precipitate a significant downturn of the global economy.

Key dates

2 July USA: ISM manufacturing PMI for June

5 July Eurozone: ECB press conference

24 July Eurozone: purchasing managers indices (PMI), July estimates
22-25 July = China: HSBC flash manufacturing purchasing managers index (Jul)

36 UBS

Global growth expected at just under
3% in 2012

Real GDP growth in % Inflation in %

2011 2012F = =2013F 2011 2012F =. 2013F

Americas US 17 21 2.6 3.1 2.1 V7
Canada 24 Zerik 24 2. eh Bad

Brazil 29 2.0 48 65 5.2 65

Asia/Pacific Japan -0.7 2:5 2.0 -0.3 6.2) 05
Australia 2.1 3.2 35 3.4 16 25

China 9.2: 82 85 5.4 3.0 40

India 65 6.0 7.0 7.8 69 7

Europe Eurozone als: -0.4 04 27 Wins: 2.0
Germany Sul 1.0 1.1 25 1.7 TS

France rs 3 0.4 ell en Lok

Italy 05 -1.8 02 29 3.4 39

Spain O7 -1.6 -1.3 Sul ee) 9

UK 07 0.2 igs 45 2.8 1.9

Switzerland Ael 13 flock 0.2 0.4 1.4

Russia 43 3.8 a7 85 4g 6.9

World oe 28 333 3.3) 30 3.0

For further information please contact ClIO economist Dirk Faltin, dirk.faltin@ubs.com

Source: UBS CIO, as of 28 June 2012

In developing the ClO economic forecasts, CIO economists
worked in collaboration with economists employed by UBS
Investment Research. Forecasts and estimates are current
only as of the date of this publication and may change
without notice.

Global economic momentum is
deteriorating (UBS GDP tracker)

%
10 May
6.3%

3.1%

1.0%

-2Jan Jan Jan Jan Van, f Jan Jan Jan Jan
-4 05 06 07 08 09 10 11 12 13

6 ——Global DM ——EM*

Source: Bloomberg, UBS CIO, as of 22 June 2012
* DM= developed markets, EM = emerging markets

Note: Past performance is not an indication of future returns.
**Scenario probabilities are based on qualitative assessment.

Please see important disclaimer and disclosures at the end of the document.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024142
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023435.txt,"﻿PROPOSAL: Poetry in America for Middle and High School Teachers
A. NATURE OF THE REQUEST
Poetry in America, a collaboration between Elisa New and Programs in Professional
Education (PPE) at the Harvard Graduate School of Education (HGSE), will produce courses
for national and international distribution to K­12 teachers. Drawing on Elisa New’s extensive
archive of raw instructional video, HGSE has the goal of providing online graduate­level
professional development courses for teachers who have never before had the opportunity to
advance their careers online. Teachers will be able to use to this course to strengthen their
classroom practice while accumulating credits toward advanced degrees in education.
Though American teachers are required to take professional development courses, very few
of these courses offer teachers content support. This initiative will provide such support at a
high level, offering Harvard credits and career advancement to participating teachers.
Additionally, this initiative will produce classroom­ready video content designed to engage and
educate middle and high school students, thus enabling teachers to bring the content of their
professional development directly into the classroom. It will give teachers the confidence and
tools to discuss poetry while also meeting English Language Arts standards and providing
teachers with professional development opportunities. The first such course, Poetry of the
City, is already in active development, with its first one­credit module, on the poetry of Walt
Whitman, currently entering the post­production stage. The second proposed course (either
“The Poetry of Character Development and the Feelings” ­­concerned with building literacy
skills and character awareness­­ or “The Poetry of Earth, Sea, and Sky” ­­concerned with
making connections between science and poetry) will enter post­production as soon as funds
become available.
In addition to the production team (including an executive director, video editor, media
manager, and instructional designer), we are joined by a diverse set of senior partners
including:
● James Ryan, Dean of the Harvard Graduate School of Education
● Mary Grassa O’Neill, Managing Director of HGSE Professional Education and former
superintendent of the Archdiocese of Boston and Milton Public Schools
● Roland Fryer, Henry Lee Professor of Economics at Harvard, Macarthur “Genius,”
and founder of the Education Innovation Laboratory
● Robert Polito, American academic, critic, poet, and President of The Poetry
Foundation.
Our advisory board includes:
● US Poet Laureate Robert Pinsky
● Actor John Lithgow
● Hip­Hop Artist Nas
● distinguished academics and poets from Harvard and elsewhere
Participants and Filmed Conversations include:
● President Bill Clinton, Herbie Hancock, poet Sonia Sanchez, and children from the
Harlem Children’s Zone on disappointment and discrimination (filmed in Harlem and
LA)
● Nas on traditions of American urban long­form poetry
● Lena Dunham on truth­telling and romantic love (filmed in Brooklyn)
● Woody Allen on poetry, sincerity, and morality
● Supreme Court Justice Elena Kagan on poetry and the law
● Vice President Al Gore on poetry and the environment
● Robert Frost biographer Jay Parini with Harvard students on trauma (filmed in
Vermont)
● Alfre Woodard on Gwendolyn Brooks and rebellion
● Senator John McCain on love and loyalty to comrades (filmed in Washington DC)
● Katie Couric on grief and self­control
● NBA athletes Shane Battier and Jason Collins on form and basketball
B. PROJECT ACTIVITIES
The activities of this proposal fall into three major categories: production, post­production, and
distribution. The activities involve collaboration between academics, professional course
developers, curricular designers and video producers.
Poetry in America has amassed well over one hundred hours of high quality instructional
video, including dozens of interpretive conversations with well­known personalities across the
professions. Some additional production is expected, and a crew is now assembled to
accomplish additional production in a cost effective manner. The post­production stage will
involve discussion and planning with the Harvard Graduate School of Education and other
educational and media partners based on this current sizeable archive of raw video footage.
At the post­production stage, we will shape and edit the raw footage into curricular content for
teachers, and produce classroom­ready video. The post­production team, led by an
experienced course developer and producer, will also include a professional
videographer/editor with experience in creating high­quality pedagogy, a media manager, and
a curriculum design team comprised of an instructional designer and IT specialist. HGSE will
develop graduate course materials, including classroom­usable lesson plans, based on video
content. Courses offered will include uncoached, lightly coached and fully coached versions of
teaching poetry in the classroom. Teachers enrolled in coached versions of the course will
receive real­time classroom support by HGSE instructional staff.
The distribution phase will rely heavily on our media and educational partners. Distribution
emanates from PPE, which attracts thousands of educators every year to its programs on
Harvard’s campus, and enrolls thousands of others in its highly successful WIDE World
courses. Previous offerings of Poetry in America courses on edX have attracted over 25,000
learners worldwide.
Other partners include:
● The Poetry Foundation
● WGBH
● The Atlantic
● The Aspen Institute
● The Nantucket Project
● Genius
● Nautilus
● The Big Think
● The Emily Dickinson Museum
New corporate partners include:
● Digital Partners Incorporated
● Adobe
● Netsuite
C: OUTPUTS AND OUTCOMES
This project will eventuate in for­credit professional development materials, developed by the
Harvard Graduate School of Education to support relevant educational standards, including
but not limited to the Common Core. With funds sufficient to the task, we expect to release
two full­credit courses for teachers by Spring 2016. HGSE has a business plan to produce
these courses, which they expect will fill a market niche.
D: FUNDING OPTIONS
Funds to support Poetry in America for Middle and High School Teachers may be directed to
the Harvard Graduate School of Education. There is an HGSE account dedicated to Poetry in
America that is ready to receive donations.
Alternatively, funds can be donated to Filmmaker’s Collaborative, a 501c3 dedicated to
supporting independent film and media initiatives such as the Poetry in America project.
Filmmaker’s Collaborative provides low­cost fiscal sponsorship for over 200 media projects
across the country, and also offers professional support and public programming. Filmmakers
Collaborative allows maximum autonomy and flexibility in the use of resources to support the
objectives of the Poetry in America project.
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015321.txt,"to make the Obama version, and if McCain somehow wins, we’ re basically
just totally screwed.” Likewise, Garry Trudeau gambled that Obama would
win, and his syndicated Doonesbury strip--published the day after the
election--depicted three soldiers in Iraq watching the returns on TV as a
reporter is saying, “And it’ s official--Barack Obama has won.”

Some editors were undecided about whether to publish it. Trudeau
encouraged them to choose hope over fear. “If |’ m wrong,” he told the
Los Angeles Times, “it' |l be my face that’ Il be covered with eggs, not
theirs.” 7imes editors had decided, in the interest of accuracy, to wait for
the election results, and if Obama won, they would publish the strip on
Thursday, but then they must have realized it was just a comic strip, not
investigative journalism, and they published it on Wednesday after all.

Trudeau thought that newspapers should run the strip because

“polling data gives McCain a 3.7% chance of victory.” Indeed, a week
after Obama’ s win, McCain himself admitted to Jay Leno, “I can read the
polls--they tried to keep ' em from me.” There were dozens of polls,
from ABC to Zogby, and, psychographic sophistication aside, they didn’ t
always exactly agree. For example, in Nevada during the last week of
October, one poll put Obama’ s lead at 12%, another at 7%, another at

5% and two others at 4%, which meant that, given the margin of sampling

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015321
"
IMAGES-012-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033056.txt,"The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of

JEE

Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033056
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021473.txt,"(Rev. 01-31-2003) ; Y ? BS

b7C |

FEDERAL BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION

Precedence: ROUTINE : Date: 06/22/2007

To: Miami Attn: IMA/PB2 —

From: Miami
PB2/PBCRA

contact: sa[

Approved By:
Drafted By:
Case ID #: 31E-MM-108062 (endings

Title: J sarrRey EPSTEIN;

= OSTITUTION
Synopsis: To request the opening of sub-files in captioned case.

Details: It is requested that the following sub-files be opened
to assist in document management in captioned case.

SUB - GJ Federal Grand Jury

‘i : das &°

[|

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021473
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028412.txt,"Narrow"",""style"":""normal"",""weight"":500,""width"":""semi-
condensed""},""fontName"":""RetinaNarrowMed"",""identifier"":""f508ed16-e307-4c99-87a2-
a2686ba99deb"",""type"":""font""},""fcc4e0a7-97a3-4f75-88d2-1672663528aa"":{""URL"":""asset://foc4e0a7-97a3-
4f75-88d2-

1e72663528aa"",""classification"":""font"" ,""fileSize"":0,""fontAttributes"":{""familyName"":""Retina"",""style"":""normal"",
""weight"":400,""width"":""normal""},""fontName"":""RetinaBook"",""identifier"":""fec4e0a7-97a3-4f75-88d2-
1¢€72663528aa"",""type"":""font""}},""specVersion"":""1.6"",""subtitle"":""Friday’s talks to occur amid concerns on
Capitol Hill about privacy, China business and allegations of bias against
conservatives"",""textStyles"":{""_anf-ts-
1"":{""fontAttributes"":{""weightLabel"":""bolder""},""fontName"":""ExchangeBold"",""identifier"":""_anf-ts-
1""}},""title"":""Google CEO Sundar Pichai to Meet With Top GOP Lawmakers"",""version"":""1.1.0""}

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028412
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027721.txt,"GUID: D671E60B-B1IF0-4370-BFB4-F53FB6AA2 96B

Message: Yes yes yes

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027721
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024661.txt,"CHAPTER II Cannabis Science 101

Caryophyllene: Caryophyllene is known for its peppery, woody and spicy smell. It is believed to have
several medicinal benefits, such as antibacterial, anticancer, antifungal and anti-ischemic, and a thera-
peutic application as a bronchodilator. Caryophyllene is found in many plants, including Thai basil,
cloves, cinnamon leaves and black pepper.

Humulene: Humulene is well known for giving beer its hoppy aroma and is believed to have several
medicinal benefits: antibacterial, anti-inflammatory and antitumor. Humulene is used to aid weight
loss by acting as an anorectic (appetite suppressant). It is also found in hops and coriander.

Limonene: Limonene is recognized for its citrusy smell. Its medicinal benefits are believed to include
antianxiety, antibacterial, anticancer, anticonvulsive, antidepressant and antifungal. Limonene present
in cannabis quickly enters the bloodstream upon inhalation, which may facilitate the quick absorption
of other terpenes and thus contribute to an uplifting experience. Limonene is also present in citrus fruit
rinds, rosemary, juniper, peppermint and pine needle oils, and its strong smell serves as a natural insect
repellent.

Linalool: Linalool has floral and lavender aromas. It is believed to have medicinal benefits that
include antibacterial, antidepressant, antifungal and anti-insomnia. Linalool may also counteract anx-
iety induced by THC consumption. Some research suggests that linalool may boost the immune sys-
tem, reduce lung inflammation and restore cognitive and emotional function (potentially making it
useful in the treatment of Alzheimer’s disease). Linalool is found naturally in hundreds of plants and is
a common ingredient in bath products.

Myrcene: Myrcene is generally the most abundant terpene found in cannabis and is known for its
musky and earthy herbal smell, comparable to the smell of cloves. Myrcene is believed to have several
medicinal benefits, including antibacterial, anticancer, antifungal, anti-inflammatory and antiseptic.
Myrcene is understood to enable and hasten the psychoactive effect of THC by lowering resistance
posed by the blood-brain barrier and increasing the THC saturation capacity of the CB1 receptors.
Consuming cannabis with high levels of myrcene may contribute to sedative and relaxing effects suit-
able for the treatment of insomnia and pain. Myrcene is present in hops, citrus fruits, bay leaves, euca-
lyptus, wild thyme, lemongrass and many other plants.

Pinene: Pinene is known for its pine and fir aromas and is believed to have medicinal benefits, such
as antibacterial, antifungal and anti-inflammatory, and a therapeutic application as a bronchodilator.
Pinene has shown potential to function as an anticancer agent and is believed to counter some of the
psychoactive effects of THC. Pinene is present in conifers, pine resin and citrus fruits and is one of the
terpenes most prevalent in nature.

Terpinolene: Terpinolene has a piney aroma and subtle herbal and sweet floral scents similar to
citrus fruits. Terpinolene is believed to have medicinal benefits, including antibacterial, antifungal,
anti-insomnia and antiseptic. It is also thought to be a central nervous system depressant and is used
to induce sleep or reduce psychological distress. Terpinolene is found in sage and rosemary and is used
in soaps and perfumes.

© 2017 Ackrell Capital, LLC | Member FINRA/SIPC 25

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024661
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022533.txt,"Hypothetical: Successor Liability Where Acquired Company Was Not Previously
Subject to the FCPA

Company A is a Delaware corporation with its principal offices in the United States and whose shares are listed on
a national U.S. exchange. Company A is considering acquiring Foreign Company, which is not an issuer or a domestic
concern. Foreign Company takes no actions within the United States that would make it subject to territorial jurisdiction.
Company A's proposed acquisition would make Foreign Company a subsidiary of Company A.

Scenario 1:

Prior to acquiring Foreign Company, Company A engages in extensive due diligence of Foreign Company, including: (1)
having its legal, accounting, and compliance departments review Foreign Company's sales and financial data, its customer
contracts, and its third-party and distributor agreements; (2) performing a risk-based analysis of Foreign Company's customer
base; (3) performing an audit of selected transactions engaged in by Foreign Company; and (4) engaging in discussions
with Foreign Company's general counsel, vice president of sales, and head of internal audit regarding all corruption risks,
compliance efforts, and any other corruption-related issues that have surfaced at Foreign Company over the past ten years.
This due diligence aims to determine whether Foreign Company has appropriate anti-corruption and compliance policies
in place, whether Foreign Company's employees have been adequately trained regarding those policies, how Foreign
Company ensures that those policies are followed, and what remedial actions are taken if the policies are violated.

During the course of its due diligence, Company A learns that Foreign Company has made several potentially
improper payments in the form of an inflated commission to a third-party agent in connection with a government contract
with Foreign Country. Immediately after the acquisition, Company A discloses the conduct to DOJ and SEC, suspends
and terminates those employees and the third-party agent responsible for the payments, and makes certain that the
illegal payments have stopped. It also quickly integrates Foreign Company into Company A's own robust internal controls,
including its anti-corruption and compliance policies, which it communicates to its new employees through required online
and in-person training in the local language. Company A also requires Foreign Company's third-party distributors and other
agents to sign anti-corruption certifications, complete training, and sign new contracts that incorporate FCPA and anti-

corruption representations and warranties and audit rights.

Based on these facts, could DOJ or SEC prosecute Company A?

No. Although DOJ and SEC have jurisdiction over Company A because it is an issuer, neither could pursue Company
A for conduct that occurred prior to its acquisition of Foreign Company. As Foreign Company was neither an issuer nor a
domestic concern and was not subject to U.S. territorial jurisdiction, DOJ and SEC have no jurisdiction over its pre-acquisition
misconduct. The acquisition of a company does not create jurisdiction where none existed before.

Importantly, Company A’s extensive pre-acquisition due diligence allowed it to identify and halt the corruption. As
there was no continuing misconduct post-acquisition, the FCPA was not violated.

Scenario 2:

Company A performs only minimal and pro forma pre-acquisition due diligence. It does not conduct a risk-based
analysis, and its review of Foreign Company's data, contracts, and third-party and distributor agreements is cursory.
Company A acquires Foreign Company and makes it a wholly owned subsidiary. Although Company A circulates its
compliance policies to all new personnel after the acquisition, it does not translate the compliance policies into the local
language or train its new personnel or third-party agents on anti-corruption issues.

A few months after the acquisition, an employee in Company A’s international sales office (Sales Employee) learns
from a legacy Foreign Company employee that for years the government contract that generated most of Foreign
Company’s revenues depended on inflated commissions to a third-party agent “to make the right person happy at Foreign
Government Agency.” Sales Employee is told that unless the payments continue the business will likely be lost, which
would mean that Company A's new acquisition would quickly become a financial failure. The payments continue for two

(cont'd)

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022533
"
TEXT-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032780.txt,"From: LH 
Sent: 
To: 
CC: lhsoffice 
Subject: Re: 
7/17/2018 12:18:53 AM 
jeffrey E.  [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Importance: High 
Do the Russians have stuff on Trump? 
Today was appalling even by his standards. 
Sent from my iPhone 
Please direct all scheduling inquiries to my office at: 
Follow me on twitter glhsummers 
www.larrysummers.com 
On Jul 16, 2018, at 9:17 AM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
wed presidnt of united nations , interesting person for you 
On Sun, Jul 15, 2018 at 6:28 PM, LHS < > wrote: 
Unsure. What is up 
Sent from my iPhone 
Please direct all scheduling inquiries to my office at: 
Follow me on twitter glhsummers 
www.larrysummers.com 
On Jul 15, 2018, at 6:09 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
new york soon? 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 032780 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 032781 
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031031.txt,"From: Jeffrey Epstein [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Sent: 4/6/2011 10:56:35 PM 
To: Lawrence Krauss 
Subject: Re: Statement in the Daily Beast? 
what evidence? no real sex.. where is she getting her so called facts 
On Thu, Apr 7, 2011 at 12:18 AM, Lawrence Krauss < wrote: 
Beyond anything else, you are my friend. I hope we can both always remember that, no matter what. 
Are you coming this weekend at all? 
Lawrence Krauss 
Foundation Professor 
School of Earth and Space Exploration and Physics Dept. 
Co-director, Cosmology Initiative 
and Director, Origins initiative 
Arizona State University 
Sent from my iPhone 
On Apr 6, 2011, at 3:15 PM, Jeffrey Epstein <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
no it was appreciated. thanks 
On Wed, Apr 6, 2011 at 11:31 PM, Lawrence Krauss wrote: 
just so you know.. you can read from bottom up.. you may be mad that I was blunt... haven't heard from 
you.. hope all is well.. 
Begin forwarded message: 
From: Rebecca Watson < 
Date: April 6, 2011 10:28:36 AM MST 
To: Lawrence Krauss 
Subject: Re: Statement in the Daily Beast? 
Okay, will do. 
On Wed, Apr 6, 2011 at 1:27 PM, Lawrence Krauss 1111111111111.111111111111111Mwrote: 
ok.. I just sent an additional email which moderates this.. everyone was a victim, including Jeffrey here.. 
and there was no happy resolution.. please add.. ""probably everyone was a victim, with no happy resolution 
or consequences of these activities"", after ""was the victim in this case."". 
On Apr 6, 2011, at 10:18 AM, Rebecca Watson wrote: 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031031 
Okay, thanks for this statement . . . I'll print it in full along with the article, probably today. I very, very 
strongly disagree with your position and hope you eventually reconsider, but I do appreciate you taking the 
time to respond. 
-R 
On Wed, Apr 6, 2011 at 1:15 PM, Lawrence Krauss ________________ wrote: 
jeffrey apparently paid for massages with sex... I believe him when he told me he had no idea the girls were 
underage, and I doubt that people normally are asked for or present a driver's license under such 
circumstances... Moreover, I also believe that Jeffrey is an easy target for those who want to take advantage 
of him... Moreover, I can say with great honesty that Jeffrey's time in prison led him to seriously examine 
his life in very positive ways and I don't believe in blanket condemnations of people. He served time for 
something that was determined was inappropriate. I honestly don't know who was the victim in this case. I 
fully expect that these masseuses knew what they were doing, and were not swayed to do anything with 
Jeffrey that they were not already doing. That is not to approve of the whole behavior, but lots of peopleI 
know and like have behavior I don't entirely approve of. I know it is not politically correct to say that, 
because in general this is a very sensitive issue and all other things being equal one should take the side of 
the young women. But all things are not equal in this case, from my point of view. It is a judgement call, 
and I will not turn my back on a good friend so easily. 
On Apr 6, 2011, at 9:57 AM, Rebecca Watson wrote: 
Thanks for getting back to me. I was asking because I found the quote shocking . . . the evidence against 
Epstein is overwhelming and he's even pled guilty to paying for sex with a minor. It's in no way scientific or 
rational to assume that because you never saw him with an underage girl he must actually be innocent. It is 
possible for a person to be kind and generous with his friends but still a criminal paying for sex with 
underage girls in his private life. 
I'm going to write about the topic on Skepchick, and I'll include any additional statement you'd like if you 
want to provide more context or if you've changed your mind. 
-R 
On Wed, Apr 6, 2011 at 12:50 PM, Lawrence Krauss____________________'wrote: 
yes it is.. Based on my direct experience with Jeffrey, which is all I can base my assessment on, he is a 
thoughtful, kind, considerate man who is generous to his friends, and all of the women I have known who 
have been associated with Jeffrey speak glowingly in the same words.. 
1 why are you asking? 
On Apr 6, 2011, at 9:41 AM, Rebecca Watson wrote: 
Dear Professor Krauss, 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031032 
We met briefly after your talk in Ithaca a few months ago — I'm the girl on The Skeptics' Guide to the 
Universe podcast. I've really enjoyed your talks and books, but I was surprised to see you quoted in the 
Daily Beast recently defending Jeffrey Epstein: 
http ://www.thedailyb east. com/blogs-and-stories/2011-04-01/bill-clinton-katie-couric-woody-allen-j effrey-
epsteins-society-friends-close-ranks/2/  
Can you confirm if the following quote is accurate? 
""If anything, the unfortunate period he suffered has caused him to really think about what he wants to do 
with his money and his time, and support knowledge,"" says Krauss. ""Jeffrey has surrounded himself with 
beautiful women and young women but they're not as young as the ones that were claimed. As a scientist I 
always judge things on empirical evidence and he always has women ages 19 to 23 around him, but I've 
never seen anything else, so as a scientist, my presumption is that whatever the problems were I would 
believe him over other people."" Though colleagues have criticized him over his relationship with Epstein, 
Krauss insists, ""I don't feel tarnished in any way by my relationship with Jeffrey; I feel raised by it."" 
Thanks, 
Rebecca Watson 
Lawrence M. Krauss 
Foundation Professor 
Director, The ASU Origins Project 
Co-Director, Cosmology Initiative 
Assoc. Dir, Beyond Center 
ARIZONA STATE UNIVERSITY 
College of Liberal Arts and Sciences 
School of Earth and Space Exploration 
PO Box 871404 I Tempe AZ 85287-1404 
http://krauss.faculty.asu.edu  
Exec. Asst 
Origins Asst 
Lawrence M. Krauss 
Foundation Professor 
Director, The ASU Origins Project 
Co-Director, Cosmology Initiative 
Assoc. Dir, Beyond Center 
ARIZONA STATE UNIVERSITY 
College of Liberal Arts and Sciences 
School of Earth and Space Exploration 
PO Box 871404 I Tempe AZ 85287-1404 
http://krauss.faculty.asu.edu  
Exec. Asst 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031033 
Origins Asst 
Lawrence M. Krauss 
Foundation Professor 
Director, The ASU Origins Project 
Co-Director, Cosmology Initiative 
Assoc. Dir, Beyond Center 
ARIZONA STATE UNIVERSITY 
College of Liberal Arts and Sciences 
School of Earth and Space Exploration 
PO Box 871404 I Tempe AZ 85287-1404 
htt ://krauss.facult .asu.edu 
Exec. Asst 
Origins Asst 
Lawrence M. Krauss 
Foundation Professor 
Director, The ASU Origins Project 
Co-Director, Cosmology Initiative 
Assoc. Dir, Beyond Center 
ARIZONA STATE UNIVERSITY 
College of Liberal Arts and Sciences 
School of Earth and Space Exploration 
PO Box 871404 I Tempe AZ 85287-1404 
http://krauss.faculty.asu.edu  
Exec. Asst 
Origins Asst 
--
*********************************************************** 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
Jeffrey Epstein 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031034 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
--
*********************************************************** 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
Jeffrey Epstein 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031035 
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014476.txt,"Barty argued in The Trump Inflection, Le Pen’s victory has the potential to be even more
of an earthquake for the world’s financial markets. Indeed, we have already seen a 1vol
move in April 2017 V2X futures since last month.

So our central case is French political risk caps markets to the upside for Q1 and most
of Q2 but that the centre right candidate Fillon is elected President. As Gilles Moec
argues, his pro-market reformist agenda could unlock French growth and we think it
could prove a significant positive catalyst for European equities more broadly if the
political risk premium is priced out against a solid European and global growth backdrop.

More of the same expected in Germany

We think Germany carries less political risk than the French election now that Merkel
has formally announced she will run again to be Chancellor. As a result, our central case
is that Merkel will continue to head a coalition government. We could see the populist
AfD win more votes than in 2012, but polls show a clear and decisive margin in favour
of the CDU and the existing coalition with the SDP suggests that an extension of their
partnership is the most likely eventuality.

Chart 39: German polls show a consistent lead for Merkel’s CDU party
40

35 a
a @, 6,448 ae 2,6 2,648 4,044 aa Sa4aen 44 4 4
30 oa ae eae’ af ie .° a ‘ Pay aaa’

29

Py YOY Gar VY Pen iT aT Cy TT Ty Gy Ye

ry r
10 04000000004R 220044 nnnn sas sasasabasaasannaa a*a

September 2
September 5.
Septembe
Septembe:
Septembe
Septembe
Septembe:
Septembe
Septembe
Septembe:
Septembe
Septembe
Septembe:
November
November 2
November 4, 20
November 7
November 9, 20
November 10
November 14, 20
November 19
November 22, 20

Source: Allensbach (15-Sept, 13-Oct), Emnid (7-Sept, 14-Sept, 21-Sept, 28-Sept, 5-Oct, 12-Oct, 19-Oct, 26-Oct, 2-Nov, 9-Nov, 19-Nov), Forsa
(2-Sept, 9-Sept, 16-Sept, 23-Sept, 30-Sept, 7-Oct, 14-Oct, 21-Oct, 28-Oct, 4-Nov), Forschungsgruppe Wahlen (22-Sept, 13-Oct, 27-Oct, 10-
Nov), GMS (14-Sept, 12-Oct, 12-Nov}, Infratest dimap (21-Sept, 5-Oct, 19-Oct, 2-Nov), INSA (5-Sept, 12-Sept, 19-Sept, 26-Sept, 3-Oct, 10-
Oct, 17-Oct, 24-Oct, 2-Nov, 7-Nov, 14-Nov, 22-Nov), Ipsos (10-Oct)

Brexit was the big political topic for Europe going into 2016. Going forward we see it as
an ongoing issue but mostly for the UK (see UK — Waiting for Brexit for more details).

Rising bond yields & equities

With the market focus on the sharp bond market sell-off it is worth re-visiting the links
between equities and bonds as many investors question whether the effect on equities
will become negative the more yields rise. An environment of rising bond yields is not
inherently problematic. Over time correlations between bond yields and equities have
varied and on average have been very weak (if slightly positive) over the last twenty
years. Typically when rising yields reflect improving growth conditions and or rising risk
appetite equities have naturally benefitted. Certainly since 2010 for the most part
higher yields were accompanied by higher equity prices.

Track record mixed for stocks following bond yield spike. Does an exceptionally
sharp back up in bond yields represent a downside risk for equities? The historical
evidence is inconclusive. We looked at equity market returns in the months following
2.5SD moves in German bond yields (based on a comparison of rolling 3-month yield
changes to the 52-week average). The recent spike in German yields peaked at +2.9SD
on the same basis. We found 11 comparable episodes since 1980. Equity market returns
subsequent to the peak rate of change in bunds were moderately positive — a median

Bankof America
Merrill Lynch

European Equity Strategy |O1 December 2016 17

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014476
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013319.txt,"IN THE CIRCUIT COURT OF THE 15TH
JUDICIAL CIRCUIT IN AND FOR PALM
BEACH COUNTY, FLORIDA

Case No.:50 2009 CA 040800XXXXMBAG

JEFFREY EPSTEIN,
Plaintiff,

SCOTT ROTHSTEIN, individually, and
BRADLEY J. EDWARDS, individually,

Defendants,

STATEMENT OF UNDISPUTED FACTS

Defendant Bradley J. Edwards, Esq., offers the following specific facts as the undisputed
material facts in this case. Each of the following facts is numbered separately and individually to
facilitate Epstein’s required compliance with Fla. R. Civ. P. 1.510(c) (“The adverse party shall
identify . . . any summary judgment evidence on which the adverse party relies.”). All
referenced exhibits and attachments have previously been filed with the Court and provided to
Epstein.

Sexual Abuse of Children By Epstein

1. Defendant Epstein has a nexual preference for young children. Deposition of
Jeffrey Epstein, Mar. 17, 2010, at 110 (hereinafter “Epstein Depo.”) (Deposition Attachment
#1).!
' When questioned about this subject a ts deposition, Epstein invoked his Fifth Amendment right to
remain silent rather than make an incriminating admission. Accordingly, Edwards is entitled to the

adverse inference against Epstein that, had Epstein answered, the answer would have been unfavorable to
him. “(I]t is well-settled that the Fifth Pimeement, Goes mel ssa adverse inferences against parties to

EXHIBIT

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013319
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019354.txt,"Page
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HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019354

me aa oe

Pee ee
s

me

b7?B —-
"
TEXT-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032958.txt,"From: jeffrey E. [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Sent: 1/15/2017 2:28:57 PM 
To: Alireza Ittihadieh ________________________________________ 
Subject: Re: 
new, friend asked yesterday. . one in virginia. paid 8. fixed up with 300k. asking 10 
On Sun, Jan 15, 2017 at 10:27 AM, Alireza Ittihadieh <> wrote: 
Why? 
V-BR 
Alireza ITTIHADIEH 
From: jeffrey E. 
Sent: Sunday, 15 January 2017 06:22 
To: Alireza Ittihadieh 
Subject: Re: 
i stepped away from the royal jet. if you want to go after the bbj 
On Sun, Jan 15, 2017 at 10:20 AM, Alireza Ittihadieh W.-, wrote: 
I just got my G550 - 5176 under contract at $18.5 and it's going to Pre-Purchase inspection on Monday. 
I'm aware that G550 - 5109 was under contract for $17,600,000. 
As a company we have 5 G550, 2 G650 and 1 BBJ buyers. 
That is all I know for now. 
V-BR 
Alireza ITTIHADIEH 
From: jeffrey E. 
Sent: Sunday, 15 January 2017 05:51 
To: Alireza Ittihadieh 
Subject: Re: 
what about real trades? what number? 
On Sun, Jan 15, 2017 at 9:49 AM, Alireza Ittihadieh < > wrote: 
People are just back and the activity really started this week. A lot of enquiries out of China and a lot of 
buyers in the US have resurfaced 
V-BR 
Alireza ITTIHADIEH 
On 15 Jan 2017, at 04:17, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
what is trading , now that trump has won. ? 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 032958 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 032959 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 032960 
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029827.txt,"and growth without bigger government
and more spending. The Obama
administration has talked about trans-
Pacific and trans-Atlantic accords. Yet it
has failed to close even one new free-
trade agreement. Ron Kirk, the
president's trade representative, said in
2009 that the administration did not have
""deal fever."" In fact, it has been ""deal
delinquent.""

Fourth, gender equality is not only fair
and right—it is smart economics. No
economy can reach its potential if it
overlooks the talents of half its people.
The U.S. should lead in identifying
structural barriers in countries that hold
back girls' and women's health,
education, credit, jobs and
entrepreneurship.

Finally, the U.S. needs to match growth
priorities of developing economies.
President Obama should expand the
global food-security initiative he
announced in 2009 to boost agricultural
productivity and production across the
value chain, including through the private
sector, in sub-Saharan Africa and other
poor regions. Infrastructure investment
could increase global demand today
while building productivity for tomorrow.

The U.S. can lead a push with middle-
income economies to develop public-
private infrastructure models that move

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029827
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026076.txt,"From: ehbarak ay

Sent: 4/30/2017 8:23:59 PM
To: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com]
Subject: Re: NYT

Importance: — High
High stress.
Sent from my iPhone

On 30 Apr 2017, at 19:43, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:

both have the flu

On Sun, Apr 30, 2017 at 12:38 PM, chbarak <> wrote:
Hi Jeff

About time for our actions to turn into theatre and movie pieces.
Shall we talk? Any news from BC/AdR?

Best

EB

Sent from my iPhone

On 14 Apr 2017, at 19:24, chbarak (> wrote:

Hi Jeff

I'm in Serengeti, Tanzania

No real communication. Cannot open the NYT article. But to judge from the article's title they are at least
exaggerating if not totally wrong. This attack will not change strategy in a major way on either side. It will
however raise respect for DJT in Moscow and few other capitals. That's not necessarily bad, if the WH won't
read this change as a precedent which calls to be repeated too often.

Best

EB

Sent from my iPhone

On 14 Apr 2017, at 16:06, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:

https://www.nytimes.com/2017/04/13/theater/oslo-broadway-review.html?module=WatchingPortal&region=c-

column-middle-span-

region&pgT ype=Homepage&action=click&mediald=thumb_square&state=standard&contentPlacement=6&ve
rsion=internal &contentCollection=www.nytimes.com&contentId=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.nytimes.com%2F2

017%2F04%2F13%2Ftheater%2Foslo-broadway-review.html&eventName=Watching-article-click

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026076
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012761.txt,"rewarding experiences. Some actions have benign or even beneficial consequences for the welfare of
others, while others have malignant and costly consequences.

Exquisite studies pioneered by the American cognitive neuroscientist Kent Berridge have
uncovered the core elements of pleasure, including distinctive systems of wanting, liking and learning.
We, and hundreds of other species, often want things we like, and like things we want. This is, obviously,
an adaptive coupling. Thanks to experiments at the level of genes, neurons, and behavior, we can tease
apart these three systems. Thanks to naturally occurring situations, we can watch these systems come
unglued over the course of addictions, leading to the paradoxical and maladaptive situation of wanting
more and more, but liking the experience less and less. Addictions, as archetypal examples of excess,
provide a model for thinking about evil and its trademark signature of excessive harm.

The paradoxical decoupling between wanting and liking is seen most clearly in studies of obesity
in rats and humans, where individuals develop skyrocketing desires for food, but fail to experience
comparable pleasure from eating. By definition, those who become obese are prone to eat in excess. One
reason they do is because eating, or even seeing images of food, no longer delivers the same honey hit to
the brain as in their pre-obesity days. The reward system turns off when we turn to excess. This is
adaptive because nothing in excess is good. But because the wanting system runs independently, the
adaptive response by the liking system has the unfortunate consequence of making us want more even
though we enjoy it less. The proposal I develop in this book is that the same process is involved in evil,
especially its expression of excessive harm. It is a process that is aided by denial.

Everyone engages in denial, negating certain aspects of reality in order to manage painful
experiences or put forward a more powerful image. But like desire, denial has both beneficial and costly
consequences for self and others. When we listen to the news and hear of human rights violations across
the globe, we often hide our heads in the sand, plug our ears, and carry on with our lives as if all is okay
on planet Earth. When doctors have to engage in slicing into human flesh to perform surgery, they turn
off their compassion for humanity, treating the body as a mechanical device, at least until the surgery is
over, and the patient awakes, speaks and smiles. When we confront a challenging opponent in an athletic
competition or military confrontation, we often pump ourselves up, tricking our psychology into believing
that we are better than we are. Denial turns down the heat of emotion, allowing a cooler approach to
decision making and action. But doctors in denial concerning the moral worth of others can be convinced
to carry out heinous operations for the “good” of science or the purity of their group, and military leaders
in denial of an opponent’s strength can lead their soldiers to annihilation. Individuals in denial can reject
different aspects of reality in the service of reward, whether it is personal gain, avoiding pain, or enabling

the infliction of pain on others.

Hauser Prologue. Evilution 15

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012761
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019432.txt,"LEDA has been very successful. Of the 500 or so students who have graduated from the program, three quarters have gone
on to top-tier colleges, 30 percent of them to the lvy League. Among LEDA’s 2012 graduates alone, 19 gained admission to
Princeton, 11 to Georgetown and 6 to the University of Pennsylvania.

Last week | took a walk around Red Hook, Brooklyn, with Joshua El-Bey, a LEDA graduate who was leaving in a few days
for his sophomore year at Yale. His family struggled as he grew up, moving often and ultimately landing in the Red Hook
Houses, the borough’s largest public housing development. His first memories of book learning, he told me, were the
readings his mother delivered from Genesis when he was 2. What was disconcerting about Mr. El-Bey’s otherwise incredibly
inspiring trajectory was how much of his success had depended on opportunities outside the public education system.

Bullied in middle school for his studiousness, Mr. El-Bey hoped to gain admission to one of the city’s elite specialized public
high schools, but he did not do well enough on the entrance exam. The free tutoring provided by the city for the test was
insufficient, he said.

He ended up at Edward R. Murrow in Midwood, Brooklyn, a good school whose academics were nevertheless surpassed by
the supplemental training he received as a scholar at Sponsors for Educational Opportunity, an organization begun 50
years ago by Manhattan lawyers and advertising executives as a mentoring program to get poor minority students into good
colleges. Today it essentially provides a shadow education. In school, Mr. El-Bey told me, he simply learned to “regurgitate
facts.”

Programs like LEDA and S.E.O. are popular with wealthy, supremely educated donors, precisely because of outcomes like
Mr. El-Bey’s. Just this May, the financier Henry R. Kravis pledged $4 million in matching gifts to S.E.O.

And in acity as dense with talent and money as New York, the effects of such philanthropy can be effortlessly observed.
Walking through his neighborhood, Mr. El-Bey ran into another alumnus of S.E.O., Luis Hernandez, who was about to begin
his freshman year at the University of Southern California. In a precocious accomplishment more typical in other
neighborhoods, Mr. Hernandez had won a screenwriting contest for a film about obesity that had already made its debut on
the Showtime cable channel.

As a society we have begun to pay increasing and essential attention to gaining access to the top, but the brightest among
us might do well to apply equal focus to how we might enhance the middle.

Most students, rich or poor, will not go to Harvard, while plenty of working-class and poor students will go to colleges that
serve them not nearly well enough. Not long ago, our son’s caregiver, who is taking classes at LaGuardia Community
College in Queens, showed me a paper she had written for a class in English composition taught by a teacher who was
consistently late and twice absent. It was on Ibsen’s “A Doll’s House” and my husband had helped her. It incisively analyzed
the play’s theme of 19th-century marital oppression and was impeccably written.

When our nanny received her grade, she was shocked not to have done as well as she had expected. Her formatting had
been imprecise, the teacher told her. And there was a problem with spacing. Content seemed not to matter much at all.

Back to top

Obama goes for college ‘datapalooza’
Nick Anderson — Washington Post

In President Obama’s plan to overhaul higher education, which envisions using new federal ratings of colleges to determine
levels of student aid, there is a deep faith in the power of information and innovation to catalyze change in colleges and
universities.

Ultimately, the belief is that these forces will make college more affordable.

Yet academia has witnessed and taken partin many waves of innovation in the past half-century, and affordability remains
elusive.

The administration’s faith is encapsulated in a word the White House used this week in a fact sheet about the plan:

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019432
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014310.txt,"From: Ens, Amanda [i

Sent: 11/15/2016 2:44:06 PM
To: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com]; Richard Kahn [inn
Subject: SPX put contingent on higher rates

Attachments: image001.jpg; image002.jpg; image003.jpg; image005.png

Importance: — High

Navigating post-Trump volatility

° We are recording unprecedented divergences in falling equity vol with rising rates vol post Trump’s win. Intra-
day S&P realized vol collapsed from near 60% to below 20% in 2d [Chart 1]

° While equities have shown less conviction over what a Trump win means (given strong sector rotation), the
bond market has sold off with one of the largest moves in history [Chart 2 & 3]

e Stabilizing rates volatility from here is key to markets remaining calm and while equity upside may continue, it is
not without higher risks

e We like cheap optionality to hedge long-equities if rates continue to move sharply

For investors long equities, we look at ways to cheapen protecting from downside risks in the event of further bond
market volatility catalysed by Trump policy uncertainty

° Buy an SPX Apr-17 95% put conditional on US 10Y CMS > 2.5% at maturity for 0.87%
fe) 70% discount vs. vanilla
fe) CMS ref. 2.11%, SPX ref. 2,164.2

CMS = constant maturity swap

Chart 1: The response in S&P 500 realized equity volatility to the US election surprise was similar to Brexit but more extreme, as the
spike in volatility collapsed at record speed

140%

z 120% “ a

ret

P an yOy.

= 00% s ="", ~

3 5s a

& . ‘

> z S s OT

yg . = 2 2 . .

t 60% Sia o*® | #. ' .

= * . Ti - ""ay ® =

>

3 40% f. fea a *--*

~ 2 ""a,

xd 1 Bi US Election (10- & 11-Nov vol vs. 9-Nov vol)
ones

Brexit (28- & 27-Jun vol vs. 24-Jun vol)

0% 20% 40% 60% 80% 100% 120% 140% 160%

SPX 1-day intrday vol

Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research. Based on daily data from June 2004 to current

Chart 2: Ten-year US Treasury yields see a near record spike after Chart 3: Long Bond futures prices down near record amount
the US election (~5%) in the four days since the election

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014310
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029199.txt,"What would our share be?

Best Jakob

Jakob J. Kéllhofer
Direktor
DAI

Tel:
Fax:
Email

www.dai-heidelberg.de

Am 17.08.2018 um 16:37 schrieb Lawrence Krauss I :

Hi Jakob

There has been a complication. The Géttingen event had to be cancelled so that means | now do not have an air ticket to Germany. |
am going to check whether | can arrange anything in the Uk which might cover part of the cost for a new ticket. In the meantime |
thought | should let you know and ask whether it is possible to cover part or all of the cost for a ticket.

Lawrence.

Lawrence M. Krauss

Professor

School of Earth & Space Exploration and Physics Department
Arizona State University, P.O. Box 871404, Tempe, AZ 85287-1404
Research Office:

Assistant [is

| twitter.com/Ikrauss1 | krauss.faculty.asu.edu

Sent from my iPhone

On Jun 19, 2018, at 5:52 AM, Jakob Kéllhofer a wrote:

Dear Lawrence

my colleague is waiting for two sentences on your planned topic...
Could you save him?...

Jakob

Jakob J. Kdéllhofer
Direktor
DAI

Tel:
Fax:

Email:
www.dai-heidelberg.de

Am 07.06.2018 um 17:40 schrieb Lawrence Krauss EE:

Will do.

Lawrence M. Krauss

Director, The Origins Project at ASU

Foundation Professor

School of Earth & Space Exploration and Physics Department
Arizona State University, P.O. Box 871404, Tempe, AZ 85287-1404

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029199
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021315.txt,"Sometimes just listening to laughter
compels listeners to laugh. Sometimes
hearing a cry of terror directly imputes
an instantaneous feeling of fear.

Hearing someone weep can produce a
feeling of sorrow and perhaps even
cause one to cry. This suggests that
some forms of vocal communication can
elicit direct empathic sharing as Decety
discusses in his chapter.

These forms of vocal
communication can produce direct
results in listeners without following a
route of symbolic reference and
interpretation.? Language has typically
been viewed as operating by the more
symbolic route because of the linguistic
claim that symbols are not the things
they stand for and thus must be
understood—words and sentences are
not felt. However, the right insult or
angry words delivered in the right way
or the right praise seems to be felt
directly, perhaps through the same kind
of mechanisms by which empathic
sharing occurs.

But how is this achieved? This
kind of impact of language is not a result
of understanding the content of speech.
It reflects social goals and motives. To
the extent that this kind of social impact
may parallel empathic processes, we
might find that similar mechanisms are
involved. Some kind of resonance must
be established between a speaker and
hearer, and language can serve to
establish this resonance and lead to
subsequent action by the hearer. This
idea of a resonance in an audience does
seem more compatible with the effects
of vocal behavior such as laughter or
crying on a listener than the symbolic
interpretative view. This notion of
resonance may also be useful in
understanding other kinds of language
impact from the fiery sermon of

Page | 69

Edwards to the passionate speeches of
Obama and Kennedy and King.

In listening to speech that has
impact, language has created a state in
the listener that reflects the intention of
the speaker. Whether it is fear or
connection, somehow language can
operate as the medium by which social
and emotional psychological states get
transmitted to an audience. But how
does this impact get created in the social
brain?

Language impact in the social brain

Understanding spoken language
has typically been viewed as an analytic
process in which sound patterns are
translated into linguistic symbols by the
brain. However, an alternative theory is
that we understand spoken language by
using our motor system to simulate what
might have been said. The idea is that
trying to mentally produce the speech
internally (without talking) might help
us understand what is said, when speech
is not clear. However, this theory did
not have much neural plausibility.
People do not generally move their
mouths overtly or even covertly while
listening.

The discovery of mirror neurons,
examined at greater length by Steve
Small in the next chapter, suggested one
kind of mechanism that might instantiate
this kind of process. In certain parts of
the brain, involved in the control of
action, some neurons that respond when
making certain actions also respond
when observing the same actions. This
led to the inference that these neurons
are involved in understanding the
behavior of other people. The reasoning
is simply that neural activity in the
observer’s motor system that results
when seeing a behavior essentially
establishes the brain state that would

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021315
"
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HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028374
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014759.txt,"We estimate that it is in 3yly, 2y2y and 2y1ly that the selloff would be largest (75-85bp
— see Table 5) were the OIS curve to align with the median dots up to end of 2019.

Options are attractive to position for a selloff in those forwards for two main reasons:

1. Volatilities in ly and 2y tails appear to trade cheap on our macro model. More
specifically, accounting for the relationship between implied vols and the first
three principal components of the swap curve, we find that 2y1y implied vol
should be trading 22bp normal higher (Chart 52), and 2y2y vol should be 19bp
higher. A simpler historical regression of 2y1ly vol vs the 2y1ly forward rate also
suggests normal vol should be around 21bp higher (Chart 53).

2. Payer skews could richen in 2yly and 2y2y. While they are looking rich across
6M+ expiries in ly and 2y tails (based on payer-ladder breakevens/ATM vol), we
note that this has been the case for some time now and it’s rather in gamma on
5y+ tails that skews now appear richest on a 6m z-score basis. Relative to what
has been realized in the past month, the payer skew appears just fair in 2y1y,
while it is rich across tails in longer expiries.

Chart 52: Market vs fitted level of 2y1y vol, based on macro model (*) Chart 53: 2y1y implied vol is 21bp too low on a regression vs 2y1y fwd
120 140
100 120
80 100
60 80
60 y = 35.017x + 28.016
40 R? = 0.8667
96 —— 2y1y market implied vol 40
m= 2y'y fitted
0 20
TUCNNANANMYMMYMMTH TTTONOMWNMMOWOO oO 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 3
&8 3 ES &8 2 3 ae 2 5 & 8 s = &8 3 3 g = past by ¢ — since July m= last Linear (past 6y)

Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research. (*) Based on a regression of log(2y1y vol) on the first

three principal components of log of rates (derived with a PCA ran since Sep11). Rsquare = 0.97 Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research

Another way to look at this trade is through an analysis of payout ratios for 25-delta
OTM payers under the scenario of a convergence towards median dots. Table 3 below
confirms that the 2y1y point is attractive relative to other forwards (2"" best), with a net
payout ratio of 1.9 (2.9:1 gross) after three months. The best payer on that metric is the
3m5y 25-delta OTM payer (strike of 2.05%}, which we recommend as an alternative for
those confident that the repricing of the OIS curve to the dots will take place by Feb-17.

Table 3: Payoff ratios when buying a 25-delta OTM payer, under the selloff scenario where forwards converge to the levels implied by the median Fed dots(*)

Trade Smty 3m2y 3m5y Sm10y 6miy 6m2y 6md5y 6m10y_ tyty Ty2y ty5y 1y10y 2yty 2y2y 2y5y 2y10y dsyty Sy2y Sy5y = 3y10y
Strike (25-delta), % 1.31 1.54 2.05 2.44 1.49 1.73 2.23 2.60 1.84 2.08 2.51 2.84 2.50 2.65 2.95 3.21 2.98 3.08 3.28 3.47
ATM forward, % 1.14 1.34 1.77 2.13 1.24 1.43 1.83 2.17 1.44 1.62 1.96 2.25 1.81 1.92 2.17 2.38 2.04 2.12 2.32 2.47
Premium, bp of yield 4.1 4.9 6.9 7A 65 75 9.6 10.0 10.4 eS 13.4 14.1 17.0 18.5 19.2 19.6 23.8 24.2 23.8 23.8
3mroll, bp of yield -4.1 -49 -6.9 -74 -5.1 -5.4 -5.9 -5.4 -5.0 -5.0 -4.3 -4.2 -44 -43 -3.3 -2.8 -3.5 -3.2 -2.6 -2.2

3m selloff to the dots fA 31 3] 48 18 30 54 45 30 58 65 45 5 80 65 45 85 74 if 45

Return, bp of yield -4.1 -44 16.5 5.4 -0.6 3.8 16.0 10.7 Ce) 21.3 24.8 13.2 32.6 35.1 26.4 16.3 39.6 335 24.2 18.3
Net payout ratio -1.00 -0.89 0.73 -0.10 0.51 1.66 1.08 0.90 1.85 1.85 0.94 1.37 0.83 1.66 1.39 1.01 0.77

Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research. Data as of 15-Nov. (*) 3m selloff to the dots = the selloff in the different forward OIS if the OIS curve aligns with median dots up to Dec-19, with a flat rate of 2.5% thereafter.

The risk to the 2yly and 3m5y trades is a rally and/or decline in implied volatility, i-e.,
the reversal of the selloff recorded since the elections.

Bank of America Global Rates, FX & EM 2017 Year Ahead | 16 November 2016 29
Merrill Lynch

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014759
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027047.txt,"Lawrance Visoski

Chief Pilot, JEGE Inc.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027047
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015447.txt,"The City of San Francisco was sued for $4.3 million by a man who
had been a peaceful observer at the riot following the verdict. He was
walking away from the Civic Center area when a cop yelled, “We’ re
gonna kill all you faggots!” --and beat him on the head with his
nightstick. He was awarded $125,000.

| had wanted to sue the city, but an attorney requested $75 for a
filing fee, and | didn’ t have it. | was too foolish not to borrow it, and |

decided to forego the lawsuit. | must’ ve been crazy.

3. In 1985, after living in San Francisco for sixteen years, | moved to a
walk street in Venice, a block-and-a-half walk to the beach. | rented a top-
floor tiny two-room apartment consisting of a kitchen/office where | could
see the ocean and a living-room/bedroom which came with a convertible
sofa. The bathroom had a bathtub/shower.

One afternoon, | took a bus to Santa Monica to eat at a little soul-
food restaurant in a food court and to see a Woody Allen movie. When |
returned home, | walked up the steps to the top floor, and when | opened
the door to my “penthouse” apartment, it was filled with smoke. | had
stupidly, utterly recklessly, left a candle burning in a glass ashtray on the

arm of the sofa. | didn’ t forgetto do that. | chose to leave it that way.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015447
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025219.txt,"Recent bank stress tests conducted by the EU concluded that only Eur 2.5 billion of capital needs to be raised (70 to 80
billion sounds more reasonable to us). And in the package announced last week, the following Orwellian clause
indicates how European policymakers feel about rating agencies these days:

Point 15. We agree that reliance on external credit ratings in the EU regulatory framework should be
reduced, taking into account the Commission's recent proposals in that direction, and we look forward to the
Commission proposals on credit ratings agencies

In Europe, denial appears to be an essential ingredient to the process (See “Five Stages of Greece”, June 30, 2011). Last
week’s package is a bold step towards Federalization and the worst-case outcomes have been avoided (money
market failures, bank runs, etc), but markets will remain nervous about Europe.

While we’re waiting: large cap growth stocks

One day, the melodramas around US and European sovereign debt will end. While we’re waiting, one of the asset classes
that looks attractive is large cap growth stocks. As shown below (for a universe of 300 U.S. large cap growth stocks that
meet certain earnings quality and stability factors), free cash flow relative to both revenues and stock prices looks
good compared to the last four decades. This is where we believe investors should be adding exposure if they are
underweight versus their desired equity allocations. This is also an asset class where active management can still provide
a lot of value; the dispersion of large cap growth managers is higher than large cap core, large cap value and international
equity manager dispersion.

Attractive valuations for US large cap growth stocks
Percent
g% 7

70,
70

Nominal free cash yield

Post-dividend free cash flow margin

Source: Empirical Research Partners

Q2 earnings season in the US is off to a good start. Nearly 30% of the S&P has reported, and results have generally
been positive. Earnings are beating consensus estimates by almost 4% (7.4% ex-financials), all ten sectors are beating on
revenue targets, and only 7% of companies are reporting below-consensus earnings. Given earnings expectations for
2011 at $98.50, the S&P 500 is trading at a reasonable 13.5x forward multiple. However, y/y earnings growth
expectations appear to be flattening out for both 2011 and 2012 at around 11%-12%. While Q2 earnings are doing well
so far, some company guidance for the remainder of the year has been below consensus, which would be consistent with
the recent batch of reports indicating a slowdown in manufacturing and service sector surveys.

Michael Cembalest
Chief Investment Officer

Notes

[a] Bundesbank President Weidmann, in response to last week’s package: “By transferring significant risks to the
support-giving countries and their taxpayers, the Euro area has taken a large step to socialising risks created by unsound
government finances and macroeconomic problems. This weakens the foundations of the fiscal self-responsibility that
EMU is built on”.

CBO Congressional Budget Office

OMB _ Office of Management and Budget
EFSF European Financial Stability Facility
FICA Federal Insurance Contributions Act
EU European Union

IMF International Monetary Fund

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025219
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018365.txt,"modern computer design. “Language,” Boole wrote, “is an instrument of human
reason, and not merely a medium for the expression of thought.”187

Hillis has a magnetic intellectual charisma, as you might have guessed by now. An
afternoon with him resembles nothing so much as a lingering mental theme park:
Roller coasters of big ideas (a 10,000 year clock!) mixed with smaller sugary treats
(how to design a better fencepost). No wonder he fit in so well at Disney. Critics
accused Steve Jobs of having a “reality distortion field”, in which the Apple founder’s
charisma bludgeoned the boundaries of the practical. Hillis, by contrast, has a sort of
“reality enhancement field” in which much of the world as seen through his eyes or
heard in his light-hearted voice is sharper, filled with possibility.

From an early age Hillis had been interested in the dream of a thinking robot. Maybe
it was that the constant uprooting of his childhood left him with a giddy sense that it
was easier to assemble your own friends than to try to make them new at each stop.
But somehow this led him to the idea of an artificial brain, which was Danny’s main
idea when he arrived at MIT in the fall of 1972. The tinker-toy tic-tac-toe computer
he built was a nod to this hope, but it’s jerry-rig aesthetic masked deeper ambitions.
“Someday, perhaps soon, we will build a machine that will be able to perform the
functions of a human mind,” Hillis wrote at the start of his PhD thesis a few years
later. “A thinking machine.”188

What Hillis and others like his mentor Marvin Minsky, realized was that the human
brain works differently than machine logic. Life, after all, is not a series of linear
math problems. (Much as we might wish it was at times.) You look outside. It occurs
to you to say to your wife, “What a lovely day.” This is not a result of some “a then b
then c” calculation, but rather the product of thousands of simultaneous inputs and
twitches dancing through the space of your consciousness. If you were to process
that same thought in a linear fashion, it might look like this: First, look at the sky,
examine the cloud-to-blue ratio, check for too much wind, sense the temperature,
open mouth. Your wife would be out the door before you'd even begun to speak. The
ability to operate on many different pieces of data all at once is one of the most
striking, enviable features of the human mind. But of course, you've probably,
recognized: That is fundamentally a network problem. How do you act instantly,
everywhere? Connection. So it was that, a dozen years after his tic-tac-toe machine,
Hillis began work on a device designed to think super fast. Faster than any computer
ever had. He called it The Connection Machine. “The ability to configure the topology
of the machine to match the topology of the problem will turn out to be one of the
most important features of the Connection Machine,” he wrote. Adding, in case the

187 “Language’: George Boole, An Investigation of the Laws of Thought: On Which Are
Founded the Mathematical Theories of Logic and Probabilities. (New York, N.Y.:
Dover Publications, 1951)

188 “Someday”: William Daniel Hillis, The Connection Machine, PhD. Thesis
Submission, MIT (1985) p. 2

133

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018365
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017056.txt,"Figure $17

T
— 1938 Blacklist (1117)
—— Art (Hermann list) (7)
—— Lit. History (8)

Mean % of lifetime fame

1 n n 4

0
1900 1920 1940 1960 1980 2000

Year

Fig. $17. Suppression of authors on the Art and Literary History blacklists in German. We plot the
median trajectory (as in the main text) of authors in the Herman lists for Art (green) and Literary History
(red), and for authors found in the 1938 blacklist (blue). The Nazi regime (1933-1945) is highlighted, and
corresponds to strong drops in the trajectories of these authors.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017056
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014981.txt,"Chart 16: SAN, BNP, ING, ISP and DBK average 6M ATMf implied vol is

Chart 17: Despite the recent drop in realized correlation, implied
trading historically low (13"" percentile since 2008)

correlation is priced near the high end of the reaiised range for the

basket of EU banks
Basket of SAN, BNP, ING, ISP & DBK 5
100% 90%
80%
80%
70%
60% 60%
40% 13th percentile 50%
40%
20%
2 fox oO = N o st ve) © ye 30%
ss 8 & &§ B & &B & & ssssssaggeyrgezees
= = = FF = FF FF FF ESF Ss <© ¢ ¢ ¢ ¢ © & © G&G ©GCe Gc Ge E
SSSSSBSSSSSSSSSSS
6M avg realised vol ———=6M avg implied vol = Last IV (16-Jun-17)
3M realised correl ————6M realised correl = Dec17 implied correl
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research. Data: 2-Jan-08 to 16-Jun-17

Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research. Data: 2-Jan-08 to 16-Jun-17

- Attractive risk-reward profile at current pricing: As highlighted in Exhibit 1,
historically the trade held to expiry, at current pricing, would have generated an
average P&L of 8.4% when positive and -1.8% when negative. The risk-reward
looks even more attractive in extreme market outcomes as the max P&L of the
trade which is greater than 75% compares to the max loss of only 5.7%. The trade
also provides an effective way to gain long exposure to EU equities with limited
risks, as evident from the call-like payoff in Exhibit 1 (vs the ESTX50). It is worth
noting that, by construction, the maximum loss of the trade is 6.8% with the most
likely loss limited to the upfront premium of 1.8%. We also note that the trade
payoff profile is superior to a SX5E Dec17 ATM call when sized such that: (i) the call
premium is the same as the upfront premium for the dispersion trade (=1.8%, blue

line), as well as (ii) when the call premium is the same as the theoretical maximum
loss for the trade (=6.8%, orange line).

Exhibit 1: Hypothetical back-test of long Dec17 105% call on a basket of SAN, BNP, ING, ISP & DBK, short Dec17 ATM worst-of call on the same basket
(upfront premium = 1.8%)

80% ESTX50 6M returns Trade P&L (long basket call, short worst-of} 80% P&L
Q,
5 Avg P&L when positive: 8.4% 70%
60% Avg P&L when negative: -1.8% 60%
9g,
40% 50%
40%
20% 30%
20%
0%
10%
20% ty 0%
H “10% | SyS5E 4.7x Dect7 ~ATM call
40% rt . SX5E returns
Se 7 nN me sy BBP he BD RWBorHT Ne ts Dm -20%
oO Oo 2 oO oO 2 oO fon) o ° i 7 i 7
S&S § &§ &§ & & &§ &§ &§ &§ &§ &§ &§ & & & & & -60% -40% -20% 0% 20% 40% 60%

Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research. Data: 3-Jan-00 to 16-Jun-17. Back-testing is hypothetical in nature & reflects application of the strategy prior to its introduction. It is not actual performance & is not intended to

be indicative of future performance. The two call payoff diagrams shown in the chart correspond to SX5E Dec17 3575 strike call sized such that upfront premium = 1.8% (0.46x notional, blue line, equal to the upfront
premium for the trade) and 6.8% (1.7x notional, orange line, equal to potential max loss of the trade)

deg oes Bankof America
10 Global Equity Volatility Insights | 20 June 2017 Merrill Lynch

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style"",""type"":""container""},{""identifier"":""_anf-container-54"",""layout"":""ComponentLayout-
11"",""role"":""container"",""type"":""container""}],""identifier"":""_anf-container-52"",""layout"":""ComponentLayout-
14"",""role"":""container"",""type"":""container""}],""identifier"":""_anf-container-50"",""layout"":""ComponentLayout-
14"",""role"":""container"",""style"":""content-insetter-color-style-apple-

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028360
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021301.txt,"reciprocal control, characteristic of
reflex processes, where autonomic
balance can be biased toward one or the
other of the autonomic branches. High
scores indicate sympathetic dominance
and low scores parasympathetic
dominance. Independent estimates of
sympathetic and parasympathetic control
were obtained using standard
measurement procedures, and the level
of parasympathetic control was
subtracted from sympathetic control to
derive a measure of Cardiac Autonomic
Balance. A second metric was designed
to capture an alternative mode of
autonomic control (Cardiac Autonomic
Regulation) that assesses the degree of
relative coactivation (rather than
reciprocal activation) of both branches.
This is a metric that taps into the non-
reciprocal regulatory influences of
higher neural structures. Cardiac
Autonomic Regulation scores were
derived by essentially summing
activities of the sympathetic and
parasympathetic branches to afford a
measure of total overall autonomic
cardiac control. High scores indicate
high activation and low scores indicate
low activation of both branches of the
autonomic nervous system.

In the 50-68-year-old adults in
our sample, spirituality was found to be
associated not only with a lower
incidence of heart attack, but a higher
level of Cardiac Autonomic Regulation.
That is, people who felt closer in their
relationship with God exhibited higher
overall autonomic regulation—both
sympathetic and parasympathetic. This
was associated, in part, with lesser
diminution of parasympathetic control
and a greater degree of coactivation.
Moreover, Cardiac Autonomic
Regulation (but not Cardiac Autonomic
Balance) predicted better overall health

Page |55

status and was associated with a lower
incidence of heart attack. Participants
who had low Cardiac Autonomic
Regulation were more likely to have
suffered from a heart attack.

Could higher Cardiac Autonomic
Regulation scores explain why
spirituality was associated with less risk
for heart attack? That is, could a pattern
of autonomic regulation associated with
spirituality explain the link between
spirituality and heart attack? In order to
address this question, we conducted
statistical tests of these linkages. As we
already knew, both spirituality and
Cardiac Autonomic Regulation are
associated with a lower incidence of
heart attack. When the predictive effects
of spirituality were statistically
extracted, Cardiac Autonomic
Regulation continued to be a significant
predictor of a lower incidence of heart
attack. However, when the linkage test
was reversed and the effects of Cardiac
Autonomic Regulation were extracted,
Spirituality was no longer a significant
predictor. This indicates that Cardiac
Autonomic Regulation is a plausible
mediator that may explain the
relationship between spirituality and
heart attack.

By capturing higher levels of
parasympathetic control and the
associated autonomic coactivation of the
sympathetic and parasympathetic
branches, Cardiac Autonomic
Regulation provided a critical metric that
permitted the study of a previously
“invisible” and mysterious link between
spirituality and health outcomes. This in
no way diminishes the relationship
between spirituality and health, but
rather offers an important hypothesis as
to how spirituality may impact
physiology and health status. Spirituality
reflects an important aspect of the

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021301
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027053.txt,"From: Boris Nikolic (iii

Sent: 5/7/2012 11:27:53 PM
To: Jeffrey Epstein [jeevacation@gmail.com]
Subject: RE: FW: Tix for Jeffrey

Attachments: image001.jpg

Importance: — High

Please call me at I

My number is blocked and it does not go through when | am calling you
B

From: Jeffrey Epstein [mailto:jeevacation@gmail.com]
Sent: Monday, May 07, 2012 4:27 PM

To: Boris Nikolic

Subject: Re: FW: Tix for Jeffrey

call me now ie
On Mon, May 7, 2012 at 7:21 PM, Boris Nikolic i wrote:

It was not easy as people from LifeBall are very difficult. But I go it (they even now approved you - they
needed to do a background check believe it or not! — as on that dinner will be president of Austria, Clinton etc)
for two tickets — for you and your guest for a price that you do not need to buy a table (as they do not sell
individual seats).

Guy below is a good friend and he is a CEO of amFAR (amFAR has a joined dinner) — so he helped.

The nice thing about these tickets is that they are the most VIP. It includes reception, dinner, gala and after all
party access.

I have the same ones (through Bill).

I also got two additional for you but it turns out that they are not the same level so I reached to Kevin for help.

The price is 2,500Euro per ticket (this is very reduced price as I think the regular one for this is 15K and it is
hard to get it). They will need an email from someone from your office and name a your guest asap.

The plan for for Vienna I am sending you with my next email!

Boris

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027053
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015453.txt,"| had known better. Back in 1971, publisher Stewart Brand had
invited Ken Kesey and me to co-edit 7he Last Supplement to the Whole
Earth Catalog. Our managing editor, Hassler (Ron Bevirt’ s Merry

Prankster name), introduced me to the fine art of flossing.

“| began cleaning between my teeth with dental floss, and then
brushing carefully after every meal for the last nine years,” he told me.
“Dental floss is really important because it removes particles of food from
between the teeth that can’ t be dislodged by the brush. It’ s this

crap between the teeth that really causes decay.”

Although | didn’ t practice what he preached, | immediately
assigned him to write a piece about the process of flossing for 7he Last
Supplement. After all, the Whole Earth Catalog was devoted to informing
its readers about a variety of New Age tools. And floss was definitely a
useful tool. “Floss comes in two thicknesses,” Hassler wrote. “Thin,
called Dental Floss; and thick, called Dental Tape. Recently, | found Dental
Floss Unwaxed. All the floss and tape |’ ve used in the past were waxed. |
find that | prefer the waxed because it slips in and out between my teeth
cleanly without leaving any of the floss behind, which | find to be a

problem with unwaxed floss. I’ ve realized the importance of my teeth in

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015453
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018371.txt,"enemy’s territory without ever possessing it, for instance, if it can manage to own
the crucial topological infrastructures: banks, databases, communications systems.
One nation might be able to pwn another in this bloodless fashion. Networks, you
recall we said, will break nations in the future. This is just how such smashing
control will be achieved, from the linked mesh running silently and irreplaceably
under every element of national life. Today billion-dollar firms control cars, tools,
or hotel rooms without possessing them. The links draw out value. Michaelangelo’s
famous urging resonates here: Every block of stone has a sculpture inside of it, and it
is the task of the sculptor to discover it. Every network has a topology. It is the task of
each of us to discover it.

Topologies linger everywhere there is connection. Networks can be designed in
countless ways: The fishnets of Baran, the hub and spoke of a data center, the ever-
changing mesh of a trading system. But what they all share is connective topologies
of one sort or another and - as a result - the fact that risk that lingers any one place
in the system also exists nearly any other linked place. Constant connection
produces, as an unsettling result, constant threat. Connection spreads, distant parts
of the world are superglued via that topological folding. Topology is not marked out
merely by a description of how we connect. Rather it is scored on what is called a
“trust graph”, a kind of map of who you or a machine or a network trusts - and how
much. An older generation still thinks a network is something made of wires and
switches and plugs. But their real power comes from something far more ethereal.
When you connect to a person or an object, you connect as well to its whole history
of decisions about who to trust. Every EU country connects to the choices ofa single
border guard, for instance. Who does he trust? Is he right? Financial systems and
technology webs are the same. If you are what you are connected to, you are also -
rather unnervingly - the sum of every trusting (or untrusting) choice someone or
some machine has made. This creates a worrying result: “In the systems we've built
now,’ Dullien has explained, “there is no way to establish who is in control.” If you
or anyone your're linked to has made a trust mistake, you may be pwned, vulnerable,
and one hacked slice from loss of control.

Any object - your tablet computer, a digital currency, a hacked drone - can become
dangerous now in this sense, hacked by Warez Dudes into lethality. And nearly any
place can be attacked in some fashion or another, as long as it is connected. The old
chestnut of military strategy, that a clever or desperate army can always “trade
space for time” -make a gradual retreat in order to buy time, is nearly gone now.
Space is a wall that can be breached by time manipulation tools; there’s no place to
retreat to. Markets in Mongolia, airports in Europe, Chinese urban landscapes - all of
these now can be struck, more or less at any time, because they are all connected.
Unlike traditional conflict, where the location of your most terrifying dangers might
be exactly pinpointed and watched, where military zones and civilian zones were
carefully divided by front lines, a connected world is one of potential universal
peril.2°! The distinction between battlefield and everyday streets disappears and it

201 Unlike traditional conflict: Derek Gregory, “The Everywhere War” The
Geographical Journal, Vol. 177, No. 3, September 2011, pp. 238-250

139

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018371
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014995.txt,"Table 10: Summary of closed trades as of 19-Jun-17

Open
Trade Description Date
Buy HSI Oct-16 102% call, Sell HSP 105% call 19-Sep-16
Short 1x USO 3M 25d put, long 2.1x SXEP 3M 25d call 8-Aug-16
Sell Dec16 SXDP 635 puts, buy 0.6x Dec16 SX7E 110 calls 7-Nov-16
Long 0.5x V2X Nov16 future, short 0.5x V2X Jan-17 future 11-Jul-16
Buy NIFTY Nov16 95/105 strangle outright 6-Sep-16
Buy H-shares w/ SZ-A & buy HSCEI Dec'16 put 22-Aug-16
Buy HK small-cap & buy HSCEI Dec16 put 22-Aug-16
Buy 1.32x EFA US a 25d put, sell 1x SX5E 3M 25d put for 20-Aug-16
near 0 upfront premium
Buy 2.6x SX5E 3M ite call, sell 1x SX5E 3M 90% put for 20-Aug-16
near 0 upfront premium
Sell 1M 95%f SX5E put and buy 1M 105%f SX5E call 31-Oct-16
Buy KOSPI2 Dec16 95% put, sell SKRW 97.4% put 17-Oct-16
Buy HSCEI Dec16 95% put, sell 2822 HK 94.8% put 12-Sep-16
Buy HSCEI Dec-16 105-115% call spread 27-Sep-16
Buy CH Banks Dec-16 105-115% call spread 27-Sep-16
Buy Best-of TWSE,KOSPI2,HSCEI Dec16 95% put 10-Oct-16
Buy HSCEI Dec16 9800 call with a 10600 knock-out 7-Nov-16
Sell Samsung Jan17 90% put, buy KOSPI2 96% put 17-Oct-16
Buy an XOP Jan-17 45 call 22-Aug-16
Buy an XLE Jan-17 ATM call with 115% knock-in 22-Aug-16
Biya XLE over SPX euked ATM outperformance call 20-Aug-16
contingent on SPX up at expiry
Buy XLP Jan-17 52 / 49 put spread 9-Sep-16
Buy a 6M ATM best-of put on SPX & TLT 8-Jul-16
Buy LLY Jan-17 80/90 1x2 CS 17-Oct-16
Buy LLY Jan-17 80/85 CS with 90 KI on upper leg 71-Oct-16
Buy ZTS Jan-17 46/50 bullish risk reversal 71-Oct-16
Buy ZTS Jan-17 46/50/55 call spread collar 17-Oct-16
Buy an EWZ Jan-17 40 call 24-Oct-16
Buy TPINSU 105-120% call spread, short 85% put 4-Nov-16
Buy TPNBNK 105-120% call spread, short 85% put 4-Nov-16
Buy HSBC Jan-17 105% call, Sell HSP 105% call 4-Nov-16
Buy SX5E +Dec19/-Dec'18 div future spread 4-Oct-16
Own Nifty Mar17 call to position for budget surprise 23-Jan-17
Buy HSI Feb17 23600 call 9-Jan-17
Buy AMP AU 23-Feb-17 95% puts 30-Jan-17
Buy SUN AU 23-Feb-17 95% puts 30-Jan-17
Buy 1x V2X Feb17 19 calls, sell 0.85x V2X Mar17 futures 17-Jan-17
Buy CBA AU 23-Feb-17 95% puts 30-Jan-17
Overwrite WES AU 23-Feb-17 103% calls 30-Jan-17
Long V2X Apr future, short V2X May future 9-Jan-17
Buy 1x ESTX50 Dec17 3250 calls, sell 1.23x EURJPY Dec-
17 115 puts 5-Dec- 16
Buy NKY Dec17 19500 call, short Mar17 18000 call 3-Oct-16
Buy NKY Mar17-Dect7 17000 strike FVA 3-Oct-16
Buy TPNBNK Mar17 1x1.5 180/170 put ratio 9-Jan-17
Buy ESTX50 17-Mar-17 3350-3450 strangle 6-Mar-17
Buy Volkswagen 2017 dividend future 47-Jan-17
Buy Mar17 UKX 6700 put cont. on GBPUSD<1.20 10-Oct-16
Buy Mar17 UKX<6700 / GBPUSD<1.20 dual digital 10-Oct-16
Mar17 UKX 6700 buy qUSD put, sell 0.9x vanilla put 10-Oct-16
Buy 6M ATM worst-of {XLF call, XLU put} 19-Sep-16

Buy an SPX Mar-17 97.5% put contingent on USO>105% at 3_oct.16
expiry

Buy a USO Mar-17 105% call contingent on SPX<97.5% at 3_Oct.16
expiry

Buy a Mar-17 SPX<97.5%, USO>105% dual digital

Buy an IWM Mar-17 ATM call conditional on EEM<95% at
expiry

Buy an XLI Mar-17 ATM call conditional on EEM<95% at expiry 44-Nov-17
Buy GLD Mar-17 116 call, sell Jun-17 127 call 23-Jan-17

3-Oct-16
14-Nov-17

Open
Level
0.60%

0.00%

0.00%
0.20 vols
1.63%
1.90%
1.90%

0.04%

-0.04%

-0.40%
0.00%
0.00%
1.82%
2.05%
0.90%
1.00%
0.00%
14%
2.5%

2.3%

A%
0.8%
8%
2.4%
2.6%
A%
3.1%
13%
85%
0.52%
€7.0
0.67%
0.48%
1.85%
1.39%
-16.1v
0.76%
-0.87%

0.45

0.00%

0.58%
20.2%
0.60%
0.80%
€1.3
0.81%
9.1%
0.44%
38%

08%

10%

1.80%
15%

0.89%
%

Close
Level
0.00%

0.00%

1.23%
-1.19 vols
6.36%
8.72%
6.76%

0.00%

0.00%

0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
0.0%

3.4%

0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
0.00%
14%
14%
0.00%
4.50%
10.60%
4.98%
€4.2
2.15%
1.09%
0.27%
0.08%
-14.32v
0.00%
-1.20%

4.59

3.20%

-1.82%
21.6%
0.00%
0.00%
€2.0
0.0%
0.0%
0.0%
0%

0%
0%
0%
0%
0%
0.31%

Close Date
28-Oct-16

4-Nov-16

11-Nov-16
Nov-16 expiry
21-Nov-16
5-Dec-16
5-Dec-16

22-Nov-16

22-Nov-16

1-Dec-16
8-Dec-16
29-Dec-
29-Dec-
29-Dec-
29-Dec-
29-Dec-
12-Jan-17
20-Jan-17
20-Jan-17

AAA

20-Jan-17

Jan-17 expiry
6 months

Jan-17 expiry
Jan-17 expiry
Jan-17 expiry
Jan-17 expiry
Jan-17 expiry
3-Jan-17
3-Jan-17
26-Jan-17
6-Feb-17
6-Feb-17
13-Feb-17
13-Feb-17
13-Feb-17
Feb-17 expiry
21-Feb-17
21-Feb-17

24-Feb-17

24-Feb-17
3-Mar-17
3-Mar-17
0-Mar-17
71-Mar-17
4-Mar-17
71-Mar-17
7-Mar-17
71-Mar-17
7-Mar-17

7-Mar-17
71-Mar-17

71-Mar-17
71-Mar-17

71-Mar-17
71-Mar-17

Rationale

HSP has under-performed HSI by 1.8% but both options expire out-of-the money

The number of long SXEP calls per short USO put is historically high. Leverage commodity and
equity strategists’ views on oil and the Oil & Gas sector

Tactical option trade ahead of US elections

Hedge further Brexit fallout, Italian bank & referendum risk.

Close position as NIFTY has fallen 11.4% and we are approaching the expiry

Close position as the Shenzhen HK connect has launched on 5-Dec-16

Close position as the Shenzhen HK connect has launched on 5-Dec-16

Own EFA puts vs ESTX50 puts to benefit from any increase in quantitative failure risk in Japan
and post-Brexit uncertainty

Low vol, high skew combo makes ESTX40 levered riskies attractive

Generate income in range-bound markets, benefiting from high ESTX50 skew
Both legs expire out-of-the money at expiry

Both legs expire out-of-the money

HSCEI call spread expires out-of-the money

Chinese Banks call spread expires out-of-the money

The best performing index (KOSPI2) fell less than 5% over the period

HSCEI knock-out call expires out-of-the money

Both legs expire out-of-the money. The relative value trade has a zero profit & loss
Call expired out-of-the money at expiry

Call expires in-the-money but the barrier was not breached at expiry

Energy equity outperformed the overall equity market while both were up by the time the
outperformance call expired

Both legs expire out-of-the money

Put expired out-of-the money as the S&P500 ended

Both legs expire out-of-the money

Both legs expire out-of-the money

Both legs expire in-of-the money

The 46 call and 50 call expire in-the-money

Call expired out-of-the money at expiry

Option expired and Topix Insurance rose 9.5% over the period

Option expired and Topix Banks rose 15.6% over the period

Option expired; HSBC out-performed HSP on the upside

Close position given sudden SX5E rally and Dec18 div future will lose equity beta

Nifty was up 4.9% over the period on the back of a positive budget announcement
Close position. HSI was up 4.9% over the period

Unwind the put option post the earnings result

Unwind the put option post the earnings result

Unwind as the Feb17 call expired
Unwind the put option post the earnings result

Unwind the put option post the earnings result

The Apr future has already richened significantly vs. the May future. Prefer V2X May long May call
spread, short Apr put as a French election hedge instead.
Unwind ahead of French elections as political uncertainty can weigh on the EUR

Unwind the option before the Mar-17 expiry

Unwind the option before the Mar-17 expiry

Option expired out-of-the money as the TPNBNK remained range-bounded
Expired out-of-the-money

Volkswagen announced a dividend of €2.05 on 14-Mar-17

UKX rallied making the hedges expire out-of-the-money

While XLF has rallied ~30% since inception, XLU is higher by 4% and the XLU put is the worst
performing option, expiring OTM

The structure offered a deep discount for an SPX hedge and expires OTM as markets have rallied
strongly

The trade expires OTM due to the SPX rally and a sell off in oil over the past two weeks

The trade expires OTM due to the SPX rally and a sell off in oil over the past two weeks
EEM has rallied 15% over the period together with IWM

EEM has rallied 15% over the period together with XLI

While GLD rallied strongly earlier in the life of the trade, it recently retreated at the time of expiry
with GLD 87bps above the lower strike, the short call is worth 56bps

24 Global Equity Volatility Insights | 20 June 2017

BankofAmerica
Merrill Lynch

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014995
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017042.txt,"Figure S3

Language Selection

p rate et OCR Quality Detection, and Filtering
Digitized Correction Filtering Correction, by Metadata
Books 1 iB and Filtering Fields 1D,

16,24 2B,C

i. Counting
Historical N-gram a Cleaned
li Construction Gre a Source

N-gram ;
Aggregation 3A
Corpus by Date 3B 3A, Corpus

Fig. $3. Outline of n-gram corpus construction. The numbering corresponds to sections of the text.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017042
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018738.txt,"Tenant Overview

United States Citizenship and Immigration Services (""USCIS” or “CIS"") is a component of the
United States Department of Homeland Security (DHS), which in turn is under the General Services
Administration (GSA). It performs many administrative functions formerly carried out by the former United
States Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS), which was part of the Department of Justice. —

The stated priorities of the USCIS are to promote national security, to eliminate immigration case backlogs,
and to improve customer services. USCIS is headed by a director, currently Leon Rodriquez, who reports
directly to the Deputy Secretary for Homeland Security. USCIS consists of 18,000 federal employees and
contractors working at 250 offices around the world.

USCIS is charged with processing immigrant visa petitions, naturalization petitions, and asylum and refugee
applications, as well as making adjudicative decisions performed at the service centers, and managing all
other immigration benefits functions (i.e., not immigration enforcement).

USCIS’ official website is USCIS.gov which includes an online appointment scheduling service known as
INFOPASS. This system allows people with questions about immigration to come into their local USCIS
d
it

office and speak directly with a government employee about their case. Additionally, USCIS maintains a
blog entitled “The Beacon” as well as the “@uscis” Twitter account.

Unlike most other federal agencies, USCIS is funded almost entirely by user fees. Under President George
W. Bush's FY2008 budget request, direct congressional appropriations made about 1% of the USCIS budget
and about 99% of the budget was funded through fees. The total USCIS FY2008 budget was projected to
be $2.6 billion.

no

\ U.S. Citizenship
and Immigration

Exceptional Credit Tenancy - i~< * Services
Boasting an “AA+"" credit rating by S&P and an “Aaa” credit rating by Moody’s, the lease is guaranteed by
the United States of America.

High Renewal Probability -
The General Services Administration’s lease renewal probability is 96% in new, first generation space such
as the Property, and the GSA remains in its space for over 25 years on average.

US CITIZENSHIP
AND IMMIGRATION
SERVICES

Page 12 GSA Investment & Acquisition Opportunity | St Thomas, USVI ee) Stan Johnson Company | THE NET LEASE AUTHORITY®

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018738
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012775.txt,"who fail to care for their young, cads who have extramarital affairs, and trigger-happy murderers who
take the lives of innocent people. What changes in the brain enabled us, but no other species, to engage in
promiscuous thinking?

To understand what changed in the brain, it is useful to paint a few broad-stroke comparisons, and
then narrow in on the details. We know, for example, that brain size changed dramatically over the
course of our evolutionary history, ultimately reaching three times the size of a chimpanzee’s brain with
the appearance of the first modern humans some 100-200,000 years ago. From the archaeological
evidence, we can infer that some aspect of the internal workings of the brain — not simply size — must
have changed at about the same time in order to explain the appearance of a new material culture of tools
with multiple parts and functions, musical instruments, symbolically decorated burial grounds, and cave
paintings. Before this period, the material culture of our ancestors was rather uncreative, with simple tools
and no symbolism. The new material culture was heralded by a mind unlike any other animal. No other
animal spontaneously creates symbols, though chimpanzees and bonobos can be trained to acquire those
we invent and attempt to pass on. No other animal creates musical instruments or even uses their own
voice for pure pleasure. No other animal buries its dead, no less memorializes them with decorations; ants
drag dead members out of their colony area and deposit them in a heap, though this is driven by hygiene
as opposed to ceremonial remembrance and respect. Only a species with the capacity to combine and
recombine different evolved specializations of the brain could create these archaeological remains. This
period in our evolutionary history marks the birth of our promiscuous brain. The brain sciences have
helped us see the fine details of this new species of mind.

The comparative anatomists Ralph Holloway, James Rilling, and Kristina Aldridge have
analyzed brain scans and skull casts of humans and all of the apes: chimpanzees, bonobos, gorillas,
orangutans, and gibbons. This sample represents approximately 15 million years of evolution, and
includes considerable diversity in mating systems, dietary preferences, use of tools, group size, life span,
locomotion style, communication system, aggressiveness, and capacity for cooperation. Thus, gibbons are
monogamously pair bonded, live in small family groups in the upper canopies, swinging and singing to
defend their territories, never use or create tools, are omnivorous, restrict cooperation to within the
family group, and show little aggression. Gorillas are folivores or leaf eaters, live in harem societies,
knuckle walk on the ground, rarely use or make tools in the wild, show aggression primarily between
harems, communicate with a diversity of sounds, and show limited cooperation even under captive
conditions. Chimpanzees are promiscuous, omnivores who hunt for meat on the ground and in the tree
tops, create a diversity of tools that are culturally distinctive between regions, communicate with a
diversity of sounds, are lethal killers when they confront individuals from a neighboring community, and

are cooperative especially in competitive situations. Despite this diversity, nonhuman ape brains are much

Hauser Chapter 1. Nature’s secrets 29

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012775
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019426.txt,"“Even though we're testing now, once you actually have the system up, you don’t know what the bugs will be,” said Amy
Fauver, spokeswoman for Cover Oregon, the state agency implementing the law there.

In California, which has the nation’s largest uninsured population, health officials have begun hinting that they may havea
similar problem.

“It's a complex system, and there’s a lot of navigation that needs to happen,” said Oscar Hidalgo, a spokesman for Covered
California. He said the agency will know by early September whether the system will be ready in time.

If not, he said, customers will still be able to log on to the Web site and peruse insurance plans and view prices. When they
get to the final step, however, they will not be able to sign up. They will have to contact a customer service representative to
complete the final enrollment step.

Officials with the District of Columbia’s Health Link decided to put off building a Spanish version of its Web site until later this
year, giving its staff bandwidth to complete other tasks they see more critical to the launch.

Until then, the District will have bilingual call-center workers and in-person helpers who will be able to help Spanish speakers
navigate the site.

The hiccups are troubling to advocates, who worry that there will be mistakes that result in people being erroneously
rejected by Medicaid or denied subsidies to which they are entitled. They are concerned that impediments will discourage
the uninsured from signing up for coverage.

“There will be something up and running, but there will be serious, serious difficulties with it” that could result in delays and
errors initially, said Robert H. Bonthius Jr., a lawyer at the Legal Aid Society of Cleveland. “It’s an extremely ambitious
program, well-intentioned, that is going to be very difficult to accomplish, and it’s going to be months and maybe years
before it really gets sorted out.”

Much of the difficulty stems from the information the federal government needs to determine who qualifies for which health-
law program, including data on citizenship, income, residence and employment. State systems will need to communicate
seamlessly with a federal data hub that pulls in information from the Department of Homeland Security and the Internal
Revenue Service, among others.

President Obama has predicted “bumps” and “glitches” in the initial launch of the exchanges. Health and Human Services
Secretary Kathleen Sebelius has acknowledged a very tight time frame that has required the government to test the hub in
imperfect conditions, but she has said it will still launch on time.

“Ideally what you would do if you were building a data hub that needs this kind of information, you’d put a piece together and
test that. You test it, if you will, sequentially,” she said in an interview. “We have to build and test simultaneously. ... It’s a big
operational issue, but all systems are a go for the first of October.”

Sixteen states decided to build their own health-insurance marketplaces, with the rest leaving all or much of the task to the
federal government. Those states are now in the process of, or have completed, testing to share data back and forth with the
data hub.

“There were times when the hub had to be taken offline. .. . So we couldn't test until they got it back online,” said Jon Hager,
executive director of Nevada’s Silver State Health Insurance Exchange. “But | think the end result, and everything I’ve seen,

says it will be ready.”

Hager has invested significant time preparing contingency plans for his state, including one for a situation in which the
federal data hub does not work, though he said he believes that to be a relatively unlikely scenario.

“If there’s a new rule, that could throw us into a quandary,” Hager said. “You could have, | don’t know, a disaster ora fire. |
think we’ve got backup and contingency plans for everything.”

The federal government handles all testing of these connections for states that did not build a portal and chose instead to

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019426
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031743.txt,"﻿Influence without force: the law of the Internet
The past year has seen increasing backlash and fear towards the Internet and its constituents.
Calls for government-mandated regulation are coming from all sides while Silicon Valley
wonders how influence campaigns have managed to sway an election.
It is tempting, especially for the affected parties, to see Russian influence campaigns and lack of
internet regulation as the culprit for the general sense of malaise in the Western World and its
descent into populism but that would miss two much bigger phenomena: worsening living
conditions and incorrect conceptualization of the internet.
Worsening living conditions
The rapid growth of China and emerging markets as well as the rise of “non-material” capitalism
caused capital to move up and out. It moved up, with the “rich getting richer”, because
non-material capitalism (eg. finance, tech) scales better than traditional capitalism and it moved
out towards emerging markets owing to globalization. The displacement of capital from
middle-class Western world has led to progressively better living conditions for the world as a
whole but worse living conditions at the individual level in Europe and the United States. This
new world order is the culprit for the nationalism seen across these regions.
Conceptualizing the Internet
In “The True Believer” Eric Hoffer remarks “For men to plunge headlong into an undertaking of
vast change, they must be intensely discontented yet not destitute. […] They must also have an
extravagant conception of the prospects and potentialities of the future”, in other words for
people to champion change they need to be unhappy yet sufficiently hopeful. The Internet has
been the very enabler and carrier of this hope, as evidenced in the Arab Spring and Trump
alike. For an industry to be able to shape minds and spread hopes of such a diverse and
dispersed group of people is extraordinary.
This realization enables us to posit that unlike any other booming industry, technology is unique.
No other industry in the past has had the ability to create a new world, a domain in military lingo,
where people have a virtual life, an identity and participate in their own unique flavor of “res
publica”; where people are citizens as much as they are consumers. It is therefore useful to look
at the Internet as the natural evolution of a Nation State, an entity in which there are myriads of
co-existing tribes yet this State is not concerned with most of its traditional functions such as
public defense, welfare and so forth.
Looking at the Internet as a New Nation State is not merely an exercise in theoretical metaphors
and awe for human ingenuity; it provides a practical mental model to address the problem of
nationalism and worsening living conditions.
Need for a social contract of the Internet
But if the Internet is a State of its own, it lacks the characteristic kinetic force of a Sovereign
State but wages its power through influence (in this sense it is more similar to the Vatican). If
traditional states dictate through laws, the Internet does so through code. Whether the Trump
campaign and Russia have understood the laws and leveraged the laws better than anyone
else is not as important as realizing that the Internet and its dominant players, as State and
major constituents, have a responsibility to create a more cohesive, transparent and equitable
social contract:
1. Leverage internet players’ assets for welfare:
a. Use machine learning and the trove of data available on the Internet to improve
people’s decision making abilities when it comes basic needs (e.g. optimizing
healthcare, living location, school choices etc.)
b. Use the power of networks to boost socially cohesive messages or provide safety
(e.g: companies that help reporting sexual harassment or racial discrimination)
2. Leverage the computational power and data availability to build crowd-based business
models:
a. Balance sheet based businesses that thrive on the law of large numbers are a
good example of businesses that could provide a source of profit for Internet
citizens (eg: LendingClub vs. traditional lenders)
b. Rewards for reduction of information asymmetry is another avenue through which
the public could benefit from the Internet
But for the above framework to work and for the Internet to thrive while keeping its citizens
happy, there are a number of technical challenges that need to be resolved:
1. “One person, one vote” voting system but with the ability to preserve pseudo-anonymity
2. Increase transparency on the “laws” of the Internet, its governing algorithms and
protocol:
a. Visibility and integrity: how do they work and how to verify they cannot be
tampered with
b. Accountability: who is held accountable in case of failure
c. Explainability/Auditability: why the code has made a certain decision
3. Improve the state of homomorphic encryption and machine learning protocols that work
on data streams vs data at rest
Solving the technical challenges above as well as funding companies and initiatives that fit in
the framework for social welfare will oil the function of the Internet as a Nation State. This, in
turn, will allow Internet citizens to express “intended behavior” as well as profit from scale. Being
heard and improving living conditions are the best medicine against discontent and
protectionism.

"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014304.txt,"UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF NEW YORK

CASE NO. 15-CV-07433-RWS

VIRGINIA L. GIUFFRE,

Plaintiff,
Vv.
GHISLAINE MAXWELL,

Defendant.

June 20, 2016
9:12 a.m.

CONFIDENTIAL
Deposition of PY pursuant
to notice, taken by Plaintiff, at the
offices of Podhurst Orseck, 25 West
Flagler Street, Suite 800, Miami, Florida,

before Kelli Ann Willis, a Registered

Professional Reporter, Certified Realtime
Reporter and Notary Public within and
for the State of Florida.

MAGNA®

LEGAL SERVICES

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014304
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014462.txt,"Key charts

Chart 1: Synchronised rise in leading indicators globally augurs well for
earnings recovery — especially if PMIs kick on to or above mid-50s

65 60
60 40
55 20
50
0

45

40 20
35 ; 40

—— (SM / Euro PMI manuf alg (advanced 9m)

30 =———=|\iSCI Europe EPS € (trailing yoy, R 60

01/98 «= 01/01 0104 01/07 O10 O13 O16

Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Datastream, IBES

Chart 3: Cyclicals vs Defensives trade now looks very stretched

4

3
2
1
0
{
-2
3
-4
Dec-97 Dec-01 Dec-05 Dec-09 Dec-13
Cyclicals vs Defensives - relative price vs 52wk average (SD)

Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Bloomberg

Chart 5: Financials valuations have recovered significantly relative to
the move in bond yields — relative PE back around average levels

0.90 3.5
0.85 i 3
25
0.80 9
0.75 15
0.70 i
0.5
0.65 =——— Banks / Insurance PE-rel 0
060 ——— German 10y (RHS) 05

O1N0 O11 O12 01/13 0104 O1/15 01/16
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Datastream, IBES

Chart 2: Modestly higher yields and higher equities compatible — Rising
inflation breakevens the key for equities

Stoxx 600 4-week returns vs 4-week change in real

an yields / inflation breakevens (since 2009)

1.5
1.0
0.5

0.0

0.5

-1.0
Bund real >+0, b/even +ve Bund real >+0, b/even -ve

Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Bloomberg

Chart 4: Likewise Financials vs Defensives: -2.5SD to +2.5SD post-Brexit
4

4

Dec-97 _ _ Dec-01 Dec-05 ——_ Dec-09 Dec-13
Financials vs Defensives - relative price vs 52wk average (SD)

Source: Re BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Bloomberg place this text

Chart 6: Rapid relative de-rating for Staples — relative PE for Food &
Beverage still 6-10% above 2010 / 2014 levels

1.70

1.60

1.50

1.40

1.30

1.20

=———PE-relative FOOD & BEV
110 eee German 10y (RHS, inverted

01/10 01/11 =O112 01/13) «01/14 «(015 = (01/16

Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Datastream, IBES

Bankof America
Merrill Lynch

European Equity Strategy | 01 December 2016 3

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014462
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019340.txt,"used data stolen from Facebook to try to influence the presidential election from which Donald
Trump emerged victor. It is not a mystery that for a long time he courts nationalists of the right
from East to West. And he has already met, among others, the Hungarian Orban, the French Marine
Le Pen and the former leader of the British separatists Nigel Farage. The latter reappeared,
coincidentally, on Friday in Pennsylvania, USA, to a fundraiser in favor of the Republican
congressman Lou Barletta. Without forgetting the Italians of Lega and 5 stars. Of them, he said: ""If
it works in Italy, we can import the model anywhere”.

The Movement, which for now will count on a staff of 10 people, will be fully operational in 2019.
In short, after the American midterm elections, where Bannon is fighting to influence the primaries
supporting candidates potentially able to undermine the prospects of Republican establishment. But
in the future the former spin doctor says he wants to spend more and more time in Europe. Also
because the relationships with Trump have worsened after the revelations he made to Michael
Wolff and published in the scandal book “Fire and Fury”. “Better to reign in Hell than to serve in
Paradise,” Bannon says now paraphrasing the Satan of one of his favorite books, John Milton's Lost
Paradise. Hell in this case would be the dear old Europe and its democratic values. The “army of
darkness” is already among us.

In Sacratissimo Corde Jesu et Purissimo Corde Mariae et Castissimo Corde Ioseph.

is 2k 3s 2 2s 3g 2k

Benjamin Harnwell
Founder and President of the Board of Trustees
Dignitatis Humanae Institute

Cl: iii
Office:

Istituto Dignitatis Humanae
44 Via delle Fornaci

Roma 00165

ITALY

@ben_harnwell
www.dignitatishumanae.com

Il giorno 22 lug 2018, alle ore 15:38, Steve Bannon {Pha scritto:

What does this say???

Begin forwarded message:

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019340
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029833.txt,"From: Alan Dershowitz

Sent: 4/28/2016 4:51:57 PM

To: Roy Black ay

cc: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com]; Jack Goldberger Po
Subject: Re: Reuters / lawsuit against Jeffrey Epstein

Sent from my iPhone

_On Apr 28, 2016, at 12:47 PM, Roy Black — wrote:

From: jeffrey E. [mailto:jeevacation@gmail.com]
Sent: Thursday, April 28, 2016 12:39 PM

To: Alan M. Dershowitz; Roy Black; Jack Goldberger
Subject: Fwd: Reuters / lawsuit against Jeffrey Epstein

a Forwarded message ----------

From: Martin Weinberg hi

Date: Thu, Apr 28, 2016 at 12:20 PM
Subject: Fwd: Reuters / lawsuit against Jeffrey Epstein
To: Jeff Epstein <jeevacation@gmail.com>

Begin forwarded message:

From:
Date: April 28, 2016 at 12:14:37 PM EDT
To:
Subject: RE: Reuters / lawsuit against Jeffrey Epstein

Sorry, the suit is attached to this email.

From: Ingram, David (Reuters News)

Sent: Thursday, April 28, 2016 12:14 PM

To: ‘Martin G. Weinberg’

Subject: Reuters / lawsuit against Jeffrey Epstein

Hi Marty,

The attached lawsuit was filed this week in federal court in California alleging that Jeffrey Epstein and another
man, Donald Trump, raped her in 1994. We’re planning to publish a story on the suit this afternoon, and we

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029833
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026062.txt,"The BRIDGE platform currently comprises investments of between €20-120 million each, in 17 European
infrastructure transactions. In 2016 alone, the BRIDGE team has achieved financial close for 11 infrastructure
deals in Europe aggregating ca. €390m. When benchmarked against other similar funds, the investment team
has succeeded in deploying faster and with credit spreads well above the infrastructure senior debt benchmark,
enabling BRIDGE to become a force in the growing institutions-backed infrastructure debt market. BRIDGE’s
ability to invest beyond the traditional definition of core infrastructure and to structure transactions was a key
differentiator when Edmond de Rothschild launched this platform, as part of its commitment to real economy.
BRIDGE is innovative in the sense that the investment team sources transactions directly from sponsors and is
actively involved in the structuring phase, acting as Mandated Lead Arranger.

BRIDGE comprises a large, international and skilled London based investment team of 11 investment
professionals who between them have arranged more than €100bn of landmark infrastructure deals over the
last 20 years across the globe. The BRIDGE team is among the largest within the debt funds universe and
demonstrates the Edmond de Rothschild Group’s commitment to the platform.

Kind regards,
Johnny

Johnny el HACHEM

Edmond de Rothschild Private Equity

29 Route de Pré-Bois
Case postale 490
1215 Genéve 15

Suisse

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026062
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018417.txt,"traditional thinking. Co-evolution exists as a real possibility for the two nations but
so too does co-extinction, a problem of mis-designed complex systems that can
rattle themselves apart. This is precisely what a confident Hard Gatekeeping
strategy can avoid. When we speak of the possibiltity of a new type of great power
relations it is because so much of future power will be decided on a topological
landscapes, on that nearly living surface that is marked by such different rules than
the older, industrial power maps. It takes a network to fight a network, as we’ve
said.

Networks confront us, constantly now, with the unexpected. No one forming the IMF
in 1949 considered digital currency. No one developing arms protocols in the 1990s
thought about cyber weapons. Artificially intelligent weapons, migrant waves,
income fractures - these and other emerging puzzles were never contemplated in
our existing international arrangements. Collectively attacking these challenges is
not merely more efficient; it is our only option. Yes, it’s easy enough to picture the
US and China battling each other over islands and protocols and technology
structures in the decades to come. Certainly this possibility has to be prepared for.
But this is to regard the world in industrial terms. Ask yourself: What, really is the
point of power? It is to secure stability, not to tip the world to chaos just because we
think we might be better off on the other side. The networks tell us what they want.
They want gates. Our only question - and it is the same question that lingers in
Beijing and Washington - is: Are we smart enough to listen?

5.

How will power distribute itself in the future? Just what will the network of nations
and datawebs and insurgents finally look like when it settles into some predictable
if still roiling order ten or a hundred years hence? Will it be made up of different
walled and gated systems, linked at certain moments, unplugged at others? Or might
it collect with that “winner take all” logic we've seen firing along the most efficient
networks? Most traditional foreign policy looks at history and sees the constant,
violent rocking of a “balance of power”. Nations thirst for security, they vie with one
another for influence, resources, and control. France rises. Statesmen in Berlin,
Vienna and London conspire to knock her down. This is the order that dominated
Europe for much of the last 500 years. But history is also filled with enduring, stable
arrangements - moments where the balance settles a bit and a single power
dominates. Asia, Europe, the Middle East, South America - each produced nations
that stretched mastery the system for generations, for centuries even. If you map the
rise and fall of nations and empires over the past 4,000 years - as the political
scientists Stuart Kauffman, Richard Little and William Wohlforth once attempted in
an heroic statistical effort - about half of human history has been marked by this
sort of hegemonic stability. China led East Asia’s order from 1300 to 1900, for
instance. The Japanese and Koreans and Vietnamese all found it was wiser to play by
China’s rules than to attack her. Assyrian imperial arrangements overmastered a
dozen smaller states from the 9 to 7 centuries BCE. The Dehli Sultinate managed
hegemony in South Asia from 12 to 14 centuries. The Mughals owned nearly two

185

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018417
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023639.txt,"EP: What’s your take on Trump and
Russia?

PK: I read one article where an uniden-
tified Russian official used the phrase
“useful idiot”. That’s really what it is.

It’s like J. Edgar Hoover; he stayed

around for decades [via] blackmail. I
think it’s the same thing, You don’t have
to say it, you know. Hoover would just go
to JFK and say, “We found some photo
of you in bed with Marilyn Monroe. But
don’t you worry, we'll keep it in our safe.”
EP: You've lived through some Red scares;
can you imagine any other time where
this Russia stuff would be forgiven?
PK: | think foreign countries may have
influenced previous elections.
I don’t know, but it was mostly
before the technology of the
Internet. So, if there’s no In-
ternet, there ain’t no hackin’.
It’s like there ain’t no divorce
if you don’t have no marriage!
Whatever deal was made, or
hacked, I think Trump decided
to run the night of the 2011
Washington Correspondent’s
Dinner. Obama had such
Sood jokes that night. But the
camera was on Trump, and you
could see that he was foaming.
EP: That shot of him is amazing.
The video of Trump’s boiling
back head. It’s really gorgeous.
PK: Humiliation makes a differ-
ence. You know, years before
any of this, Trump developed
his modus operandi for media/
political success: You cheat.
What pushed him into public profile was
the stated success of his book, The Art of
the Deal. But what I found out that is that
he bought 20,000 copies of his own book
from Random House, and that made it a
New York Times Best Seller.

Similarly, L Ron Hubbard had his book
Dianetics. He had a Scientologist working
at The New York Times who had access
to the details of their best sellers lists.
Back then, there was a list of cities that
the Times measured sales at particular
book stores. So, Hubbard didn’t have to
buy 20,000 copies, he just had his spy tell
him where to buy several copies at those
locations, and the Church of Scientology
had an instant “Best Seller”.

EP: Earlier you mentioned two interesting
words: “assassination” and “impeach-
ment”. You have the benefit of having

lived through Kennedy and Nixon.

PK: My earliest remembrance of a Presi-
dent was Franklin D Roosevelt.

EP: Do you remember him on the radio?
PK: Yes. He was famous for having his
Fireside Chats. Which, through these
decades, has evolved into tweets.

EP: Here’s a very pointed question: When
Kennedy got shot — what's your memory
of that?

PK: Several memories. One was my first
wife was out shopping, heard it on some-
body’s radio, and immediately bought a
TV set. That’s one thing I remember, just
being glued to the television...And I was
getting calls, maybe not that day, but from

Cartoon by Wende, from The Realist #37, Sept. 1962.

people wanting to write an article about
the conspiracy aspect of it. You know of
Jean Shepherd, right?

EP: Of course.

PK: He was a big influence on me. He said,
“This will change the whole country.” He
thought it was a coup. And it turned out
that the CIA had the Mafia do it. After
all of my studying about it, that’s what it
was. The Mafia were the puppets of the
puppeteer in that.

I would listen to Jean Shepherd every
night, and he said — he predicted — that
America would have a dictator who won
the presidency because he came out of
show business. And it happened. You
know, [Trump’s] not like Ronald Reagan,
who came out of Hollywood, of course.
But in Reagan’s case, he couldn’t make
the distinction between reality and his

movie roles. But he did say he was willing
to take a senility test! Of course, the sug-
gestion that he’d take a senility test is a
suggestion that you already are senile.
EP: Right. That’s very funny.
PK: Jumping back to Trump. Along the
same lines of the buying the 20,000
copies of his book, the first day of his
presidential campaign, he came down
the Trump Tower elevator. There were
people with placards, saying “TRUMP
2016” — but they were all hired actors.
Fifty of ‘em.
EP: You know, the success of that red hat
really disturbs me. It’s so idiotic — but it
really seemed to work.
PK: I agree. No other presiden-
tial candidate had a cap like
that. And a slogan. I’ve seen
people on TV asked, “What do
you think about the election?”
One elderly woman said, “Oh
it’s wonderful! We're going to
Make America Great Again!”
EP: How could they win on a
campaign of awful messages?
Maybe Steve Bannon is some
AD&D wizard, casting a spell
that everything negative
becomes positive. “Trust me
Trump: kick babies instead of
kiss them. It ll work!”
PK: I agree that’s possible.
But it’s narcissism that made
Trump do this. Narcissism with
skin so thin, it’s inside out.
That’s what he was
doing, too, during the cam-
paign. If your skin is inside out,
then it’s projecting. Hillary “was a crook,”
but he was. He called Bernie Sanders
“crazy” and he was. “Lyin’ Ted Cruz”...
EP: Why do you think those nicknames
were so effective? It seemed, once you
were labelled by him, you were done.
PK: Bush had his nicknames, but they
were favorable. He called Karl Rove his —
EP: “Turd Blossom”!
PK: Right, “Turd Blossom” ...and he was.
EP: The prettiest turd.
PK: Regarding Trump’s narcissism, here’s
my favorite joke: Trump was in the eleva-
tor of Trump Tower. It stopped on one
floor and a woman got in. She said, “Oh!
You're Donald Trump! Oh my, I would
love to give you a blow job. I really would.
I have a great reputation. I will make it
that you will never forget this blow job.
I really am good. I practice a lot. And I

Ww

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023639

"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017724.txt,"Page 10 of 52
2005 B.Y.U.L. Rev. 835, *851

(4) The right to be reasonably heard at any public proceeding in the district court involving release, plea, sentencing, or any
parole proceeding;

(5) The reasonable right to confer with the attorney for the Government in the case;

(6) The right to full and timely restitution as provided in law;

(7) The right to proceedings free from unreasonable delay;

(8) The right to be treated with fairness and with respect for the victim's dignity and privacy. 8?

Rather than relying merely on the ""best efforts"" of prosecutors to vindicate rights, the CVRA also contains specific
enforcement [*852] mechanisms. ?° Most importantly, it directly gives victims standing to assert their rights, addressing a
flaw in the earlier enactment. ?! The Act provides that rights can be ""asserted"" by ""the crime victim, the crime victim's lawful
representative, and the attorney for the Government."" °* The victim or the government may appeal any denial of a victim's
right through a writ of mandamus on an expedited basis. °? The courts are also required to ""ensure that the crime victim is
afforded the rights"" in the new law. °4

These changes were intended to make the victim ""an independent participant in the proceedings."" °° Congress desired to
modify what it viewed as the unfair treatment of crime victims; in particular, congressional sponsors of the CVRA cited the
Oklahoma City bombing case as the kind of decision that they intended the new law to overrule.

II. The Need To Place Victims' Rights in the Rules

With the CVRA in place as the law of the land, the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure should be amended to conform to the

statute. While one court has derisively referred to the Act as mere ""mushy, feel good legislation,"" °7 it in fact substantively

changes the posture of crime victims on a whole host of issues. In the wake of the Act, victims now must be folded into the
process through which federal courts conduct criminal cases, including bail, plea, trial, and sentencing hearings. The Federal
Rules of Criminal Procedure - the ""playbook"" of the federal courts - should reflect this fact.

Some might agree that victims now have a number of new rights, but nonetheless dispute the need for a rules amendment.
After all, 1t might be argued, the CVRA in fact creates substantive rights for crime victims. Because nothing in the federal
procedural [*853] rules can modify substantive rights, °° the CVRA will trump any conflicting provision in the federal rules.
°° Tn other words, the CVRA will automatically govern federal criminal proceedings even if the rules remain as written.

8 18 US.C.A. 3771 (a) (West 2004 & Supp. 2005).

°° Td. 3771(d).

°! Cf. Beloof, The Third Wave of Crime Victims' Rights, supra note 16 (identifying the lack of victim standing as a pervasive flaw in victims’
rights enactments).

% 18 U.S.CA. 3771(d)(1).

3 Td. 3771(d)(3).

% Td. 3771(b).

°° 150 Cong. Rec. $10911 (daily ed. Oct. 9, 2004) (statement of Sen. Kyl).

% Td. at S4269 (daily ed. Apr. 22, 2004) (statement of Sen. Feinstein).

°7 United States v. Holland, 380 F. Supp. 2d 1264, 1279 (ND. Ala. 2005).

98 See 28 U.S.C. 2072(b) (2000).

% See, e.g., Miguel v. Country Funding Corp., 309 F.3d 1161, 1165 (9th Cir. 2002).

DAVID SCHOEN

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017724
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020779.txt,"...and 12 years old

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020779
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024156.txt,"Equity styles

UBS View Prefer value and large caps in Europe, mid caps in US
¢ We recommend that investors look for value opportunities in Europe: The cheapest stocks within each
sector are at extreme relative valuations, which should begin to normalize. Within Financials, however,
investors should limit their direct exposure to the Eurozone debt crisis. We assess the cheapness of a stock
by looking at its price-to-earnings and price-to-book ratios relative to its peers.

° We believe US mid caps will outperform large caps. US economic data is forecast to stabilize and GDP
growth should be resilient in the second half of 2012. Greater domestic sales exposure reduces earnings
risk coming from Europe. In Europe, we prefer large over small caps in the current very challenging
economic environment.

¢ High quality dividend paying stocks provide a real and stable income stream to investors during the
current low yield environment. Furthermore, they give exposure to the long term potential of equity
markets while also providing some support in declining markets.

4 Positive scenario Prefer value, low quality and small caps
¢ Leading indicators continue to move higher, and risks related to the Eurozone debt crisis subside. In this
case, add deep cyclical value (cheap price/book, price/earnings) regardless of sector, with high beta and
high leverage. In such an environment, small- and mid-cap stocks should also perform well, but a dividend
strategy would be too defensive to outperform the market.

& Negative scenario Prefer quality and large caps
¢ The global economic picture deteriorates markedly. In this case, buy high-quality growth companies and
large caps. Do not look for value opportunities, but be as defensive as possible with your equity exposure.
Look to high-quality, dividend-paying stocks for yield.

Note: Scenarios refer to global economic scenarios (see slide 7).

What we're watching Why it matters

Earnings revisions—see | Watch for signs of continued improvement in earnings revisions (aggregated

chart from stock level). An improved earnings outlook would cause investors to add
(3-month moving more risk, allowing multiples to expand and triggering the outperformance of
average upgrades vs. value stocks.

downgrades)

US and Eurozone PMIs If PMIs stabilize or improve, value stocks should outperform as there is no longer

justification to pay the high price for earnings stability (quality). Key dates: 2
July, PMI Manufacturing Eurozone; 2 July, US ISM Manufacturing

a UBS For further information please contact CIO's asset class specialist Christopher Wright, christopher-zb.wright@ubs.com

Regional differentiation

e Within Europe, look for value
opportunities within each sector, but be
aware of the higher-risk Financials.

e In the US, there are opportunities in value
names that also show strong growth.

e Within Europe, avoid small caps and
instead rotate into large caps.

e In the US, prefer mid caps to large caps
while GDP growth is above 2%.

Strategic (1 to 2 years)

e We expect value strategies to outperform
the market significantly over the long
term.

¢ Mid-cap stocks provide attractive
opportunities over the longer term.

European earnings revisions fell hard
last year, but the down cycle might be
be ending (net revisions, in %; MSCI
Europe)
30%
20%

10%

0%

-10%

-20%
-30%
-40%
-50%

-60%
Jun.05 Jun.06 Jun.07 Jun.0&8 Jun.09 Jun.10 Jun.11  Jun.12

Source: FactSet, UBS CIO, as of 27 June 2012

Note: Past performance is no indication for future returns.

21

Please see important disclaimer and disclosures at the end of the document.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024156
"
IMAGES-012-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033042.txt,"Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033042
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015335.txt,"The Yippies and the Occupiers

As a co-founder of the Yippies (Youth International Party)—known
for demonstrating against the Vietnam War at the 1968 Democratic
convention in Chicago--| find myself comparing and contrasting the
Yippies and the Occupy Wall Street protesters.

We had to perform stunts to get media coverage of our cause, so a
group of us went to the New York Stock Exchange, upstairs to the balcony,
and threw $200 worth of singles onto the floor below, watching the gang
of manic brokers suddenly morph from yelling ""Pork Bellies"" into playing
""Diving for Dollars."" Then we held a press conference outside, explaining
the connection between the capitalist system and the war.

Now, a particular placard, “Wall Street Is War Street,” gives me a
sense of continuity. Other anonymous Occupier spokespersons carried
posters proclaiming: “God Forbid We Have Sex & Smoke Pot. They Want
Us to Grab Guns & Go to War!"" = “I am an immigrant. | came here to take
your job. But you don’ t have one.” “$96,000 for a BA in Hispanic
transgender gay & lesbian studies and | can’ t find work!” And a woman

in a wheelchair: “Stand Up For Your Rights!”

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015335
"
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1"":{""backgroundColor"":""#F4F4F4"",""border"":{""left"":{""color"":""#F 7F9F9"",""width"":""0.Opt""},""right"":{""color"":""#F7F

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028406
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021467.txt,"UNITED STATES EXTRADITION TREATIES

Extradition Treaty
with:

Albania
Anguilla .
Antigua-Barbuda
Argentina
Australia
Australia Protocol
Austria

*

. Bahamas

Barbados

Belgium ;
Belgium Protocol
Belize
Bermuda
Bolivia
Bosnia Herzegovina
Brazil

Brazil

British Indian Ocean Territory *
British Virgin Islands *
Bulgaria

Bulgaria

Burma

Canada

Canada

Canada Extradition Protocol
Canada Extradition Protocol
Cayman Islands *

Chile

Colombia +

Congo
Congo -
Congo
Congo""
Costa Rica
Croatia -
Cuba
Cuba
Cuba

*

“*k

ak

' Cyprus

Czech Republic

Czech Republic
Denmark

Dominica

Dominican Republic
Ecuador

Ecuador Supplementary

Egypt

January 1, 2006

Signed:

March 1, 1933
June 8, 1972

June 3, 1996

June 10, 1997
May 14, 1974
September 4, 1990
January 8, 1998
March 9, 1990
February 28, 1996

~ April 27, 1987

March 17, 1987
March 30, 2000
dune 8, 1972
June 27, 1995
October 25, 1901
January 13, 1961
June 18, 1962
June 8, 1972

_ dune 8, 1972

March 19, 1924
June 8, 1934
December 22, 1931
December 3, 1971
June 28, 1974
January 11, 1988
January 12, 2001
June 8, 1972

April 17, 1900
September 14, 1979
January 6, 1909
January 15, 1929
April 23, 1936

December 4, 1982
October 25, 1901
April 6, 1904
December 6, 1904
January 14, 1926
June 17, 1996
July 2, 1925

April 29, 1935
June 22, 1972
October 10, 1996
June 19, 1909

. June 28, 1872

September 22, 1939
August 11, 1874

Entered into Force:

November 14, 1935
January 21, 1977
duly 1, 1999

June 14, 2000

May 8, 1976
December 21, 1992
January 1, 2000
September 22, 1994
March 3,2000 -
September 1, 1997
Pending

. March 27, 2001

January 21, 1997
November 21, 1996
June 12, 1902

. December 17, 1964

December 17, 1964
January 21, 1977
January 21, 1977
June 24, 1924
August 15, 1935
November 1, 1941
March 22, 1976
March 22, 1976
November 26, 1991.
April 30, 2003
January 21,1977 |
June 26, 1902
March 4, 1982

July 27, 1971

May 19, 1929,
September 24, 1936
August 5, 1961
October 11, 1991
June 12, 1902
March 2, 1905
March 2, 1905
June 18, 1926
September 14, 1999
March 29, 1926
August 28, 1935
July 31, 1974

May 25, 2000
August 2, 1910
November 12, 1873
May 29, 1941

April 22, 1875

Citation
(if any):

49 Stat. 3133

27 UST 957

15 UST 2093
15 UST 2112

43 Stat. 1886
49 Stat. 3250
47 Stat. 2122
27 UST 983

27 UST 1017

32 Stat. 1850

37 Stat. 1526
46 Stat. 2276
50 Stat. 1117
13 UST 2065

33 Stat. 2265
33 Stat. 2273 -
44 Stat. 2392

| 44 Stat. 2367
49 Stat, 3253
25 UST 1293

36 Stat, 2468
18 Stat, 199

19 Stat. 572

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021467
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027735.txt,"Source Entry: H\Macintosh HD\ root \Users\jee\Library\Messages \Archive\2019-06-01 Vil

on ZO1L9-US-28 at. 1.7 .c3 238. Lehat

Service: iMessag

Start Time: 05/23/19 07:06:17 PM (580356377)

Last Message ID: 30040

Chat Room:

Messages -

Time: 05/23/19 07:06:17 PM (580356377)
Flags: 1060865
Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

End Time: 06/01/19 11:33:21 AM (581106801)

Presentity IDs: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com, cn

GUID: 4F65B863-287C-4498-A5FO-E75DB0769195

Message: I'm doing a one hour show for India on Modi while here-- bringing American

Hindu guys with us

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 05/23/19 09:21:13 PM (580364473)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 98A7E553-73D5-49D0-A0A8-8D6A173CF517

Message: his focus wants to be stopping china.

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 05/23/19 09:21:23 PM (580364483)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 7AB1781A-32E7-41D9-90BD-D60D32882AD8

Message: I can set

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 05/23/19 09:34:53 PM (580365293)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: D6éDFB6E8-3EFA-42A0-976C-265639047D2!1

Message: you should meet with modi.

Gl

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027735
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024675.txt,"ACKR
PI

L
- A L

BL
TA CHAPTER Ill Cannabis Industry Segmentation

Production Opportunities

We believe opportunities in this segment include:

Specialized Production Services. Production services companies that invest in the necessary equip-
ment and facilities should see strong demand for high-margin specialized services from cultivators
and other production intermediaries. We expect opportunities will expand for companies that provide
extraction services (particularly those who professionally manage hazardous processes such as hydro-
carbon extraction) or develop proprietary infused-product manufacturing processes.

Energy-efficient, Integrated Cultivation Components. We anticipate continued design and con-
struction of sophisticated indoor cultivation facilities, which should present a significant opportunity
for suppliers of advanced cultivation components that improve yield and reduce energy costs. We
believe companies that provide all-in-one integrated systems for automation, monitoring and control
of the production process are more likely to succeed than companies that merely offer a single-point
solution.

Branded Laboratory Test Certification. Given the importance of product testing, we believe that
leading providers of high-quality testing services have an opportunity to establish an industry recog-
nized “certification,” and that such a certification may become a key factor in influencing consumer
confidence and demand.

Efficiencies in Cannabis Cultivation. We believe that certain segments of the market will become
increasingly commoditized and that cultivators with low production costs and high yields will have
significant competitive advantage. Cultivators with operations in regions conducive to low-cost nat-
ural production should benefit as laws are changed to facilitate interstate and international cannabis
commerce.

Production Challenges

Challenges in this segment include:

Scaling Cultivation Operations. Current laws typically force cultivators to build, and obtain licenses
for, potentially redundant, capital-intensive cultivation facilities in each jurisdiction they serve. The
capital requirements and uncertainty around licensing present serious challenges to cultivators seeking
to scale their operations.

Downward-pricing Pressure on Cannabis Flower. Cannabis wholesale prices are declining as large-
scale cultivators begin to commoditize cannabis flower. Small and inefficient cultivators (including
high-cost indoor producers) may struggle to produce cannabis at effective margins as cannabis cultiva-
tion migrates to global regions with conditions that support low-cost, sustainable production.

Lack of Standardized Testing. Currently, it may be difficult or impossible to reliably compare test
results between providers of testing services because the cannabis industry has not yet developed uni-
form testing standards. Until the industry adopts uniform standards that address testing procedures
and. reporting for a broad variety of flower, concentrates and infused products, providers of testing
services may struggle to develop an industry-wide brand and reputation for quality.

Access to Capital. Participants in this segment generally engage in capital-intensive operations.
In particular, cultivation, contract manufacturing and testing facilities require significant capital
investment. Emerging companies in this segment may struggle to raise sufficient capital to compete
effectively.

© 2017 Ackrell Capital, LLC | Member FINRA/SIPC 39

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024675
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022527.txt,"25

What Are Facilitating or Expediting
Payments?

The FCPA’s bribery prohibition contains a narrow
exception for “facilitating or expediting payments” made in
furtherance of routine governmental action.’ The facili-
tating payments exception applies only when a payment is
made to further “routine governmental action” that involves
non-discretionary acts.' Examples of “routine governmen-
tal action” include processing visas, providing police pro-
tection or mail service, and supplying utilities like phone
service, power, and water. Routine government action does
not include a decision to award new business or to continue
business with a particular party.'*! Nor does it include acts
that are within an official’s discretion or that would consti-
tute misuse of an official’s office.’* Thus, paying an official a
small amount to have the power turned on at a factory might
be a facilitating payment; paying an inspector to ignore the
fact that the company does not have a valid permit to operate

the factory would not be a facilitating payment.

Examples of “Routine Governmental Action”

An action which is ordinarily and commonly
performed by a foreign official in—

""obtaining permits, licenses, or other official
documents to qualify a person to do business ina
foreign country;

""processing governmental papers, such as visas and
work orders;

"" providing police protection, mail pickup and
delivery, or scheduling inspections associated with
contract performance or inspections related to
transit of goods across country;

""providing phone service, power and water supply,
loading and unloading cargo, or protecting
perishable products or commodities from
deterioration; or

= actions of a similar nature.

Whether a payment falls within the exception is not
dependent on the size of the payment, though size can be
telling, as a large payment is more suggestive of corrupt
intent to influence a non-routine governmental action. But,
like the FCPA’ anti-bribery provisions more generally, the
facilitating payments exception focuses on the purpose of the
payment rather than its value. For instance, an Oklahoma-
based corporation violated the FCPA when its subsidiary
paid Argentine customs officials approximately $166,000
to secure customs clearance for equipment and materials
that lacked required certifications or could not be imported
under local law and to pay a lower-than-applicable duty
rate. The company’s Venezuelan subsidiary had also paid
Venezuelan customs officials approximately $7,000 to permit
the importation and exportation of equipment and materials
not in compliance with local regulations and to avoid a full
inspection of the imported goods.'® In another case, three
subsidiaries of a global supplier of oil drilling products and
services were criminally charged with authorizing an agent to
make at least 378 corrupt payments (totaling approximately
$2.1 million) to Nigerian Customs Service officials for pref-
erential treatment during the customs process, including the
reduction or elimination of customs duties!

Labeling a bribe as a “facilitating payment” in a com-
pany’s books and records does not make it one. A Swiss
offshore drilling company, for example, recorded pay-
ments to its customs agent in the subsidiary’s “facilitat-
ing payment” account, even though company personnel
believed the payments were, in fact, bribes. The company
was charged with violating both the FCPA’s anti-bribery
and accounting provisions.’

Although true facilitating payments are not ille-
gal under the FCPA, they may still violate local law in the
countries where the company is operating, and the OECD’s
Working Group on Bribery recommends that all countries
encourage companies to prohibit or discourage facilitating
payments, which the United States has done regularly.’
In addition, other countries’ foreign bribery laws, such as
the United Kingdom’s, may not contain an exception for
facilitating payments.' Individuals and companies should

therefore be aware that although true facilitating payments

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022527

"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026571.txt,"From: 
Sent: 
To: 
Subject: 
11/2/2012 2:34:45 PM 
Jeffrey Epstein [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
RE: 
Importance: High 
Perfect, my father is in Florence now ; we all fly on Sunday to Tanzania for 6 days with my 
daughters. 
I believe that the American Ambassador will go back to the US in a few months after the 
elections , even if President Obama wins. Maybe you want to ask him about the letter for the 
Interallie before his departure? 
From: Jeffrey Epstein [mailto:jeevacation@gmail.com] 
Sent: mercredi 31 octobre 2012 23:14 
To: 
Subject: 
due to hurrricane , i will not come until december. lets organize a call with your father, or if he likes i am 
happhy to fly mom and dad to new york. in a couple of weeks when hurrican isssues subside. 
*********************************************************** 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
Jeffrey Epstein 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 026571 
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011952.txt,"have been filed by any of his accusers” — although many have tried to serve him including
lawyers representing Epstein’s victims, Brunel continues to hide behind his French citizenship to
prevent depositions. “Trawling for 5’11” underage teenagers to work for his agency, MC2, or
anyone else who requests, Brunel is free to scout for very young girls without limitations.” Given
his citizenship he also successfully avoided deposition in Epstein’s sex related cases.

Like so many other reporters who have tried to report his side of the story when Jezebel
contacted Brunel, “he did not respond to our interview request.” According to Jezebel:

we spoke to a number of people who worked with his agency and while MC2 isn’t considered a
major industry player, it isn’t exactly bottom-shelf, either... Brunel isn’t involved with the
business on a day-to-day basis, although he owns an 85 percent stake in MC2. Instead, he does
scouting for the agency and takes care of the international relations with other agencies, reports
one source. Scouts scour the world for unrepresented teenage girls who could make it as models.
They work largely unsupervised and are generally paid a headhunting fee for every girl an
agency signs. Even when affiliated with an agency, as Brunel obviously is with MC2, scouts
operate mostly independently and with little oversight. The company blog refers to Brunel as a
‘scouting tsunami’ and MC2 is fairly well known for the strength of its international scouting.

Model, Michael Gross’s 1995 book, describes Brunel’s activities in Paris from the late 1970s
onwards, when he worked for, and eventually owned, the modeling agency Karin. “Jean-Luc is
considered a danger,” says Jér6me Bonnouvrier. “Owning Karin was a dream for a playboy. His
problem is that he knows exactly what girls in trouble are looking for. He’s always been on the
edge of the system.”

John Casablancas, founder of Elite modeling agency said:

I really despise Jean-Luc as a human being for the way he’s cheapened the business. There is no
justice. This is a guy who should be behind bars. There was a little group, Jean-Luc, Patrick
Gilles, and Varsano. They were very well known in Paris for roaming the clubs. They would
invite girls and put drugs in their drinks. Everybody knew they were creeps.” Casablancas was a
professional rival who was pushed out of his agency for questionable concerns.

Katie Ford human trafficking abolitionist and Eileen Ford’s daughter, talked to the Wall Street
Journalmagazine. In that story “A Model Trade Union,” Ford describes herself as a “roving
ambassador” to help stop human trafficking. Ford sold her stake in the family business in 2007 to
the private equity firm Stone Tower Equity. “In her new life as a nearly full-time, unpaid, roving
ambassador for the cause her job is an outgrowth of her former work, rather than a repudiation of
it, or an atonement.

Her interest in human trafficking began when a representative of the United Nations called to ask
if she would participate in a women’s leadership group that was studying the issue of trafficking.
“] said, ‘] can’t come talk about it, because I don’t know anything about it!’” Ford recalls. “But I
went, and after two hours, I knew why I was there. The way people traffic across borders is
parallel to the way we recruit models, According to Ford “the target age is 14 to 24, and so it’s

4]

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011952
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022146.txt,">
ATTERSON
Fittuy Ric

ie could provide potential protec- that if I didn’t say what they wanted me to say, or not to say.
‘happened. I might get hurt.

lis supposed FBI agent made me 42. I promised Epstein and his lawyer that I would keep
left the old life of sexual slavery quiet. They seemed happy with that and that seemed to me

v life in a new country in hopes to [be the] way to keep me and my family safe. And I did
lose illegal activities I knew all what Epstein and his lawyer told me. I kept quiet.

‘ported FBI call, I was contacted This declaration, stricken from the record by the judge in the
o appeared clearly to be working | victims’ lawsuit against the government, also set in motion
me about an investigation into. i events that led to Dershowitz’s and Roberts’s lawyers becoming
f the girls being questioned were : : involved in spectacular lawsuits, which included a complaint by
sexual contact with them. After } _ Dershowitz that these allegations were false and had defamed
, the man said they were being : 4 him, and a complaint by Edwards that Dershowitz’s accusations
ind prostitutes, but in my case, if 4 against him were false and defamatory.

1 “be looked after.” The fact that
ifter the supposed FBI call rein-
‘man I had talked to earlier was
BI but for Epstein. I didn’t think
ald both be working together and
mber at almost exactly the same

d this person that I had gotten a

t I didn’t tell him anything. The
cased to hear [that].

ae of Epstein’s lawyers (not Alan

1 then got Epstein on the line at
his lawyer basically asked again

g. The clear implication was that
vere talking to me, I was afraid of
in't keep quiet. My thought was ©

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022146
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013325.txt,"one or more of the following acts with each of the then-minor girls at his mansion: receiving a
topless or completely nude massage; using a vibrator on her vagina; masturbating in her
presence; ejaculating in her presence; touching her breast or buttocks or vagina or the clothes
covering her sexual organs; and demanding that she bring him other underage girls. Epstein and
his co-conspirators used the telephone to contact these girls to entice or induce them into paing
to his mansion for sexual abuse. Epstein also made E.W. perform oral sex on him and was to
periiom sex acts on Nadia Marcinkova (Epstein's live-in sex slave) in Epstein’s presence. See
Plaintiff Jane Doe’s Notice Regarding Evidence of Similar Acts of Sexual Assault, filed in Jane
Doe v. Epstein, No. 08-cv-80893 (S.D. Fla. 2010), as DE 197, (hereinafter “Rule 413 Notice”)
(Exhibit RE”); Jane Doe Depo., Attachment #2, at 379-380; L.M. Depo., Attachment #3, at 416;
EW. Depo, Attachment #4, at 205.

12. ~=Atall relevant times Edwards has had a good faith basis to believe and did in fact
liens that yet another of the minor girls Epstein sexually assaulted was C.L. When she was
approximately 15 years old, C.L. was brought to Epstein’s home by another underage victim.
While a minor, she was at Epstein’s home on multiple occasions. Epstein engaged in one or
more of the following acts with her while she was a fuer at his house - topless or completely
nde massage on Epstein; Epstein used a vibrator on her vagina; Epstein masturbated in her
— Epstein ejaculated in her presence; Epstein also demanded that she bring him other
underage girls. See Rule 413 Notice, Exhibit “E”; Incident Report, Exhibit “A.""

15. At all relevant times Edwards has had a good faith basis to believe and did in fact
believe that yet another girl Epstein sexually assault was AH. When she was approximately 16

years old, she was brought to Epstein’s home by another underage victim. While a minor, she
7

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013325
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010494.txt,"nerly Kellen/ Fittuy Ricu
3) and husband, |
lriver Brian Vickers, guests are like pygmies next to the nearby twice-life-size sculp-
he red carpet at the 14I1st | . aie
‘the Kentucky Derby ture of a naked African warrior.
1 Downs in Louisville, The journalist had confirmed that several prominent names —
land / Icon |

a el Mort Zuckerman, the famous real estate mogul and publisher;
VI |

4 Microsoft executive Nathan Myhrvold: and Donald Trump
4 among them—had dined at the residence. She'd interviewed
att Gana iin 7 ie several of Epstein’s friends and ex-friends: Nobel Prize-winning
gant e ea a i scientists, financiers who worked with Epstein at Bear Stearns.
| (i She'd handled Steven Hoffenberg with aplomb. And, working
with Vanity Fair's editors, she'd figured out ways to slip even more
information between the lines, in ways that would allow readers
to form their own questions about Epstein’s finances.
In that respect, she'd fulfilled her original assignment perfectly.
What Carter needed to figure out was what to do with the
artist, her sister, and their mother’s story. But before he could
swipe his key card to let himself into the magazine’s offices, Car-
ter saw a man standing in the reception area.

Michael and Janet Reiter at the Palm
Beach Police Foundation Policemen's
Ball at Mar-a-Lago, January

2012 (Debbie Schatz / Palm Beach
Daily News / ZUMAPRESS.com)

The man was motionless. He'd been waiting for Carter.

It was Jeffrey Epstein. Nonplussed, Carter invited him into
his office.

r *
Epstein denied the claims involving underage women. No crimi-
nal charges had been filed. And so Vanity Fair decided not to

_ include the claims in Ward’s article. But, according to Ward,
; when her editor Doug Stumpf called her, she cried.

lice She'd worked so hard on the piece, gotten so stressed out that
ri ""one of her twins had begun to grow more slowly than the other.

iaily On doctor’s orders; she’d been put on bed rest.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010494
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019368.txt,"Polygraph shows he didn’t know girls’ ages, lawyer says

p> EPSTEIN fom 1B

using the name “Pimpin’
Made EZ.” Robson, who was
not charged in the case, is a
potential prosecution wit-
ness.

According to Recarey,
prosecutor Lanna Belohlavek
offered Epstein attorneys
Dershowitz and Guy Fronstin
a plea deal in April. Fronstin,
after speaking with Epstein,
accepted the deal, in which
Epstein would plead guilty to
one count of aggravated as-
sault with intent to commit a
felony, be placed on five
years’ probatton and have no
criminal record. The deal al-
so called for Epstein to sub-
mit to a psychiatric and sex-
ual evaluation and have no
unsupervised visits with mi-
nors, according to Recarey’s
report. The plea bargain was
made in connection with only
one of the five alleged vic-
tims, the report states.

Fronstin — who declined
to comment on the case —
‘was subsequently fired and
veteran defense attorney
Jack Goldberger was hired.
He denies there was any
agreement by any of Ep-
stein’s attorneys to a plea

deal.

“We absolutely did not
agree to a plea in this case,”
he said. Neither Belohlavek
nor a4 state attorney’s
spokesman could be reached
for comment.

The parent or parents of
alleged victims who com-

plained of being harassed by
private investigators provid-
ed license tag numbers of two
of the men. Police found the
vehicles were registered to a
private eye in West Palm
Beach and another in Jupiter,
according to Recarey’s re
port.

“I have no knowledge of
it,” defense attorney Gold-
berger said.

The report also says a
woman connected to the Ep-
stein case was contacted by
somebody who was still in
touch with Epstein. That
person told her she would be
compensated if she didn’t
cooperate with police, Re
carey’s report says, Those
who did talk “will be dealt
with,” the woman said she
was told. Phone records
show the woman tallxed with
the person who allegedly in-
timidated her around the
time she said, Recarey re-
ported.

Phone records also show
that the person said-to have
made the threat then placed a
call to Epstein’s personal as-
sistant, who in turn called a
New York corporation affilt-
ated with Epstein, the report
states.

The issue in the Epstein
case is not whether females
came to his waterfront home,
but whether he knew fheir
ages,

“He’s never denied girls
came to the house,” Gold-
berger said. But when Ep
stein was given a polygraph

test, “he passed on knowl-
edge of age,” the attorney
said.

After the indictment
against Epstein was unsealed
this week, Police Chief Reiter
referred the matter to the
FBI. “We've received the re-
ferral, and we're reviewing
it,” said FBI spokeswoman
Judy Orihuela in Miami.

The chief himself has
come under attack from Ep-
stein’s lawyers and friends in
New York, where he has a
home, The New York Post
quoted Epstein’s prominent
New York lawyer, Gerald
Lefcourt, as saying his client
was indicted only “because of
the craziness of the police
chief.”

Reiter has declined to
comment on the case. ,

Prosecutors have not
presented a sex-related case
like Epstein’s to a grand jury
before, said Mike Edmond-
son, spokesman for the state
attomey’s office. “That's what
you do with a case that falls
into a gray area,” he said.

The state attorney's office
did not recommend a partic-
ular criminal charge on
which to indict Epstein, Ed-
mondson said. The grand ju-
ry was presented with a list of
charges from highest to low-
est, then deliberated with the
prosecutor out of the room,
he said.

“People are surprised at
the grand jury proceeding,”
West Palm Beach defense
attorney Richard Tendler

said. “It’s a way for the pros-
ecutor’s office to not take the
full responsibility for not fil-
ing the (charge), and not do-
ing what the Palm Beach Po-
lice Department wanted. I
think something fell apart
with those underage wit-
nesses.”

Defense attorney Robert
Gershman was a prosecutor
for six years. “Those girls
must have been incredible or
untrustworthy, I don’t know,”
he said.

Other attorneys said Ep
stein’s case raises the issue of
whether wealthy, connected
defendants like Epstein ~
whose friends include former
President Clinton and
Donald Trump + are treated
differently from others. Once
he knew he was the subject of
a criminal probe, Epstein
hired a phalanx of powerful
attorneys such as Dershowitz
and Lefcourt, who is a past
president of the National As-
sociation of Criminal Defense
Lawyers.

Miami lawyer Roy Black
— who became nationally
known when he successfully
defended William Kennedy
Smith on a rape charge in
Palm Beach — also was in-
volved at one point.

Said defense attorney
Michelle Suskauer: “I think
its unfortunate the public
may get the perception that
with power, you may be
treated differently than the
average Joe,”

© lany_keller@pbpost.com

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019368

4
a
a

03956-68
"
TEXT-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032964.txt,"From: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com] 
Sent: 2/15/2017 11:37:13 AM 
To: Darren lndyke 
Subject: Re: TR: update 
Importance: High 
Privileged - Redacted 
pn WO, Feb 2017 at 6:11 AM,_Darren IndyIce wrote: 
Privileged - Redacted 
Sent from my iPhone 
Begin forwarded message: 
From: Etienne Binant 
Date: February 14, 2017 at 8:18:41 PM EST 
To: Darren Indyke < 
Subject: TR: update 
Dear Darren 
Latest from JE (indeed, encouraging) 
Please let me know when account/wire are active, and how I can access internet banking and start the ball (in 
fact, it has started) 
all the best 
De : jeffrey E. <jeeyacation@gmail.com> 
Envoye : vendredi 10 feyrier 2017 18:40 
A: Etienne Binant; Lang, Caroline 
Objet: Re: update 
yes, lets start. . yes we are on. sorry with trump around its been very crazy busy 
On Fri, Feb 10, 2017 at 7:59 AM, Etienne Binant < wrote: 
Hi Jeffrey 
Happy to talk to you almost anytime today until around 3PM. Just tell me what number I should reach. 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 032964 
Not sure what got lost in translation here: never had the intention to go to any art fair or art show or 
anything of the kind. 
All the artists we have in mind or send to you are people we have direct connections with. Not just their 
studio, but also their home. They are people the work of whom we follow, and many of them are already 
friendly (Arianna, Cali have had dinner or stayed home). 
The idea is absolutely to have an impact on the ecosystem and to make a difference by supporting great 
artists when they need it. 
Galleries references are important, because galleries allow artist to reach a broader audience. We would go 
directly to the source. 
This is why it's important for me to go to LA or Berlin (or elsewhere) because those artists are not rich yet, 
they dont travel so much. They belong to a scene, and it does make a big difference to them if you connect 
in person. 
The spirit is to have an impact on young, talented folks, and absolutely to stay at the source. 
Once again, not sure was drifted away from this in communication 
E 
De : jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> 
Envoye : vendredi 10 fevrier 2017 12:32 
A: Etienne Binant 
Cc: Darren Indyke 
Objet: Re: update 
going to artists studio s much more appropriate , i think 
On Thu, Feb 9, 2017 at 9:49 PM, Etienne Binant < wrote: 
Gentlemen 
I hope you are having a great week. 
In LA hoping to begin acquiring pieces: are we on? 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 032965 
If not yet, when please 
thanks 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 032966 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 032967 
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030392.txt,"However I do feel we’ve ceased the rally for you [sic] head today.

Surely the fickleminded nature of the angry few will help tie up any loose ends.
You owe me a large Scotch.

John

Sent from my iPhone

On Wed, 10 May 2017 at 21:08, Jes Staley wrote:

You are a unique man, Mr McFarlane.

You came to my defense today with a courage not seen in many people. How do I thank
you?

You have a sense of what is right, and you have a sense of theatre. You mix humor with
grit.

Thank you John. Never underestimate my recognition of your support. And my respect
for your guile.

And some day I want to see an ad lib guitar run. You have all the fearlessness of Clapton.
Thank you.
Jes

[Prankster’s email]

From: John McFarlane [john.mcfarlane.barclays@gmail.com]
Sent: Wednesday, May 10, 2017 09:37 PM GMT Standard Time

To: Staley, Jes: Barclays (LDN)
Subject: Re: The fool doth think he is wise

What else would Mack the Knife do but support those he can trust in!
Begs the question, who should we seek to silence next!?
Onward, to bigger, and better things.

I may have already had a stiff one, it’s been a long day, and I get no younger.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030392
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023611.txt,"Research Analysts

Benjamin Bowler
Equity-Linked Analyst
MLPF&S

+1 415 676 3595
benjamin.bowler@baml.com

Abhinandan Deb >>
Equity-Linked Analyst

MLI (UK)

+44 20 7995 7148
abhinandan.deb@baml.com

Anshul Gupta >>
Equity-Linked Analyst
MLI (UK)

+44 20 7996 7062
aguptal 13@baml.com

William Chan, CFA >>
Equity-Linked Analyst
Merrill Lynch (Hong Kong)
+852 3508 3921
william.w.chan@baml.com

Nitin Saksena
Equity-Linked Analyst
MLPF&S

+1 646 855 5480
nitin.saksena@baml.com

Clovis Couasnon >>
Equity-Linked Analyst

MLI (UK)

+44 20 7995 0303
clovis.couasnon@baml.com

Jason Galazidis >>
Equity-Linked Analyst
MLI (UK)

+44 20 7996 5713
jason.galazidis@baml.com

Chintan Kotecha
Equity-Linked Analyst
MLPF&S

+1 646 855 5478
chintan.kotecha@baml.com

Stefano Pascale
Equity-Linked Analyst
MLPF&S

+1 646 855 2631
stefano.pascale@baml.com

>> Employed by a non-US affiliate of MLPF&S and is not registered/qualified as a research analyst under the FINRA rules.
Refer to “Other Important Disclosures’ for information on certain BofA Merrill Lynch entities that take responsibility for
this report in particular jurisdictions.

Bankof America

Merrill Lynch Global Equity Volatility Insights | O06 June 2017 = 37

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_02361 1
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025543.txt,"] have shown poor judgment in the past, and have paid a heavy price for those
mistakes. I had hoped to move forward with my science philanthropy and helping
those less privileged than myself. Then came Scott Rothstein.

Scott Rothstein was the senior partner of RRA. He is currently serving a 50 -year
prison sentence for perpetrating the largest fraud in South Florida’s history. He
decided that sex allegations made against me could be used to fleece hundreds of
investors out of hundreds of millions of dollars. He recruited Brad Edwards, a
smalltime Ft. Lauderdale attorney who had access to some of the women on the
government list. eo stetr forged Judges signatures, bate behind attorney client
privilege, secrecty of legal docu, work product, cover letter; giving illegal
investigative activity the protection normally reserved for lawyers and their
legitimate clients. He falsely told investors that I had settled cases with him for
hundreds of millions of dollars, but the women wanted their money right away. If
they gave him 30 million dollars now, he could give part of it to the women who
wanted to remain anonymous, they would go off into the sunset with their money,
and the full payment would be made to the investors. Investors that would be
getting 50- 100% return on their money for taking advantage of the same women
who allegedly had come in contact with me. Bill Schere, an attorney in Broward, has
filed 147 complaints against Scott Rothstein and the firm.

The attorney for the women, aware that I would be loathe in involve innocent
friends in problems that were strictly of my own making, subpoenaed names and
tried to smear any friend or mine whose name appeared in print previously. They
contacted Bill Clinton, Donald Trump, David Copperfield; innocent bystanders with
no knowledge of any of my actions whatsoever. | settled the cases rather than
forcing both the women and others to be subject to a public questioning of their
lives.

It appears that the Rothstein firm had continuing help from the government
throughout their civil litigations. Emails re as aresult of a recent subpoena
show descriptions such as, “received info from current FBI agents”.

The former Rothstein partners subpoenaed my attorney for all correspondence
regarding my plea with the US attorney. Though highly unusual, the government
sided with the former Rothstein partners and agreed we needed to produce all the
correspondence between the government and my attorneys.

During the civil deposition of my former houseman, Alfredo Rodriguez, attended by
a new attorney from the Rothstein firm, whose name appears on the record as CARA
Holmes, [also appears as Carolyn Holmes, also appears as Kara Holmes], the
houseman allegedly said that he had stolen a book from my house with telephone
numbers in it that the government wanted. This was in July of 2009. I believe that

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025543
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012283.txt,"—

fo™

2007-04-25 | ay

2

1 (Taped statement as follows:)

2 AGENT RICHARDS: This is Special Agent Jason

3 Richards with the FBI along with Special Agent

4 Nesbit Kirkendul and Assistant United States

5 Attorney Marie Bilafonia here to conduct an

6 interview with vs. AISO present is

7 her attorney, Jim Eisenberg and Carrie Sheehan.

8 MR. EISENBERG: And we are here -- This is Jim

9 Eisenberg and my investigator, Ms. Sheehan is here.
10 And we're here pursuant to a subpoena that was
11 served on me for MMM and that's why we're
12 here. So Ms. Bilafonia, it’s your show.
13 MS. BILAFONIA: Okay, great.
14 AGENT RICHARDS: I also want to add that the
15 date is 4-24-07, and the time by my watch is 4:21
16 p.m.
17 BY AGENT RICHARDS:
18 Q. | | we just want to start off and I'l] lead
19 off first. We just want to get some basic info about

20 you, simple stuff. I’ve got your date of birth as

21 i is that correct?

22 A. Yes, sir.
23 Q. I just want to get like your basics like that
24 stuff first. Your current address? .

Page 2

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012283
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020751.txt,"HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020751
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024885.txt,"COWEN
COLLABORATIVE INSIGHTS February 25, 2019

Cannabidiol (CBD) Entrance Into Mass Retail May Start In Beauty Before
Entering Broadlines (Chen)

2

Cowen’s take is that first movers may predominantly consist of independent operators,
followed by beauty, convenience, and other major chains. We believe that growth could
take on a barbell dynamic, with early adopters being both high-end luxury players
alongside lower-end local convenience shops, with middle-ground retailers including
WMT, TGT, and COST likely being the last to sell CBD products after a test-and-learn
phase is observed among the early adopters. We expect that CBD in beauty could be a
~$1bn opportunity within skincare specifically; the skincare category currently
comprises ~23% of the overall S87bn beauty products market.

Luxury Department Stores Are Early Adopters. A number of independent retail
operators have recently announced plans to expand their physical presence to
incorporate CBD. For example, luxury department store Barneys New York is adding a
300-square-foot cannabis store-within-store concept called “The High End” to its
flagship store in Beverly Hills, where it will sell CBD beauty products and vintage
paraphernalia. Neiman Marcus also announced its “Trending Beauty’ initiative, which
includes carrying leading CBD brands (5 SKUs) online and within 5 of its 44 stores.

Another example is Green Growth Brands (CSE: GGB, not covered) recently announcing a
deal with DSW Inc. (DSW, not covered) to sell its Seventh Sense brand within 96 US-
based DSW stores; this announcement comes after a 10-week trial phase where 74.4%
of product presented on shelves was reportedly sold. GGB also announced it will open
108 stores within Simon Property malls (SPG, not covered), starting in March 2019.

Beauty Could Be First Major Distribution Channel. Cowen believes that the future of
beauty will increasingly emphasize clean, natural ingredients within products — in line
with the broader health and wellness movement that is permeating into various other
retail verticals. Therefore, we believe that beauty could be the first major distribution
channel to adopt CBD given the compound's properties as a natural remedy to manage
pain, inflammation, and anxiety.

Sephora.com currently carries 3 SKUs with CBD dosages (Lord Jones and Josie Maran),
and a variety of hemp-based products. Meanwhile, ULTA only has hemp-based offerings
but could adopt a comparable line to Sephora within its Prestige assortment. Average
Unit Retail (AUR) for the three Sephora CBD SKUs is ~$70, or $1.85/mL, which supports
our view that adopters will skew toward Prestige-cosmetics-oriented retailers such as
specialty beauty players (Sephora, ULTA) and department stores (JWN, M), before Mass
cosmetics carriers like grocery stores, pharmacies or broadline retailers adopt it, as price
points are closer to $10/SKU.

Historically, broadline retailers, including WMT, TGT, and COST have shied away from
entering controversial categories in their earlier innings, preferring to be last movers
and not create controversies. We do note, TGT has previously made small inroads into
CBD. According to AdAge, TGT briefly sold hemp and CBD oils in late 2017 before pulling
all the products. Also, we note, WMT’s website does sell several hemp oil products.

Figure 114 CBD Presence Is Limited In Mass Retail Outlets

Broadline Beauty Pharmacy/Mass
WMT TGT COST ULTA Sephora (LVMH) CVS WBA
Carry CBD Products x b4 b4 x v x x
Garry temp Seed Products nn a fon oon ae
CBD SKU Count n/a n/a n/a né/a 3 n/a né/a

Note: CVS and WBA are covered by Charles Rhyee

Source: Cowen and Company, company websites; Note: Search “CBD oil, CBD, Cannabis, Cannabis Oil”

COWEN.COM 69

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024885
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030903.txt,"destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030903
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020989.txt,"Restructure Medicare & Medicaid: Economic Factors —

Employer and Government Funding System Separates Consumers from
True Costs of Healthcare

e When one doesn’t pay directly and gets an expensive good / service for
free (or well below cost), one tends to consume more - it’s basic supply
and demand economics.

e Count up the subsidies:

— Medicaid: 47 million (24MM children / 12MM low-income adults / 7MM
disabled / 4MM elderly) Americans (15% of population) each received $6,872
in taxpayer funds, on average, for healthcare in 2008 through Medicaid. That
$6,872 equals ~19% of annual per-capita income for Americans.

— Medicare: 45 million elderly Americans (15% of population) averaged $7,991
per person for healthcare in 2008 ($4,875 for hospital care; $3,116 for medical
insurance and prescription drugs). That equals ~23% of annual per capita
income.

— Private Market: 157mm Americans with private health coverage (subsidized
by employers) in 2008 paid just 16% of the total premium cost themselves for
single coverage and 27% for family coverage. In effect, that represented tax-
free “earnings” of $3,951 for singles or $9,256 for families (not including the
tax savings on their personal premium contributions).

Source: Department of Health & Human Services, Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services.
(@)E) www.kpcb.com USA Inc. | What Might a Turnaround Expert Consider? 295

Restructure Medicare & Medicaid: Economic Factors—

Healthcare Providers Are Rewarded for Driving Revenue

¢ While striving to provide the best care possible, healthcare
providers tend to have financial / legal / societal incentives to
provide more care, all else equal.

¢« Reimbursement for providers is generally volume-based (e.g., more
procedures generate more revenue for care providers), though there
are efforts to increasingly focus on quality.

Unlike car buyers, for example, who often disregard a dealer’s
maxed-out model and choose only the features that are important to
them and what they can afford, healthcare buyers tend to buy all the
“features” as: 1) buyers (patients in this case) are typically not
medical experts, so they defer to doctors / care providers for
decisions; and 2) buyers only bear a small portion of the costs as
someone else (employer or government) is paying for the features.

KP
www.kpcb.com USA Inc. | What Might a Turnaround Expert Consider? 296

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020989
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014765.txt,"The most influential global bond index is believed to be the Citibank World Government
Bond Index (Citi WGBI), which is used as the benchmark for more than $2tn of AUM. The
most influential EM bond index is the JPM Government Bond Index — Emerging markets
Global/Diversified (JPM GBI-EM Global/Diversified), which is used as the benchmark for
about $200bn AUM and caps each country’s share to 10%. A caveat, however, is that
the actual size of indexed money or ETFs should be smaller. The most crucial country
criteria of Citi WGBI is “fully accessible to foreign investors,” which makes China less
likely to be included by far given its accessibility to only medium- and long-term
investors. Even if China is being considered, the assessment usually takes a long time.
So we believe the case for China to be included into Citi WGBI in 2017 is unlikely.

By contrast, JPM GBI-EM Global/Diversified only requires accessibility to the majority of
foreign investors and does not factor in tax hurdles in eligibility. We believe China has
better chance to be included into the JPM GBI-EM Global/Diversified index. While the
exact timing is hard to predict, an optimistic scenario possibly leaves 2H17 on the table.
Usually when a big country is being included, bonds are introduced slowly over many
months to enable clients to rotate without too much disruption.

We would expect China’s inclusion to account for 10% of the JPM GBI-EM Global
Diversified index. Turkey, Malaysia, S. Africa, and Thailand would lose the largest shares
in the index, while the shares of Brazil, Mexico, Poland and Indonesia are expected to
remain given their large absolute size. Inflows to China could be around $20bn, or
equivalent to 1.5% of the aggregate central government bond market cap. Turkey,
Malaysia, S. Africa, Thailand and Columbia could see outflows of $2.4bn-3.3bn each,
with the most expected impact on Thailand given its lower relative foreign ownership.
We would expect China to account for 4.4% of the Citi WGBI index. The biggest losers
of market share will be the US, followed by Japan and Europe. Inflows to China could be
around $87bn, or 6.5% of its CGB market cap. This would present a very bullish scenario
for CGBs, and the curve will likely steepen.

MSCI inclusion - more about good will, then real flow

Another potential implication of China capital account opening is equity inflows. The
MSCI has been considering the inclusion of China A-shares in its index. These are shares
of local Chinese companies trading at the Shanghai and Shenzhen stock exchange,
whose trading is so far limited to local investors (China: Will A-shares be included in
MSCI in June this year?). The associated flows aren’t likely to be too large, so positive
price reaction is likely to come mostly from sentiment. The MSCI has discussed most
recently a 5% inclusion factor for A-shares, which would translate in an additional 1.1%
MSCI weight of China in the index. The scope for additional foreign capital looks small,
when considering that China already weighs 27% in the index. Our equity strategists
estimate the total AUM tracking MSCI EM to approximately USD1.6tn (total market cap
of the index is USD3.8tn}, so that inflows upon inclusion would be roughly USD16bn.
The inclusion was delayed in June 2016, mainly due to obstacles regarding the quota
allocation process, capital mobility restrictions and beneficial ownership.

Chart 60: Estimated loss of share if China is included in JPM GBI-EM Chart 61: Estimated loss of share if China is included into Citi WGBI

Global Diversified

0.0%
Oy 0 Oy 0)
0.0% 0.0760.0% 0.0% 0.0% -0.19%0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0%
-0.1%9-0% -0.5% 03%
-0.5% 0.3%
tes 1.0%
ill 0
109
1 -0.9%0.9%
-1.5%
1.5% 4.3%) 2%
4 poy! 5% 1.5% 2.0%
whe “£L, 0
Oh EPR HBR EBERLE RRL Aare Soozeyrzyan x
BEPSESRES22SHES SSG6S2S5656803N2

Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research

Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research

Bankof America
Merrill Lynch

Global Rates, FX & EM 2017 Year Ahead | 16 November 2016 35

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014765
"
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HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028348
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021329.txt,"Page |83

6. Skipper, J. I, van Wassenhove, V.,
Nusbaum, H. C., & Small, S. L.
(2007). Hearing lips and seeing
voices: how cortical areas supporting
speech production mediate
audiovisual speech perception.
Cerebral Cortex, 17, 2387-2399.

7. Beilock, S. L., Lyons, I. M.,
Mattarella-Micke, A., Nusbaum, H.
C., & Small, S. L. (2008). Sports
experience changes the neural
processing of action language.
Proceedings of the National
Academy of Sciences, 105, 13269-
13272.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021329
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023177.txt,"OUP CORRECTED PROOF - FINAL, 12/9/2014, SPi

40° 48°
Black Sea
SOVIET UNION Caspis
aspian Sea
MIDDLE EAST.AFTER Ps
SAN REMO CONFERENCE i % te “te League of Nations
armen: mandates
463 (1920) “4 ao
French
British
Under British protection
T U R K E Y
(1932) Year of independence
_Adana oa: ii :
Co 14
ee eres
san x ~ Mosul
.
CYPRUS ef gn 111001010) 1110110 1011101) 101) 0011101) ities ese
(1943) =: 2}
Latakia Log PERSIA
SYRIA e.
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LEBANON w .
(1943) | Kermanshah.
i Beirut ® .-# is
Meaesraaucen 2 SDamascus MESOPOTAMIA ~.
Acre f* +4 Fela’ ® Baghdad
PALESTINE ie (IRAQ)
(ISRAEL) Jaffag
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Jerusalem } oAmman SOhee eee
Serey. | oe eee
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eS q
Basra, », Abadan
EGYPT Ape? | Te i \
weet aw
(1922) Aqaba . = :
ral eo Kuwait
tee NEDJ Meeee eee eetes KUWAIT
“a 961), Arabo-
te ee een Persian
( SAUDI ARABI A) SOURCE: San Remo resolution (April 1920) Gulf
(1932) and Treaty of Sévres (August 1920).
0 50 100 150 KILOMETERS
mag HEJAZ abe 0 50 100 = 150 MILES age
EI en

© IPI (Map by Miklos Pinther}

Map 4. The Middle East after the San Remo Conference of 1920

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023177
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025225.txt,"Eye on the Market | July 25, 2011 J.P Morgan

Topics: US debt ceiling negotiations, a more ambitious European bailout plan (finally), and how large cap growth stocks
and rising corporate profits are patiently waiting for both of them to end

While we’re waiting: large cap growth stocks
One day, the melodramas around US and European sovereign debt will end. While we’re waiting, one of the asset classes that

looks attractive is large cap growth stocks. As shown below (for a universe of 300 U.S. large cap growth stocks that meet
certain earnings quality and stability factors), free cash flow relative to both revenues and stock prices looks good compared
to the last four decades. This is where we believe investors should be adding exposure if they are underweight versus their
desired equity allocations. This is also an asset class where active management can still provide a lot of value; the dispersion of
large cap growth managers is higher than large cap core, large cap value and international equity manager dispersion.

Q2 earnings season in the US is off to a good start. Nearly
30% of the S&P has reported, and results have generally been Pereentt
positive. Earnings are beating consensus estimates by almost 9%
4% (7.4% ex-financials), all ten sectors are beating onrevenue —_ gg,
targets, and only 7% of companies are reporting below- 7% Nominal free cash yield
consensus earnings. Given earnings expectations for 2011 at 8%
$98.50, the S&P 500 is trading at a reasonable 13.5x forward 5%
multiple. However, y/y earnings growth expectations appear au.
to be flattening out for both 2011 and 2012 at around 11%- 3Y,
12%. While Q2 earnings are doing well so far, some company — jo,
guidance for the remainder of the year has been below 0%
consensus, which would be consistent with the recent batch of  -1%
reports indicating a slowdown in manufacturing and service -2%
sector surveys.

Attractive valuations for US large cap growth stocks

Post-dividend free cash flow margin

‘71 ‘74 ‘77 '80 '83 ‘86 '89 '92 '95 '98 ‘01 '04 ‘07 '10
Source: Empirical Research Partners.
Michael Cembalest
Chief Investment Officer

CBO Congressional Budget Office

OMB Office of Management and Budget
EFSF European Financial Stability Facility
FICA Federal Insurance Contributions Act
EU European Union

IMF International Monetary Fund

IF Institute of International Finance
ECB European Central Bank

EMU European Monetary Union

AMT Alternative Minimum Tax

A White Castle hamburger is smaller than its competitors’ offerings, measuring 2.5 inches square.

The material contained herein is intended as a general market commentary. Opinions expressed herein are those of Michael Cembalest and may differ from those of other J.P.
Morgan employees and affiliates. This information in no way constitutes J.P. Morgan research and should not be treated as such. Further, the views expressed herein may
differ from that contained in J.P. Morgan research reports. The above summary/prices/quotes/statistics have been obtained from sources deemed to be reliable, but we do not
guarantee their accuracy or completeness, any yield referenced is indicative and subject to change. Past performance is not a guarantee of future results. References to the
performance or character of our portfolios generally refer to our Balanced Model Portfolios constructed by J.P. Morgan. It is a proxy for client performance and may not
represent actual transactions or investments in client accounts. The model portfolio can be implemented across brokerage or managed accounts depending on the unique
objectives of each client and is serviced through distinct legal entities licensed for specific activities. Bank, trust and investment management services are provided by J.P.
Morgan Chase Bank, N.A, and its affiliates. Securities are offered through J.P. Morgan Securities LLC (JPMS), Member NYSE, FINRA and SIPC. Securities products
purchased or sold through JPMS are not insured by the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (""FDIC""); are not deposits or other obligations of its bank or thrift affiliates
and are not guaranteed by its bank or thrift affiliates; and are subject to investment risks, including possible loss of the principal invested. Not all investment ideas referenced
are suitable for all investors. Speak with your J.P. Morgan Representative concerning your personal situation. This material is not intended as an offer or solicitation for the
purchase or sale of any financial instrument. Private Investments may engage in leveraging and other speculative practices that may increase the risk of investment loss, can be
highly illiquid, are not required to provide periodic pricing or valuations to investors and may involve complex tax structures and delays in distributing important tax
information. Typically such investment ideas can only be offered to suitable investors through a confidential offering memorandum which fully describes all terms, conditions,
and risks.

IRS Circular 230 Disclosure: JPMorgan Chase & Co. and its affiliates do not provide tax advice. Accordingly, any discussion of U.S. tax matters contained herein (including
any attachments) is not intended or written to be used, and cannot be used, in connection with the promotion, marketing or recommendation by anyone unaffiliated with
JPMorgan Chase & Co. of any of the matters addressed herein or for the purpose of avoiding U.S. tax-related penalties. Note that J.P. Morgan is not a licensed insurance
provider.

© 2011 JPMorgan Chase & Co; All rights reserved 5

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025225
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018359.txt,"Chapter Eight:
“MapReduce”: The Compression of Space and Time

In which we learn what networks are really, rather wonderfully, meant for.

1.

Starting in the springtime of 1997, the American scientist and inventor Danny Hillis
began what has since become an every-few-months sort of ritual. He packed up
from his home in Encino, a short drive over the Hollywood Hills from Los Angeles,
and headed off for rural Texas for a few days that would largely defined by rock and
dynamite. Hillis, who was born in 1956, has spent most of his life working at the
electron level of the world, crafting some of the most significant computer
processing systems of our age. So the sort of paleolithinc earth moving he was
heading off to manage in Texas was a departure from his usual scale. His aim was to
work on blasting and then refining a space in an isolated mountainside for the
construction of a towering clock that he had designed, one intended to run for
10,000 years. That ten-millennia span was not accidentally chosen. Humans, when
Hillis began his work on the clock, had been around about that long already. We
were, as he pictured it, ata midpoint on that 20,000 year stretch of time. Hillis and
the group of tinkerers, thinkers, and engineers who had backed and designed the
clock - people such as Amazon’s Jeff Bezos, spreadsheet inventor Mitch Kapor or
investor Esther Dyson - were planning on a project that would stretch as close to
eternity as they felt reasonable. “The Clock of the Long Now” they called it. I
remember pulling into Danny’s driveway in Encino one afternoon as he prepared to
depart for Texas and being struck by the contrast between the lovely, innofensive
suburban blandness of Southern California and the tools he was taking with him to
make an assault not merely on a mountain, but on a whole conception of time.

| had met Hillis in an unusual fashion. I’d been asked to chair a committee that
would award a million dollars to a figure who had made an essential contribution in
the world of technology. The directors of the foundation behind the then-new prize
had been, from the start, slyly dropping big names - Bill Gates! Steve Jobs! They
hoped such a laureate would cast a bit of glamour on the first year of their award for
“Contributions to Man’s Present Condition.” But when our committee sat down to
talk it over, we knew that the boldfaced names didn’t want or need a prize. They
certainly didn’t need a million dollars. As we considered people we all knew who’d
made fundamental, essential contributions but had not been as boldfaced as they
might have been, Danny Hillis’s name came up immediately.

Hillis had developed a revolutionary “massively parallel” computer in the 1980s.
The machine had helped create an entire discipline of high-speed computing by
tying together tens of thousands of processors to tackle a problem at once.
Traditional computers worked problems the way you or I might, step by step. Hillis’
design was the equivalent of millions of minds, all moving at once. Coordinated,
connected and awesomely fast. In the years since, he’d played a key role in a dozen

127

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018359
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030475.txt,"From: 
Sent: 3/8/2011 11:17:34 PM 
To: Jeffrey Epstein [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Subject: RE: <no subject> 
Importance: High 
I think this is a great article I think viki was clearly very nice.. .1 remember when I got the call when she was thinking about 
her writing the article 8 years ago...she was spot on here this is the article that citrick should work off of... 
Home all night 
From: Jeffrey Epstein [mailto:jeevacation@gmail.com] 
Sent: Tuesday, March 08, 2011 5:48 PM 
To: 
Subject: Fwd: <no subject> 
----------Forwarded message---------- 
From: gmax <gmaxl@ellmax.com> 
Date: Tue, Mar 8, 2011 at 12:17 PM 
Subject: <no subject> 
To: J Jep <jeevacation@gmail.com> 
Jeffrey and Ghislaine: Notes on New York's Oddest Alliance 
<http://www.vani-tyfair.com/online/daily/2on/o3/notes-on-
new-yorks-oddest-couple-jeffrey-epstein-and-ghislaine-
maxwell.html> 
by Vicky Ward <http://www.vanityfaincom/contributors/vicky-ward> 
March 8, 2011, 2:30 PM 
""I've got a story idea for you. The rebuilding of Indonesia. Or New Orleans. Or both. Go there. I've just been. 
You will never think the same way about anything again."" 
So spoke not Bill or Melinda Gates, but Ghislaine Maxwell, the 48-year-old woman being written up 
everywhere at the moment as the alleged ""procurer"" of young women for billionaire Jeffrey Epstein. 
Epstein, 57, is the financier who spent a year in jail on charges of soliciting prostitutes—and now there is talk of 
another investigation because various women, now in their twenties and thirties, have come forward with 
allegations that he molested them when they were under-age. The allegations first surfaced in British 
newspapers, which have zeroed in on Epstein's friendship with Prince Andrew, who has recently tried to 
publicly disassociate himself from his old pal. 
I wrote a piece for Vanity Fair in 2003 called ""The Talented Mr. Epstein."" It was largely a business piece that 
focused on his mysterious exit from Bear Stearns in 1981, his close relationships with Jimmy Cayne, Les 
Wexner, the chairman of Limited Brands, and above all, the man who claimed to be his mentor, Steven Jude 
Hoffenberg, who is currently serving a 20-year-jail sentence for bilking investors in Towers Financial out of 
8450 million. 
The piece alluded to Epstein's great friendship with Maxwell, and how she introduced him to young women 
with whom he had sexual relationships. But, in the end, the story didn't really go there, focusing instead on the 
issue that remains a mystery—how Jeffrey made his money, and how Ghislaine made hers. 
This is not to say I didn't hear stories about the girls. I did. But, not knowing quite who to believe, I 
concentrated on the intriguing financial mystery instead. But now the women have come back. Not the same 
ones, different ones. And their stories are bone-chilling. Journalists from England have phoned—and, in one 
case, flown—to ask me about Epstein and Maxwell. Who is he? And the British, especially, want to know: Who 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 030475 
is she? At this point, I am so bored of repeating myself to others—it was, after all, my 2003 Vanity Fairstory 
that really brought him into the limelight—that I have decided to write about this myself. 
Bizarrely, perhaps, I have gotten to know Jeffrey and Ghislaine far better after my piece than before it. I kept 
running into both of them, separately, at parties. Jeffrey is not a social animal so he usually has a couple of 
young women with him who stand two feet behind him, as if serving a monarch. ""Do they speak?"" I remember 
asking him once, nodding at his lookalike blondes. He laughed. ""Not like you,Vicky,"" was his riposte. 
I remembered that when we'd once discussed math—in particular, an isosceles triangle—and I revealed I hadn't 
studied math since I was 14 (such is, or was, the way of the British educational system), I received a package at 
home via messenger. It was a book: ""Math for idiots."" 
So he is not without humor, even though he doesn't drink or smoke, and hates restaurants. 
""Jeffrey knows a good deal about most subjects,"" newspaper publisher Mort Zuckerman told me last week. He 
was certainly preaching to the converted. The truth is, Epstein does know a lot about a lot of things. Just a few 
moments in his company and you know this to be true. 
When I saw pictures of Prince Andrew walking in Central Park with Jeffrey, my immediate thought was that 
""Andy""—as Jeffrey calls him—is probably asking for help with his role as British trade envoy, or whatever his 
strange title is. Because if one thing's for sure: When it comes to international business, Jeffrey knows what 
he's talking about far more than ""Andy"" does. Which is why Leon Black, Mort Zuckerman and a few other 
financiers hang out with him. 
And Ghislaine? 
Full disclosure: I like her. Most people in New York do. It's almost impossible not to. 
She is always the most interesting, the most vivacious, the most unusual person in any room. I've spent hours 
talking to her about the third world at a bar until 2am. She is as passionate as she is knowledgeable. She is 
curious. She has spent weeks at the bottom of the ocean, literally going deeper than anyone else. She has sent 
me a DVD of the fish there. Her rolodex would blow away almost anyone else's I can think of—probably even 
Rupert Murdochs'. She is very well-read and can talk about most things for hours. She is passionate about Bill 
Clinton with whom she is close friends. 
Yet, touchingly, when she had to give a speech at the 40th birthday party of her best friend, Ariadne Calvo-
Plater°, (known fondly to her close friends as ""the Tennis Goddess"") Ghislaine shook a little with nerves. When 
it comes down to things she really cares about—and Ariadne is one of them—Ghislaine shows her vulnerability. 
And that vulnerability is key to understanding her friendship with Jeffrey. 
""He saved her,"" I remember a close friend of mine telling me. ""When her father died, she was a wreck; 
inconsolable. And then Jeffrey took her in. She's never forgotten that—and never will."" 
In many ways, the socially awkward Epstein with his big house, plane, island and ranch was the perfect 
replacement for her father, the late Robert Maxwell, newspaper tycoon and criminal. Sure, Jeffrey had his 
sexual pecadillos, but then Ghislaine's father was not without his oddities. After all, it was he who died leaving 
a massive ""black hole"" he'd fraudulently created. To Ghislaine, Jeffrey's habits may not have seemed that 
strange. 
In fact, she probably figured, rather like I have, after years of writing about he very rich, that most successful 
people in the end either have some weird habit (the late Bruce Wasserstein had the weight issues, the girl 
issues, and moved countries to avoid paying tax), or they break the law (Sam Waksal, Martha Stewart.) You 
don't tend to get to the top by being the world's most balanced human being. Even the folksy Warren Buffett 
didn't quite manage a normal life—whatever that is. He had a second ""wife"" for many years whose existence he 
has been open about. 
So what to make of the current fuss over Ghislaine? I haven't spoken to her or to Jeffrey, but I suspect that her 
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loyalty to friends like Bill Clinton will keep her in good stead, in the end, she'll be out and about as always. Look 
at Waksal and Stewart. No one sees them and thinks: criminal. Au contraire. In this city, money makes up for 
all sorts of blemishes. 
*********************************************************** 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
Jeffrey Epstein 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
NOTE :This message including any attachments contains information, some or all of which, may be proprietary or legally privileged. It is for the intended recipient 
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State law. Next Management, LLC and any affiliate companies are not responsible for errors or omissions in this message or any attachments. 
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"
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TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020666.txt,"From: 
Sent: 3/7/2019 4:21:42 PM 
To: Jeffery Edwards [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Subject: Fwd: DeMilked - 30 Ordinary Photos With Amazing Backstories 
Importance: High 
Jeff/Warren: Go directly to photo #9. Terry 
Sent from my iPhone 
Begin forwarded message: 
From: DeMilked <noreply+feedproxyggoogle.com> 
Date: March 7, 2019 at 2:48:52 PM GMT+1 
To: 
Subject: DeMilked - 30 Ordinary Photos With Amazing Backstories 
Reply-To: 
DeMilked - 30 Ordinary Photos With Amazing Backstories 
• 30 Ordinary Photos With Amazing Backstories  
• This Chinese Blogger Uses Makeup To Transform Herself Into Anyone She Wants  
• 49 Short Wholesome Comics About Daily Struggles  
• This 16-Year-Old Boy Knew He Wanted To Be An Artist Since He Was Just 2 Years Old 
• 23 Ordinary Slavic People That Look Just Like Famous Celebrities  
30 Ordinary Photos With Amazing Backstories  
Posted: 07 Mar 2019 05:15 AM PST 
Sometimes certain pictures have unique significant meanings to us even though others would see them as a simple 
snapshot. That old faded picture of you sitting on the beach? Maybe it was the first time you ever saw the sea. A 2o-year-
old picture with a childhood friend at their birthday party? Maybe it's the last picture of you together before you drifted 
apart. Bored Panda has compiled a list of photos that look ordinary at first glance but become something special once you 
hear the stories behind them. Check them out in the gallery below! 
h/t: Bored Panda 
#1 Tadeusz Zytkiewicz Holding A Picture Of Himself 
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This is Tadeusz Zytkiewicz — the first person in Poland to receive a heart transplant — holding a picture of himself and the 
performing doctor, Zbigniew Religa, with his colleague, seen sleeping in the corner. The difficult surgery took 23 hours 
and Dr. Religa stayed up to monitor the patient's vitals. The photo, taken by American photographer James Stanfield, 
was chosen to by National Geographic to be the best picture of 1987. 
#2 The Three Unsung Heroes Of Chernobyl 
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The three men — Alexei Ananenko (second left) and soldiers Valeri Bezpalov (center) and Boris Baranov (far right) — 
risked their lives o drain the fluid near the reactor during the Chernobyl Nuclear Disaster in Pripyat, Ukraine in 1986. 
After the plant's water-cooling system failed and a pool formed under the reactor to days into the disaster, there was a 
high risk that the lava-like radioactive substance could melt through the barriers and drop the reactor's core into said 
pool, causing a steam explosion. Luckily, the men were able to drain the fluid and spectacularly, all three survived. 
#3 Cher Arni 
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Cher Ami was the name given to a pigeon that saved 200 soldiers during WWI. The poor bird was shot multiple times 
and lost an eye and a leg but still managed to deliver a message from the trapped battalion. 
#4 'Behind Closed Doors' 
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Photographer Donna Ferrato took this gruesome picture back in 1982 when photographing the lives of wealthy swingers. 
The couple — Elisabeth and Bengt — were having an argument and it quickly escalated, resulting in Bengt hitting his 
partner. The photographer wanted the photo to be published but many publishers refused and she only managed to do so 
in 1991. The book was titled 'Living With the Enemy' and chronicled events of domestic violence. Thanks to Donna's 
efforts, Congress passed the Violence Against Women Act in 1994. 
#5 Behind The Counter 
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The photo, taken by Fred Blackwell on May 28, 1963, shows three protesters — John Salter, Joan Trumpauer and Anne 
Moody — sitting at the counter of a white-only Woolworth's five-and-dime store in Jackson while an angry mob pours 
ketchup, sugar, and mustard on them. The three protesters were from the Tougaloo College, a black college that went on 
to become the core of the civil rights movement in Mississippi. 
#6 'Wait For Me, Daddy' 
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This moving photo was captured by Claude Detloff in Vancouver during WWII as soldiers of the Duke of Connaught's 
Own Rifles were marching off to fight. The boy's father safely returned home in October 1945. 
#7 Childhood Friends 
On April 6, 1972, workers of French company Joint Francais went on strike and were confronted by the riot police. This 
picture, captured by Jacques Gourmelen, shows two men — Guy Burmieux, a worker at the company, and Jean-Yvon 
Antignac, a riot policeman — standing face to face. In that moment, the two recognized eachother — they were childhood 
friends. ""I saw him [Guy Burmieux] go toward his friend and grab him by the collar. He wept with rage and told him, 'Go 
ahead and hit me while you're at it!' The other one didn't move a muscle,"" recalled the photographer. 
#8 'Burst Of Joy' 
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This photo, taken in 1973 and titled 'Burst of Joy', shows United States Air Force Lt Col Robert L. Stirm reuniting with his 
family after spending over 5 years as a prisoner of war in North Vietnam. The girl with the open arms is Robert's 15-year-
old daughter Lorrie. The photo was taken by Associated Press photographer Slava ""Sal"" Veder and won a Pulitzer 
prize. ""You could feel the energy and the raw emotion in the air,"" recalled the photographer. 
#9 The Youngest Mother 
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Lina Medina, born on 23 September, 1933, was the youngest woman ever to give birth. She did so when she was just 5-
years-old. Turns out Lina was born with a rare condition called 'precocious puberty', a condition where sexual 
development happens at an early age. Lina gave birth on May 14, 1939, via a cesarean section, since her pelvis was too 
small. The child, named Gerardo, was born completely healthy but the father was never found out. 
#10 `Terezka's Scrawls' 
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The photo, taken by photographer David Seymour in 1948, shows Terezka, a young girl living in the home for emotionally 
disturbed children located in Warsaw, 1948. The girl grew up in a concentration camp and the past horrors can still be 
seen on her face. 
#11 Two Brothers 
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What might look like a fun photo at first glance, showing two brothers, Michael and Sean McQuilken, is actually the last 
picture of them before being struck by lightning. The photo was taken at Moro Rock in California's Sequoia National Park 
on August 20, 1975. ""At the time, we thought this was humorous. I took a photo of Mary (their sister) and Mary took a 
photo of Sean and me. I raised my right hand into the air and the ring I had on began to buzz so loudly that everyone 
could hear it. I found myself on the ground with the others. Sean was collapsed and huddled on his knees. Smoke was 
pouring from his back,"" recalled Michael. All of them survived but, sadly, Sean took his own life in 1989. 
#12 Moving An Apartment Building To Create A 
Boulevard In Alba Iulia, Romania 
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This amazing photo, taken in Alba Iulia, Romania back in 1987, shows construction workers moving a whole house after 
it was deemed to be in the way of a new boulevard. The building was split into two parts and moved 55 meters to the side. 
The workers moved the 7,600-ton building in just six hours. 
#13 Motel Manager Pouring Acid In The Water 
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The photograph, taken by Horace Cort, shows Jimmy Brock, manager of the Monson Motor Lodge motel pouring a bottle 
of muriatic acid into the pool to scare protesters swimming in the pool. Martin Luther King Jr was arrested for 
trespassing at the same motel seven days prior and the protesters planned a swim-in in the motel's pool. 
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#14 Children For Sale 
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Image source: Rare Historical Photos  
This photo, taken in 1948, shows Lucille Chalifoux, a 24-year-old woman auctioning off her children after her husband 
lost his job and the family was forced to move from their apartment. Lucille was pregnant with her fifth child at the time. 
All of the children were bought off and rumors say they were forced into slavery. 
#15 'Tragedy By The Sea' 
Photographer John Gaunt was in the front yard of his beach home when he heard his neighbor shouting ""something's 
happening on the beach!"". The photographer quickly grabbed his camera and rushed to the beach where he found a 
couple by the water clutching each other. Their 19-month-old son had just wandered off and vanished into the water. This 
heartbreaking photo went on to wn the Pulitzer Prize. 
#16 'An Armenian Man Dances For His Lost Son In The 
Mountains Near Aparan, Armenia' 
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""In 1998, I found myself in Aparan, a large town an hour's drive from Armenia's capital, Yerevan. A local dance troupe 
was performing that evening, in the open air, with most of the suburb in attendance. As soon as I took my first shot, an 
old man approached me,"" said French photographer Antoine Agoudjian. ""Tears streamed down his face. He told me that 
his son had died. That he had been electrocuted, that he was his pride and joy, and that I looked just like him. He broke 
into sobs and moved towards me with outstretched arms. His name was Ishran. I asked if he would dance for me, and he 
began dancing. The troupe paused and perched on an outcrop of rocks in the background. It was beautiful, not because 
the man is beautiful, but because he represents something deep inside the collective consciousness of the Armenian 
community: a celebratory resilience in the face of overwhelming loss."" 
#17 Class Of 1999 
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What looks like an innocent high school picture, actually hides a dark secret — the teens on the left, pretending to point 
guns at the camera, were Eric Harris and Dylan Klebold, the same people that organized and carried out the Columbine 
shooting. 
4618 Atomic Bomb Detonation 
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Image source: Reddit  
Harold Edgerton was an MIT physicist, photographer, and pioneer of strobe light photography — a type of photography 
that allowed to capture incredibly fast moving things clearly. This photograph was taken at the Nevada ProvingGrounds 
by Edgerton on June 5, 1952, during the operation Operation Tumbler-Snapper test series. 
#19 'flight Of Refugees Across Wrecked Bridge In Korea' 
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Back in 1950, Associatede Press photographer Max Desfor took this dramatic photograph of refugees trying to cross a 
destroyed Pyongyang bridge, over the Taedong River in North Korea to escape the country. The photo won the Pulitzer 
Prize in 1951. 
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#20 ""I Will Not Be Sued! I Have The Voice Of An Angel! 
No Man Can Sue Me."" 
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After giving an amazing performance in Chicago's Civic Opera House back on November 17, 1955, opera singer Maria 
Callas was served a court summons by U.S. Marshal Stanley Pringle and Deputy Sheriff Dan Smith for breach of contract. 
Upon being presented with the document, Maria screamed ""I will not be sued! I have the voice of an angel! No man can 
sue me."" The singer was nicknamed ""The Tigress"" and vowed never to return to Chicago again. 
#21 Young Osama 
In this family picture taken in Sweden in 1971, the man second from the left seen in a brown shirt is no one else but 
Osama bin Laden. 
#22 Rajiv Gandhi 
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Just moments after this picture was taken, Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi was killed by the girl seen on the bottom 
left wearing orange flowers — she was wearing a suicide west. 
#23 SS Gran dcamp 
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What might seem like an ordinary picture at first, shows a fire breaking out aboard the ship called SS Grandcamp. The 
people on the dock are members of the Texas City Volunteer Fire Department, attempting to extinguish the fire. Just 
moments after the picture was taken, the ship exploded and caused what is still known as the largest non-nuclear 
explosion in human history. Over 5,000 people were injured and 468 died in this 1947 tragedy. 
#24 Soviet Soldiers Harassing A German Woman 
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During the Soviet occupation of Germany, mass rapes took place in the occupied territory during the war and after. Some 
historians say that as many as 2 million German women might have been raped. 
#25 'Leap Into Freedom' 
Image source: TIME 
After post-war Berlin was divided into four occupation zones, the living conditions were greatly different in each one. 
Between 1949 and 1961, about 2.5 million people fled from Soviet-occupied East Germany. Barricades and barb wire was 
placed to stop people from fleeing but that did not stop 19-year-old border guard Hans Conrad Schumann. A crown in 
West Berlin was enticing the young soldier to come over. The soldier said he did not want to ""live enclosed,"" and jumped 
the barbed wire, escaping into the West side. The photo was considered a symbol of freedom but Hans did not deal with 
the newly-found fame well — he committed suicide in 1998. 
#26 'D-Day' 
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Image source: TIME 
LIFE photographer Robert Capa captured this dramatic image on 6 June, 1944 — during the D-Day invasion. The man in 
the photo is Private First Class Huston Riley, a 22-year-old soldier who was shot multiple times. The photographer and a 
fellow sergeant helped the wounded soldier who later recalled thinking ""What the hell is this guy doing here? I can't 
believe it. Here's a cameraman on the shore."" Robert spent over an hour taking photographs as men around him died. 
Sadly, only one roll of the film survived but the grainy photos were enough to portray the gut-wrenching atmosphere of 
that day. 
#27 An Injured Young Mill Worker 
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This photo, captured in October 1912, shows an 11-year-old Sanders Spinning Mill worker Giles Edmund Newsom, who 
recently lost two fingers after an accident in the workplace. He was working along his younger brother for a few months 
before the accident. 
*28 Rodney Alcala 
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In this picture, Rodney Alcala, known as the 'dating game killer', cross-examines himself in court. He killed several 
women in the 705 and was even a guest on a dating show during that period. He tried representing himself in court, 
changing his voice and pretending to be a different person, but eventually lost and was sentenced to death. 
*29 ""The Last Laugh?"" 
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Two convicted murderers — Richard Hickock and Perry Smith — laugh after hearing about their death sentences. They 
have murdered a family of four after trying to rob them and only finding $50. 
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#3o Argument 
This dramatic photo was taken by French-Iranian photographer Abbas in Tehran, Iran back in 1978. A rioter holds the 
shoes of a dead friend who was killed after the military opened fire on the crowd, while the soldier tries to convince the 
man it was not his unit that opened fire. 
Related posts: 
1. Cheap Gear, Amazing Photos: Photographer Uses Her Old Canon To Take Amazing Landscape Shots  
2. 5-Minute Tutorial On How To Make Dull Photos Look Amazing 
3. Woman Spent A Year Decorating Her Pub With 70,000 Poppies To Honour Fallen Soldiers  
4. Every Year These 4 Friends Take The Same Christmas Photo, And The Way They Change Is Amazing 
5. Powerful Birth Photos Reveal The Amazing Stories Of Labor Nurses  
This Chinese Blogger Uses Makeup To Transform Herself Into Anyone She Wants  
Posted: 06 Mar 2019 07:45 AM PST 
He Yuhong is a Chinese blogger with a unique talent — she can turn herself into any character you can think of using 
nothing but makeup and her amazing skill. And when we say any character, you better believe we mean ANY character — 
from Albert Einstein to Christiano Ronaldo, nothing is too big of a challenge for this girl. 
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Yuhong has already gathered over 518k followers on her Instagram account and almost 16k on YouTube. We're sure that 
after seeing her incredible talent, you'll become a follower too. Check out her unbelievable transformations in the gallery 
below! 
More info: Instagram 1 voutube.com 1 h/t: Bored Panda 
This is He Yuhong, the Chinese blogger with a thousand 
faces, before her transformations 
Image credits: vuyamika7 
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#1 Albert Einstein 
Image source: yuyamika7 
# 2 Johnny Depp 
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Image source: yuyamika7 
#3 Taylor Swift 
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Image source: yuyamika7 
#4 Mona Lisa 
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Image source: yuyamika7 
#5 Natasha Romanoff 
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Image source: yuyamika7 
#6 Dita Von Teese 
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Image source: yuyamika7 
#7 Audrey Hepburn 
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Image source: yuyamika7 
#8 Charlie Chaplin 
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Image source: yuyamika7 
#9 Cristiano Ronaldo 
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Image source: yuyamika7 
#10 Girl With A Pearl Earring 
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Image source: yuyamika7 
#11 Lady With An Ermine 
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Image source: yuyamika7 
#12 Harley Quinn 
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Image source: yuyamika7 
#13 Marilyn Monroe 
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Image source: yuyamika7 
#14 Monica Bellucci 
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Image source: yuyamika7 
#15 Lily Collins 
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Image source: yuyamika7 
#16 Joachim Low 
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Image source: yuyamika7 
#17 Lady Of Sorrows: Mournful Mary 
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Image source: yuyamika7 
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#18 Greta Garbo 
Image source: yuyamika7 
#19 Taylor Swift 
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#20 Michael Jackson 
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Image source: yuyamika7 
#21 Selena Gomez 
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Related posts: 
1. This Chinese Blogger Transforms Herself Into Mona Lisa, And Nobody Would Expect This  
2. This Health Blogger Shows The Truth Behind Instagram Pics  
3. Chineasy: Easier Way To Learn Chinese By Teacher Shao Lan  
4. Guy Caught Staring At Taylor Swift Starts A Photoshop Battle  
5. Chinese Artist Reimagines Cats And Dogs As Humans, And The Result Is On Point (22 Pics)  
49 Short Wholesome Comics About Daily Struggles 
Posted: 06 Mar 2019 07:41 AM PST 
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Sometimes, when the days get too gray and gloomy, you need a little pick-me-up before you can carry on, something that 
would make you smile. Artist Valerie Minelli and her comic series about life aim to do just that. ""If I can make one person 
cheer up reading them, it's a success,"" claims the author of the drawings. 
Despite the fact that they are drawn in black and white, the little illustrations are warm and quirky. Short and honest, the 
comics should make your day a little brighter and maybe even remind you a little bit of yourself. Scroll down to read them 
and check out our other comics about everyday life here and here. 
More info: Instagram (h/t) 
*1 
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Related posts: 
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2. Over 57k Fans Love This Artist's Relatable Comics About Her Daily Struggles As A Woman 
3. Woman Illustrates Her Daily Struggles In 15+ Relatable Comics (New Pies)  
4. Artist Illustrates The Daily Struggles Of Women In This Relatable And Comical Series  
5. to Wholesome Comics About An RPG Character Who Was Never Vaccinated  
This 16-Year-Old Boy Knew He Wanted To Be An Artist Since He Was Just 2 Years Old  
Posted: 06 Mar 2019 07:01 AM PST 
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Dugan Krtolica is a 16-year-old artist from Serbia who creates intricate pencil drawings of both real and mythical animals. 
Even though the artist is still young, he has plenty of experience under his belt — more specifically, 14 years of it. 
The artist started drawing when he was just 2 years old and says it is his greatest passion. He finds inspiration in nature 
and is fascinated by animals and their diversity as well as their ability to adapt to different environments. Throughout his 
career as an artist, Dugan already had 6 solo exhibitions, participated in TV shows and even written and published 
an encyclopedia of the prehistoric world when he was just thirteen. 
More info: Facebook 1 dusankrtolica.blogspot.com 1 h/t: Bored Panda 
Dugan's parent enrolled him in art school when he was 
just 4 years old 
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The artist standing next to his works in 2011, when he was 
8 years old 
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Dugan with his drawing at 9 years old... 
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...ID years old... 
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...and 12 years old 
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""The Labors of Hercules"" - a drawing the artist did when 
he was 13 years old 
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Check out more of the young artist's works in the gallery 
below! 
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Related posts: 
1. 11-Year-Old Prodigy Creates Fantastic And Highly Detailed Drawings  
2. 19-Year-Old Artist Spent All Summer Creating This Massive Chinese Zodiac Drawing 
3. 16-Year-Old Artist Wins The National Art Competition With Her Impressive Hyper-Realistic Pencil Drawing 
4. Masterful Horror Makeup By 19-Year-Old Artist  
5. For The Last 7 Years, This Artist Has Been Drawing Comics For His Girlfriend Every Day (NSFW)  
23 Ordinary Slavic People That Look Just Like Famous Celebrities  
Posted: 06 Mar 2019 05:51 AM PST 
Slavorum is a Facebook page that documents the culture, history, and events of Slavic culture. This time they collected a 
series of pictures of ordinary Slavic people and paired them with their celebrity counterparts. We're pretty sure they 
would make you look twice when walking down the street! 
In an interview with Bored Panda, Slavorum said they started as a tourist-focused website but eventually went for the 
more humorous approach: ""We wanted to show our humorous spirit, our culture and our daily struggles we live by all in 
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a light-hearted and fun way."" This new approach attracted people who love this unique culture from all over the 
world. ""The funny thing is that in the end, many foreign people recognize themselves in these Slavic mini-stories, so 
lately we have people from all over the world being our becoming our biggest fans and observing cultural and other 
similarities between Slavic and their cultures,"" said the Facebook page. 
Check out their collection of Hollywood celebrities and their Slavic doppelgangers in the gallery below! 
More info: Website 1 Facebook 1 h/t: Bored Panda  
#1 Angelina Jolie? 
Image source: slavorum.org 
# 2 Anthony Hopkins??? 
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Image source: slavorum.org 
#3 Cara Delevingne? 
Image source: slavorum.org 
#4 Dr. Gregory House 
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Image source: slavorum.org 
#5 Bruce Willis 
Image source: slavorum.org 
#6 Donald Trump??? 
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Image source: slavorum.org 
#7 Ron Weasley? 
Image source: slavorum.org 
#8 Megan Fox Or Just A Girl From The Street? 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 020805 
Image source: slavorum.org 
#9 Emilia Clark? 
Image source: slavorum.org 
#10 Julia Stiles? Error! 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 020806 
Image source: slavorum.org 
#11 This Is The Cosplay Of Xenia Shelkovskaya, But One 
Person, Right?d 
Image source: slavorum.org 
#12 Hello Harry Potter 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 020807 
Image source: slavorum.org 
#13 Jennifer Lawrence? 
Image source: slavorum.org 
#14 Amy Winehouse? Nope! 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 020808 
Image source: slavorum.org 
#15 Sasha, Is That You? 
Image source: slavorum.org 
#16 Transporter 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 020809 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 020810 
Image source: slavorum.org 
#17 Justin Bieber Or Just A Guy? 
Image source: slavorum.org 
#18 John Snow Or Not? 
Image source: slavorum.org 
#19 Leonardo???? ? 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 020811 
Image source: slavorum.org 
#20 Nicole Kidman Or Not? 
Image source: slavorum.org 
#21 Severus Snape 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 020812 
Image source: slavorum.org 
#22 And Another One 
Image source: slavorum.org 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 020813 
*23 Is This Emilia Clark Or Not? 
Image source: slavorum.org 
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HOUSE OVERSIGHT 020814 
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016172.txt,"4) Jobs creation: the entry of foreign companies into retailing in Saudi Arabia will
not only create job opportunities but will also ensure quality in them, improving
standards of living and life styles.

Al Hokair: Eased restrictions on foreign investors: perception vs reality
The liberalization of the Saudi retail industry raised concerns among Al Hokair investors
regarding the potential loss of the Inditex franchise, which we estimate accounts for 8%
of its total stores. We think this risk is overstated for the following reasons:

e _ Relationship with parent: Unlike its peers, Al Hokair enjoys favourable access to
prime locations in well-located shopping malls owned by its parent shareholder, Al
Hokair Group. The group owns and operates 13 shopping malls across Saudi Arabia
(1.2m sqm of prime real estate) through its subsidiary Arabian Centres Company.
However, we understand that rents are currently negotiated on commercial terms,
thereby limiting the risk of a conflict of interest. We do not think the situation will
change.

e Real estate is key to entering the market: Fashion retailers continue to compete
for good-quality real estate in shopping centres and on high streets. Going forward,
there is likely to be significant competition between these companies for new sites,
especially in prime shopping centres, as they all require similar locations, typically
prominent, wide-fronted premises. Zara, in particular, uses its shop windows to
advertise its products.

e Local manufacturing and distribution network would add execution risks and
costs to international retailers such as Inditex: While Saudi Arabia has not yet
provided the details and conditions of the potential eased restrictions on foreign
investors, we understand that the government is looking to attract investments,
diversify its economy and improve Saudization. This means foreign retailers could
be asked to set up local manufacturing and distribution networks within Saudi
Arabia, which we believe could discourage retailers such as Inditex from entering
the market directly.

More malls, less bargaining power with international retailers

The accelerating pace of mall developments in Saudi Arabia by regional competitors to
Al Hokair’s parent company suggests a rising risk of diminishing bargaining power for Al
Hokair with its international brand partners such as Inditex. We expect Shumoul Holding
55% owned by Mabanee, the Kuwaiti mall operator, to develop a 400k sqm mall in
Riyadh while Dubai-based Majid Al Futtaim recently announced that it is looking to
develop two malls in Riyadh of 300k and 100k sqm of GLA respectively resulting in four
times more stores (300) in the next five years. Such new entrants can then
accommodate foreign retailers (such as Inditex), which could question the sustainability
of Al Hokair’s franchise model.

Jarir: exposed to NTP innovations

What if Apple enters Saudi Arabia

Should Apple enter Saudi Arabia, it would negatively impact the Apple resellers such as
Jarir as the majority of the sales would be transferred to the Apple-branded stores. As
such, we highlight 2 key risks to Jarir that would ultimately deteriorate earnings outlook:
(1) rising competition from Apple resulting in a weaker footfall trend due to weaker
electronic sales, which are key for store traffic; and, (2) intensifying competition from
organised retail space (malls), reducing the market share of specialist retailers such as
Jarir.

Jarir’s earnings sensitive to electronics business
With c40% of revenues and c20% of gross profit derived from the electronics segment,
Jarir remains vulnerable to the threat of foreign retailers entering directly Saudi Arabia.

62 GEMs Paper #26 | 30 June 2016 3S Merrill Lynch

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016172
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013443.txt,"Spielberg's epic ""War Horse"" for DreamWorks came thundering down the pike with a huge premiere
back at Alice Tully Hall with posters of Lincoln Center's Tony winning theatrical ""War Horse"" with their
indelible puppets in the background. Steven paid homage to legends John Ford and David Lean and the
country fell in love with a horse named Joey and his fourteen stand-ins.

Studios worked their stars to the bone. Ironically, Harvey's independent French talent who lived in Paris
were not as available as their competitors, therefore Uggie became a super star igniting a pet war.

Christopher Plummer, who had best supporting actor in the bag promoted his Jack Russell, Cosmo.
Diminutive Scorsese was seen on TV ona small couch with his large Doberman, Blackie drooling on his
suit. Spielberg never got a chance to trot out his lead horse Joey, previously seen in ""Seabiscuit"" because
his ravishing reddish coat was now darkened for another role.

By December, as film critics bestowed their own awards upon many films, Stephen Daldry struggled to
finish ""Extremely Loud and Incredibly Close"" with a new score. There was buzz Daldry could be editing
the winner. Producer Scott Rudin juggled his astounding three films in one year from Daldry, Miller and
David Fincher directing “The Girl with the Dragon Tattoo.”

Daldry had received three consecutive directing nominations. In January, for his fourth film, he received
a best picture nomination, for a boy's emotional journey dealing with 9/11, and the nine films were
officially off and running. Forty-five film and media groups handed out awards leading up to Oscar night.

Wednesday, February 22

My airplane seatmate to LAX was Sony Classics Michael Barker. The night before Woody Allen had
shown Michael ""Nero Fiddled"", his latest film shot in Rome rumored to be his best.

When Woody won the Oscar Sunday night, for a record breaking 23 overall nomination, he had just
finished pasta a Sette Mezzo on Lexington Avenue with art dealer Lorinda Ash and Soon-Yi. He went
home and watched the N.B.A. All-Star game. Soon-Yi watched the awards show on a delay in another
room. By the time Woody won, he fell asleep and Soon-Yi didn’t want to wake him. The next morning
he went to the breakfast table alone and read in The New York Times he won. He had to think it was a
good omen and he would not catch a cold that day.

Before Michael and | flattened our recliner chairs for the big sleep, | told him | felt confident his Iranian
film, ""A Separation"" was winning best foreign picture. He told me ""The Artist"" would take best picture
and director. Actor was a tight race between Brad Pitt, Jean Dujardin, the ""Clooney of France"" and the
real George Clooney. George was essentially running against a version of himself, which only slightly
amused him.

The biggest dilemma was Viola vs. Meryl. Michael picked Meryl as New Yorkers did. ""The Help"" had
taken on a life of its own lead by vivacious Viola in LA. ""The Iron Lady"", a much criticized film showcased
Meryl's tour de force performance. Few knew at the last minute, on President's weekend Harvey's shout
out, ""She hasn't won in 29 years!"" resonated.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013443
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012985.txt,"4.3 Emergentist Cognitive Architectures 69

e The second layer, and all those above it, receive as input the belief states of nodes at their
corresponding lower layers, and attempt to construct belief states that capture regularities
in their inputs.

e Each node also receives as input the belief state of the node above it in the hierarchy (which
constitutes “contextual” information)

Feedback
(contextual) P(s*|S)
signals

P(O|S"")

P(Ss""|S.C) P(s""|5,C)

P(O|s’) # ™ P(O]S’)

P(S""| S.C) P(S']5.C) P(S']5,C) P(S'|S,C)

P(O|S*) P(O|S*) P(O!|S*) P(O]S’)

Observation

(e.g. 32x32 image)

Fig. 4.6: Small-scale instantiation of the DeSTIN perceptual hierarchy. Each box represents a
node, which corresponds to a spatiotemporal region (nodes higher in the hierarchy corresponding
to larger regions). O denotes the current observation in the region, C is the state of the higher-
layer node, and S and S’ denote state variables pertaining to two subsequent time steps. In
each node, a statistical learning algorithm is used to predict subsequent states based on prior
states, current observations, and the state of the higher-layer node.

More specifically, each of the DeSTIN nodes, referring to a specific spacetime region, contains
a set of state variables conceived as clusters, each corresponding to a set of previously-observed
sequences of events. These clusters are characterized by centroids (and are hence assumed
roughly spherical in shape), and each of them comprises a certain ""spatiotemporal form"" recog-
nized by the system in that region. Each node then contains the task of predicting the likelihood
of a certain centroid being most apropos in the near future, based on the past history of ob-
servations in the node. This prediction may be done by simple probability tabulation, or via

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012985
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016166.txt,"Table 18: Public and private hospital and bed distribution Chart 56: Public and private hospital and bed distribution
Riyadh Jeddah Other 400%

Population 7,117,467 4,224,568 18,828,340

Public 80%

Hospitals 47 13 210 60%

Beds 7,937 2,993 29,370 40%

Beds/hospital 169 230 140

Private 20%

Hospitals 34 33 74 0%

Beds 4,554 3,109 8,001 Riyadh Jeddah Other

Beds/hospital 134 94 108

Total = % population = % public hospitals ™% public beds

Hospitals 81 46 284 OF ii F Biewi 3 .

Beds 12,491 6,102 37.371 = % private hospitals m% private beds = % hospitals

Beds/hospital 154 133 132 1% beds

Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Ministry of Health
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Ministry of Health

Hospital quality would be key to attracting private buyers

The government has not invested in hospital infrastructure and some hospitals may
require substantial investment by any buyer, if they are acquired at all. One Saudi
hospital operator has said that there is no way it would seek to acquire government
hospitals for that reason.

Bidders would likely want to obtain scale benefits from multiple purchases
Operating hospitals has benefits of scale in terms of centralising certain non-medical
services (e.g. purchasing, catering, laundering) and allocating central costs over a greater
revenue base. The greatest financial benefit would come from acquiring groups of
hospitals to maximise these benefits. There would likely be cases where staff, and/or
high net worth individuals chose to bid for individual assets.

Privatisation proceeds could defray some of NTP cost

Amounts raised from any privatisation would reflect the degree of competition for
individual assets as well as level of reimbursement and the profits any acquirer could
generate. In terms of pure asset values we assume the Riyadh and Jeddah hospitals (60)
would be worth more than those elsewhere (210), simply because of the greater
population currently and higher expected future growth. Government hospitals are likely
lower cost than that of private facilities given they are not competing on the quality of
accommodation offered. Arbitrarily assuming US$100m for hospitals in Jeddah and
Riyadh and USS50m elsewhere would imply proceeds of $16.5bn (SAR61bn). If every
hospital were sold then it could more than cover the SAR23bn allocated to the MoH for
the NTP. That seems unlikely however; there will be hospitals that require substantial
investment and aren’t worth the indicative figures we have used above, or are in areas
where profitability means there will be no return for the private sector at that level of
acquisition.

Reforms could attract additional competition

Incumbent private hospital operators are best placed to expand and are seen as the
natural buyers of any privatised assets. However, any substantial privatisation process,
or the potential created by widespread adoption of private health insurance in general,
could attract interest from foreign investors or operators. We note only a small number
of international hospital groups to date have experience of successfully operating in
multiple countries (IHH, Mediclinic), and we think Saudi Arabia could be too challenging
as a first step for those yet to operate outside their domestic market.

Structure of insurance market needs to be set
There are a number of ways the government could roll-out private health insurance
more widely:

e Set up its own insurance company

56 GEMs Paper #26 | 30 June 2016 3S Merrill Lynch

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016166
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018704.txt,"Before Donald Trump was President, he was Donald Trump.
This is a portrait of that man.

In his first non-photography based installation, Andres Serrano
takes us on a curious and insightful tour for a closer look at who
Donald Trump is.

In a relatively short period of eight weeks with a determination
and competitive ferocity worthy of its subject, the artist has
amassed a collection of over 500 objects produced by or for
Donald Trump.

The collection is telling and varies from objects as mundane as
shirts, ties, suits, hats, jackets, ice buckets, Teddy Bears and
miniature screwdriver sets made for Donald Trump, his brand,
his casinos, his hotels, to Trump Tea, Trump Coffee, Trump Ice
Water, Trump Coca-Cola, Trump 7-Up, Trump Snapple, and
the more exotic $1,000 Trump Steaks (“The Best!”), Trump
Vodka packed in 24 carat gold plated bottles, a Trump deodorant
named “Success” and a Trump cologne called “Empire.”
In addition to the merchandise for Trump Plaza, Trump Harrah’s
Casino, Trump Marina, Trump Castle, Trump Tai Mahal,
Trump University and Trump Shuttle there are casino chips,
boxing invites, concert invites and many many more objects all
bearing the name “Trump.”

This colorful collection is mostly self-explanatory but the artist
plans to present each object with a museum-like label not unlike
in a curiosity cabinet or an anthropological study room.

Of particular interest are more than fifty magazines with Donald
Trump on the cover. Although, most of the magazines are ten,
twenty or more years old, there are some more recent ones
including a copy of The Atlantic from June 2016 with the cover
story, “The Mind Of Donald Trump,” Time Magazine’s issue
“Deal with it” from August 21, 2015 and another Time Magazine
dated March 14, 2016 with the words “bully, showman, party
crasher and demagogue” written across Donald Trump’s face.

All three magazines are signed by Donald Trump.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018704
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012749.txt,"Pleasure is the greatest incentive to evil.
— Plato

To witness suffering does one good, to inflict it even more so.

— Friedrich Nietzsche

Man produces evil as a bee produces honey.
— William Golding

Hauser Evilicious. Front matter

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012749
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013457.txt,"made a dramatic, sullen, last-minute
appearance looking perfectly skinny in a
dress from her eponymous collection.

At the Women in Film cocktail party
at Cecconi’s, Gwyneth Paltrow, Shailene
Woodley, Selena Gomez and Vanessa
Hudgens networked with Jessica, Octavia
and Viola now of social stamina fame.

Blythe Danner kissed me at the door
as a military-type looked on. I kept saying
to him, “Where have we met?” Nowhere.
He was astronaut Mark E. Kelly who
came with Blythe and is married to
former congresswoman _ Gabrielle
Giffords, Paltrow's second cousin. Only
I could mistake an astronaut for a movie
marketing guy.

Vanity Fair féted Scorsese and The
Film Foundation, which has saved 555
films in 22 years. Cocktails were at the
restored Bel-Air Hotel. Honorary Jewess
Lorraine Bracco ran past me yelling
that she was late for Ronald Perelman’s
Shabbat dinner. Three, three-time Oscar
composer Howard Shore,
costume designer Sandy Powell and editor
Thelma Schoonmaker were honored.
Sir Ben Kingsley, Danny Huston, Patty
Clarkson, Irwin Winkler and Giorgio

Armani’s niece Roberta Armani with
Wanda McDaniels debated best
director: Marty or Michel?

“Nobbs” delivered me to WME'’s

Party at kahuna Ari Emanuel’s
Brentwood estate, where NFL
quarterback and new client
Tim Tebow was the toast of
| the party, especially to Taylor
| Swift who made $35.7 million
\ this year. Michael Douglas
~.\ gave me a kiss... doesnt
») get any better. Longtime
lovebirds Robert Pattinson

winners:

and Kristen Stewart made
a rare appearance, glued
to each other's hips.
They mingled with co-
star Taylor Lautner,
Miley Cyrus, and her
Hunger Games beau Liam
Hemsworth. Meanwhile
Charlize Theron, Jack
Black, Rooney Mara, Ben
Stiller, Barry Sonnenfeld
and Larry David talked
business with moguls Les
Moonves and _ Viacom's
Philippe Dauman.
Next was UTA Chairman

Zoe

Saldana

Felicity Jones

Jim Berkus’ soiree that police almost
shut down because the DJ got carried
away impressing Harrison Ford,
Channing Tatum, Jerry Bruckheimer,
Tom Freston, Disney’s Rich Ross,
SNLUs Lorne Michaels and Oscar show
producer Brian Grazer.

Sunset Tower Hotel owner Jeff Klein
and producer John Goldwyn hosted a
secret dinner for Anna and Graydon
Carter at their Hollywood Hills home
with Tom Ford, Mitch Glazer, Fran
Lebowitz, Vito Schnabel, Denise Hale,
Lisa and Eric Eisner and VF’s Punch
Hutton, who is Tim Hutton’s sister.

Last stop was CAA Byran Lourd’s
“Friday Night Party’ = “Nobbs”
was instructed to drop me off at a
neighborhood school where a luxury van
transported guests to the stone and glass
Bel-Air estate situated on a narrow street.
I knew that guests Colin Firth, Penelope
Cruz, Sofia Vergara, Salma Hayek,
Sandra Bullock, and Glee’s Matthew
Morrison did not arrive by bus. Once
inside the playing field leveled out and
pound for pound there was more famous
flesh per square inch than the Oscars

Miley Cyrus

themselves.

I huddled with Meryl on the couch and
we talked about her race. She thought
Viola. I thought Meryl. She didn’t know
about Harvey's last-minute “29 year”
shout out.

I hugged Bette Midler and flirted
with Jim Sturgess and Bennett Miller.
Universal’s Donna Langley, who is
overseeing Tom Hooper’s production
Les Miserables, mentioned Hugh
Jackman’s impeccable manners should
insure best behavior from Russell Crowe.

I introduced HBO’s Game Change
director Jay Roach, who is an authority
on Hitler, to George Clooney who is
writing a thriller about the Nazis stealing
art. Clooney whispered, “The Frenchman
is winning.”

I thanked Bryan Lourd, Kevin Huvane
and Richard Lovett, got on the bus and
prayed that I get invited back.

SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 25
I dragged my tired ass to the Academy,
as foreign film aficionado Mark Johnson
was conducting a symposium on the
nominated films, which included Sony

APRIL 2012 * AVENUE MAGAZINE | 63

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013457
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014338.txt,"organic and M&A driven growth opportunities during the next downturn. That said,
management noted that it was very likely that potential pro-growth measures taken
by the incoming Trump administration could push out any downturn, as in the short
run the economy would witness stronger growth.

Chart 36: How do you view fundamentals for multifamily lending in 2017?

60% 50%
50%
40%
30%
20%
10%

0%

Softening Softening Softening | Someconcern, but No concern
fundamentals fundamentals fundamentals only in certain
should leadto | shouldleadto | shouldleadto —_—regions and at
slower financing worsening credit slower financing certain rental price
activity next year metrics activing and points
worsening credit
metrics

Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research

Regions Financial (RF), B-2-7, Neutral
Regions harnessing consumer to drive growth: Scott Peters, Senior EVP and
Consumer Services Group Head, Logan Pichel, Consumer Lending Group Head, and
Darren Smith, Treasurer, noted that Regions is utilizing its retail platform to drive
growth. Management highlighted strength in mortgage, card, and online lending as
avenues for growth. Importantly, management felt the US election has provided
tailwinds for Regions revenue growth prospects heading into 2017. Combined with
a better rate back drop, management sounded upbeat on its outlook.

Chart 37: What do you think is the biggest impact of the GOP sweep to bank earnings?

40% 36%
30%
20%
10%
0%
Interest rates rising Tax cuts and Lower regulatory No real impact/too
faster across the curve infrastructure spending burden, driving higher early to tell
due to stronger dollar — spurring growth, ROEs as excess
therefore better loan capital —_is returned
demand back to shareholders or

reinvested for growth

Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research

= Multiple channels to drive loan growth: Management illustrated several avenues
for loan growth. Within mortgage, Regions has 450 originators that generate 95%
of its $6bn in annual originations. Management is seeking to increase its
originations from home loan direct and telephone banking to 15-20% of total
originations (currently 5% of originations) given the greater profitability from these
channels. Card growth has also been strong with active credit card growth at 12%

ea Bankof America
24 2016 Future of Financials Conference | 17 November 2016 Merrill Lynch

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014338
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012991.txt,"4.4 Hybrid Cognitive Architectures 75

reasoning methods is powerful, but the overall cognitive architecture is simplistic compared
to other systems and seems focused more on problem-solving than on the broader problem
of intelligent agent control.

e Shruti [SA93] is a fascinating biologically-inspired model of human reflexive inference,
which represents in connectionist architecture relations, types, entities and causal rules
using focal-clusters. However, much like Hofstadter’s earlier Copycat architecture [Hof95],
Shruti seems more interesting as a prototype exploration of ideas than as a practical AGI
system; at least, after a significant time of development it has not proved significantly
effective in any applications

e James Albus’s 4D/RCS robotics architecture shares a great deal with some of the emer-
gentist architectures discussed above, e.g. it has the same hierarchical pattern recognition
structure as DeSTIN and HTM, and the same three cross-connected hierarchies as DeSTIN,
and shares with the developmental robotics architectures a focus on real-time adaptation to
the structure of the world. However, 4D/RCS is not foundationally learning-based but relies
on hard-wired architecture and algorithms, intended to mimic the qualitative structure of
relevant parts of the brain (and intended to be augmented by learning, which differentiates
it from emergentist approaches.

As our own CogPrime approach is a hybrid architecture, it will come as no surprise that
we believe several of the existing hybrid architectures are fundamentally going in the right
direction. However, nearly all the existing hybrid architectures have severe shortcomings which
we feel will prevent them from achieving robust humanlike AGI.

Many of the hybrid architectures are in essence “multiple, disparate algorithms carrying out
separate functions, encapsulated in black boxes and communicating results with each other.”
For instance, PolyScheme, ACT-R and CLARION all display this “modularity” property to a
significant extent. These architectures lack the rich, real-time interaction between the internal
dynamics of various memory and learning processes that we believe is critical to achieving
humanlike general intelligence using realistic computational resources. On the other hand, those
architectures that feature richer integration — such as DUAL, Shruti, LIDA and MicroPsi— have
the flaw of relying (at least in their current versions) on overly simplistic learning algorithms,
which drastically limits their scalability.

It does seem plausible to us that some of these hybrid architectures could be dramatically
extended or modified so as to produce humanlike general intelligence. For instance, one could
replace LIDA’s learning algorithms with others that interrelate with each other in a nuanced
synergetic way; or one could replace MicroPsi’s simple learning and reasoning methods with
much more powerful and scalable ones acting on the same data structures. However, making
these changes would dramatically alter the cognitive architectures in question on multiple levels.

4.4.1 Neural versus Symbolic; Global versus Local

The “symbolic versus emergentist” dichotomy that we have used to structure our review of cogni-
tive architectures is not absolute nor fully precisely defined; it is more of a heuristic distinction.
In this section, before plunging into the details of particular hybrid cognitive architectures, we
review two other related dichotomies that are useful for understanding hybrid systems: neural
versus symbolic systems, and globalist versus localist knowledge representation.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012991
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014771.txt,"from large domestic pension funds and the recovery in the price of copper explain the
relative resilience of the currency (Chart 70}. Given the low carry, CLP offers an
attractive alternative as a funding currency as the portfolio rebalancing of pension funds
is expected to slow down. We expect the currency to weaken further in 1Q17 as interest
rates move higher in the US, and we do not expect the central bank to intervene, as it
would likely be the case in Peru. In order to reduce the carry cost of the funding
currency without losing the neutral exposure to metals, we like a basket of the Chilean
peso with the Australian dollar. The Australian dollar is also highly correlated with
commodities and China. We are bearish the AUD vs USD, as we expect the currency to
weaken about 4% by end 1Q17.

Bank of America Global Rates, FX & EM 2017 Year Ahead | 16 November 2016 41
Merrill Lynch

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014771
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023163.txt,"OUP CORRECTED PROOE - FINAL, 10/9/2014, SPi

The Crooked Course Xxxi

government. In the following days, I flew to Israel to convey the request to Yossi Beilin,
then Deputy Foreign Minister. Shortly afterwards, Foreign Minister Shimon Peres
dispatched the Director General of the ministry, Uri Savir, and the head of the
ministry’s legal department, Joel Singer, to Oslo. The Norwegians had, until then,
seen the secret talks in Oslo and their potential outcome only as possible inputs to the
negotiations in Washington. We were puzzled—and pleasantly surprised—to realize
that the parties now wanted to negotiate the full deal under the Oslo framework.

Indeed, in the spring of 1993 the parties started to conduct proper negotiations in
Oslo—out of the public eye—rather than through the formal process in Washington.
Within four months, the Declaration of Principles was initialed in a secret ceremony in
the Government Guest House in Oslo. This was followed by a new set of secret
negotiations in Paris, facilitated by the Norwegian team (Johan Jorgen Holst, Jan
Egeland, Mona Juul, and myself). The outcome was the mutual recognition of the
State of Israel and the Palestine Liberation Organization, which paved the way for the
formal signing of the Oslo Accords on the White House lawn on 13 September 1993.

The Declaration of Principles was based on the approach that the easiest issues
should be resolved first, with remaining issues to be addressed later, step-by-step. A
Palestinian Authority for self-rule would be established, first gaining control over Gaza
and Jericho, and then gradually expanding into the West Bank. The details of the
expansion were to be hammered out in the so-called Oslo II Agreement, signed in
Cairo on 28 September 1995.

As unique and effective as this approach proved to be, the Oslo Accords would not
have been possible without the dramatic changes taking place within the international
system at the time. The PLO had been financially dependent on the states of the Arab
Gulf and the Communist bloc. The collapse of the Soviet Union and Arafat’s support of
Saddam Hussein during the Gulf War of 1991 resulted in the collapse of funding for the
PLO and an end to remittances to Palestinian families in Gaza and the West Bank.
Simultaneously, the first Intifada between 1987 and 1993 and the emergence of a new
local leadership in Gaza and the West Bank created a threat to the leadership of the
PLO in exile in Tunis. The organization needed desperately to regain its financial
footing, as well as its political stature. These were major incentives to move the
Organization into what was to become the Oslo process.

The Israeli leadership also had its reasons to come to the negotiating table. The rise
of satellite television channels, such as CNN, beamed live images around the world of
Israeli soldiers armed to the teeth combating stone-throwing kids in Gaza and the West
Bank. Support for the government of Israel dropped dramatically in Europe and at
home. Israelis began to feel that they were losing the moral high ground. Israeli leaders
saw that using traditional military means to combat the Intifada came at a high political
and moral cost. They too were in search of a political way out. In short, the Oslo
channel came precisely at the right time, providing a lifeline for both the Israeli and
Palestinian leaderships.

The implementation of the Declaration of Principles started in earnest in 1994, with
Yasir Arafat’s spectacular arrival in Gaza and the rapid establishment of the Palestinian
Authority. I had the pleasure of welcoming him on behalf of UN Secretary-General
Boutros Boutros-Ghali, as his newly appointed Special Coordinator for the Occupied

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023163
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025231.txt,"From: Sultan Bin Sulayern [i
Sent: 8/12/2011 2:43:12 PM
To: Jeffrey Epstein [jeevacation@gmail.com]

Importance: — High

Newsmax.com

Laffer: Obama Must Use Reaganomics to Save Economy The only way President Barack Obama can solve the
nation’s economic woes is to adopt “common-sense” Reaganomics, the policy’s architect Arthur Laffer claims
in an exclusive Newsmax interview.

Laffer said the White House called him in the spring and asked him to speak to Obama’s former Council of
Economic Advisors’ chairman Austen Goolsbee — and he had told him exactly the same thing.

“Reaganomics would fix any economy that’s in the doldrums,” Laffer said. “It’s not a magic sauce, it’s
common sense.

“You’ve got to get rid of all federal taxes in the extreme and replace them with a low-rate flat tax on business
net sales, and on personal unadjusted gross income. That’s number one.

“Number two, you have to have spending restraint. Government spending causes unemployment, it does not
cure unemployment.

‘Number three, you need sound money. Ben Bernanke is running the least sound monetary policy I’ve ever
heard of,"" Laffer said.

“Number four you need regulations, but you don’t need those regulations to go beyond the purpose at hand and
create collateral damage. The regulatory policies are really way off here.

“And lastly you need free trade,"" Laffer said. ""Foreigners produce some things better than we do and we
produce some things better than foreigners. It would be foolish in the extreme if we didn’t sell them those things
we produce better than they do in exchange for those things they produce better than we do.”

In the interview the veteran economist said Standard & Poor’s was quite right in downgrading the U.S. credit
rating — in fact it should have done so far earlier.

The agency had no choice and if the other agencies, Moody’s and Fitch, don’t do the same they won’t be doing
their jobs, said Laffer, who gave his name to the Laffer Curve which demonstrates that the maximum amount of
government revenue does not come at the point of maximum taxes.

“If you had a company that had revenues of $2% million and expenses of $4 million, with no change in
sight, $1% million in losses each year as far as the eye can see and it had already borrowed $10 million, what
would you rate that company? I surely wouldn’t rate it AAA.

“That is the U.S. situation today,” Laffer said. ""Taxes are about $2 trillion, government spending is about $4
trillion and we have about $10 trillion in net national debt. I don’t see that as being a AAA country.

“Tf the S&P and the others were doing their jobs correctly, they should have downgraded a long time ago.”

Laffer said he has no doubt the country will win its top rating back, but only when economic policies are

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025231
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023605.txt,"EMEA - Utilities Coverage Cluster

BofA Merrill Lynch

Investment rating Company ticker Bloomberg symbol Analyst

BUY
EDF ECIFF EDF FP Peter Bisztyga
EDP EDPFY EDPFY US Harry Wyburd
EDP ELCPF EDP PL Harry Wyburd
EDP Renovaveis EDRVF EDPR PL Pinaki Das
Enel ESOCF ENEL IM Harry Wyburd
Engie ENGQF ENGI FP Peter Bisztyga
Gamesa GCTAF GAM SM Pinaki Das
lberdrola IBDSF IBE SM Peter Bisztyga
Innogy XISAF IGY GR Peter Bisztyga
National Grid NGGTF NG/LN Fraser McLaren
National Grid NGG NGG US Fraser McLaren
Red Electrica RDEIF REE SM Harry Wyburd
Saeta Yield XSTAF SAY SM Pinaki Das
Senvion SA XSHVF SEN GR Pinaki Das
Suez SZEVF SEV FP Pinaki Das
Terna TERRF TRN IM Harry Wyburd
Veolia VEOEF VIE FP Pinaki Das
Veolia VEOEY VEOEY US Pinaki Das
Vestas VWSYF VWS DC Pinaki Das

NEUTRAL
Acciona ACXIF ANA SM Pinaki Das
Drax Group Ltd DRXGF DRX LN Fraser McLaren
E.ON ENAKF EOAN GR Peter Bisztyga
E.ON EONGY EONGY US Peter Bisztyga
Gas Natural Fenosa GASNF GAS SM Harry Wyburd
ltalgas XXYZF IG IM Harry Wyburd
Nordex NRDXF NDX1 GR Pinaki Das
RWE RWNFF RWE GR Peter Bisztyga
RWE RWEOY RWEOY US Peter Bisztyga
SSE SSEZF SSE LN Fraser McLaren
SSE SSEZY SSEZY US Fraser McLaren
Uniper XUIKF UN01 GY Peter Bisztyga

UNDERPERFORM
Centrica CPYYF CNALN Fraser McLaren
Centrica CPYYY CPYYY US Fraser McLaren
DONG Energy XDJBF DENERG DC Pinaki Das
Enagas ENGGF ENG SM Harry Wyburd
Endesa ELEZF ELE SM Harry Wyburd
Fortum FOJCF FORTUM FH Peter Bisztyga
Pennon PEGRF PNN LN Fraser McLaren
Severn Trent SVTRF SVT LN Fraser McLaren
Snam SNMRF SRG IM Harry Wyburd
United Utilities UUGWEF UU/ LN Fraser McLaren

RSTR
Abengoa B AGOAF ABG/P SM Pinaki Das

rial Global Equity Volatility Insights | 06 June 201731

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023605
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017718.txt,"Page 4 of 52
2005 B.Y.U.L. Rev. 835, *841

with defendants’ rights to the exclusion of crime victims' legitimate interests. !© These advocates urged reforms to give more
attention to victims' concerns, including protecting the victim's right to be notified of court hearings, to attend those hearings,
and to be heard at appropriate points in the process.

The victims' rights movement recetved considerable impetus with the publication in 1982 of the Report of the President's Task
Force on Victims of Crime. !7 The Task Force concluded that the criminal justice system ""has lost an essential balance ... .
The system has deprived the innocent, the honest, and the helpless of its protection ... . The victims of crime have been
transformed into a group oppressively burdened by a system designed to protect them. This oppression must be redressed."" 18
The Task Force advocated [*842] multiple reforms. It recommended that prosecutors assume the responsibility for keeping
victims notified of all court proceedings and bringing to the court's attention the victim's view on such subjects as bail, plea
bargains, sentences, and restitution. !? The Task Force also urged that courts receive victim impact evidence at sentencing,
order restitution in most cases, and allow victims and their families to attend trials even if they are also called as witnesses. 7°
In its most sweeping recommendation, the Task Force proposed a federal constitutional amendment to protect crime victims.
The Task Force proposed adding to the Sixth Amendment's protections for defendants’ rights a provision allowing crime
victims to be present and heard: ""Likewise, the victim, in every criminal prosecution shall have the right to be present and to be
heard at all critical stages of judicial proceedings."" 7!

In the wake of that recommendation, crime victims’ advocates considered how best to pursue a federal constitutional
amendment that would protect victims' rights throughout the country. Recognizing the difficulty of obtaining the consensus
required to amend the United States Constitution, advocates decided to go to the states first to pursue state victims' rights
amendments. This ""states-first"" strategy °?? met with considerable success. To date, some thirty states have adopted victims’
rights amendments to their own state constitutions. 7? While these amendments take various forms, Arizona's amendment
illustrates the types of rights typically protected. The Arizona constitutional provision gives victims the broad right to ""be
treated with fairness, respect, and dignity, and to [*843] be free from intimidation, harassment, or abuse, throughout the
criminal justice process."" 74 It also specifically confers a right to ""be present at, and, upon request, to be informed of all
criminal proceedings where the defendant has the right to be present."" *° The amendment further allows victims to be heard at

bail, plea, and sentencing hearings. 7°

16 See generally Beloof, Cassell & Twist, supra note 15, at ch. 1; Douglas E. Beloof, The Third Wave of Crime Victims' Rights: Standing,
Remedy, and Review, 2005 BYU L. Rev. 255 [hereinafter Beloof, The Third Wave of Crime Victims' Rights]; Cassell, supra note 15, at 1381-
82.

'7 President's Task Force on Victims of Crime, Final Report 114 (1982).
18 Td.

19 Td. at 63.

20 Td. at 72-73.

21 Td. at 114.

2 See S. Rep. No. 108-191, at 3 (2004), as reprinted in 2004 U.S.C.A.N.

2 Alaska Const. art. I, 24; Ariz. Const. art. II, 2.1; Cal. Const. art. I, 12, 28; Colo. Const. art. II, 16(a); Conn. Const. art. I, 8(b); Fla. Const.
art. I, 16(b); Idaho Const. art. I, 22; Ill. Const. art. I, 8.1; Ind. Const. art. I, 13(b); Kan. Const. art. 15, 15; La. Const. art. 1, 25; Md. Decl. of
Rights art. 47; Mich. Const. art. I, 24; Miss. Const. art. 3, 26(A); Mo. Const. art. I, 32; Neb. Const. art. I, 28; Nev. Const. art. I, 8(2); N.J.
Const. art. I, 22; N.M. Const. art. 2, 24; N.C. Const. art. I, 37; Ohio Const. art. I, 10(a); Okla. Const. art. IT, 34; Or. Const. art. I, 42-43; R.I.
Const. art. I, 23; S.C. Const. art. I, 24; Tenn. Const. art. 1, 35; Tex. Const. art. I, 30; Utah Const. art. I, 28; Va. Const. art. I, 8-A; Wash.
Const. art. 1, 35; Wis. Const. art. I, 9(m). These amendments passed with overwhelming popular support.

4 Ariz. Const. art. IT, 2.1(A)(1).
25 Td. 2.1(A)(3).
26 Id. 2.1(A)(4).

DAVID SCHOEN

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017718
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025557.txt,"Morgan Stanley | RESEARCH

On average the group currently
trades at 10.8x on 2018e EPS with
an average effective tax rate for

economic net income (the metric

NORTH AMERICA INSIGHT ~~

Exhibit 4:
Breakeven P/E multiple expansion of 2.1x required to offset 16% lower earnings in a C-corp on average.

Ticker 2018E 2018E

Pro-Forma EPS

Current

Tax Rate EPS % P/E AP/E

Price Tax Rate EPS P/E

used for EPS calculations) of

9.6%. The low tax rate is aresult of AF ‘cain The
f ble treat t £ ARES $24.70 8.7%
avorable treatment of pass- - — 589,
through performance fees and tax cc $25.60 17.8%
offsets. This is well below broader KKR $24.40 3.8%
financials peers and on average, a OAK $45.20 10.5%
26% discount to P/E multiples. Average 9.6%

@ 24% Tax Rate

Change

3.68 9.9x 24% 3.15 -14.3%  11.5x 1.7x
1.73 14.3x 24% 1.42 “17.7%  17.4x 3.1x
3.26 11.3x 24% 2.62 -19.8%  14.1x 2.8x

3.03 8.5x 24% 2.80 -7.7% 9.2x 0.7x
2.74 8.9x 24% 2.16 -21.3%  11.3x 2.4x
3.55  12.7x 24% 3.01 -15.1%  15.0x 2.3x
3.00 10.9x 2.53 -16% 13.1x 2.1x

Source: Thomson Reuters Company Data, Morgan Stanley Research estimates

If the Alts converted to C-corps,

there would be tax leakage as aresult no pass-through of earnings for
carried interest and investment income. We estimate an effective tax
rate of 24% (21% federal + 3% state and local). The companies may
be able to keep some of the tax offsets in place; however, we conserv-
atively use a full 24% to evaluate the earnings impact. As a result of
higher taxes and -16% lower earnings on average in a C-corp, the
stocks would need to re-rate upward by 2.1x turns to maintain
their current valuations.

Exhibit 5:

On average we estimate a -16% hit to EPS using a 24% tax rate in a
C-corp structure. This would require 201 8e multiples to expand 2.1x0n
average in order for shares to hold the current price

P/E Multiples for Alts: Current vs 24% taxed EPS

= P/E Multiple Expansion required to Maintain CurrentValuiton @ 24% Taxed EPS

= Current Multiple on 2018e EPS

20.0x +

18.0x —/-4%

tee 14.1% 13.1x
12.0x 2.8%
10.0x

8.0x -

6.0x :

4.0x ;

2.0x j

0.0x

% EPS ARES Avg
Change

O24 RAE 47 7% 19.8% -21.3% -15.1% -14.3% -7.7% -16.0%

Source: Thomson Reuters Company Data, Morgan Stanley Research estimates

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025557
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012297.txt,"so~\

10
11
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25

2007-04-25 [EE 17
PE 00k you over? Did she get a taxi?

A. No, our friend came back and picked us up.

Q. which friend was that?

A. His name was Brian. TI don't know his last
name. I really didn't know [Jand « didn't know her
friends or whatever, but I met Jeffrey. And once I met
Jeffrey, he was a very awesome guy and I just -- I don't
know. <I ended up giving him my number so x could -- I
didn't want J or Brian to drive me anymore. I
would rather go to him on my own.

BY MS. BILAFONIA:

Q. when you would take the taxis to and from,
would he pay for them?
uh-huh.

And he would pay when you arrived?

Uh-huh.

D> 2 >

And then he would just give you extra money

16

when you left to pay for the taxi?

Q. okay. So from the money that he paid you for
the massage?
A. Two hundred, yeah.

Page 16

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012297
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015309.txt,"like a miracle, which is merely because of our very narrow concept of how
the universe works.”

Ram Dass knew of my involvement with conspiracy theory. “I'm just
involved in a much greater conspiracy,” he continued. “You can't grasp
the size of the conspiracy | understand--but there's no conspirator--it's the
wrong word. That's why | say it's just natural law. It is all perfect.”

“Would you agree with the concept--what William Blake said, that
humans were created ‘for joy and woe'--the implication of which is that
there will always be suffering?”

“| think that suffering is part of man's condition, and that's what
the incarnation is about, and that's what the human plane is.”

So | asked Ram Dass, “If you and | were to exchange philosophies--
if | believed in reincarnation and you didn't--how do you think our
behavior would change?” He paused fora moment. “Well,” he said, “if
you believed in reincarnation, you would never ask a question like that.”

And then his low chuckle of amusement and surprise blossomed
into an uproarious belly laugh of delight and triumph as he savored the
implications of his own Zen answer. | would find myself playing that
segment of the tape with his bell-shaped spasm of laughter over and over

again, like a favorite piece of music.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015309
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024891.txt,"COWEN
COLLABORATIVE INSIGHTS February 25, 2019

Regulatory Considerations For CBD (Assaraf - Washington Research
Group)

2

Any portion of this report prepared by a 2018 Farm Bill

member of Cowen Washington Research — The Agricultural Improvement Act of 2018 (also known as the 2018 Farm Bill) was
Group is intended as commentary on _ signed into law by President Donald Trump on Dec. 20, 2018. The main CBD-related
political, economic or market conditions changes in the law are that it: 1) declassifies industrial hemp as a Schedule | substance
and isnotintendedasaresearchreportas — under the Controlled Substances Act, 2) shifts regulatory authority over hemp from the
defined by applicable regulation. — Drug Enforcement Administration to the Department of Agriculture, and 3) provides
autonomy for states to regulate the industry.

However, the 2018 Farm bill does not change the FDA's oversight authority over CBD
products intended for human consumption. The statutory language emphasizes that
“nothing in this subtitle shall affect or modify ... the authority of the Commissioner of
Food and Drugs ... under the Federal Food, Drug, and Cosmetic Act [FDCA] ... to
promulgate Federal regulations and guidelines that relate to the production of hemp.”

FDA Implications

FDA Commissioner Scott Gottlieb issued a statement and FAQ immediately following
the signing of the 2018 Farm Bill, essentially reminding CBD manufacturers of FDA’s
continued regulatory authority over CBD products.

On the positive side, Gottlieb indicated that the FDA is open to engaging with industry
players early to clarify uncertainty and to help develop a clear and consistent pathway
for bringing legal CBD products to market. To that end, the FDA intends to hold a public
meeting “in the near future” to gather stakeholder input on CBD products, including the
perspectives of consumers and manufacturers. The FDA will use this meeting to inform
an “efficient regulatory framework for allowing product developers that meet the
requirements under [FDA] authorities to lawfully market these types of products.""

On the other hand, Commissioner Gottlieb expressed concern over the proliferation of
CBD products making drug claims. According to Gottlieb, ""the FDA requires a cannabis
product (hemp-derived or otherwise) that is marketed with a claim of therapeutic
benefit, or with any other disease claim, to be approved by the FDA for its intended use
before it may be introduced into interstate commerce. This is the same standard to
which we hold any product marketed as a drug for human or animal use. Cannabis and
cannabis-derived products claiming in their marketing and promotional materials that
they're intended for use in the diagnosis, cure, mitigation, treatment, or prevention of
diseases (such as cancer, Alzheimer’s disease, psychiatric disorders and diabetes) are
considered new drugs or new animal drugs and must go through the FDA drug approval
process for human or animal use before they are marketed in the U.S.""

Even before the passage of the Farm Bill, the FDA has kept a close watch on certain
health claims being made by CBD manufacturers. A simple web search on the FDA's
website turns up dozens of previous warning letters to CBD manufacturers making such
claims (see below for links to FDA warning letters). According to Gottlieb, “the FDA will
continue to evaluate and take action against products that are being unlawfully
marketed and create risks for consumers.”

In his statement, Gottlieb also presented the following warning for CBD additives to
food and beverages:

“Additionally, it’s unlawful under the FD&C Act to introduce food containing added CBD
or THC into interstate commerce, or to market CBD or THC products as, or in, dietary

COWEN.COM 75

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024891
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020745.txt,"HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020745
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027709.txt,"Time: 05/22/19 04:48:52 AM (580218532)
Flags: 1085445
Ts Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 2E903100-05B7-481F-8138-4860

ce

IEE 7EF2C1

Message: eleanor roosevelt is hotter than you remember.

Sender: Po

Time: 05/22/19 04:49:41 AM (580218581)
Flags: 1060865

Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: E6D84E85-43BD-4D6B-9985-13A24672A078

Message: I love her because she loves pussy more than me

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 05/22/19 04:50:16 AM (580218616)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

5

(ECBCBC8-A3CD-41 9E-853C-642B9F41A06A

©:

GUID:

Message: subpoena of donaldson good move , too junior to claim exec privlege

Time: 05/22/19 04:54:09 AM (580218849)
Flags: 1060865

Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: B5SDC6965-9CCF-4350-AA8D-B028685C2BDB

Message: U can claim on any grundoon

Time: 05/22/19 04:54:19 AM (580218859)
Flags: 1060865

Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: IBEBDOA5-3B7C-4D84-82DB-2588364B2363

Message: Her notebooks killer

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com
Time: 05/22/19 04:55:05 AM (580218905)

Flags: 1085445

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027709
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030917.txt,"On Apr 6, 2011, at 9:41 AM, Rebecca Watson wrote:

Dear Professor Krauss,

We met briefly after your talk in Ithaca a few months ago — I'm the girl on The Skeptics’ Guide to the
Universe podcast. I've really enjoyed your talks and books, but I was surprised to see you quoted in the
Daily Beast recently defending Jeffrey Epstein:

http://www.thedailybeast.com/blogs-and-stories/201 1-04-01/bill-clinton-katie-couric-woody-allen-jeffrey-

epsteins-society-friends-close-ranks/2/

Can you confirm if the following quote is accurate?

""If anything, the unfortunate period he suffered has caused him to really think about what he wants to do
with his money and his time, and support knowledge,” says Krauss. ""Jeffrey has surrounded himself with
beautiful women and young women but they're not as young as the ones that were claimed. As a scientist I
always judge things on empirical evidence and he always has women ages 19 to 23 around him, but I've
never seen anything else, so as a scientist, my presumption is that whatever the problems were I would
believe him over other people."" Though colleagues have criticized him over his relationship with Epstein,
Krauss insists, ""I don't feel tarnished in any way by my relationship with Jeffrey; I feel raised by it.”

Thanks,
Rebecca Watson

Lawrence M. Krauss

Foundation Professor

Director, The ASU Origins Project
Co-Director, Cosmology Initiative

Assoc. Dir, Beyond Center

ARIZONA STATE UNIVERSITY

College of Liberal Arts and Sciences
School of Earth and Space Exploration
PO Box 871404 | Tempe AZ 85287-1404

http://krauss.faculty.asu.edu

orgie Acs
Origins Asst

Lawrence M. Krauss

Foundation Professor

Director, The ASU Origins Project
Co-Director, Cosmology Initiative
Assoc. Dir, Beyond Center
ARIZONA STATE UNIVERSITY

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030917
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024649.txt,"QO

KRELL
CAPITAL

>

CHAPTER! Executive Summary

current practice and aggressively enforce existing federal cannabis laws, including penalizing financial
institutions for serving the cannabis industry, it would have a dampening effect on the industry both
in the United States and abroad.

Increasing Strategic Investor Activity; Continuing Funding Gap

We share the belief held by many that, ultimately, established companies from analogous indus-
tries—alcohol, pharmaceutical, tobacco and consumer products—will enter the cannabis industry
through minority investment, by acquisition or otherwise. We have already seen examples: Constella-
tion Brands’ investment in Canopy Growth referenced above and the more than $400 million spent by
The Scotts Miracle-Gro Company (NYSE: SMG) to acquire soil, fertilizer, hydroponic equipment and
lighting companies that supply the cannabis industry. These types of transactions help validate investor
enthusiasm for and valuations in the cannabis industry, and we expect similar transactions to occur
with increasing frequency during 2018 and beyond.

Retail investors and an increasing number of family office and strategic investors are providing most
of the investment capital to the cannabis industry. Cannabis-related companies raised more than $2.0
billion in the public and private markets in 2017, but many of the financings were small—less than $5
million. We expect that many institutional investors (most notably, the traditional venture capital and
private equity communities) will not invest in the industry until it matures and the legal environment
becomes more favorable.

Without institutional support for the cannabis industry, a funding gap exists—companies are seek-
ing more capital than investors are willing or able to provide. We believe that this is especially true in
the private markets, where many companies struggle to raise necessary financing. Although capital may
be available for select issuers in both public and private markets, we believe that without participation
from institutional investors, the cannabis industry will continue to face a significant funding gap for
the foreseeable future.

= Investment Outlook

Hundreds, if not thousands, of cannabis-related companies are seeking to raise capital—thus pre-
senting investment opportunities for sophisticated investors who want to participate in the cannabis
industry. Investors have their choice of investing in the more than 300 publicly traded cannabis-related
companies, or in the significant number of private companies raising capital. Investors may also choose
among stock markets (both within the United States and internationally), type of security (equity
versus debt) and type of company (companies across all segments of the industry are raising capital).

Most of the cannabis-related companies raising capital—even publicly traded companies—are in
early stages of development, have de minimis revenue and are not profitable. More than 85% of pub-
licly traded cannabis-related companies have annual revenue less than $5 million, and less than 5%
have annual revenue greater than $25 million.

To help investors better evaluate investment opportunities in the cannabis industry, we currently
define five primary segments: production, distribution, consumer products, business solutions and

© 2017 Ackrell Capital, LLC | Member FINRA/SIPC 13

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024649
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026565.txt,"﻿Unique Public High Schools Cited by Obama, Get Substantial Backing from Science Investor, Jeffrey Epstein

A group of uniquely run public schools in New York State and New Jersey have been brought into the spotlight from recent financial backing from science investor, Jeffrey Epstein and his foundation, The Jeffrey Epstein VI Foundation. The schools are called the Bard High School Early College schools (BHSEC) and are located in Manhattan and Queens of New York City and in Newark, New Jersey.
The Bard schools are not charter schools. They operate under the governance of New York State and New Jersey. However, they run with the efficiency and success of a prominent charter school. The schools are small, with less than 600 students each and a student teacher ratio of 20 to 1.  Admission is academically exclusive, focusing on academic records, writing and math assessments and an eagerness for ideas and learning. And like most charter schools, the BHSEC schools critically have autonomy, even though they have to meet Regent state exams and graduation guidelines. They have the autonomy to run their teaching staff, budget and choose their curriculum.
Unlike charter schools however, the BHSEC schools provide an entire high school curriculum in just two years and then two years of college level credits. After four years, students graduate with sixty college credits, a New York State Regents or New Jersey high school diploma, and a Bard College Associate in Arts degree in liberal arts and sciences. The accelerated approach stems from the schools’ belief that many young people are ready and eager to do serious college work at age sixteen and that young adults' ambition to learn must be taken seriously. 

The results have been exceptional: 95% of BHSEC graduates move on to a four-year college. In July, 2009, President Obama, addressing the NAACP’s centennial convention cited the schools as a public education role model for the nation: “Innovations like Bard High School Early College and Medgar Evers College Preparatory School that are challenging students to complete high school and earn a free associate’s degree or college credit in just four years.” In 2012, The New York Observer ranked the BHSEC Manhattan school as the #1 public high school in New York City, with an A+ grade, outranking the top private school.


BHSEC has its roots in the college system. In June 2001, The New York City Board of Education and Bard College jointly created Bard High School Early College (BHSEC), with the support of the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation.  Since the 1960’s Bard College, originally called, Bard College of Simon’s Rock, was the nation’s only four year college and was specifically designed for younger scholars.



 “Competition is tough,” Jeffrey Epstein notes, whose foundation actively supports public education across the country. “Approximately 7,000 applicants compete for 150 seats each fall. So we need to continue working with state education boards to duplicate this successful model.”








"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011946.txt,"The court filings describe Brunel as one of Epstein’s closest pals.

Regarding Maxwell, the documents refer to sworn testimony by Epstein’s former house
manager, Alfredo Rodriguez, explaining how Maxwell took photos of girls without the girls”
knowledge, “kept the images on her computer, knew the names of the underage girls and their
respective phone numbers and other underage victims.”

According to the documents: Maxwell allegedly lied about her mother being ill and having to fly
back to England one day before a scheduled deposition in Edwards’ case against Epstein.

Despite that assertion, Maxwell was captured in a photo for OK magazine, attending the wedding
of Chelsea Clinton two days later.

Epstein has settled more than two dozen lawsuits and claims against him by young women who
say they were lured to his E] Brillo Way mansion as teens to give him sexually charged massages
and/or sex in exchange for money. The terms of all settlements are confidential.

Rodriguez took a journal from Epstein’s computer that listed the names of his underage victims
from around the country and the world. Calling it the “Holy Grail,” Rodriguez tried to sell the
journal for $50,000 to victims’ attorneys. He pleaded guilty to obstruction of justice and is
serving |8 months in federal prison,

Epstein, 57, served 13 months of an 18-month state sentence. He ended his one-year probation in
July on state charges of soliciting prostitution and soliciting a minor for prostitution.

According to flight logs from Epstein’s private planes, Clinton flew several times on Epstein’s
planes, many times with Maxwell, Palm Beach resident Sarah Kellen and Adriana Mucinska —
“all employees and/or co-conspirators of Epstein’s,” according to the court papers.

The documents show that Clinton flew with Epstein, “then suddenly stopped — raising the
suspicion that the friendship abruptly ended ...

“Epstein’s personal phone directory from his computer contains e-mail addresses for Clinton
along with 21 phone numbers for him ... and what appears to be Clinton’s personal numbers,” the

court papers say.

Allegations in the documents say Epstein threatened victims — including Edwards’ client Jane
Doe — despite no-contact orders in effect.

Epstein had Doe tailed by a private investigator as her trial date neared, the court filings say. One
time, Doe was so frightened that she fled her home in the company of a retired police officer and
was taken to a hiding place, according to the court papers.

http://slaverytoday.org/that-gorgeous-underage-ad-model-may-be-trafficked-and-owned-
regulation-for-agencies-to-stop-child-sex-trafficking/

35

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011946
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022152.txt,"ATTERSON Fittyy Ricw

* ing me. And mentioning me over her desire not to mention
me, yes.
ou swearing under oath encour- 10:20 a.m.

clude allegations of an encounter
» ranch? : What was the name of the person?
: Her name is—her first name is Rebecca.
Yes.
I don’t know the last name.
: Did you attempt to find out her last name?
: [have her last name written down, but—
Where?
: It's in my—in my notes. And I could get it for you...
When did you write Rebecca’s name down?
When she—when she first called me—let me be very clear,
since you've asked me the question.

At first her husband and she called me on the phone. They
would not give me their names. But they told me [the] story. We
had a series of phone conversations in which I asked them,
please, to tell me their names. And after a period of time, after
they told me the story in great detail, she was willing to give me
her name. She asked me to promise that I would not disclose
her identity without her permission. I have been trying to call
her. Called her as recently as this morning and last night.

I want to recall—I don’t think I called her this morning.
I called her twice last night to try to get her permission to
reveal her complete name and identity. But I have the name,

and I will be happy to give it to you. I just don’t have it off the
top of my head.

our clients, both Judge Cassell
both involved in encouraging
rious affidavit that they knew or
perjurious recently when they

matory allegation in the federal

that what you are charging Brad-
Paul Cassell with doing was sub-

Pore ere oy om OB

e question, I am directly charging
dwards with suborning perjury. I
irginia Roberts did not want to ©
ds that she did not want to men- ©
pressured by her lawyers into 4
: allegations against me. Yes, your ~
ng perjury. 3
Edwards pressured Virginia Rob-
you?
ts who called me out of the blue
rrified by what was happening to
d meetings with Virginia Roberts
old her that she never mentioneé

ryers pressured her into mentt 7

r

ar
a

254

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022152
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010480.txt,"xner, photographed

ie in New York City,
srearenicaty ! fifteen; photo reportedly

taken by Jeffrey Epstein in

New York City mK
ME Affidavit, Us
District Southern Court of
Florida)

(L to R) Prince Andrew, PF

and Ghislaine Maxwell: photo reportedly
taken by Epstein with BR amera
in Maxwell's London town house.

was seventeen years old at this
time. \ffidavit, US
District Southern Court of Florida)

(L to R) Deborah

y Blohm, Jeffrey Epstein,

§ Ghislaine Maxwell, and
Gwendolyn Beck attend a
reception at Mar-a-Lago,
1995. (Davidoff Studios)

photo reportedly taken by
Jeffrey Epstein at Zorro Ranch,

his New Mexico proper

y Jeffrey Epstein with Professor

| Alan Dershowitz in Cambridge,
MA, September 8, 2004 (© Rick
Friedman / Corbis)

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010480
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013331.txt,"discussions, on September 24, 2007, Epstein signed an agreement with the U.S. Attomney’s
Office for the Southern District of Florida. Under the agreement, Epstein agreed to plead guilty
to an indictment pending against him in the 15"" Judicial Circuit in and for Palm Beach County
charging him with solicitation of prostitution and procurement of minors for prostitution.
‘Epstein also agreed that he would receive a thirty month sentence, including 18 months of jail
time and 12 months of community control. In exchange, the U.S. Attomey’s Office agreed not to
pursue any federal charges against Epstein. See Non-Prosecution Agreement (Exhibit “K”).

27. Part of the Non-Prosecution Agreement that Epstein negotiated was a provision in
which the federal government agreed not to prosecute Epstein’s co-conspirators. The co-
conspirators procured minor females to be molested by Epstein. One of the co-conspirators -
Nadia Marcinkova -even participated in the sex acts with minors (including E.W.) and Epstein.
See Incident Report, Exhibit “A”, at 40-42, 49-51; Deposition of Nadia Marcinkova, April 13,
2010, (hereinafter “Marcinkova Depo.”) at 11 (Deposition attachment #9). :

| 28. | Under the Non-Prosecution Agreement, Epstein was to use his “best efforts’ to
enter into his guilty pleas by October 26, 2007. Howeves, Edwards learned that Epstein violated
ie sores with the U.S. Attorney’s Office to do so and delayed entry of his plea. See Letter
fain U.S. Attorney R. Alexander Acosta to Lilly Ann Sanchez, Dec. 19, 2007 (Exhibit “L.”).

29. On January 10, 2008 and again on May 30, 2008 E.W. and L.M. received letters
from the FBI advising them that “[t]his case is currently under investigation. This can be a
lengthy process and we request your continued patience while we conduct a thorough
investigation.” Letters attached at Composite Exhibit “M”. This document is evidence that the

FBI did not notify E.W. and L.M. that a plea agreement had already been reached that would
13 .

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013331
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030386.txt,"From: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com]
Sent: 1/30/2017 3:50:06 PM
To: Leon Black as

Importance: — High

http://www.nydailynews.com/news/politics/shrinks-break-silence-president-trump-exhibits-traits-m-article-

1.2957688

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030386
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025230.txt,"Eye on the Market | August 4, 2011 J.P Morgan

Today

the Delaware, with the caption “America’s structural resilience, fortitude and ingenuity will carry the economy and financial
markets in 2011 —and beyond”. Our job is not to point to where we would like the financial markets to go, but rather
to point to where they might end up. It’s like the scene in Oliver Stone’s Nixon, when Nixon looks up at a portrait of JFK
and says, “When they look at you, they see what they want to be. When they look at me, they see what they are.” Our job is
to see financial markets for what they are.

6. All that said, we have lessons to learn here.

Too many of our investment discussions this year focused on the negative real return characteristics of cash,
and why to reduce it. In a world of deflation risk on financial assets (rather than of goods and services),
cash retains substantial option value at times like these.

We could have connected the dots more aggressively on our views on Global monetary and fiscal policy
weak growth and easy monetary policy, and owned more gold. While %p.a.
we have had rising price forecasts for gold and owned it in portfolios, 5
we did not have large enough allocations.

Chg in net fiscal “e-pt

lending

Given the all-time high of US government transfers to households and

negative real interest rates, we should not have interpreted positive 3 A
economic data earlier this year as being highly representative of the 2
true run-rate of the US economy. The same goes for the global ‘ 4
economy, which as shown in the chart from JP Morgan Securities, has : 4
been the beneficiary of a lot of stimulus that is now fading, for a ; Policy rate :

variety of economic and political reasons. 02 04 06 08 10 12

Great corporate profits are no guarantee against a problem in financial markets. Corporate profits and P/E
multiples were fine in June 2007, but rested on top of a systemic problem in private sector credit markets and
private sector balance sheets. This year, strong corporate profits and low P/E multiples sit on top of systemic
problems in public sector finances.

7. Inthe wreckage, as usual, there are opportunities, and we will be reviewing them with you in the days ahead. There is a
benefit to having held back on our firepower this year. With risk to spend held in reserve, there are oversold assets with
considering, particularly among multinationals with strong balance sheets, high dividends and which trade at very low
multiples, something we reviewed earlier in the week.”

Michael Cembalest
Chief Investment Officer

The material contained herein is intended as a general market commentary. Opinions expressed herein are those of Michael Cembalest and may differ from those of other J.P.
Morgan employees and affiliates. This information in no way constitutes JP. Morgan research and should not be treated as such. Further, the views expressed herein may
differ from that contained in J.P. Morgan research reports. The above summary/prices/quotes/statistics have been obtained from sources deemed to be reliable, but we do not
guarantee their accuracy or completeness, any yield referenced is indicative and subject to change. Past performance is not a guarantee of future results. References to the
performance or character of our portfolios generally refer to our Balanced Model Portfolios constructed by J.P. Morgan. It is a proxy for client performance and may not
represent actual transactions or investments in client accounts. The model portfolio can be implemented across brokerage or managed accounts depending on the unique
objectives of each client and is serviced through distinct legal entities licensed for specific activities. Bank, trust and investment management services are provided by J.P.
Morgan Chase Bank, N.A, and its affiliates. Securities are offered through J.P. Morgan Securities LLC (JPMS), Member NYSE, FINRA and SIPC. Securities products
purchased or sold through JPMS are not insured by the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation (""FDIC""); are not deposits or other obligations of its bank or thrift affiliates
and are not guaranteed by its bank or thrift affiliates; and are subject to investment risks, including possible loss of the principal invested. Not all investment ideas referenced
are suitable for all investors. Speak with your J.P. Morgan Representative concerning your personal situation. This material is not intended as an offer or solicitation for the
purchase or sale of any financial instrument. Private Investments may engage in leveraging and other speculative practices that may increase the risk of investment loss, can be
highly illiquid, are not required to provide periodic pricing or valuations to investors and may involve complex tax structures and delays in distributing important tax
information. Typically such investment ideas can only be offered to suitable investors through a confidential offering memorandum which fully describes all terms, conditions,
and risks.

IRS Circular 230 Disclosure: JPMorgan Chase & Co. and its affiliates do not provide tax advice. Accordingly, any discussion of U.S. tax matters contained herein (including
any attachments) is not intended or written to be used, and cannot be used, in connection with the promotion, marketing or recommendation by anyone unaffiliated with

JPMorgan Chase & Co. of any of the matters addressed herein or for the purpose of avoiding U.S. tax-related penalties. Note that J.P. Morgan is not a licensed insurance
provider. © 2011 JPMorgan Chase & Co; All rights reserved

2

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025230
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023162.txt,"OUP CORRECTED PROOF - FINAL, 10/9/2014, SPi

xxx The Crooked Course

have been scarce. This Part chronicles the rare moments when both Israeli and
Palestinian negotiators put pen to paper in an effort to resolve a conflict that has
seemed intractable.

Part I begins with the Oslo peace talks, which in 1993 produced the Declaration of
Principles (DoP) and the mutual recognition of the State of Israel and the Palestine
Liberation Organization (PLO) as the legitimate representative of the Palestinian
people. These two agreements formed the basis for all subsequent talks between the
parties.

In 1992, as the director of the Norwegian research institute Fafo, I initiated, together
with then member of Knesset Yossi Beilin, secret talks between him and local Palestinian
leader Faisal Husseini, at the American Colony Hotel in Jerusalem. These talks, which
were facilitated by Fafo and the Foreign Ministry of Norway, reached a dead end later that
year. The Norwegians realized that without involving the exiled and outlawed Palestinian
leadership in Tunis, nothing could be accomplished. At the time, both Israeli and
American citizens were forbidden to engage with any member of the PLO. In December
1992, I flew to Tunis to meet for the first time with PLO Chairman Yasir Arafat. In that
meeting in his villa, in the darkness of the early morning hours, he authorized the head of
Fatah’s financial wing, Ahmed Qorei (alias Abu Ala), to travel to Oslo for secret talks
facilitated by Fafo in cooperation with the Norwegian Foreign Ministry. The first meeting
took place at Borregaard Manor outside Oslo, in January 1993.

From January to May 1993, secret talks were conducted as a pre-negotiation phase,
in parallel to the Madrid process taking place in Washington. The goals of pre-
negotiations in Oslo were twofold: to build trust between the Palestinian and Israeli
representatives; and to explore possible parameters of an agreement. In order to reach
the first goal, the exercise was restricted to a small group, willing to engage in secret
intense interaction over a lengthy period. Unlike the massive delegations in Washing-
ton, the delegations in Oslo were never larger than three to five people on each side,
with continued interaction often from dawn to dusk.

In Oslo, the Palestinians were represented from day one by a delegation of the PLO,
handpicked by its chairman, Yasir Arafat. The rationale behind this unprecedented
step was that the Norwegians had discovered that the PLO was already controlling
every detail, albeit invisibly, of the bilateral and multilateral talks in Washington.
Furthermore we believed that if the PLO and Yasir Arafat were not directly involved
in the talks, they still had the ability and the will to block any agreement. Allowing
others to reach an agreement would be tantamount to political suicide by the PLO.
Therefore, it was necessary to have them at the table. Without them, no agreement
could be reached.

The pre-negotiation phase ended on 1 May 1993. The talks had reached a point
where both parties believed that the other was negotiating in good faith and that an
agreement had to take the shape of a declaration of principles. On that date, the head of
the Palestinian negotiation team, Ahmed Qorei, invited me for a walk in the hills above
Oslo. He made it clear—in the most explicit of words—that the PLO would not
continue into a final round of talks unless the Israelis “upgraded” their delegation to
high-level officials. Up to this point, the Israelis were represented by two academics
(Ron Pundak and Yair Hirschfeld) who did not hold any formal position in the

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023162
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014770.txt,"At this juncture, the Indian rupee seems to be the only one in the region that is expected
to display a much lower sensitivity to US rates, outperforming others within Asia. We
expect the Monetary Authority of Singapore to keep the SGD NEER in the weaker side
of the band for the next few months, which reduces the downside risk for the trade
(Chart 69). We like the INR as the preferred long, followed by the IDR, as they offer high
risk-adjusted carry, central banks are interested in keeping their currencies stable,
current account deficits are bounded, and the currencies are not expensive relative to
long term fundamentals. The main risk of the trade is of higher oil prices, and
considerable reversal of capital flows. Apart from that, a change in the behavior of
Reserve Bank of India it terms of managing INR to accumulate international reserves is
also a risk.

LatAm: long PEN/CLP

We like long PEN/CLP (spot 195.7, target 200, stop 195.5). LatAm is the most
exposed region within EM to global factors. Traditional carry trade candidates like the
Brazilian real and the Argentina peso are no longer attractive given the still fragile fiscal
stance in both countries. Local positioning in BRL has proven to be heavier than
thought, and we expect the currency to continue weakening until we observe some
stabilization in US rates. The Brazilian real is still overvalued and the economy will be
negatively affected since its strategy to gradually reduce budget deficits is based on low
global rates, capital inflows and higher domestic growth. In the case of the Argentine
peso, despite showing some detachment from global factors and some positive inflows
due to the tax amnesty, we think the currency needs to weaken given the recent
depreciation of the BRL and its current overvaluation as well as the government fiscal
needs for 2017, which is an important electoral year. Therefore, we remain neutral on
these currencies.

A more modest but more interesting carry trade within LatAm in an environment of
higher US rates is to be long the Peruvian sol, funded with the Chilean peso, in order to
make the trade more neutral to commodity exposure. The Peruvian economy is expected
to continue growing at rates above 4% due to strong mining activity; the new
government will likely implement expansionary fiscal policy and has room to finance it.
The exchange rate is close to its equilibrium value based on terms-of-trade and
productivity. In fact, we expect the currency to appreciate in real terms if growth
recovers as predicted. The currency still offers a decent carry. We forecast a nominal
depreciation but below the forward. The central bank has a strong preference for low
currency volatility and would be ready to intervene in case of a disorderly depreciation,
as it has been already the case in the last few days with small interventions in the
forward market.

On the other hand, Chile’s growth remains anemic and the economy is expected to
continue growing sub 2% in 2017 (Chart 71). The CLP is overvalued but recent flows

Chart 70: Copper prices are a major risk factor Chart 71: Relative growth to favor Peru going forward
400 230 ——pen/clp growth diff (rhs) 5
220 4
350 210 3
300 200 2
190 |
950 180 0
=———= Copper prices 170
200 + — CLP (ths, Jan2012 =100) {60
- 150
150 een PEN (ths lanatl2 =100) 2010 2011 + 2012»««-2013-S-2014-=S 20152016
2012 2013 2014 2015 2016

Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Bloomberg, Haver
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Bloomberg

40 Global Rates, FX & EM 2017 Year Ahead | 16 November 2016 Bankof America
Merrill Lynch

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014770
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029131.txt,"From: Robert Kuhn...MM. 
Sent: 12/31/2017 9:21:59 PM 
To: jeffrey E. [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Subject: Kuhn - Math, Breakthroughs 
Importance: High 
Ready when you are - let me know and I can call. 
Skype = 
FaceTime = email. 
On Dec 31, 2017, at 5:50 AM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
either 
On Sat, Dec 30, 2017 at 8:58 PM, Robert Kuhn < wrote: 
After 4 good. 
Skype? FaceTime? Phone? 
On Dec 30, 2017, at 8:57 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
guest s here until 4. after good 
On Sat, Dec 30, 2017 at 8:04 PM, Robert Kuhn < 
Tomorrow Sunday after 1:00 pm? Flexible. Anytime. 
Skype? FaceTime? Phone? 
wrote: 
On Dec 29, 2017, at 3:27 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
weekend easy 
On Fri, Dec 29, 2017 at 3:21 PM, Robert Kuhn - > wrote: 
Terrific; looking forward. 
Excited to go through math candidates on the list, others too. 
Equally important, discuss edits/modifications to the 13 episodes (cutting blahs), expanding math episodes - 
see below. Assuming we expand math episodes, we will need more mathematicians. 
How's late afternoon after 5:30 pm / early evening today? - or weekend, day/times? (Family issues today - 
mother 102 in May.) 
RADICAL BREAKTHROUGHS - Initial Revisions (working model for discussion, red is new) 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 029131 
Expand and Modify Mathematical Breakthrough episodes 
1. Mathematics and Truth / Overview / Show Excitement/Importance 
2. Mathematical Fields / Diverse New Kinds and Categories 
3. How Math Works in Disparate Areas of Knowledge (from fundamental physics to chemistry, 
biology [molecular and evolutionary[, psychology, sociology, economics, etc.) 
4. Power Laws 
5. Mathematical Biology 
6. Foundations of Mathematics / Philosophy/Meaning of Math (discovered/invented?) 
ADD/Exchange to Biological Breakthrough episodes 
9/10. Replicability Crisis - Problems in Statistics in Search for Truth. Deep problems of replicability 
in biomedical and psychological research - the scandal in recent years. 
In the non-Closer To Truth world.... 
Did CNN Intl this morning on Trump's China-oil-N.Korea-cheating tweet ""Caught RED HANDED..."" 
[pun deliberate] 
My favorite fun lines (there are so many) in Trump's NYTimes spontaneous interview. 
2) ""I like very much President Xi. He treated me better than anybody's ever been treated in the history of 
China."" 
Ever (-5,000 year history) 
1) ""I know the details of taxes better than anybody___better than the greatest CPA."" 
Not, mind you, CPAs in general, not even smart Jewish CPAs who work all the time - but whoever, out 
of 664,532 actively licensed CPAs (2016), is the greatest CPA of them all (#1 in citing code? creative 
deductions?) - better than him! 
On Dec 29, 2017, at 6:19 AM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
lets talk today. I went through the candidates in math. . we should talk, I have great hopes for this and 
am sure you woudl want to get it right though some of the math people write well , their speakinn style 
and presence is less than A , and probaby closer to a C +/ . Im around today or hte weekend if you would 
like to chat. 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 029132 
On Fri, Dec 29, 2017 at 1:45 AM, Robert Kuhn <WI> wrote: 
`Blahblahs' forbidden in 'Radical Breakthroughs'. So we need two replacements (for Multiverse as Science 
and Rare Sentience). 
Initial ideas: 
* Expand the first episode ""Mathematics and Truth"" into two or likely three episodes. I'm intrigued by this 
because there is so much rich material - pure math, philosophy (discovered or invented), physics (Wigner's 
'unreasonable effectiveness of mathematics in the natural sciences)', astrophysics, cosmology, biology, 
general systems theory. I've felt frustrated in this first episode because there is so much material. I think 
three episodes could work - if you agree, I'll get back to you with a suggested structure of the 2 or likely 3 
parts. Also, Closer To Truth has had only a few videos and one episode on mathematics per se (out of 277 
episodes!), so this would be original and complementary. In this may, math would become about half the 
series. 
* Integrated Information Theory - quantifying and explaining consciousness (Giulio Tononi, Un 
of Wisconsin-Madison), plus supporters and critics. New controversial, science-based radical theory. 
* Evolutionary Dynamics - your program at Harvard - mathematical models. This is not an area of my 
expertise, but it could well fit Closer To Truth in general and Radical Breakthroughs in particular. But you 
need to tell me if you would like to include this. 
* Replicability Crisis - Problems in Statistics in Search for Truth. Deep problems of replicability 
in biomedical and especially psychological research - the scandal in recent years. See links and attachments. 
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Replication crisis  
https://www.nature.com/news/over-half-of-psychology-studies-fail-reproducibility-test-1.18248  
http://science.sciencemag.org/content/349/6251/aac4716  
""Replicability vs. Reproducibility"" - http://www.replicability.tau.ac.il/index.php/replicability-in-
science/replicability-vs-reproducibility.html  
Five Ways to Fix Statistics - Nature [attached]. 
* Other possibile areas you suggest 
We would like to set a mutually agreed schedule so we can confirm and reserve the Closer To Truth 'season' 
of 13 episodes for 'Radical Breakthroughs', which we need to plan well in advance - especially as we begin 
2018. 
See you Jan. 5 - Looking forward to brainstorming. 
Robert 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 029133 
On Dec 28, 2017, at 7:40 AM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
great work , but needs some editing, did not like multi verse and sensience. seems more blahblah 
On Mon, Dec 11, 2017 at 12:50 AM, Robert Lawrence Kuhn <________________r- wrote: 
Hi: When are you back in NY? 
Attached is the complete Preproduction Book for Radical Breakthroughs - now including Misha Gromov! 
Love your feedback, suggestions. 
Also attached is the budget and timing of funding, as presented originally, now updated for the completion of 
preproduction (phase I). We are ready to go into production (phase II). See Budget, p. 4. Committed and 
excited. 
When to meet? 
Robert 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 029134 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 029135 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 029136 
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012990.txt,"74 4 Brief Survey of Cognitive Architectures

“T grant the need for non-symbolic processes in some intelligent systems, but I think they sup-
plement rather than replace symbol systems. I know of no examples of reasoning, understanding
language, or generating complex plans that are best understood as being performed by systems
using exclusively non-symbolic processes....

Al systems that achieve human-level intelligence will involve a combination of symbolic and
non-symbolic processing.”

A few of the more important hybrid cognitive architectures are:

¢ CLARION [SZ04] is a hybrid architecture that combines a symbolic component for reason-
ing on “explicit knowledge” with a connectionist component for managing “implicit knowl-
edge.” Learning of implicit knowledge may be done via neural net, reinforcement learning,
or other methods. The integration of symbolic and subsymbolic methods is powerful, but a
great deal is still missing such as episodic knowledge and learning and creativity. Learning
in the symbolic and subsymbolic portions is carried out separately rather than dynamically
coupled, minimizing “cognitive synergy” effects.

e DUAL [NK04] is the most impressive system to come out of Marvin Minsky’s “Society of
Mind” paradigm. It features a population of agents, each of which combines symbolic and
connectionist representation, self-organizing to collectively carry out tasks such as percep-
tion, analogy and associative memory. The approach seems innovative and promising, but
it is unclear how the approach will scale to high-dimensional data or complex reasoning
problems due to the lack of a more structured high-level cognitive architecture.

e LIDA [BF09] is a comprehensive cognitive architecture heavily based on Bernard Baars’
“Global Workspace Theory”. It articulates a “cognitive cycle” integrating various forms of
memory and intelligent processing in a single processing loop. The architecture ties in well
with both neuroscience and cognitive psychology, but it deals most thoroughly with “lower
level” aspects of intelligence, handling more advanced aspects like language and reasoning
only somewhat sketchily. There is a clear mapping between LIDA structures and processes
and corresponding structures and processing in OCP; so that it’s only a mild stretch to view
CogPrime as an instantiation of the general LIDA approach that extends further both in
the lower level (to enable robot action and sensation via DeSTIN) and the higher level (to
enable advanced language and reasoning via OCP mechanisms that have no direct LIDA
analogues).

e MicroPsi [Bac(9] is an integrative architecture based on Dietrich Dorner’s Psi model of mo-
tivation, emotion and intelligence. It has been tested on some practical control applications,
and also on simulating artificial agents in a simple virtual world. MicroPsi’s comprehen-
siveness and basis in neuroscience and psychology are impressive, but in the current version
of MicroPsi, learning and reasoning are carried out by algorithms that seem unlikely to
scale. OCP incorporates the Psi model for motivation and emotion, so that MicroPsi and
CogPrime may be considered very closely related systems. But similar to LIDA, MicroPsi
currently focuses on the “lower level” aspects of intelligence, not yet directly handling ad-
vanced processes like language and abstract reasoning.

e PolyScheme [Cas07] integrates multiple methods of representation, reasoning and infer-
ence schemes for general problem solving. Each Polyscheme “specialist” models a different
aspect of the world using specific representation and inference techniques, interacting with
other specialists and learning from them. Polyscheme has been used to model infant rea-
soning including object identity, events, causality, and spatial relations. The integration of

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012990
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014339.txt,"YoY and card penetration reaching 20%. Importantly, management is utilizing online
lenders like GreenSky, a nationwide point-of-sale home improvement business, to
drive growth as balances having increased to $660mn (1% of loans) from its 2014
inception. Of note, management expects challenged growth in auto, though its
exclusive lending to the prime space limits the credit downside.

Chart 38: How do you view the impact of new online lending startups on the banking
industry?

60% 54%
50%
40%
30%
20%
10%

0%

A revenue growth opportunity Potential disruptors that will Online lending start ups don’t
as banks partner with these likely take market share away _ offer anything proprietary
new players from traditional lenders

Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research

= Possible tailwind from regulation: Management at Regions noted that while it is
still uncertain how the regulatory landscape will evolve, a more favorable
environment could allow Regions to free up investments tied to regulatory
initiatives and risk management. Management would likely direct these funds to
product development and customer initiatives.

"" Asset sensitive, particularly to the long end: Regions’ executives noted its highly
asset sensitive balance sheet given the more favorable rate back drop since 3Q.
According to management, a 100bp parallel shift in the yield curve produces
~$175mn in incremental spread revenue (11% of ’17e operating income) with two-
thirds of the impact coming from the middle to long end of the curve. Part of the
benefit of a rate rise is derived from lower premium amortization on its investment
portfolio from higher rates. Given the steepening of the yield curve, we expect
Regions to benefit more than peers.

= Branch network continuing to evolve: Management intends to increase the
productivity of its branches through several measures. Firstly, it is designing
smaller, more visible locations to drive traffic. Management is also implementing
the universal banker model, which has already resulted in 500 fewer tellers, in order
to increase revenues at branches. Management noted that it expects to consolidate
at the higher end of its expected 100-150 branch reductions, having already
identified 90 branches for closure.

Signature Bank (SBNY), B-1-9, Buy
Focused on $4-6bn asset growth target: President & CEO Joe DePaolo & EVP Eric
Howell sounded fairly optimistic about the outlook for balance sheet growth with
$4bn in loan growth and $4.6bn in deposit growth YTD as of 9/30 vs. management
target for $4-6bn in annual asset growth. Management reiterated that the
fundamentals of the multifamily business (which is focused on the low-to-moderate

Bankof America a 2016 Future of Financials Conference | 17 November 2016 25
Merrill Lynch

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014339
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013456.txt,"Michael Douglas and Kirk Douglas

Wendi Deng Murdoch

Alfre Woodard hosted a down and
dirty girls night out in a rented house
above Sunset for Viola Davis and Octavia
Spencer.

Universal honcho Ron Meyer hosted a
civilized private buffet at his Malibu home
for Graydon Carter with Tom Cruise,
Leonardo DiCaprio, Barbra Streisand,
Tom Hanks and Michael Douglas.

Stunning socialite Betsey Bloomingdale
gave a seated dinner at her Holmby Hills
home for best friends Nancy Reagan,
Wendy Stark, Bob Colacello, Joan
Collins and fashion icon Lynn Wyatt.

62 | AVENUE MAGAZINE « APRIL 2012

Tobias Meyer, auctioneer for Sotheby’s
and art dealer Mark Fletcher hosted
an open house at their Mulholland
Drive home for American avant-garde
photographer Terry Richardson. This is
the only pre-Oscar party where a guest
dropped his pants and mooned the red
carpet and Terry signed a fans breast.
Art collectors Bill and Maria Bell, Todd
Eberle, rock singer Jack Donahue and
Francesco Clemente schmoozed.

FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 24
At the BHH I ran into David Heyman,

Fran Leibowitz

English producer of the Harry Potter
franchise who was honored at the
Publicists Awards lunch at The Beverly
Hilton. “Motion Picture Showman of the
Year” was the consolation prize for being
snubbed by the Academy for visualizing
a publishing miracle for children around
the world.

“Nobbs” whisked me off to the
British Film Reception hosted by
Jeremy Hunt, UK Secretary of State for
Culture and Olympics and the British
Consul-General Dame Barbara Hay,
in her Hancock Park residence. Upon
introduction, I blurted out that my friend
Lord Astor was interested in having
L.A. people get to know his son-in-law,
Prime Minister David Cameron. As an
appointed diplomat she was horrified by
my indiscretion and turned to greet the
next American idiot. I was just making
conversation.

Daldry told Sony’s Sir Howard
Stringer and astute film CEO Michael
Lynton, Kenneth Branagh, Janet McTeer
and Gary Oldman that he, as executive
producer of the Olympics, was headed
back to London to oversee special events,
including the opening ceremony, directed
by Danny Boyle. Victoria Beckham

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013456
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016167.txt,"e Work with existing private insurers

e | Use a back-door approach and just force private employers to hire more Saudis

The government could set up a state insurance company

The government could set up a single-state insurer that is either funded through direct
contributions or through general taxation. The government would likely need to get
external help from a party knowledgeable in insurance and risk, which could be an
insurer, Saudi or otherwise. Daman, Abu Dhabi's health insurer is owned 80% by its
government and 20% by German insurance company Munich Re.

Existing private insurers may not have capacity if they were made responsible
The government could decide to execute any financing scheme through existing private
insurers, or give citizens the option of choosing either a government or private insurer.
The existing private healthcare insurers in Saudi Arabia are unlikely to have the
resources (both people and systems) in place to provide cover for an additional 20m
people immediately and will need some time to prepare. Any large scale immediate
expansion could put them at risk of substantial underwriting losses that they would
presumably seek to have back-stopped by the government in the initial stages.

Chart 57: Health insurers by share of claims (1H15)

28% 25%

4%

T% 20%

16%

mBupa Arabia = Tawuniya mMedguif mMalath mAxa © Other

Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, CCHI

OS merrill Lynch GEMs Paper #26 | 30 June 2016 57

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016167
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012748.txt,"For Jacques and Bert Hauser,
my parents,

my friends,

and my reminder

that life should be

lived to its fullest

Hauser Evilicious. Front matter 2

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012748
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018705.txt,"Also included are several high priced special edition items made
for VIP’s such as a beautiful Taj Mahal leather jacket and a Taj
Mahal Golf Bag and Clubs as well as a 1994 Trump Castle Casino
Birthday Invitation titled, “Trump, Lord Of The Financial Jungle.”

The centerpiece of the installation is a sizable portrait of Donald
Trump taken by Andres Serrano in 2004 for his “America” series
and a giant rotating sculpture below it. The sculpture, which is
more than 10 feet tall, is the word, EGO, spelled vertically, an
elegant sign that once greeted visitors at the entrance of Trump’s
Taj Mahal Casino's Ego Lounge.

Finally, there are several board games including “Trump
Monopoly,” “The Apprentice Game” and “Trump: The Game.”

The premise of “The Game” is stated on the box.

“It's not whether you win or lose, its’ whether you win.”

There are different versions of “The Game,” including one in
French, all to be laid out in several locations in the gallery under
glass.

What kind of game was it, or 1s it? Who wins, and who loses?

That’s for the audience to decide. The artist prefers to stay neutral.

“It’s a portrait of a man painted with his own brushes,” says
Andres Serrano.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018705
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030460.txt,"﻿From: gmax1@ellmax.com
To: J Jep jeevacation@gmail.com; 
Subject: <no subject>
Sent: 3/8/2011 8:17:39 PM

Jeffrey and Ghislaine: Notes on New York's Oddest Alliance <http://www.vanityfair.com/online/daily/2011/03/notes-on-new-yorks-oddest-couple-jeffrey-epstein-and-ghislaine-maxwell.html> 
by Vicky Ward <http://www.vanityfair.com/contributors/vicky-ward> 
March 8, 2011, 2:30 PM
“I’ve got a story idea for you. The rebuilding of Indonesia. Or New Orleans. Or both. Go there. I’ve just been. You will never think the same way about anything again.”
So spoke not Bill or Melinda Gates, but Ghislaine Maxwell, the 48-year-old woman being written up everywhere at the moment as the alleged “procurer” of young women for billionaire Jeffrey Epstein.
Epstein, 57, is the financier who spent a year in jail on charges of soliciting prostitutes—and now there is talk of another investigation because various women, now in their twenties and thirties, have come forward with allegations that he molested them when they were under-age. The allegations first surfaced in British newspapers, which have zeroed in on Epstein’s friendship with Prince Andrew, who has recently tried to publicly disassociate himself from his old pal.
I wrote a piece for Vanity Fair in 2003 called “The Talented Mr. Epstein.” It was largely a business piece that focused on his mysterious exit from Bear Stearns in 1981, his close relationships with Jimmy Cayne, Les Wexner, the chairman of Limited Brands, and above all, the man who claimed to be his mentor, Steven Jude Hoffenberg, who is currently serving a 20-year-jail sentence for bilking investors in Towers Financial out of $450 million. 

The piece alluded to Epstein’s great friendship with Maxwell, and how she introduced him to young women with whom he had sexual relationships. But, in the end, the story didn’t really go there, focusing instead on the issue that remains a mystery—how Jeffrey made his money, and how Ghislaine made hers.

This is not to say I didn’t hear stories about the girls. I did. But, not knowing quite who to believe, I concentrated on the intriguing financial mystery instead. But now the women have come back. Not the same ones, different ones. And their stories are bone-chilling. Journalists from England have phoned—and, in one case, flown—to ask me about Epstein and Maxwell. Who is he? And the British, especially, want to know: Who is she? At this point, I am so bored of repeating myself to others—it was, after all, my 2003 Vanity Fairstory that really brought him into the limelight—that I have decided to write about this myself.

Bizarrely, perhaps, I have gotten to know Jeffrey and Ghislaine far better after my piece than before it. I kept running into both of them, separately, at parties. Jeffrey is not a social animal so he usually has a couple of young women with him who stand two feet behind him, as if serving a monarch. “Do they speak?” I remember asking him once, nodding at his lookalike blondes. He laughed. “Not like you,Vicky,” was his riposte. 

I remembered that when we’d once discussed math—in particular, an isosceles triangle—and I revealed I hadn’t studied math since I was 14 (such is, or was, the way of the British educational system), I received a package at home via messenger. It was a book: “Math for idiots.”

So he is not without humor, even though he doesn’t drink or smoke, and hates restaurants.

“Jeffrey knows a good deal about most subjects,” newspaper publisher Mort Zuckerman told me last week. He was certainly preaching to the converted. The truth is, Epstein does know a lot about a lot of things. Just a few moments in his company and you know this to be true.

When I saw pictures of Prince Andrew walking in Central Park with Jeffrey, my immediate thought was that “Andy”—as Jeffrey calls him—is probably asking for help with his role as British trade envoy, or whatever his strange title is. Because if one thing’s for sure: When it comes to international business, Jeffrey knows what he’s talking about far more than “Andy” does. Which is why Leon Black, Mort Zuckerman and a few other financiers hang out with him.

And Ghislaine?

Full disclosure: I like her. Most people in New York do. It’s almost impossible not to.

She is always the most interesting, the most vivacious, the most unusual person in any room. I’ve spent hours talking to her about the third world at a bar until 2am. She is as passionate as she is knowledgeable. She is curious. She has spent weeks at the bottom of the ocean, literally going deeper than anyone else. She has sent me a DVD of the fish there. Her rolodex would blow away almost anyone else’s I can think of—probably even Rupert Murdochs’. She is very well-read and can talk about most things for hours. She is passionate about Bill Clinton with whom she is close friends. 

Yet, touchingly, when she had to give a speech at the 40th birthday party of her best friend, Ariadne Calvo-Platero, (known fondly to her close friends as “the Tennis Goddess”) Ghislaine shook a little with nerves. When it comes down to things she really cares about—and Ariadne is one of them—Ghislaine shows her vulnerability.
And that vulnerability is key to understanding her friendship with Jeffrey.

“He saved her,” I remember a close friend of mine telling me. “When her father died, she was a wreck; inconsolable. And then Jeffrey took her in. She’s never forgotten that—and never will.”

In many ways, the socially awkward Epstein with his big house, plane, island and ranch was the perfect replacement for her father, the late Robert Maxwell, newspaper tycoon and criminal. Sure, Jeffrey had his sexual pecadillos, but then Ghislaine’s father was not without his oddities. After all, it was he who died leaving a massive “black hole” he’d fraudulently created. To Ghislaine, Jeffrey’s habits may not have seemed that strange.

In fact, she probably figured, rather like I have, after years of writing about he very rich, that most successful people in the end either have some weird habit (the late Bruce Wasserstein had the weight issues, the girl issues, and moved countries to avoid paying tax), or they break the law (Sam Waksal, Martha Stewart.) You don’t tend to get to the top by being the world’s most balanced human being. Even the folksy Warren Buffett didn’t quite manage a normal life—whatever that is. He had a second “wife” for many years whose existence he has been open about.

So what to make of the current fuss over Ghislaine? I haven’t spoken to her or to Jeffrey, but I suspect that her loyalty to friends like Bill Clinton will keep her in good stead, in the end, she’ll be out and about as always. Look at Waksal and Stewart. No one sees them and thinks: criminal. Au contraire. In this city, money makes up for all sorts of blemishes.



"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030387.txt,"From: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com]

Sent: 1/30/2017 3:53:38 PM

To: Leon Blac is
Subject: Re:

ok

On Mon, Jan 30, 2017 at 10:52 AM, Leon Black (qq wrote:

Jeffrey- | can’t print this and when we try- it messes up the computer. Perhaps you can have Lesley scan it — or show it
to Leon this afternoon. Thanks, Melanie

From: jeffrey E. [mailto:jeevacation@qmail.com]
Sent: Monday, January 30, 2017 10:50 AM

To: Leon Black
Subject:

http://www.nydailynews.com/news/politics/shrinks-break-silence-president-trump-exhibits-traits-m-article-
1.2957688

please note

The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of

JEE

Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

This email and any files transmitted with it are confidential and intended solely for the person or entity to
whom they are addressed and may contain confidential and/or privileged material. Any review, retransmission,
dissemination or other use of, or taking of any action in reliance upon this information by persons or entities
other than the intended recipient is prohibited. If you have received this email in error please contact the sender
and delete the material from any computer. Apollo Global Management, LLC

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030387
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013330.txt,"Edwards with some insight into how far-reaching Epstein’s power was and how addicted Epstein
was to sex with children. See Incident Report, Exhibit “A”.

24. The Palm Beach Police Department also collected Epstein’s message pads, which
provided other names of people that also knew Epstein’s scheme to molest children. See
Message Pads (Exhibit “J’) (note: the names of underage females have been redacted to protect
the anonymity of the underage sex abuse victims). Those message pads show clear indication
that Epstein’s staff was frequently working to schedule multiple young girls between the ages of
12 and 16 years old literally every day, often two or three times per day. Jd.

25. In light of all of the information of numerous crimes committed by Epstein,
Bawards learned that the U.S. Attorney’s Office began preparing the filing of federal criminal
charges against Epstein. For example, in addition to the witness tampering and money
laundering charges the U.S. Attorney’s Office prepared an 82-page prosecution memo and a 53-
page indictment of Epstein related to his sexual abuse of children. On September 19, 2007, at
12:14 PM, AUSA Villafafia wrote to Epstein's counsel, Jay Lefkowitz, ""Jay - I hate to have to be
firm about this, but we need to wrap this up by Monday. I will not miss my indictment date
when this has demoed on for several weeks already and then, if things fall apart, be left in a less
advantageous position than before the negotiations. I have had an 82-page pros memo and 53-
page indictment sitting on the shelf since May to engage in these negotiations. There has to be
an ending date, and that date is Monday."" These and other communications are within the
correspondence atturthend as Composite Exhibit “C.”

26. | Edwards learned that rather than face the filing of federal felony criminal charges,

Epstein (through his attorneys) engaged in plea bargain discussions. As a result of those
12

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013330
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010481.txt,"On the day the police investigation
began, Epstein was photo graphed
with Ghislaine Maxwell in New York
City at the 2005 Wall Street concert
series benefiting Wall Street Rising,
at Cipriani in New York City, March
15, 2005. (Joe Shildhorn / Patrick
McMullen)

Jeffrey Epstein, photographed
with za attend-
ing the launch of Radar
magazine held at the Hotel
QT in New York City, May
7) 2005 (Neil Rasmus / Patrick-
} McMullan.com / Sipa Press)

2008 Palm Beach County Sheriff's Office
booking photo of Jeffrey Epstein (Palm |
Beach County Sheriff's Office)

| The Stockade, where Epste
served his sentence, photo}
here in 2006, was located at®
Fairgrounds Road in West

# Beach, Florida. At the tim
used as a minimum andm
security facility housing
juveniles, as wellas m

: on a work-release program: ©
Aerial Photos) B

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010481
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022153.txt,"JAMES PATTERSON

10:23 a.m.

Q: Would you tell us how many phone conversations [you had]
with this person Rebecca?

A: More than six. Probably between six and ten, maybe closer
to ten. The first few [times] she called me, and after I got
their number I called her a number of times.

Q: What is her husband’s name?

A: Michael. Different last name from hers, but again.

Q: Where do they live?

A: Palm Beach. Or West Palm Beach, in the Palm Beach area. They
have been friends of Virginia Roberts since she was a young child.

Q: Were there any witnesses to any of these phone conversa-
tions other than Rebecca, Michael, and you?

A: Yes.

Q: Who?

A: My wife.

Q: When did the first conversation occur?

A: Ican probably get you specific information about that. But it
was months ago. When the story was in the newspapers, she

called and related the entire story to me and related to me 7

that it was part of a massive extortion plot.

10:25 a.m.

Q: Did you take contemporaneous notes of those phone conver ©

sations? .

&

256

A: No. I took note of nai
stance, no.

Q: Have you ever made n
any communications t
and/or Michael?

A: I didn’t “allegedly” have
versations. And I don’t
tions.

10:44 a.m.

Q: How many phone calls d
before she informed you
ing you?

A: She informed me the firs

Q: The very first conversati

A; Yes.

Q: How many phone calls w

A: She never asked me for n

Q: How many phone calls y
for money?

A: I was never asked for mo:
Q: Do you know how it is t
tact you?

q A: They told me they went

and left a message for me
Oh, no; they sent me—tk
an e-mail and asked me-

but a way to respond. A:

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022153
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031018.txt,"From: Jeffrey Epstein [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Sent: 1/30/2011 11:35:21 PM 
To: Boris Nikolic (bgC3) 
Subject: Re: 
yes, would you like to come by, or are youyou as jetlagged as me„ sultan just left. I will be up for another hour 
or so.. yes 730 tomorrow is great 
On Sun, Jan 30, 2011 at 6:29 PM, Boris Nikolic (bgC3) < 
Just landed to Iga. 
Are you in? 
Is it 7:30pm tmr ok? I will come w bill at that time. Pls let me know. 
Sent from my Samsung JackTM, a Windows Mobile® smartphone from AT&T 
From: Jeffrey Epstein <jeevacation@gmail.com> 
Sent: Friday, January 28, 2011 7:35 PM 
To: Boris Nikolic (bgC3) ______________________________________ 
Subject: 
wrote: 
I can find out if mick jagger, ken starr, clinton . julie taymor, are in town/? I suggest we leave it till mon 
night.. I will have no trouble getting anyone you want . but i think it best after the three of us noodle a bit/. 
*********************************************************** 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
Jeffrey Epstein 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
*********************************************************** 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
Jeffrey Epstein 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031018 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031019 
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011947.txt,"That Gorgeous Underage Model May Be A
Slave: Regulation For Agencies To Stop Child
Sex Trafficking

First came the knowledge that slaves still existed and were present in larger numbers than ever
before. Then the realization that a human being could be purchased within a few hours of my
home for under $100. Now only a few miles away. In the following years I’ve been learning the
myriad forms, places and types of slavery. The list keeps lengthening and with each new form
(to me), learn about , it knocks me down, one more time.

Slavery

Debt Bondage
Sexual Slavery
Child Brides

Forced Labor

Child Soldiers
Adoption Trafficking
Organ Trafficking
Trafficked Athletes

And now a new one I should have seen coming,

Those very young, foreign models you see? Some of them were trafficked by model scouts who
literally trawled through some of the most destitute and vulnerable people on earth for them. The
same methods as other predatory traffickers; Go to politically or economically unstable areas,
locate 5'11”"" beautiful young girls; buy them, import them, own them, use them.

Horrible irony to have images that portray us to the world possibly be of slaves.

it’s hard to think of an area of our society that doesn't admire seeing it’s most vaunted members
with a model on their arm. While this observation does not imply that those people were
trafficked, imagine how simple that makes it to approach a child or it's family anywhere in the
world and offer them this in return for absolute control.

All the traffickers have to do is pull out a magazine or phone with videos on it.

I'm not shocked at traffickers using this method of promises to lure unsuspecting girls into
slavery, I've seen it, read about it, studied it. I’m in shock that it flourishes in the most visible,

36

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011947
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024648.txt,"Cannabis Investment Report | December 2017

Depository Institutions Making Marijuana-Related SAR Filings

350
300
250
200
150

100

Q2 2014 Q4 2014 Q2 2015 Q4 2015 Q2 2016 Q4 2016 Q2 2017

M8 Banks M8 Credit Unions

Source: Financial Crimes Enforcement Network

FinCEN has published guidance outlining how financial institutions can, consistent with their BSA
obligations, provide services to marijuana-related businesses. However, this guidance does not provide
financial institutions with a legal defense for any violation of federal law. Consequently, financial insti-
tutions willing to serve the cannabis industry tend to be smaller institutions, such as credit unions and
state-chartered banks. “Big” banks generally do not serve, or are not willing to state publicly that they
serve, the cannabis industry. For example, according to American Banker, a spokeswoman for Wells
Fargo Bank recently said the bank’s policy worldwide is to not bank marijuana businesses.

However, as cannabis-related companies increasingly participate in the formal U.S. economy, the
notion of what constitutes a “marijuana-related business” is being blurred, and banks are finding it
more difficult to institute and follow their own policies. For example, it may be straightforward for a
bank to identify and refuse to transact with a cannabis cultivator, but the bank may be unsure whether
it can provide services to (or whether it is providing services to) the cultivator’s accountant, landlord or
investors. For example, Constellation Brands, Inc. (NYSE: STZ), a large beverage company, recently
invested approximately $190 million in Canopy Growth Corporation (TSX: WEED), a Canadian
cannabis company. According to public filings, Constellation Brands has credit agreements with a
number of large financial institutions, including Bank of America, Bank of the West, Fifth Third Bank,
Goldman Sachs Bank, JPMorgan Chase Bank, PNC Bank, SunTrust Bank and Wells Fargo Bank. How
these institutions respond to the investment by Constellation Brands and other similar transactions
may indicate how large financial institutions will interact with the industry in the foreseeable future.

In the current environment, we believe more financial institutions will start to provide some level of
service to the cannabis industry. We also agree with the view of the California State Treasurer's Office,
as expressed in the working group’s report, that it is only a matter of time until cannabis businesses
have normal access to banking services. However, if the U.S. federal government were to change its

12 © 2017 Ackrell Capital, LLC | Member FINRA/SIPC

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024648
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030916.txt,"ok.. I just sent an additional email which moderates this.. everyone was a victim, including Jeffrey here..
and there was no happy resolution.. please add.. ""probably everyone was a victim, with no happy resolution
or consequences of these activities"", after ""was the victim in this case.”.

On Apr 6, 2011, at 10:18 AM, Rebecca Watson wrote:

Okay, thanks for this statement . . . I'll print it in full along with the article, probably today. I very, very
strongly disagree with your position and hope you eventually reconsider, but I do appreciate you taking the
time to respond.

-R

On Wed, Apr 6, 2011 at 1:15 PM, Lawrence Krauss qq wrote:

jeffrey apparently paid for massages with sex... I believe him when he told me he had no idea the girls were
underage, and I doubt that people normally are asked for or present a driver's license under such
circumstances... Moreover, I also believe that Jeffrey is an easy target for those who want to take advantage
of him... Moreover, I can say with great honesty that Jeffrey's time in prison led him to seriously examine
his life in very positive ways and I don't believe in blanket condemnations of people. He served time for
something that was determined was inappropriate. I honestly don't know who was the victim in this case. I
fully expect that these masseuses knew what they were doing, and were not swayed to do anything with
Jeffrey that they were not already doing. That is not to approve of the whole behavior, but lots of peoplel
know and like have behavior I don't entirely approve of.. I know it is not politically correct to say that,
because in general this is a very sensitive issue and all other things being equal one should take the side of
the young women. But all things are not equal in this case, from my point of view. It is a judgement call,
and I will not turn my back on a good friend so easily.

On Apr 6, 2011, at 9:57 AM, Rebecca Watson wrote:

Thanks for getting back to me. I was asking because I found the quote shocking . . . the evidence against
Epstein is overwhelming and he's even pled guilty to paying for sex with a minor. It's in no way scientific or
rational to assume that because you never saw him with an underage girl he must actually be innocent. It is
possible for a person to be kind and generous with his friends but still a criminal paying for sex with
underage girls in his private life.

I'm going to write about the topic on Skepchick, and I'll include any additional statement you'd like if you
want to provide more context or if you've changed your mind.

-R

On Wed, Apr 6, 2011 at 12:50 PM, Lawrence Krauss iW rote:
yes it is.. Based on my direct experience with Jeffrey, which is all I can base my assessment on, he is a
thoughtful, kind, considerate man who is generous to his friends, and all of the women I have known who

have been associated with Jeffrey speak glowingly in the same words..

why are you asking?

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030916
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027708.txt,"Sender: EZ!

Time: 05/21/19 02:20:53 PM

Flags: 1060865

Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: AF4F6]

(580166453)

B14-9BF8-431F-A3DC-4D62C

ES06E25

Message: If he loses by a vote it's over

Sender: e:]j

Time: 05/21/19 02:25:36 PM

itunes@gmail.com

Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

(580166736)

GUID: 148724A2-1A27-4A6F-A2D2-7D9D45E8E5F9
Message: The anti vote
Time: 05/21/19 04:16:58 PM (580173418)

Flags: 1060865

Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 515F3756-B62D-4196-9C13-FOBCDD38 6B6

Gl

Message: Salvini taking gas in italy

Sendért e273

Time: 05/22/19 04:32:16 AM

itunes@gmail.com

Flags: 1085445

Ts Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: FB285

Message: ' i appreciate you doing me tonite

(580217536)

65A-6B9A-4FEB-BB38-6AF5DO02EF9FO

Time: 05/22/19 04:47:59 AM

Flags: 1060865

Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

(580218479)

r

GUID: 73F4C7C7-262E-43F0-BAF7/-A85F0!I

Message: She
interview --

EDBF57D

sh

is a lot hotter than I remember
btw highest ratings ever for her ; most pick up by other sources and the

""running for student council’ went viral

Sendért e273

itunes@gmail.com

W

I roared with laughter

was also so wet at the end of that

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027708
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020744.txt,"#23

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020744
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024890.txt,"COWEN
COLLABORATIVE INSIGHTS February 25, 2019

We Would Expect Starbucks To Be First Under Our Active Coverage To
Pilot CBD Oil, Though Not In Near Term Plan (Charles)

Under our active coverage, we would categorize Starbucks as the most forward thinking
with beverage innovation relative to Dunkin’, Tim Hortons and McDonald’s McCafe.
Starbucks has launched matcha and nitro cold brew on a widespread basis in recent
years, among other wellness-based offerings. During an interview with CNBC last
month, Starbucks CEO Kevin Johnson cited no plans to introduce CBD-based beverages
in the near term, but did not dismiss the notion of ultimately piloting the ingredient.

Despite early traction with craft/independent coffee shops, regulators in several states
recently banned CBD as an additive. The dynamics are fluid, likely delaying adoption
from major coffee players like Starbucks in the near term. That said, we acknowledge a
longer-term opportunity if coffee shops are able to properly measure and disclose the
CBD levels in their coffee, as bottled CBD beverages that disclose CBD oil levels in
packaging are not restricted under the current ban.

Should the regulation of CBD oil as an additive to food/beverage change or craft/
independent coffee shops find a way to comply with the existing regulation, we could
envision Starbucks ultimately piloting the ingredient. We believe Starbucks would need
to better understand the science behind the ingredient, in addition to the standard
evaluation of any new SKU around supply chain availability as well as meeting
Starbucks’ high speed of service standards. Furthermore, given Starbucks’ heavy
reliance on the drive-thru business at more than 50% of sales and 80%+ of ongoing
development, SBUX would need to gain clarity around potential liability this entails
around selling cannabis-infused beverages before introduction. We note in 2010,
Starbucks launched an Evenings program that sold beer and wine inside of participating
restaurants. The initiative ultimately scaled to over 400 locations before the program
was terminated in 2017.

74 COWEN.COM

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024890
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012296.txt,"“oN

fo ™

10
14
12
13
14
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
23
24
25

on DN OM BR WN pp

2007-04-25 Ext

and number to Jeffrey. When was your next contact from
him or anybody who worked for him?

A. The next day, he had called me and he said
would like to come out again and I'd like to see you
again. I said sure. I took a taxi there and I went
there again.

The following day?

The next day.

Q. Okay. And she said Jeffrey says he wants to
see you again?

A. Yes.

15

Q. And then you said you took a taxi?

A. Yes.

Q. Is that how you would normally get to and from
his house?

A. uh-huh, if I didn't have friends because f
don't drive, yeah.
BY AGENT RICHARDS:

Q. How did you get home the first time when
Page 15

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012296
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015308.txt,"In India, he gave his guru three tablets, and apparently nothing
happened. Alpert's postcard to me beckoned, “Come fuck the universe
with me.” Instead, | stayed tripping in America, where | kept my entire
stash of acid in a bank vault deposit box.

Richard Alpert returned as Baba Ram Dass. Eventually, he dropped
the Baba. He was now just plain Ram Dass. His father called him Rum Dum.
His brother called him Rammed Ass. One afternoon he was visiting me,
and | taped our conversation.

“In 1963,"" | said, “I predicted as a joke that Tiny Tim would get
married on the Johnny Carson show, and in 1969 it happened. You and |
talked about that, and you called it ‘astral humor,’ but | never knew exactly
what you meant by that phrase.”

“Well, it's like each plane of reality is in a sense a manifestation of a
plane prior to it, and you can almost see it like layers, although to think of
it in space is a fallacy because it's all the same space, but you could think
of it that way. And so there are beings on upper planes who are
instruments of the law. | talk about miracles a lot, but | don't live in the
world of miracles, because they're not miracles to me. I'm just dealing with

the humor of the miracle concept from within the plane where it seems

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015308
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025556.txt,"Morgan Stanley | RESEARCH

For Ares, we believe conversion makes sense, given the company
is largely a play on fee related earnings from draw down funds,
separately managed accounts, and their relationship with ARCC, the
publicly traded business development company. Earnings from per-
formance fees at ARES are a smaller portion of overall profitability,
which is furthered by relatively higher compensation payout on per-
formance fee revenues, which in turn approach 80% in strategies
such as private equity vs. peers typically in the 45-55% range. The
company could benefit as a first mover and if the stock price reacts

favorably, we could see other alternative peers follow suit.

Apollo in our view may stand to benefit the most from conver-
sion with the best risk reward skew in our analysis using a SOTP
framework. Why? Similar to ARES, the company has meaningful
fee-related earnings as a percentage of overall operating income.
This is largely driven by their advisory relationship with Athene,
where APO earns a fee on ~$74b of assets and should benefit from
additional management fees from the company©most recent $24b

flagship private equity fund.

Our deep dive suggests Apollo has relatively longer-duration
stickier assets under management vs. peers, which gives us
greater confidence in APO® fee-related earnings stability,
growth, and potential for a re-rating. ApolloOAUM has a 12-year
duration on average (measured as outflows and realizations as a per-
centage of beginning of period AUM). This is noticeably better than
HLNE@at 9.1 years, which trades at 23.4x P/E, and below Partners
Group of 16.7 years, which trades at 28x P/E.

We see Blackstone as potentially less likely to convert, but see
amore nuanced story at KKR given their token dividend policy;
for both we do not see as much valuation upside from are-rating
of FRE multiples. BX and KKR have larger concentration to perform-
ance fees and as a result we see less of an impact to potential upside
should fee related earnings multiples re-rate. Our estimated tax rates
for KKR and BX are also significantly Lower than the group given the
earnings mix and other offsets. We see a greater downside to current
share prices if there was a conversion that had a higher tax drag and
multiples did not expand. That said, KKR has a history of making
major changes, such as its payout policy change in 2015 that
sharply reduced the dividend with a shift in strategy to grow book
value. At the time we thought such a change by KKR was a prelude

NORTH AMERICA INSIGHT ~~
i. od

to converting to a C-corp, as we wrote here. However, the stock has
lagged and KKR@limited/token dividend means investors do not
receive the full benefit of a flow through partnership structure
with single-layer taxation. So we again raise the question, Why not
convert to a C-corp with a token dividend that is effectively single

layer taxation?

C-corp Conversion Could Be the Catalyst
to Unlock Value and Drive Multiple
Expansion

The alternative asset managers trade at a steep discount to
broader financial peers. We believe this is largely due to 4 factors:
1) volatility of the earnings (particulary performance fees) and ques-
tions as to alpha persistency going forward by public market inves-
tors, 2) complicated business models, 3) corporate governance
concerns, and 4) corporate structure as a partnership. We do not
expect to see the first three factors change, but conversion could

make a meaningful difference by:
1) Expanding the universe of eligible investors in the Alts,
2) Alleviating the tax complexities of current K-1 tax reporting,

3) Unlocking value via multiple re-rating, particularly for manage-
ment fee-related earnings in the widely used sum-of-the-parts valua-
tion for Alts. We could also see incremental upside to current
valuations if multiples on performance fee earnings adjust upward

(more details below).

Exhibit 3:

Alts trade on average FY2 of 10.5x, a 28% discount on average to other
financials subsectors

Alts vs. Financial Subsectors P/E

m2018P/E  Alts % Discount/Premium (RHS)
30.0x x ; 10%
25.0x 7% ee , 0%

22.1x
: | tii ‘Oxi an 7 + : | 0%
= I Thr ee -30%
: LULU anes
5.0x -50%
0.0x -60%

A Pee, Mon, ie, A
usin ‘ay, Pho aa Fas par. com Mio, Sung, ""ati, Cony a0, One, Se dng, 0 ps
“ss Sen ans — ng Pani ong era 4, 8, wang eo “range Meg hy

Source: Company Documents, Rowen Stanley Data
Note: P/E multiples for other financials subsectors aside from brokers and asset managers are based on
Morgan Stanley Estimates as of 1/18/2017

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025556
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023604.txt,"EMEA - Telecoms Coverage Cluster
BofA Merrill Lynch

Investment rating Company ticker Bloomberg symbol Analyst
BUY
BT BT BT US Sunil P. Pate
BT BIGOF BT/A LN Sunil P. Pate’
DNA Oyj XDNAF DNA FH Sunil P. Pate
lliad ILIAF ILD FP Frederic Boulan, CFA
Inwit XISWF INW IM Parin Shah, CFA
KPN KKPNF KPN NA Frederic Boulan, CFA
Orange FNCTF ORA FP Frederic Boulan, CFA
Orange ORAN ORAN US Frederic Boulan, CFA
TDC A/S TDCAF TDC DC Sunil P. Pate
Tele Columbus XBTLF TC1 GR Sunil P. Pate
Telecom Italia -RSP TIAJF TITR IM David Wright
Telecom Italia SPA Tl TIUS David Wright
Telecom Italia SPA TIAOF TIT IM David Wright
Telefonica SA TEFOF TEF SM David Wright
Telefonica SA TEF TEF US David Wright
Telenet Group Holding NV TLGHF TNET BB David Wright
Telenor TELNF TEL NO Sunil P. Pate
Telenor TELNY TELNY US Sunil P. Pate
NEUTRAL
Bouygues BOUYF EN FP Frederic Boulan, CFA
Deutsche Telekom DTEGY DTEGY US Frederic Boulan, CFA
Deutsche Telekom DTEGF DTE GR Frederic Boulan, CFA
Liberty Global LBTYA LBTYA US David Wright
Orange Belgium MBSRF OBEL BB David Wright
SFR Group SA NUMCF SFR FP Frederic Boulan, CFA
Swisscom SWZCF SCMN VX Frederic Boulan, CFA
Swisscom SCMWY SCMWY US Frederic Boulan, CFA
Telia Company TLSNF TELIA SS Sunil P. Pate
Vodafone Group VOD VOD US David Wright
Vodafone Group VODPF VOD LN David Wright
UNDERPERFORM
Cellnex XWHXF CLNX SM Parin Shah, CFA
Ei Towers EITOF EIT IM Parin Shah, CFA
Elisa ELMUF ELISA FH Sunil P. Pate
Proximus BGAOF PROX BB David Wright
RAI Way XRWSF RWAY IM Parin Shah, CFA
TalkTalk TLKTF TALK LN Sunil P. Pate
Tele2 AB TLTZF TEL2B SS Sunil P. Pate
Telefonica Deutschland TELDF 02D GR Frederic Boulan, CFA
RSTR
Altice NV -A ALLVF ATC NA Frederic Boulan, CFA
Altice NV -B ALVVF ATCBNA Frederic Boulan, CFA
Drillisch AG DRHKF DRI GY Frederic Boulan, CFA
RVW
United Internet AG UDIRF UTDI GY Frederic Boulan, CFA
30 Global Equity Volatility Insights | 06 June 2017 Bankof America >

Merrill Lynch

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023604
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017719.txt,"Page 5 of 52
2005 B.Y.U.L. Rev. 835, *843

The movement also successfully prodded the federal system to recognize victims’ rights. In 1982 Congress passed the first
federal victims’ rights legislation, the Victim and Witness Protection Act (VWPA). 7’ The VWPA had three primary goals: (1)
to expand and protect the role of victims and witnesses in the criminal justice process; (2) to ensure that the federal government
used all available resources to protect and assist victims without infringing defendants’ constitutional rights; and (3) to provide
a model for state and local legislation. 78 Since passage of the VWPA, Congress has remained active in this area of the law,
passing several acts further protecting victims’ rights, such as the Victims of Crime Act of 1984, 7? the Victims' Rights and
Restitution Act of 1990, 3° the Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act of 1994, 3! the Antiterrorism and Effective
Death Penalty Act of 1996, ** and the Victim Rights Clarification Act of 1997. *3 Other federal statutes have been passed to
deal with specialized victim situations such as child victims and witnesses. *4

[*844] These statutes spawned guidelines for how federal prosecutors should treat crime victims. The VWPA required the
Attorney General to develop guidelines for the Department of Justice. *° To implement this Act, the Attorney General
developed guidelines designed to assist victims during the criminal justice process, mandating protocol, separate waiting areas
at court, the prompt return of the victim's property, and victim training for law enforcement personnel. 3° The guidelines also
directed that prosecutors notify victims about available services, major case events, consultations with the prosecutor, and the
opportunity for consultation about the prosecution. 37 In 2000, Attorney General Reno updated and expanded the guidelines.
The revised guidelines heightened the notification requirements, requiring prosecutors and law enforcement agents to notify
victims of important criminal justice events and to confer with victims about important decisions in the process. 3%

Among the federal victims' statutes, the Victims’ Rights and Restitution Act of 1990 is noteworthy. This Act purported to create
a comprehensive list of victims' rights in the federal criminal justice process. It commanded that ""[a] crime victim has the
following rights"" and then listed various procedural rights, including the right to ""be treated with fairness and with respect for
the victim's dignity and privacy,"" °° to ""be notified of court proceedings,"" *° to ""confer with [the] attorney for the Government

n 4l

in the case, and to attend court proceedings even if called as a witness. *” The statute also directed the Justice Department

27 Pub. L. No. 97-291, 96 Stat. 1248 (1982) (codified as amended in scattered sections of 18 U.S.C.).
8 Id.

29 Pub. L. No. 98-473, 98 Stat. 2170 (1984) (codified as amended at 42 U.S.C. 10601-03 (2000); 18 U.S.C. 3013; id. 3671).

30 Pub. L. No. 101-647, 104 Stat. 4820 (1996) (codified as amended at 42 U.S.C. 10601, 10606-07).

3! Pub L. No. 103-322, 108 Stat. 1796 (1994) (codified as amended in scattered sections of U.S.C.).
32 Pub. L. No. 104-132, 170 Stat. 1214 (1996) (codified as amended in scattered sections of U.S.C.).

33 Pub. L. No. 105-6, 7/7 Stat. 12 (codified as amended at /8 U.S.C. 3510).
#4 See, e.g., 18 U.S.C. 3509 (protecting rights of child victim-witnesses),; Pub L. No. 101-647, 104 Stat. 4789 (1990).

35 Victim and Witness Protection Act, Pub. L. No. 97-291, 6(a), 96 Stat. 1248, 1252 (1982).

36 U.S. Dep't of Justice, Office of the Att'y Gen., Attorney General Guidelines for Victim and Witness Assistance (1995).
37 Td.

38 U.S. Dep't of Justice, Office of the Att'y Gen., Attorney General Guidelines for Victim and Witness Assistance 31-37 (2000) [hereinafter
2000 A.G. Guidelines]. The Guidelines were recently revised. See U.S. Dept. of Justice, Office for Victims of Crime, Attorney General
Guidelines for Victim and Witness Assistance (2005) [hereinafter 2005 A.G. Guidelines].

39 42 U.S.C. 10606(b)(1) (repealed 2004).

DAVID SCHOEN

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017719
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020988.txt,"Restructure Medicare & Medicaid: Economic Factors—
Rise in Usage of “Open Access” Healthcare Plans Makes It Harder to

Control Patient Choices...Subsequently, Cost of Care Increases

Societal demand for less restrictive health insurance has driven a gradual switch to open access
plans. These plans offer consumers greater choices of medical providers, but at higher costs.

Share of Tightly Managed vs. Open Access Healthcare Plans in USA, 1988 - 2008
ATi mee mm me = te ma i =~ Se

—— Open Access
(PPO + POS)

—Tightly Managed
(Conventional +
HMO)

% of All Healthcare Plans

Other (HDHP)

0% T T T T T T T T T T T T T T 1
1988 1996 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008

Note: PPO is Preferred Provider Organization, which allows enrollees to select any doctor / hospital in the insurance provider's network without going through a

primary care physician. HMO is Health Maintenance Organization, which requires enrollees to coordinate ail healthcare via a primary care physician (a family

doctor). POS is Point Of Service, which combines the features of an HMO and a PPO. HDHP is High-Deductible Health Plan, a form of catastrophic coverage with

lower premiums and higher deductibles than a traditional plan. Source: Kaiser/HRET Survey of Employer-Sponsored Health Benefits, 1999-2009; KPMG Survey of

KP Employer-Sponsored Health Benefits, 1993, 1996; The Health Insurance Association of America (HIAA), 1988
(@E www.kpcb.com USA Inc. | What Might a Turnaround Expert Consider? 293

Restructure Medicare & Medicaid: Economic Factors—

Less Incentive for Consumers or Providers to Control Costs
When Someone Else (Government / Taxpayers) Pays the Bills

Out-of-Pocket Spending Accounted for Just 12% of Healthcare Spending in 2009,
Down from 48% in 1960

Out-of-Pocket Payments

Medicare + Medicaid Payments

== =Qut-of-Pocket Medical Payments as % of Disposable Income ~---

35%

Medicare
Introduced

Payments as % of Total Healthcare Spending

C/O

1960 1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005

KP Source: Department of Health & Human Services, Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services.
(@ www.kpcb.com USA Inc. | What Might a Turnaround Expert Consider? 294

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020988
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030902.txt,"Lawrence M. Krauss

Foundation Professor

Director, The ASU Origins Project
Co-Director, Cosmology Initiative

Assoc. Dir, Beyond Center

ARIZONA STATE UNIVERSITY

College of Liberal Arts and Sciences
School of Earth and Space Exploration
PO Box 871404 | Tempe AZ 85287-1404

http://krauss.faculty.asu.edu
Exec. Asst iy
Origins Asst

Lawrence M. Krauss

Foundation Professor

Director, The ASU Origins Project
Co-Director, Cosmology Initiative

Assoc. Dir, Beyond Center

ARIZONA STATE UNIVERSITY

College of Liberal Arts and Sciences
School of Earth and Space Exploration
PO Box 871404 | Tempe AZ 85287-1404

http://krauss.faculty.asu.edu

Exec. Asst
Origins Asst

De ee ee ee ee ee ee i

The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of

Jeffrey Epstein

Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by

return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030902
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024884.txt,"COWEN
COLLABORATIVE INSIGHTS

68

February 25, 2019

Competition From AMZN Private Label Could Be A LT Concern, Offset By CBD’s
Established Brands

Should the market for CBD products expand rapidly over the next several years, one
source for increased competition could be Amazon's own first party (private label)
business. Amazon offers private label goods across the gamut of product verticals,
including consumables and vitamins.

Per industry participants that have discussed AMZN’s private label business with us,
Amazon's approach is similar across most new product lines, most notably that the
company is now focusing less on heavy discounting to take share from competition. By
contrast, we believe that while any foray into CBD could start with a big push by AMZN
to gain share, if sales and reviews aren't working, AMZN would likely reduce resources
quickly. Additionally, Amazon Private Label tends to replicate top sellers for goods that
are high replenishment, commodity-type products with undifferentiated branding, then
add secondary brands over time. Amazon private label has in some cases captured huge
market share early (anywhere from 25-40% market share by SKU within the first six
months).

AMZN also tends to have the most success in verticals where branding is less important
(a fact that could provide an advantage to more established CBD companies). The
widespread availability and acceptance by a retailer such as Amazon could also help to
drive mainstream adoption of CBD products and thus provide a benefit for the industry
as a whole.

Other Potential Platforms: EBAY Has The Reach To Make An Impact

There are other platforms that may be easier to break into than Amazon that would also
provide an avenue to reach a wide array of consumers. Ebay could be an alternative for
CBD companies to tap into. EBAY has been losing share in eCommerce over the last
several years, and developing a leading marketplace in a new product vertical such as
CBD products could be an incentive to become an early adopter. Ebay currently has
179MM active buyers on the platform worldwide, and the company generated over
S90BN in GMV in 2018.

Our survey indicates that unlike Amazon, EBAY has had less success in driving
consistent purchasing in areas like personal care and beauty as well as in vitamins and
supplements. Our data suggests that unlike Amazon, these two key verticals are
purchased at about the same rate as any other category, which suggests that there is an
opportunity for these verticals to grow meaningfully, in our view.

Figure 113 EBAY Purchaser % By Vertical, 2Q17-4Q18

10%

8%

6%

4%

2%

0%

2017 3Q17 4Q17 1018 2Q18 3Q18 4018

Personal Care Products mVitamins & Supplements Average Across All Categories

Source: Cowen proprietary Consumer Internet Survey, n=~2500, Dec ‘18

COWEN.COM

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024884
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020750.txt,"#27

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020750
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012282.txt,"oO oan A ww BP WN

NN NN NY N BF BR BP BP Re Be eB bP Pp BB
MW BWN FP OO AN DOU BR WN FO

2007-04-25 .1xT

IN THE CIRCUIT COURT OF THE FIFTEENTH JUDICIAL CIRCUIT
IN AND FOR PALM BEACH COUNTY, FLORIDA
STATE OF FLORIDA

STATE OF FLORIDA,

vs.

JEFFREY EPSTEIN,
Defendant.

TRANSCRIPT OF TAPED STATEMENT or
4-24-07

Transcribed by:

vicki S. Woodham, Court Reporter

Notary Public, State of Florida

consor & Associates

1655 Palm Beach Lakes Boulevard, Suite 500
west Palm Beach, Florida 33401

Phone - 561.682.0905

Page 1

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012282
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025542.txt,"secret; no names on their list would be disclosed to my attorneys or myself until I
was already firmly in a jail cell. A list that we would not only be obliged to pay
money to, but if any of the women did not accept the $50,000, I would be required to
pay an attorney, chosen by the government, to represent the women to enable them
to sue me; I would have to pay their attorney fees. I would be given the names of the
women after being in jail, would not be allowed to appeal this deal, pay women,
some of whom I had never even met, and if I chose to fight this deal, I would be
threatened over and over with being in breach of my agreement. The attorney
chosen by the government to represent these women hired his own daughter, a
sitting state prosecutor, who received special leave to represent these women, and
though she continued to receive her state salary, billed me over $800,000 ina
period of one year to represent women suing me. When my side raised objections,
we were told that if we fought this, the government would declare a breach of my
agreement and indict me. The AUSA actually filed an affidavit with the court that
stated that “The protection from the government that Epstein thought he bargained
for really is “illusory”, we can always bring a case against him for the live span of any
woman we think has been a victim.”

After serving my sentence, I was sued by many women on the government list.
During many of the depositions taken in those cases, the women admitted to the
following: they had many other clients, they got paid thousands of dollars a week to
work in the local massage parlors and sex clubs, they kept their list of johns in their
Bible. Many had abusive boyfriends and abortions way before they ever met me,
though they claimed sex assault abuse and various other sex claims. Most later
brought their best friends to the house who also claimed the same abuse in the
hopes of getting money.

With what the newspapers had called a dream team, each and every lawyer, when
they saw the result of the negotiations, said with incredulity, “We have never seen
anything like this before”. I had never left my house and the women had not traveled
on my planes or to another state. I had never made money off of these women. I was
a consumer of prostitution, a john. The government said that they could invoke a
statute for travel for the purpose of sex, which would be the equivalent to tourists
who sign on to fake web sites advertising sex with minors in Cambodia, Thailand
and other third world countries. The government said that they could charge me
with traveling to Florida to have sex with an underage girl, even though sex with 16
year olds is legal in New Jersey and Pennsylvania and sex with 17 year olds is legal
in New York. They suggested that they would indict me for traveling to Florida FOR
THE PURPOSE of having sex with minors. Not withstanding the fact that I hada
home in Florida for 15 years, regularly traveled to see my brother, mother and
business associates. They said that they thought a novel application could at least
get me indicted, unless I took the state plea deal. I had little choice. The crimes they
alleged, no matter what the likelihood of success, carried with them a minimum
mandatory 10-year sentence. I recognize that am not a sympathetic figure, and
had to decide whether to risk a trial where the jury would see an older man and
young women that would be paraded in Sunday school outfits during the trial.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025542
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023610.txt,"lose their entire principal investment. Past performance is not necessarily a guide to future performance. Levels and basis for taxation may change.

This report may contain a short-term trading idea or recommendation, which highlights a specific near-term cata

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reflects bo
be more or

BofA Merrill Lynch is aware that the

action

includ

wi

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executing any short idea contained in this report.
Foreign currency rates of exchange may adversely affect
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UK Readers: The protections provided by the U.
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Futures and options are not appropriate for all investors. Such financial instruments may expire worthless. Before
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36

Global Equity Volatility |

nsights | 06 June 2017

nkof America

Merrill Lynch

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023610
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030393.txt,"Clapton has nothing on me ha!

On Wed, 10 May 2017 at 21:40, Jes Staley wrote:

I bet he doesn’t.

[Prankster’s email]

On Wed, 10 May 2017 at 21:45, John McFarlane <john.mcfarlane.barclays@gmail.com>
wrote:

In all seriousness, do let me know what fires/thorns you want me quelling over the next
few days.

It’s important I stand fast, and alongside you.

You have carried yourself admirably today.

[Prankster’s email]

From: John McFarlane [john.mcfarlane.barclays@gmail.com]
Sent: Wednesday, May 10, 2017 10:43 PM GMT Standard Time

To: Staley, Jes: Barclays (LDN)
Subject: Re: The fool doth think he is wise

As I retire for the night, I’m reminded of a poem my father was awfully fond of. It seems
very apt.

Good night, Jes.

Worry not of tomorrow’s end
Hurry not towards falling trees
Ignore at once, the jesters dance
Sigh, oh sigh, at the folly foiled
Take down the mighty route of ills
Lest not make a scratch in time
Evenhanded wins fair stance.
Broken wooden spoons we take
Left, oh left, in such a state

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030393
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019369.txt,"@ @

FEDERAL BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION

(Rev. 01-31-2003}

Precedence: ROUTINE Date: 08/01/2006 ;
To: Miami Attn: IMA/PB2
From: Miami

PB2/PBCRA

Drafted By: b3 -1
b6 -1, -2
Case ID #: 31E-MM-108062 Pending} b7c -1, -2

Title: JEFFREY EPSTEIN;

WSTA -— CHILD PROSTITUTION
Synopsis: To request the opening of sub-files in captioned case.

Details: It is requested that the following sub-files be opened
to assist in document management in captioned case.

SUB - SBP to capture subpoena, request.

SUB - FF to capture forfeiture related materials.

++

2134s 0. B& BYE- MH - los BP

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019369
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010495.txt,"James PATTERSON

“Why?” she asked when she got to speak to Carter directly.

“He’s sensitive about the young women. And we still get to
run most of the piece.”

In her notebook, Ward wrote down the rest of what Carter
had said: “I believe him,” he told her. “I’m Canadian.”

But the piece that came out, in the March issue, still created a
sensation. It was called “The Talented Mr. Epstein” in a sly refer-
ence to Patricia Highsmith’s celebrated suspense novel The Tal-
ented Mr. Ripley. The film adaptation, by Anthony Minghella, was
still fresh in the minds of Vanity Fair’s readers. For Graydon
Carter, just posing the question Is Epstein some sort of scam artist,
like Ripley? had been question enough. And throughout the
wouldn't miss as they drew

their own conclusions about Epstein’s life story. It came through

clearly in the first line of the last paragraph of Ward's 7,500-word
“Many people comment there is something innocent,

piece, there were ironies readers

story:
almost childlike about Jeffrey Epstein.”
In context, the word innocent was rather ironic—so much so

that it almost became its own opposite.

Todd Meister: June 20:

arry Cipriani, on

tion. The restaura

post of Harry’s Bar

outpost in Venice. Locate:
its a theme restaurant—1
hedge-fund manager name
wealthy man—Jeffrey Ep
father, Epstein’s sometime
“Tve known Jeffrey sir

» let me tell you what I kr
| everybody else says. First
q and here’s why —he has ni
- that for him.”

__ Meister knows how to it
_the son of a superrich fathe

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010495
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013324.txt,"minor females that the United States Attorney's Office recognized as a victim. L.M.’s swom
deposition testimony and the adverse inference drawn from Epstein’s refusal to testify confirm
that Epstein began sexually assaulting L.M. when she was 13 years old and continued to molest
— on more than fifty (50) occasions over three (3) years. Epstein Depo., Attachment #1, at 17
(“Q: Did you... ever engage in any sexual conduct with L.M.?” A: [invocation of the Fifth
Amendment.) see also Epstein Depo., April 14, 2010, Attachment #6, at 456 (""Q: LM was an
underage female that you first abused when she was 13 years old; is that correct?"" A: [Invocation
of Fifth Amendment].) .

8. Epstein was also given ample opportunity to explain why he engaged in sexual
activity with L.M. beginning when L.M. was 13 years old and why he has molested minors on an
everyday basis for years, and he invoked his Sth amendment right rather than provide
explanation. See Epstein Deposition, February 17, 2010, at 11-12, 30-31 (Deposition
Attachment # 7). | .

. 9. Epstein also sexually assaulted E.W., beginning when she was 14 years old and
did so on numerous occasions. See E.W. Depo., Attachment #4 at 215-216.

10. Another of the minor sits Epstein sexually assaulted was Jane Doe; the abuse
began when Jane Doe was 14 years old. Rather than incriminate himself, Epstein invoked the
5th amendment to questions about him digitally penetrating Doe's vagina, using vibrators on her
vagina and masturbating and ejaculating in her presence. Epstein Depo., April 14, 2010,
Attachment #6, at 420, 464, 468.

11. When Edwards’s clients L.M., E.W., and Jane Doe were 13 or 14 years old, each

was brought to Epstein’s home multiple times by another underage victim. Epstein engaged in
6

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013324
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022147.txt,"CHAPTER 65

Alan Dershowitz: October 2015

bout fifteen minutes into the ripped-from-the-headlines
episode of Law & Order: SVU that was inspired by the Jef-
frey Epstein saga, the plot takes an interesting turn: before
officers have a chance to arrest him, Jordan, the character mod-
eled on Epstein, shows up at SVU headquarters.
The twelve-year-old French girl raped him, Jordan says.
Wearing a monogrammed fleece pullover like the ones favored
by Jeffrey Epstein, he describes an evening at home.

sey
“a

“The party was in full swing,” he explains. “A friend said she —

wanted to give me a special present. Told me to wait in my mas-
sage room—”

An SVU guy interrupts: “Guy has a massage room?”

“I suffer.from chronic back pain,” Jordan says.

“While I was waiting, I fell asleep. Now, at first 1 shought
must be dreaming. I was aroused. I felt myself being manually”

250

‘a
4

i

; and he had come armed for b

manipulated. Then I reme-
enjoy myself. But then it x
eyes.”
“What did you see?”
“A woman. A woman I<
“A woman? Dominique
“It was dark. I just wan:
“But the twelve-year-ok
“No. She threatened me.
she was going to scream ‘R:
“And there was nothing
years and a hundred pound
“The party was going on:
was going to look. I was nake
It was a brilliant plot tw:
dan to get off scot-free.
But the plot twist that E
on the day of Alan Dershow
Florida, courthouse was eve

“There was a criminal extort
Edwards and Paul Cassell’s |
2015.
“Your clients were involv
Bradley and Cassell had s
for defamation— payback fo

: law professor had made in th

Dershowitz had counters

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022147
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011953.txt,"similar to modeling.” | knew how to reach that market” she said, “It was the feeling of: There but
for the grace of God... The girls who came to us could have been those girls.”

42

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011953
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012984.txt,"68 4 Brief Survey of Cognitive Architectures

Hierarchical control system

| sensor | | actuator | sensor actuator
sensations] actions sensations actions

y ¥

Controlled system, controlled process, or environment
\ ' |

Fig. 4.5: A standard, general-purpose hierarchical control architecture. DeSTIN’s control hi-
erarchy exemplifies this architecture, with the difference lying mainly in the DeSTIN control
hierarchy’s tight integration with the state inference (perception) and critic (reinforcement)
hierarchies.

between such units. However, this paradigm has its limitations; for instance, these approaches
do not represent temporal information with the same ease as spatial structure. Moreover, some
key constraints are imposed on the learning schemes driving these architectures, namely the
need for layer-by-layer training, and oftentimes pre-training. DeSTIN overcomes the limitations
of prior deep learning approaches to perception processing, and also extends beyond perception
to action and reinforcement learning.

4.3.1.2 DeSTIN for Perception Processing

The hierarchical architecture of DeSTIN’s spatiotemporal inference network comprises an ar-
rangement into multiple layers of “nodes” comprising multiple instantiations of an identical
cortical circuit. Each node corresponds to a particular spatiotemporal region, and uses a sta-
tistical learning algorithm to characterize the sequences of patterns that are presented to it by
nodes in the layer beneath it. More specifically,

e At the very lowest layer of the hierarchy nodes receive as input raw data (e.g. pixels of an
image) and continuously construct a belief state that attempts to characterize the sequences
of patterns viewed.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012984
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026216.txt,"From: Barry J. Cohe 
Sent: 10/2/2017 8:23:25 PM 
To: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com] 
Subject: RE: Plane management 
Importance: High 
Ah yes. 
From: jeffrey E. [mailto:jeevacation@gmail.com] 
Sent: Monday, October 02, 2017 4:23 PM 
To: Barry J. Cohen 
Subject: Re: Plane management 
new depreciation rules proposed under trump 
On Mon, Oct 2, 2017 at 4:13 PM, Barry J. Cohen <I 
> wrote: 
GV is in inspection and going well. Not sure what renovations you mean? 
On depreciation, we think we cannot use accelerated due to foreign travel preponderance, and obviously can't use 
bonus because not new. We think we are stuck with straight-line depreciation which will be passive. 
Are you saying that Jet vs. EJM could hinge on the type of plane usage? Not sure I follow that. 
From: jeffrey E. [mailto:jeevacation@gmail.com] 
Sent: Monday, October 02, 2017 3:42 PM 
To: Barry J. Cohen < Melanie Spinella < 
Subject: Re: Plane management 
dont you want to see what the depreciation rules are. ? it depends on what you intend to do with it/ ? where do 
you stand with the renovations and the sale of the 5 
On Mon, Oct 2, 2017 at 2:33 PM, Barry J. Cohen < wrote: 
Thinking of switching from Jet Aviation to EJM. EJM is more expensive. Do you have a point of view? 
Sent from my iPhone 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 026216 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 026217 
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013442.txt,"Navigating our presidential campaign was a piece of cake compared to understanding the nuances of the
2011 Oscar race for the most revered artistic honor in the world.

This is how nine films fell into the big picture.

Three premiered in Cannes mid-May, a distant nine months ago, creating an Oscar campaign as long as
any human pregnancy.

At the Palais, the first inkling of Oscar buzz was born as reclusive Woody Allen premiered ""Midnight in
Paris"".

PBS later aired a documentary of Woody discussing his forty-four films showing the astonishing depth of
his talent that made you want to immediately hand him the Oscar for Best Picture. Academy rules and
Woody forbade marketing this gem.

Woody is not a member of the Academy because he doesn’t feel that films should be in competition. He
told me, ""A statue does not change your life. You still get a cold. You can't get a date. You still have
everyday things to worry about"". The Academy learned to love him from a distance and gave him best
original screenplay as a consolation.

Terrence Malick's long awaited esoteric ""The Tree of Life"" unveiled at Cannes and won the coveted ""
Palme D'Or "" positioning it for a nomination.

""The Artist"", created by the French, shot in Hollywood and about Hollywood was the festival surprise.
This charming and oddly original black and white silent entry was introduced by the ringmaster himself,
Harvey Weinstein. No one could pronounce or spell director Michel Hazanavicius's name. Jean Dujardin
could not speak a word of English and neither could his 10 year old co-star, the Jack Russell Uggie who
had been rescued from the pound after two adopters found him too wild. Tragically Uggie developed an
undisclosed neurological disorder during production, forcing him to retire at the height of his popularity.

No slam dunk Oscar winner emerged in Cannes. Any future film could easily win.
Disney began propelling the

volitically correct and 4 socially significant film t to sBE office heaven of $200 million. Viola Davis and
Octavia Spencer were forecast to win Oscars.

In September, the Toronto and New York Film Festivals and Fox Searchlight presented Alexander s's
Hawaiian family saga, ""The Descendants,"" which broke out of the pack with whispers of winning.
Beloved George Clooney, playing a father for the first time was hailed a shoe-in for best actor. Directing
""Ides of March"" was additional momentum.

Also at New York's festival Marty Scorsese and Paramount sneaked an unfinished cut of ""Hugo"" in Alice
Tully Hall, built for concerts but converted into a 3-D theater. Marty was christened the visionary genius
of an innovative costly 3-D masterpiece.

Director Bennett Miller's highly anticipated ""Moneyball"" for Sony hit a grand slam at its west coast

premiere in Oakland aligning the film, it’s heart throb star Brad Pitt, Jonah Hill and seasoned writers
Steve Zaillian and Aaron Sorkin in play.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013442
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018711.txt,"Trump Taj Mahal Collectable Golf Bag White

Burton Tour Bag commemorating Trump Taj Mahal grand opening, April 1990.
Comes with matching rain hood and head covers. Grand opening gift for VIP's.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018711
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016173.txt,"We estimate that a 20% decline in electronic sales would result in a 5% direct decline in
gross profit. However, this ignores the other negative effects of other product
categories due to a weaker footfall trend.

More entertainment in KSA, less attraction for Jarir’s stores

In line with the guidance of the NTP, we expect Saudi Arabia to develop the
entertainment sector (theme parks, cinemas). This signals the emergence of new
aspirations and social changes for Saudis. While these developments will support
implementation of Saudi Vision 2030, they will pose threats to the existing business
models of Saudi retailers such as Jarir and Extra that are currently substituting for the
lack of entertainment opportunities in the country.

OS Merrill Lynch GEMs Paper #26 | 30 June 2016 63

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016173
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025224.txt,"Eye on the Market | July 25, 2011 J.P Morgan

Topics: US debt ceiling negotiations, a more ambitious European bailout plan (finally), and how large cap growth stocks
and rising corporate profits are patiently waiting for both of them to end

The third concern: Germany as paymaster. We are often told that Germans across both major parties are unflinching
supporters of the European project, and will do whatever it takes to prevent a break-up. The objections from members of the
Bundesbank are described as lonely voices of opposition that carry no weight’. But how large are the costs going to be?
German politicians and voters may see current circumstances as exceptional, and that if they just agree to one more package, the
problem will go away. However, we are starting to see analyses of how costly a permanent transfer union may be for
Germany. Bernard Connolly at Hamiltonian Advisors sent me a recent paper from the Centrum fur Europaische Politik’ in
Freiburg, which provides some clues. They see three alternatives for the deficit countries:

¢ massive reduction in regulations and unit labor costs to regain competitiveness
e exit from the EMU, re-introduction of national currencies
¢ permanent transfer union from surplus countries to deficit ones

On the last option, they estimate a “creditworthiness gap” in European deficit countries of Eur 108 billion in 2010. The gap
measures how much European deficit countries rely on capital inflows to fund consumption, rather than investment (which
contributes to future GDP). Germany’s share of the European surplus is around *, so let’s assume a pro-rata burden on
Germany to maintain the transfer union. As a result, the theoretical economic cost could be 3.3% of German GDP every year,
which as shown, gets close to some expensive episodes in German history. If German citizens were faced with costs this high,
it could be a White Castle hamburger-throwing moment of national proportions.

Europe equities, priced for the risks

Cost to German taxpayers of major events -* a .
Europe 10-yr trailing PE divided by US 10-yr trailing PE

Percentof GDP, annual

4.5% 1.25
4.0%
3.5% 1.15
ni 1.05
2.5%
2.0% 0.95
1.5%
1.0% 0.85
0.5% 0.75
0.0%

Peak Versailles Unification (since Potential costof EMU 0.65

reparations (1929) 1991) transfer union 1998 2000 2002 9004 2006 2008 2010

Source: Carl-Ludwig Holtfrerich, Halle Institute for Economic Research, Source: Factset, MSC.

Zentrum fur Europaische Politik (Freiburg), J.P. Morgan Private Bank.

Bottom line. At a time when European equities are trading close to 2009 lows relative to earnings and book value, this package
could result in a relief rally for European equities, particularly banks. The chance of a disorderly default in 2011 has decreased

markedly, and a process has been put in place to create more seamless transfers to areas (and banks) in need. But the size of the
transfer union fund is not big enough to allay all concerns, particularly with Spain and Italy growing at anemic levels, and there

is execution risk in Greece.

Recent bank stress tests conducted by the EU concluded that only Eur 2.5 billion of capital needs to be raised (70 to 80 billion
sounds more reasonable to us). And in the package announced last week, the following Orwellian clause indicates how
European policymakers feel about rating agencies these days:

Point 13. We agree that reliance on external credit ratings in the EU regulatory framework should be
reduced, taking into account the Commission's recent proposals in that direction, and we look forward to the
Commission proposals on credit ratings agencies

In Europe, denial appears to be an essential ingredient to the process (See “Five Stages of Greece”, June 30, 2011). Last
week’s package is a bold step towards Federalization and the worst-case outcomes have been avoided (money market
failures, bank runs, etc), but markets will remain nervous about Europe.

> Bundesbank President Weidmann, in response to last week’s package: “By transferring significant risks to the support-giving countries and
their taxpayers, the Euro area has taken a large step to socialising risks created by unsound government finances and macroeconomic
problems. This weakens the foundations of the fiscal self-responsibility that EMU is built on”.

® Centrum fur Europaische Politik, “Creditworthiness trends in European countries”, Liider Gerken & Matthias Kullas, 2011 4

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025224
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018358.txt,"The essence of the Seventh Sense will be not merely to be beguiled by our
technology, by the way it smashes old systems, not to ask “Could you please leave
the room while I use bend these electrons to even more omnipotent control,” but
rather - in the same instant as the networks snaps into its full power- to grasp the
full nature of the connected age. To see how it might be used to further, not erode,
the things we care most about. To ensure that if we are not among the very few, at
least we can guarantee that their will bends towards justice. We will see, ina
moment, just what that means in practice. How our best technology and our most
avid hopes for what a technological, connected future could look like might just be
yoked together. But before we can do that, there is one final question we need to
answer about the networks all around us now: What, in the end, are they really for?

126

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018358
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023176.txt,"OUP CORRECTED PROOF - FINAL, 12/9/2014, SPi

~ SYKES-PICOT AGREEMENT
(191 6)

. ad Direct French control

Under French influence (area A)

Y Direct British control {including = —40°—4
; the ports of Haifa and Acre}

Under British influence (area B)

International administration

* Tabriz

PERSIA

Damascus

|

Syrian |Dejsert
ae ees

A bi Pp . ! “\. Persian
rabla eninsuta 4
SOURCE: Agreement shown on ""Map of Eastern oer

Turkey in Asia, Syria and Western Persia,” signed
50 100 150 MILES dye Fr. Georges-Picot and Mark Sykes, 8 May 1916. be

| | | |

© IPI (Map by Miklos Pinther}

50 100 150 KILOMETERS

Map 3. Sykes—Picot Agreement 1916

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023176
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021328.txt,"understanding depended entirely on past
experiences of our own intentions and
actions, there might be much more
misunderstanding and cynicism in the
world. However, the capacity to reason,
hypothesize, and model possible futures
may increase social understanding
beyond the anchor of purely egocentric
perspective. We can conceive of
alternatives to our own goals and
motives and relate those alternatives to
the actions we observe. To some extent,
this process might also involve the motor
system by mentally simulating actions
and anticipated responses. By imagining
how we might act in some situation to
achieve a goal or the alternative ways we
may act given some intention, it may be
possible to go beyond the limits of our
own experience. Such constructive
imagery may well depend on the motor
system, along with other neural systems,
but currently there is no scientific
evidence that such a system might be
linked with the operation of mirror
neurons.

Conclusion

We are equipped to understand
the world around us by relating what we
perceive to our own experiences. With
respect to actions in particular, our
brains have specialized circuitry to relate
previously executed actions to newly
perceived ones, possibly by performing
an internal (imagined) simulation of
them. There is evidence too that we
might understand the emotional states of
others by a similar kind of process,
whereby our brains activate circuits for
experiencing the emotion as a way to
understand that emotion in others. These
brain mechanisms might also apply (to a
greater or lesser degree) when we try to
understand actions or feelings by non-
human animals or even inanimate
entities. This could be a partial

Page |82

biological explanation of
anthropomorphism, as discussed by
Epley and Gilpin. Of course as humans
we have the ability to go beyond these
strict egocentric limitations and
recognize and respond to our social
connections more explicitly. This ability
to go beyond the more basic grounding
of the way we understand others may
subserve part of the goal of some
religions, discussed by Kathryn Tanner,
in fostering a more abstract view of our
connection to others. While a mirror
neuron system might help form the basis
for some aspects of social understanding,
there may well be other invisible forces
at work supported by these and other
neural systems in our social brain.

References

1. Hasson, U., Nusbaum, H. C., & Small, S. L.
(2009). Task-dependent organization of
brain regions active during rest. Proceedings
of the National Academy of Sciences of the
United States of America, 106(26), 10841-
10846.

2. Dewey, J. (1903). Democracy in Education.
The Elementary School Teacher, 4(4), 193-
204.

3. Gallese, V., Fadiga, L., Fogassi, L.,
& Rizzolatti, G. (1996). Action
recognition in the premotor cortex.
Brain, 119 ( Pt 2), 593-609.

4. lacoboni, M., Woods, R. P., Brass,
M., Bekkering, H., Mazziotta, J. C.,
& Rizzolatti, G. (1999). Cortical
mechanisms of human imitation.
Science, 286(5449), 2526-2528.

5. Iacoboni, M., Molnar-Szakacs, I.,
Gallese, V., Buccino, G., Mazziotta,
J.C., & Rizzolatti, G. (2005).
Grasping the intentions of others
with one's own mirror neuron
system. PLoS Biology, 3, 529-535.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021328
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028349.txt,"between-headline-and-body-layout"",""minimumHeight"":""1.0vmin""}},""componentStyles"":{""_anf-cs-

1"":{"" Fill"": {""fillMode"":""fit"",""horizontalAlignment"":""center"",""imageldentifier"":""ec854ebcd8edaf16339655c2b81f
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2"":{""fill"":{“horizontalAlignment"":""center"",""imageldentifier"":""3d836e54f97c7a1c83d5065c2fce264f"",""type"":""i
mage"", ""verticalAlignment"":""center""},""identifier"":""_anf-cs-2""},""_anf-cs-
3"":{""fill"":{""horizontalAlignment"":""left"",""imageldentifier"":""efdc5 7 0fa6f52 1862944a36c965ecbcc"",""type"":""ima
ge"",""verticalAlignment"":""center""},""identifier"":""_anf-cs-3""},""_anf-cs-
4""C'fill"":{""horizontalAlignment"":""center"",""imageldentifier"":""2573b84af8463d079b40a5ed75dd8363"",""type"":
""image"",""verticalAlignment"":""center’},""identifier"":""_anf-cs-4""},""_anf-cs-

5"" ""Fill"": ""horizontalAlignment"":""center"",""imageldentifier"":""9538a4bc544465beb6c22fbcc84a9c9b"",""type"":""
image"",""verticalAlignment"":""center’},""identifier"":""_anf-cs-5""},""_anf-cs-
6"":{""fill"":{""horizontalAlignment"":""center"",""imageldentifier"":""eb88ad9fc271 ffe1479f58c832614acd"",""type"":""i
mage"",""verticalAlignment"":""center""},""identifier"":""_anf-cs-6""},""_anf-cs-

7"" {Hil {""horizontalAlignment"":""center"",""imageldentifier"":""1a6082bd9adcc058536608f41b1c22ff"",""type"":""i
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8"":{""Fill"":{""horizontalAlignment"":""center"",""imageldentifier"":""1d7ab65b07 7efcff4a0362d90f75ad47"",""type"":""i
mage"",""verticalAlignment"":""center""},""identifier"":""_anf-cs-8""},""_anf-cs-
9"":{""Fill"":{""horizontalAlignment"":""center"",""imageldentifier"":""d5d2a7dda367400d06f4b76e9 1 b6cf32"",""type"":""
image"",""verticalAlignment"":""center’},""identifier"":""_anf-cs-9""},""accent-color-
style"":{""backgroundColor"":""#D8D8D8"",""identifier"":""accent-color-style""},""between-chin-and-cta-spacer-
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style"",""tableStyle"":{""cells"":{""conditional"":[{""padding"":{""left"":""8.0pt"",""top"":""9.0pt""},""selectors"":[{""columnIndex
"":1}],""textStyle"":""article-headline-
style"",""verticalAlignment"":""top""},{""padding"":{""left"":""8.0pt"",""top"":""8.0pt""},""selectors"":[{""rowlIndex"":1}],""textSty
le"":""more-stories-cta-parent-style"",""verticalAlignment"":""top""}],""padding"":""0.0pt"",""textStyle"":""bullet-list-
bullet-

style"",""verticalAlignment"":""top""},""columns"":{""conditional"":[{""selectors"":[{""columnIndex"":1}],""width"": 100}],""wi
dth"":1}}},""call-to-action-color-style-blue"":{""backgroundColor"":""#D8E3EA99"",""identifier"":""call-to-action-color-
style-blue""},""call-to-action-color-style-commonwealth-
green"":{""backgroundColor"":""#FBFEF5"",""identifier"":""call-to-action-color-style-commonwealth-green""},""call-
to-action-color-style-dark-gray"":{""backgroundColor"":""#DBDBDB"",""identifier"":""call-to-action-color-style-dark-
gray""},""call-to-action-color-style-gray"":{""backgroundColor"":""#F3F 3F3"",""identifier"":""call-to-action-color-style-
gray""},""call-to-action-color-style-green"":{""backgroundColor"":""#CFDCB899"",""identifier"":""call-to-action-color-
style-green""},""call-to-action-color-style-olive"":{""backgroundColor"":""#EODDCAQ9"",""identifier"":""call-to-action-
color-style-olive""},""call-to-action-color-style-orange"":{""backgroundColor"":""#F-O0OEODB99"",""identifier"":""call-to-
action-color-style-orange""},""call-to-action-color-style-

pink"":{""backgroundColor"":""#E9E0E699"", ""identifier"":""call-to-action-color-style-pink""},""call-to-action-color-
style-purple"":{""backgroundColor"":""#D6D3DF99"",""identifier"":""call-to-action-color-style-purple""}, ""call-to-
action-color-style-red"":{""backgroundColor"":""#F F446399"",""identifier"":""call-to-action-color-style-red""},""call-to-
action-color-style-teal"":{""backgroundColor"":""#C9E1DF99"",""identifier"":""call-to-action-color-style-teal""},""call-
to-action-color-style-yellow"":{""backgroundColor"":""#F4ECDE99"",""identifier"":""call-to-action-color-style-
yellow""},""call-to-action-table-style"":{""identifier"":""call-to-action-table-
style"",""tableStyle"":{""cells"":{""conditional"":[{""padding"":{""bottom"":""4.0pt"",""left"":""8.0pt"",""right"":""3.0vmin""},""selec
tors"":[{""columnIndex"":1,""rowlIndex"":0}]}],""horizontalAlignment"":""right"",""padding"":{""bottom"":""18.0pt"",""top"":""1
8.0pt""}},""columns"":{""conditional"":[{""selectors"":[{""columnIndex"":1}],""width"":1}],""width"":99}}},""channel-
collection-quad-row-color-style"":{""backgroundColor"":""#D7D8D8"",""identifier"":""channel-collection-quad-row-
color-style""},""color-bar-color-style-1"":{""backgroundColor"":""#00000040"",""identifier"":""color-bar-color-style-
1""},""color-bar-color-style-2"":{""backgroundColor"":""#00000066"",""identifier"":""color-bar-color-style-2""},""color-
bar-color-style-3"":{""backgroundColor"":""#00000099"",""identifier"":""color-bar-color-style-3""},""color-bar-color-
style-4"":{""backgroundColor"":""#000000B3"",""identifier"":""color-bar-color-style-4""},""color-bar-color-style-
5"":{""backgroundColor"":""#000000FF"",""identifier"":""color-bar-color-style-5""},""content-chin-invisible-alternate-
style"":{""backgroundColor"":""#00000000"",""identifier"":""content-chin-invisible-alternate-style""}, ""content-
insetter-accent-
style"":{""backgroundColor"":""#D8D8D8"",""border"":{""left"":{""color"":""#00000000"",""width"":""3.0vmin""},""right"":{""col
or"":""#00000000"",""width"":""3.0vmin""}},""identifier"":""content-insetter-accent-style""},""content-insetter-color-

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028349
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014764.txt,"firms can be naturally slowed by internal directives. Bad outflow such falling CNY
deposits among foreign subsidiaries of China banks can also be managed. However, it is
the inherent speculative and unstable nature of domestic capital flight that we
characterize as ugly flows that poses the greatest risk to the central bank.

Regressions and scenario implications for EM FX

We used a simple regression to quantify the impact of the RMB depreciation on key EM
FX: BRL, RUB, INR, TRY, and ZAR'. We analyzed two cases: 1) Base case —- USD/CNY rises
to 7.25 and market volatility, which we use the VIX as a proxy, is unchanged from its
current level; 2) Risk case - USD/CNY rises to 8.00 and intense RMB depreciation
expectations cause market volatility to rise by three standard deviations. We find:

e The most vulnerable currencies to RMB depreciation are ZAR, RUB and TRY (Chart
58). The impact of RMB depreciation on BRL and INR is small. This is probably due
to stronger idiosyncratic factors for BRL and INR in recent years.

¢ Anincrease in market volatility associated with USD/CNY rising to 8.00 would raise
the depreciation of EM FX by 1ppt (BRL)-11ppt(ZAR) relative to our 7.25 baseline.

« In our base case of USD/CNY rising to 7.25 by end-2017, the market is overpricing
depreciation pressures from the RMB on EM currencies. This partly reflects other
factors have more sway over market expectations at the time of writing, such as
implications of the US elections outcome.

e Inour risk case of USD/CNY rising to 8.00 and high volatility, there is room for
additional depreciation in the ZAR and RUB (Chart 58).

Chart 58: EM FX sensitivity to RMB and market volatility Chart 59: Scenario analysis of EM FX against market pricing
5
0
5
-10 a a a Oo
-10 45
15 20 a
20 ZAR RUB TRY BRL INR
ZAR RUB TRY BRL INR WForecast change vs SDR, % (Volatile markets and USD/CNY at 8.00)
m Forecast change vs SDR, % (Volatile markets and USD/CNY at 8.00) (Forecast change vs SDR, % (Same volatility and USD/CNY at 7.25)
= Forecast change vs SDR, % (Same volatility and USD/CNY at 7.25) Forward implied change by end-2017, %
Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Bloomberg Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research, Bloomberg

Can bond and equity inflows save the day? Not in the near term

Given the problematic issue of capital outflows and limited efficacy of moderate capital
flows, another solution could be to attract more foreign portfolio inflows into China’s
sizable bond and equity markets. More favorable investment policies geared to overseas
investors investing in China’s interbank bond market reveal a clear policy intention to
open up China’s financial market. As a result, expectations are rising for China to be
included in global bond indices. However, the following key obstacles for index inclusion
remain, although reasons vary depending on the index: 1) lack of full accessibility:
currently qualified investors only include medium and long-term investors while hedge
funds are excluded; 2) insufficient clarification on requirements of fund remittance; 3)
lack of clarification on tax issues; 4) lack of accessibility to onshore FX/rates hedging
tools. Back from our 2016 China Conference, we believe allowing foreign private
investors to access onshore repo, onshore FX swap and forwards would be the next
steps to follow.

"" Our dependent variable is the weekly changes of SDR/EM; our independent variables are the weekly changes in the
SDR/EUR, SDR/CNY, SDR/USD and the VIX index, and a constant. Natural logarithms were taken for all variables and our
sample period is Jan’14-Nov’16, when the start of the RMB depreciation trend. We base our currencies against the SDR
to define their value (See Assessing China’s Exchange Rate Regime, Frankel and Wei (2007) for a detailed explanation.).
To compute the forecast change in each currency, we use our global FX forecasts to obtain our independent variables.

34 Global Rates, FX & EM 2017 Year Ahead | 16 November 2016 Bankof America
Merrill Lynch

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014764
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014305.txt,"Mm WwW NY

~ HD oO

| 10

| 11
| 12
13
14
15
16
117

18

19
20
21
22
23
24
25

Page 32 |
po - CONFIDENTIAL
men and women bodies mixed together.
Q. Okay. Do you remember the photographs?
MR. PAGLIUCA: Object to form and
foundation.
THE WITNESS: Not specifically, no.
BY MR. EDWARDS:

Q. At the point during your statement, the
specific passage that I'm asking about is, you say,
""Teenage, he's got lots of pictures of teenage
girls, like real photos that he took.""

A. Yeah. They were not displayed.

MR. PAGLIUCA: Object to form and
foundation.
BY MR. EDWARDS:
Q. Okay. Where were they?
Ae I remember one incident where he showed

them to me, and they were young women in the

bathtub.

Q. And did he take pictures of you?

A. Yes.

Q. Did he take pictures of you naked?

A. Yes. As far as I know, they were never
recovered.

Q. How could you tell that the photographs

MAGNA®

LEGAL SERVICES

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014305
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031742.txt,"From: Nicholas Ribis 
Sent: 8/11/2017 3:05:31 PM 
To: Jeffrey Epstein [JEEyacation@gmail.com] 
Subject: Fwd: Manafort ratted on Donald Jr.'s meeting with the Russian lawyer 
Importance: High 
I thought you might be interested in this article: 
Manafort ratted on Donald Jr.'s meeting with the Russian lawyer  
Trump's former campaign manager Paul Manafort alerted authorities to Donald Trump Jr.'s infamous meeting 
with the Russian lawyer during his father's presidential campaign. 
Manafort, who is facing increasing pressure from U.S. special counsel Robert Mueller, divulged Trump Jr.'s 
meeting with Natalia Veselnitskaya about three months ago, Bloomberg reported. 
Responding to a congressional request for information, Manafort revealed the meeting and provided 300 
documents, although FBI agents went on to raid his Virginia home two weeks ago. 
Trump, responding to news of the raid, said, ""I was very, very surprised to see it... .I've always found Paul 
Manafort to be a very decent man."" 
Investigators are looking into accusations of money laundering in an attempt to pressure Manafort into 
cooperating with the probe into the Trump campaign's possible ties to Russia, two sources told Reuters. 
""If Mueller's team can threaten criminal charges against Manafort, they could use that as leverage to convince 
him to cooperate,"" said one of the sources. 
But the former campaign manager's spokesman Jason Maloni said, ""Paul Manafort is not a cooperating 
witness."" 
Maloni also told Bloomberg that Manafort was enlisting the services of a D.C.-based law firm Miller & 
Chevalier,which focuses on tax law, to replace WilmerHale, where Mueller previously worked. 
Mueller's investigation has extended to global bank transactions involving Manafort, as well as his business 
partner Rick Gates and son-in-law, Jeffrey Yohai. 
Yohai, who is under investigation for real estate deals he made with Manafort, turned over documents to 
Mueller's probe more than two months 
Sent from my iPhone 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031742 
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019427.txt,"rely on the federally facilitated marketplace.

State Medicaid programs, which typically serve low-income individuals, are also undergoing testing with the federal data
hub. Atleast one state, Arizona, has not begun that work. It will start testing in September, a late start that worries the
executive director of the state’s marketplace.

“It’s a concern that we’re testing this late,” said Tom Betlach, who runs the Arizona Health Care Cost Containment System.

“Usually when you do testing, you have to go ahead and address any changes. Given the October 1st start date, | don’t know
much of it will be an iterative process.”

Back to top

80 House members: Shutdown better than Obamacare
Charles Babington — Associated Press

More than one-third of House Republicans urged their leader Thursday to trigger a government shutdown rather than pay for
the implementation of the health-care law they call Obamacare.

Aletter from 80 Republicans asked Speaker John Boehner, R-Ohio, to resist any spending bills that would accommodate the
new health-care law, which is nearing a critical stage of signing up millions of Americans for health coverage.

Because it’s virtually certain that President Obama and the Democrat-controlled Senate would reject such demands,
leaders of both parties say the standoff likely would result in a partial shutdown of the federal government, similar to those
that occurred in 1995 and 1996.

The letter is mixed news for Boehner and other GOP leaders who view a government shutdown as politically unwise.

The federal 2013 fiscal year ends Sept. 30. New money must be appropriated by then to avoid a shutdown of countless
government offices and agencies.

Voters chiefly blamed congressional Republicans for the mid-1990s shutdowns, and the fallout boosted Democratic
President Clinton. Ever since, many establishment Republicans have urged the party to avoid using shutdown threats as a

bargaining tool.

But a new generation of tea-party-backed conservatives rejects the advice. They say “Obamacare” — officially the
Affordable Care Act — is so unpopular and unworkable that it justifies extraordinary tactics to block it.

A possible solution to the budget impasse, often used in past years, would involve a “continuing resolution” to keep funding
the government at current levels. Many top Republicans, including Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, say it’s
impossible to carve out money for Obamacare in any appropriations measure.

The House letter was authored by Rep. Mark Meadows, R-N.C. It urges Boehner “to affirmatively de-fund the
implementation and enforcement of Obamacare in any relevant appropriations bill,” including “any continuing
appropriations bill.”

At least a dozen Senate Republicans have signed a similar letter.

In recent years, Democrats and Republicans in Congress repeatedly have failed to reach major compromises on spending.

The impasses led this year to automatic, across-the-board spending cuts known as sequestration, which have hampered
some federal agencies and helped shrink the deficit.

Back to top

Berkshire Hathaway — Full text articles

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019427
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012774.txt,"stinger into the brain that causes intense auto-grooming followed by three weeks of
lethargy. During this down time, the cockroach turns into a living meal for the wasp’s
larvae.

*A Brazilian parasitoid wasp of the family Braconidae, lays its eggs inside a
particular species of caterpillar, and once the larvae are fully developed, they hatch out of
the caterpillar. Though it is strange enough for caterpillars to function like incubators,
these innocent larvae were anything but innocent while developing inside the caterpillar.
Once the larvae hatch, they are treated to an unprecedented level of care from the
caterpillar who, Gandhi-like, foregoes all eating and moving to protect its adopted young,
including violent head-swings against any intruder. The wasp has effectively brain-
washed the caterpillar, hijacking its evolved instincts to care for its own young.

*A solitary wasp in the genus Sce/iphron selectively feeds on the dangerous and
much larger black widow spider, using two tricks: it secretes a substance that is like
Teflon, allowing it to move into a spider’s web without getting stuck; next, it flails
around in the web to attract the spider, and once the spider is positioned above in kill
mode, the wasp launches its stinger, piercing the spider right through the brain. End of

black widow. If the wasp makes the slightest mistake, end of wasp.

The capacity that has evolved in these wasps is myopically focused on one problem, and one problem
alone. Despite the mind control and deception that is part of their evolved competence, they don’t deploy
these skills in any other context. This highly adaptive and monogamous pattern of thinking runs
throughout the animal kingdom and across different contexts, including male cleaner fish that attack
female cleaner fish who violate the rules of mucus-eating from their clients, but do not deploy such
draconian measures in other situations; birds that feign injury to deter predators from their nest, but
deceive in no other context; cheetah mothers who demonstrate to their cubs how to bring down prey, but
never provide pedagogical instructions in other relevant domains of development; and monkeys that
understand how to use tools generously provided by humans but never create any of their own.

Like other animals, we too are equipped with adaptive capacities that evolved to solve particular
problems. Unlike other animals, however, these same adaptive specializations are readily deployed to
solve novel problems, often by combining capacities. Like wasps, we deceive, manipulate and parasitize
others, often cruelly. But unlike wasps, we don’t use these abilities with one type of victim in one context.
As long as the opportunity for personal gain is high relative to the potential cost, we are more than willing
to deceive, manipulate, and parasitize lovers, competitors and family members. When we attack rule

violators, not only do we do so in the context of cheaters who eat but don’t pay, but also deadbeat dads

Hauser Chapter 1. Nature’s secrets 28

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012774
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018739.txt,"Site Plan

Citizenship and Immigration Services

12,770 SF Facility to-be Constructed 2015-2016
Mission-Critical, Consolidation of CIS Offices —
St. Thomas, U.S. Virgin Islands

Page 13

TEMPORARY BENCHMARK /

Top of Ironpipe Boundpost
Elevation 37.3""

PHASE 1
GSA Parcel
1.89 Acres

/ US. Citizenship &
Sg and Immigration ow VY
ae Services “ #
vA
S ae
GSA Investment & Acquisition Opportunity | St Thomas, USVI ee) Stan Johnson Company | THE NET LEASE AUTHORITY®

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018739
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014994.txt,"Summary of Closed Trades (19-Jun-17)

Table 10: Summary of closed trades as of 19-Jun-17

Trade Description

Buy NKY Aug-16 105%-110% call spreads & sell 90% puts
Replace FB long positions via Oct-16 ATM calls

Replace AMZN long positions via Oct-16 ATM calls

Buy AAPL Oct-16 ATM protective puts

Buy 1.5x 5-Aug-16 2950-3000 strangles by selling 1x 19-
Aug-16 2950-3000 strangles

Sell NKY Aug16 15500 puts, Buy Sep16 15500-14500 put
spreads

Buy TLS 25-Aug16 95% puts

Buy Newcrest 25-Aug-16 105/115% call spreads

Buy CSL 25-Aug-16 95% puts

Buy BHP 25-Aug-16 105/115% call spreads

Buy HSCEI Aug16 9400 call, Short Oct16 10000 call

Buy Tencent (700 HK} Sep16 105% call

Sell 1x SX7E 1M 25d call to fully finance 1.85x SX5E 1M
25d calls
Buy CMB (3968 HK} Sep16 105-115% call spread
Buy ICBC (1398 HK) Sep16 105-115% call spread
Buy BOC (3988 HK) Sep16 105-115% call spread
Buy XLF Sep 24 strike call
Buy XLU Sep 51 strike pu
Buy a 6M ATM worst-of {XLF call, XLU put}

Buy 0.85x SX5E Sep16 3000-3100 strangle, sell 1x SX5E
Dec16 3000-3100 strangle

Long 0.5x V2X Oct16 future, short 0.5x V2X Jan-17 future
Sell VSTOXX Sep 21 puts

VIX Sep 17/22 1x2 call ratios (short 2x} + 0.75x SPY Sep23
210 puts

Buy NKY Oct 95/105 strangle outright

Buy NKY Oct 95/105 strangle daily delta-hedging

Long 3M 25d EFA put vs short 3M 25d UKX put

Replace T long position via 3M ATM calls

Replace LOW long position via 3M ATM calls

Replace RTN long position via 3M ATM calls

Replace CRM long position via 3M ATM calls

Replace NEE long position via 3M ATM calls

Overlay long WBA long position with 3M ATM calls

Buy HKEx (388 HK) 1x2 105%-115% call ratio

Buy NKY Oct16 17500 call, Sell 0.65x NKY Sep 17250 call

Short VIX Oct 15 put vs. long VIX Nov 19/26 call spread
Long 2x SPX Oct31 2125 puts vs. short 1x SPX Mar-17
1975 put

DAX +2.31x Dec16/-1x Dect? put calendars

Buy SX5E Dec16 2950/2750 put spread

Buy 1.5x SX5E Dec16 3100 call, sell 1x SXSE Mar17 3100
call for an upfront credit of 56bps

Buy a 6M ATM worst-of call on XLP & GLD

Buy a 6M ATM worst-of {SPX put, GLD call}

Buy GLD 124/130 Dec-16 call spread

Buy GLD 116/124/130 Dec-16 call spread collar

Buy TLT 123/132/137 Dec-16 call spread collar

Buy Oct16 110%f calls on VIE FP, Al FP, IBE SQ, STAN LN 18-Jul-

and MUV2 GY

Buy an Oct16 110%F call on an equally weighted basket
{quanto EUR)

Buy 0.895x V2X Oct 21 puts, sell 1x VIX Oct 16 puts

Sell SX7E Dec16 115 call

Open
Date

11-Jul-
25-Jul-
25-Jul-
25-Jul-

ADD DD

25-Jul-16

25-Jul-16

18-Jul-16
18-Jul-16
18-Jul-16
18-Jul-16
1-Aug-16
15-Aug-16

25-Jul-16

5-Jul-16
5-Jul-16
5-Jul-16
25-Jul-16
25-Jul-16
25-Jul-16

15-Aug-16

11-Jul-16
30-Aug-16
15-Aug-16

ror

30-Aug-
30-Aug-
5-Jul-16
9-Jul-
9-Jul-
9-Jul-
9-Jul-
9-Jul-
9-Jul-
5-Aug-16
8-Aug-

AWAD DD
a

a

-Aug-16

6-Sep-16
30-Aug16
6-Sep-16

24-Oct-16

11-Jul-
11-Jul-
8-Nov-
8-Nov-
8-Nov-

18-Jul-16

19-Sep-16

6-Sep-16

Open
Level
0.26%
5.9%
55%
4.6%

0.00%

0.24%

1.05%
2.64%
1.09%
2.22%
0.00%
1.70%

0.0%

2.32%
2.12%
2.10%
14%
1.3%
1.35%

-5.07%

0.05 vols
1.20 vols
$0.85

2.28%
2.28%
0.00%
2.12%
3.90%
3.16%
4.16%
2.32%
4.04%
0.60%
0.70%

$0.45

0.0%
0.00%
1.48%

-0.56%

1.05%
1.60%
0.9%

0.65%
0.67%
2.31%

0.81%

0.0
-0.88%

Close
Level
1.73%
6.1%
6.3%
1.2%

-1.12%

0.28%

2.95%
1.18%
1.18%
0.77%
0.67%
2.10%

0.0%

6.12%
9.0%
6.28%
2.3%
2.6%
3.0%

-5.73%

-0.95 vols
1.77 vols
$0.45

0.44%
0.56%
0.00%
0.04%
0.00%
0.41%
0.19%
0.08%
1.20%
0.00%
0%

$0.88

-0.34%
-2.60%
0.00%

1.62%

0.0%
0.0%
0.0%
1A
-5.03%
3.30%

0.00%

$1.3
-1.09%

Close Date
25-Jul-16
1-Aug-16
1-Aug-16
1-Aug-16

5-Aug-16

Aug-16 expiry &
Sep-16 expiry

15-Aug-16
15-Aug-
22-Aug-
22-Aug-
22-Aug-
22-Aug-

ADA DD

25-Aug-16

30-Aug-16
30-Aug-16
30-Aug-16
6-Sep-16
6-Sep-16
6-Sep-16

Sep-16 expiry

19-Sep-16
Sep-16 expiry
Sep VIX expiry

27-Sep-16
27-Sep-16
3 months
3 months
3 months
3 months
3 months
3 months
3 months
29-Sep-16
14-Oct-16

14-Oct-16

14-Oct-16
Dec-16 expiry
Dec-16 expiry

Dec-16 expiry

6 months

6 months
Dec-16
Dec-16
Dec-16
Oct-16 expiry

Oct-16 expiry

Oct-16 expiry
24-Oct-16

Rationale

Close position as the hurdle to surprise on the upside is high following a 5.8% NKY rally
Close position as Facebook rallied on better-than expected Q2 results

Close position as Amazon rallied on better-than expected Q2 results

Remove protection as worries around disappointing Q4 guidance faded post earnings

The BoJ, Fed & EU bank stress tests could move mkts sharply in the near term

Unwinding before the Aug16 expiry; The NKY Sep put spread has carried well

Telstra has announced earnings and the stock has corrected 5% over the period
NCM has stayed unchanged over the period despite better than expected earnings
CSL fell 5.4% over the period with weak earnings announcement

BHP rose 3.6% over the period but the option remains out of the money

Close position as the HSCEI rallies 5.2% and we are approaching the Aug16 expiry
Tencent jumped post better than expected earnings

SX7E 1M 25d call / SX5E 1M 25d call price ratio is in the 100"" 2-yr percentile

Close position and BofA ML turned neutral in EM in the short-term
Close position and BofA ML turned neutral in EM in the short-term
Close position and BofA ML turned neutral in EM in the short-term

Close positions from trades that have benefited thus far from the rally in Financials and weakness
in Utilities; monetize view that Fed will not hike in September

Take advantage of low near term vol and a steep term structure

Unwind Oct/Jan spread and maintain Nov/Jan spread given clarity around the Italian referendum
date
Global macro event risk likely to keep V2X supported going into Sep expiry

Trade provided hedging benefits during the sudden Sep market shock & has expired

Take a loss post an disappointing market reaction on the BoJ announcement
Take a loss post an disappointing market reaction on the BoJ announcement
Trade expired on 3-Oct

Our analysts no longer expect impactful catalysts in the near term; stock replacement strategies
proved useful in cushioning downside losses during the abrupt Sep-16 sell-off vs. long equity
positions.

HKEx failed to rally above the first call strike and expired worthless

NKY Oct-16 call expired out of the money

Close position as the Oct VIX future stayed well-supported as is typically the case in the weeks
leading up to the US presidential election

Provided hedging benefits in the sudden equity shock in early Sep-16; now being unwound to
mitigate decay

DAX outperformance & low short dated DAX vol make put calendars attractive
A catalyst-strewn fall and a remarkably low volatility summer suggests that there could be
headwinds to continued market upside on low volatility

Monetise steep SX5E vol curve for tactical EU upside with an upfront credit

Take a loss as safe-haven assets post a weak performance in H2-16 with fears over Trump's
surprise victory easing and stock markets rallying

Add exposure via inexpensive upside on single names where positioning appears particularly
bearish and stocks have underperformed vs. their sectors

Near term catalysts & curve differentials favour tactical long V2X, short VIX puts
Close short SX7E call (part of SX5E put spread, short SX7E call trade) to limit potential risk from a
“Yes” in the Italian referendum

Bankof America
Merrill Lynch

Global Equity Volatility Insights | 20 June 2017 = 23

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014994
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017043.txt,"Figure $4

0.08

0.06

0.04

Fraction of Books

0.02

0.00 SPD NE Ne a aP a gk ae ph Re Gh ot Gh Gh GP Ar Ae Qh gh gh gh 0% go

OCR Quality Score

Fig. $4. Fraction of English Books with a given OCR quality.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017043
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018370.txt,"connected, and by the speed and thickness of that connection. The topology of Wall
Street in the 1920s, for instance, was largely defined by who happened to come to
the trading floor on a given day; today it is a global landscape, influenced by news,
rumors and real-time profit twitches anywhere on the planet. Just like moving a
river from one place to another would radically change the utility of a bridge, a
change in topology changes the shape of systems that depend on it. That Seventh
Sense instinct - the powerful can become useless because of connection, the useless
can become powerful - is earned first through a fluency and even faith in these sorts
of rapid, fate-changing topological shifts.

In recent years the topologies of our network world have changed at the pace of
technology, which is very fast indeed. Every new piece of a network, every new
platform or protocol, alters how we connect. This process works on our sense of
distance like an efficient, strange sewing machine: Something very far away can be,
suddenly, with one stitch of innovation, right on top of you. The speed and the
quality of a connection is what determines how honestly “near” or “far” something
is. Location is, in a sense, as changeable as velocity.178

Distance, on any living, networked web, is an endlessly pliable sheet. Just as you can
bring two distant points on a piece of paper right next to each other by folding the
sheet, so you can glue points in networks together by bending the space on which
they are connected. A map of the networked world or of nations or even of our city
is not some given, settled graph. One small twist and we are, like it or not, right on
top of each other. This makes it particularly murderous to hold onto the old idea
that you and | are unconnected points. Do countries like America or China have
legitimate interests thousands of miles away from their coastlines? Of course.199 In
this way, the entire premise of Enlightenment life, the atomic focus on the power of
the individual, becomes dangerous.

It is now essential to use virtual topologies to operate in the real world, to bend
these ethereal elements of connection to influence and even total control. Thomas
Dullien, one of the researchers who discovered that “rowhammer’” chip hack
captured this in a new law of network security that echoes, in fact, through all of
connected life: You don’t have to possess an object in order to control it. “Being
hacked,” he explained in a 2011 speech called Why Johnny Can’t Tell If He’s
Compromised, “is loss of control without change of ownership or possession.”2°°
Your phone, resting constantly in your pocket, may in fact be pwned at every
keystroke by someone thousands of miles away. This is an extremely important
idea, an expression again of how connection changes the nature of an object: It
makes it controllable without possession. An army might be able to master an

198 Location: John May and Nigel Thrift eds. Timespace: Geographies of Temporality
(London: Routledge, 2001) 2

199 Of course: Distributed Lethality in Proceedings (U.S. Naval Institute) Jan 2015 p.
343

200 “Being hacked”: Halvar Flake, Why Johnny Can't Tell If He Is Compromised,
keynote Area41 Conference, June 2014, Zurich

138

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018370
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015452.txt,"to maintain the status quo. He had unintentionally revealed the true
nature of the threat he perceived. What he rea//y said to me was, “So you
like the evolution of human consciousness, huh?”

“Well, yeah,” | thought, “now that you mention it, | do. | mean,
when you put it like that--So you /like the evolution of human
consciousness, huh?--sure, | do. | like it a whole lot.” Too bad | had
remained silent instead of using my instinct and advising Julius, “Let’ s

get the hell out of here.”

5. Once, in the men’ s room at an airport, | couldn’ t help but
notice a man standing at a urinal a urinals away from the one where | was
carefully aiming my stream with my left hand onto the round marzipan-
like disinfectant. But he was allowing his penis to aim itself, because he
happened to be busy using both hands to floss his teeth. It was a

monument to multi-tasking.

I' m embarrassed to admit that, rather then flossing, | would use a
dollar bill to clean between my_ teeth. Instead, | was
actually adding bacteria to my mouth, thereby giving a_ new, literal
meaning to the concept of “dirty money.” As a result, my teeth were in

terrible shape.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015452
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022058.txt,"﻿CHAPTER 20 
Jeffrey Epstein: 1953-1969 
Jeffrey Epstein's mother, Paula, was the daughter of Max and 
Lena Stolofsky, who arrived in the United States as Lithua-
nian refugees. Relatives on that side of the family who remained 
in the old country would all perish in the course of Adolf Hitler's 
campaign to exterminate European Jewry. 
Epstein's father, Seymour, was a manual laborer, like his 
father before him. Seymour's parents, Julius and Bessie Epstein, 
had emigrated from Russia and landed in Brooklyn, both of them 
with eighth-grade educations. They lived in Crown Heights, 
where Julius owned a house-wrecking company. 
Before landing a job with the city, Seymour had worked with 
his father. 
They were kind people, says Epstein's childhood friend Gary 
Grossberg. Seymour was there for him at a difficult time, Gross-
berg says. When Grossberg was young, his parents divorced, and 
89 
JAMES PATTERSON 
his father moved out of Brooklyn. Seymour and Paula took Gary 
in. Often they referred to him as their third son. ""Paula was a 
wonderful mother and homemaker,"" Grossberg remembers, 
""despite the fact that she had a full-time job."" 
Epstein, as a kid, was ""chubby, with curly hair and a high, 
`hee-hee' kind of laugh,"" Beverly Donatelli recalls.* Beverly was 
two years older than Epstein, but thanks to his precocious tal-
ents, which allowed him to skip two grades, they graduated from 
Brooklyn's Lafayette High School together, in 1969. 
""He was advanced,"" Beverly remembers. ""He tutored my girl-
friend and myself in the summer. He taught me geometry in just 
two months."" 
When Beverly thinks of Epstein now, she recalls gentler times—
long strolls down the Coney Island boardwalk, roller-coaster rides, 
stolen kisses. ""That last year in school, I think he kind of loved me,"" 
she says. ""One night on the beach he kissed me. In fact, our history 
teacher made up a mock wedding invitation for Jeffrey and myself 
to show to the class. That seems pretty inappropriate now. But back 
t 
then, we all thought it was funny. Jews and the Italians, that was 
pretty much who went to Lafayette High School. They didn't social-
ize that much. And though my mother was crazy about him, she 
told me Jewish boys don't marry Italians."" 
Through the haze of several decades, Beverly remembers 
Epstein as a kindhearted boy and something of a prodigy—a 
gifted young pianist as well as a math whiz. 
""I was talking to my girlfriends the other day,"" she says. 
* Beverly Donatelli's name, some identifying details, and dialogue have been 
changed. 
""There is nothing but r 
the reason I went to col 
Beverly lost contact 
after Epstein's fiftieth bi 
""He had a photo o 
noticed it at his birth& 
bet she has a big ass no. 
his home on 71st Stree 
the same Jeffrey. A gent 
The two never did s 
pathizes with her high 
""I feel so bad for I-
liked him."" 
Gary Grossberg was a y( 
class as Epstein's kid 
remains very friendly, t: 
frey in some time. Both 
""Jeffrey's a brilliant 
generous."" 
Grossberg says he's 
Florida."" As he sees it, 
was hanging around wit 
Grossberg wonders, 
cial contributed to his e, 
""He was a diamond it 
""People recognized Jeffr( 
gift for recognizing oppc 
FILTHY RICH 
ERSON 
'Seymour and Paula took Gary 
their third son. ""Paula was a 
iker,"" Grossberg remembers, 
[-time job."" 
y, with curly hair and a high, 
Donate11i recalls.* Beverly was 
t thanks to his precocious tal-
vo grades, they graduated from 
together, in 1969. 
:members. ""He tutored my girl-
He taught me geometry in just 
a now, she recalls gentler times — 
d boardwalk, roller-coaster rides, 
iool, I think he kind of loved me,"" 
. he kissed me. In fact, our history 
g invitation for Jeffrey and myself 
)retty inappropriate now. But back 
Ly. Jews and the Italians, that was 
.te High School. They didn't social-
mother was crazy about him, she 
Italians."" 
ral decades, Beverly remembers 
and something of a prodigy—a 
a math whiz. 
friends the other day,"" she says. 
fltifying details, and dialogue have been 
90 
""There is nothing but nice we can say about him. He is actually 
the reason I went to college."" 
Beverly lost contact with Epstein over the years. But not long 
after Epstein's fiftieth birthday, she got a call out of the blue. 
""He had a photo of us on the beach,"" she says. ""A friend 
noticed it at his birthday party. And Jeffrey said to the friend: 'I 
bet she has a big ass now.' So Jeffrey called me and invited me to 
his home on 71st Street. We hung out. We reminisced. He was 
the same Jeffrey. A gentleman."" 
The two never did speak again, but to this day Beverly sym-
pathizes with her high school sweetheart. 
""I feel so bad for him,"" Beverly says. ""That's how much I 
liked him."" 
Gary Grossberg was a year younger than Epstein and in the same 
class as Epstein's kid brother, Mark, with whom Grossberg 
remains very friendly, though he hasn't seen or spoken with Jef-
frey in some time. Both brothers are good people, he says. 
""Jeffrey's a brilliant and good person. He is also incredibly 
generous."" 
Grossberg says he's talked to Epstein about ""the problem in 
Florida."" As he sees it, Epstein ""got carried away ... perhaps he 
was hanging around with the wrong people."" 
Grossberg wonders, too, if the things that made Epstein spe-
cial contributed to his eventual fall from grace. 
""He was a diamond in the rough, you see,"" Grossberg explains. 
""People recognized Jeffrey's brilliance very early on. But he had a 
gift for recognizing opportunities very quickly. He started buying 
91 
JAMES PATTERSON 
properties in Manhattan, including 301 East 66th Street. He 
asked his brother—did Mark want to join him? He did."" 
Grossberg himself has had his ups and downs. At one point, 
he worked in a building owned by the Epstein brothers. There, 
he says, a porter told him a story about a little-known side of Jef-
frey Epstein. The porter's wife, who lived in South America, des-
perately needed an organ transplant. Epstein paid for the 
operation. 
""That's just typical,"" Grossberg says. ""That's who he always 
was, long as I knew him."" 
""Lafayette was a city school,"" says another old classmate, James 
Rosen. ""It was functional. There was nothing special about it."" 
James Rosen is a retired postal worker. He lives in South 
Florida now, but, like Jeffrey Epstein, he'd grown up in Sea Gate. 
""There was a lot of volatility at Lafayette,"" Rosen recalls. ""It 
was a blue-collar area that was, at one time, 90 percent Italian. 
Then a small amount of Jews moved in, and there was 
anti-Semitism. The Italians didn't want the Jews to be there."" 
Black families were moving in, too, he remembers, and His-
panic ones. But he says most of the animosity was aimed at Jews. 
""There were fights in the schools. They thought we were 
going to take over."" 
But Epstein seems to have made friends easily. Even then, his 
buddies—who called him Eppy— could see he was special. 
While they hung out on the beach, Epstein played the piano. Did 
homework. Worked on his prized stamp collection. 
Innocent times. 
92 
Jeffrey Epstein: 1.0 
It's the height of ti 
lege administratol 
long hair collide I 
go in for any of that. 
math classes at Coop 
Village where Abraha 
Thanks to a gene) 
though the applicatio 
Epstein sails thro. 
At Harvard or Yal 
tawks like the Brookly 
than any Ivy League: 
aside from his prodig 
starts to make money 
he leaves Cooper Un 
ERSON 
rig 301 East 66th Street. He 
to join him? He did."" 
ups and downs. At one point, 
y the Epstein brothers. There, 
bout a little-known side of Jef-
.o lived in South America, des-
splant. Epstein paid for the 
:g says. ""That's who he always 
rs another old classmate, James 
was nothing special about it."" 
,stal worker. He lives in South 
tein, he'd grown up in Sea Gate. 
at Lafayette,"" Rosen recalls. ""It 
at one time, 90 percent Italian. 
vs moved in, and there was 
et want the Jews to be there."" 
in, too, he remembers, and His-
the animosity was aimed at Jews. 
schools. They thought we were 
lade friends easily. Even then, his 
Ty— could see he was special. 
ich, Epstein played the piano. Did 
:ed stamp collection. 
92 
CHAPTER 21 
Jeffrey Epstein: 1969-1976 
It's the height of the Vietnam War. Students collide with col-
lege administrators. Hippies collide with hard hats. Kids with 
long hair collide with their parents. Jeffrey Epstein does not 
go in for any of that. At the age of sixteen, he's taking advanced 
math classes at Cooper Union, an august institution in the East 
Village where Abraham Lincoln once spoke. 
Thanks to a generous endowment, the school is tuition-free, 
though the application process is famously rigorous. 
Epstein sails through it. 
At Harvard or Yale, his accent would give him away. Epstein 
tawks like the Brooklyn boy he is. But Cooper Union is more open 
than any Ivy League school. It's full of boys from Brooklyn, and, 
aside from his prodigious intellect, Epstein doesn't stand out. He 
starts to make money by tutoring his fellow students. And in 1971, 
he leaves Cooper Union for the greener pastures of New York 
93 
JAMES PATTERSON 
University of Missot; 
1949. That same yea 
of rejections at whiti 
a Jew—landed a job 
clerk. 
By 1958, he'd be, 
Greenberg smoked c 
and always dressed : 
gruff, cheap, and, at 
bridge player, a hun 
loyal leader of the tf 
team made up most 
outer boroughs. 
Greenberg didn't 
What he cared abou. 
vated risk takers, ur 
(and especially low) 
were poor, smart, an 
Jeffrey Epstein, ti 
perfectly. 
University, located a few blocks away. There, at the Courant Institute 
of Mathematical Sciences, he studies the mathematical physiology of 
the heart. But he never graduates from any college or university. 
By 1973, Epstein is teaching at the Dalton School, a prestigious 
private school on the Upper East Side. Like Tavern on the Green, 
Grand Central Terminal, and the Century Association, Dalton is 
a New York institution—an elite K-12 rocket ship built for the 
children of New York's ruling classes. 
It's not at all clear how Epstein, who has no college degree, 
ends up there. 
And yet here he is, barely out of his teens and already a teacher of 
math and physics. ""Go forth unafraid"" is the Dalton School's credo. 
It's a philosophy Epstein has adopted. For him, Dalton's an 
excellent launching pad. 
It's nothing like Lafayette High School. The kids he's teach-
ing are rich—very rich. Their parents are extremely well con-
nected. And despite Epstein's outer-borough accent, he's careful 
in his presentation. At any given moment, he's one parent-teacher 
conference away from a whole new world of possibilities. 
Because Dalton has an excellent student-to-teacher ratio, the 
parents get to know Epstein quite well. Before long, a Wall Street 
macher named Alan ""Ace"" Greenberg has taken a special shine to 
the young man who's been tutoring his son Ted. 
Like Epstein, Ace Greenberg came from a humble background. 
The son of an Oklahoma City shopkeeper, he won a football 
scholarship to the University of Oklahoma, transferred to the 
94 • 
ERSON 
FILTHY RICH 
r. There, at the Courant Institute 
the mathematical physiology of 
m any college or university. 
Le Dalton School, a prestigious 
Ade. Like Tavern on the Green, 
Century Association, Dalton is 
K-12 rocket ship built for the 
3ses. 
In, who has no college degree, 
his teens and already a teacher of 
aid"" is the Dalton School's credo. 
; adopted. For him, Dalton's an 
Lgh School. The kids he's teach-
?arents are extremely well con-
'ter-borough accent, he's careful 
moment, he's one parent-teacher 
ew world of possibilities. 
lent student-to-teacher ratio, the 
te well. Before long, a Wall Street 
iberg has taken a special shine to 
ring his son Ted. 
.me from a humble background. 
ity shopkeeper, he won a football 
of Oklahoma, transferred to the 
94 
University of Missouri following a back injury, and graduated in 
1949. That same year, he moved to New York and, after a series 
of rejections at white-shoe firms—places that never would hire 
a Jew—landed a job at Bear Stearns, earning $32.50 a week as a 
clerk. 
By 1958, he'd been made a full partner. Built like a pit bull, 
Greenberg smoked cigars, performed coin tricks for his friends, 
and always dressed in a bow tie. He was an all-elbows trader — 
gruff, cheap, and, above all, impatient. He was also a champion 
bridge player, a hunter of big game in Africa, and the firm but 
loyal leader of the team he'd built at Bear Stearns—an unusual 
team made up mostly of men who'd grown up in New York's 
outer boroughs. 
Greenberg didn't care about MBAs or Ivy League diplomas. 
What he cared about was raw talent and drive. Greenberg culti-
vated risk takers, unconventional thinkers, and he looked high 
(and especially low) for his ""PSDs"": men who, in his estimation, 
were poor, smart, and, above all, determined. 
Jeffrey Epstein, the Dalton School teacher, fit Greenberg's bill 
perfectly. 
95 
women to go with the 
brunettes, who would 
day. Now they found E 
Greenberg's gorgec 
If Greenberg knew 
Then again, Greenberl 
gan era, when deregu 
the horizon. But there 
ernment oversight on V 
traders had begun to 
of the age of corporate 
out for him, Epstein 
ing his weight arounc 
numbers earned him 
where he worked on e) 
a select group of Be 
within the elite—inch 
In the spring of 19 
St. Joe Minerals Cori 
share, or close to thr( 
whole offer amounted 
But St. Joe's execut 
company. In a press n 
ited and dismissed it a: 
SEC decided to invesq 
There were allegatic 
Bear Stearns's employe 
Epstein got called 
wrongdoing. 
But, as it turned ou 
CHAPTER 22 
Jeffrey Epstein: 1976-1981 
According to several published reports, it was Ace Green-
berg's son, Ted, who introduced Epstein to Greenberg. 
But other sources say Greenberg's daughter, Lynne, was 
dating Epstein at the time. According to them, that was how 
Epstein got into Bear Stearns—by charming a young and beau-
tiful woman and using her to advance his career. 
At Bear Stearns, Epstein started as an assistant to a trader on 
the American Stock Exchange and quickly worked up to junior 
partner, which meant that he was entitled to a share of the prof-
its. Still in his twenties, he was running with the bulls, kicking 
down any doors that stood in his way. 
The view from Ace Greenberg's office, high above Madison 
Avenue in midtown, was striking. At night, the whole city was lit 
up like a stage set. 
It was Epstein's city now, to win or to lose. And there were 
96 
FILTHY RICH 
CHAPTER 22 
Lshed reports, it was Ace Green-
troduced Epstein to Greenberg. 
reenberg's daughter, Lynne, was 
:cording to them, that was how 
-by charming a young and beau-
ivance his career. 
rted as an assistant to a trader on 
and quickly worked up to junior 
vas entitled to a share of the prof-
running with the bulls, kicking 
Us way. 
perg's office, high above Madison 
ng. At night, the whole city was lit 
to win or to lose. And there were 
96 
women to go with the prize. Tall, beautiful women, blondes and 
brunettes, who wouldn't have given a math teacher the time of 
day. Now they found Epstein exciting and handsome. 
Greenberg's gorgeous assistant was one of these women. 
If Greenberg knew about their affair, he did not seem to care. 
Then again, Greenberg had other things on his mind. The Rea-
gan era, when deregulation kicked into high gear, was still on 
the horizon. But there was already a decreasing amount of gov-
ernment oversight on Wall Street, and a new breed of bare-knuckle 
traders had begun to push every available limit. It was the start 
of the age of corporate raiders, and with Ace Greenberg looking 
out for him, Epstein had no reservations when it came to throw-
ing his weight around. The golden boy's gift for working the 
numbers earned him a place in the special-products division, 
where he worked on extremely complex tax-related problems for 
a select group of Bear Stearns's wealthiest clients—an elite 
within the elite—including Seagram CEO Edgar Bronfman. 
In the spring of 1981 Bronfman made a bid to take over the 
St. Joe Minerals Corporation. He offered forty-five dollars a 
share, or close to three times the value of St. Joe's stock. The 
whole offer amounted to $2.1 billion in cash. 
But St. Joe's executives didn't want to sell their 118-year-old 
company. In a press release, they called Seagram's bid unsolic-
ited and dismissed it as ""grossly inadequate."" At which point the 
SEC decided to investigate. 
There were allegations of insider trading. Within a few weeks, 
Bear Stearns's employees were called in to testify. 
Epstein got called in as well and categorically denied any 
wrongdoing. 
But, as it turned out, he'd just resigned from Bear Stearns. 
97 
Another one of Epst 
say, ""Jeffrey Epstein left 
to strike out on his owi 
some questions remain 
given on April 1, 1981, 1 
and Robert Blackburn: 
Q: Sir, are you aware ti 
lating around your f 
leaving the firm? 
A: I'm aware that there 
Q: What rumors have y 
A: Nothing to do with ! 
Q: Can you relate what 
A: It was having to do 
As far as the investigat. 
don; the first time a seci 
no interest in Epstein's 
Q: 
CHAPTER 23 
Jeffrey Epstein: 1981' 
Epstein will always maintain that his resignation had noth-
ing to do with the SEC's investigation into Bear Stearns and 
Edgar Bronfman's ill-fated attempt to take over St. Joe's. 
But of course this raises the question: Why did Epstein resign 
from Bear Stearns? 
In his testimony before the SEC, Epstein says he was offended 
by the company's investigation of a twenty-thousand-dollar loan 
he'd made to his friend Warren Eisenstein. Epstein didn't know 
it at the time, he maintains, but if used to buy stock, such a loan 
might have been unethical, if not illegal. 
On top of that, questions about Epstein's expenses had come up. 
In the end, Bear Stearns fined him $2,500 —an embarrassing 
thing, to be sure. So much for making full partner anytime soon. 
But $2,500 is not $250,000 or even $25,000. Who'd give up a 
job as junior partner over that? 
98 
Mr. Epstein, did an 
substance that you s 
Minerals to the stal 
mission? Has anyoi 
directly or indireca 
pensation for this p; 
you from Bear Stee 
divulging informat 
Commission? 
FILTHY RICH 
Another one of Epstein's bosses, James ""Jimmy"" Cayne, will 
say, ""Jeffrey Epstein left Bear of his own volition."" Epstein wanted 
to strike out on his own, Cayne explains. But given the timing, 
some questions remain. Then there's Epstein's own testimony, 
given on April 1, 1981, before SEC investigators Jonathan Harris 
and Robert Blackburn: 
CHAPTER 23 
.n that his resignation had noth-
ivestigation into Bear Stearns and 
attempt to take over St. Joe's. 
question: Why did Epstein resign 
;EC, Epstein says he was offended 
of a twenty-thousand-dollar loan 
Eisenstein. Epstein didn't know 
t if used to buy stock, such a loan 
.ot illegal. 
out Epstein's expenses had come up. . 
ed him $2,500—an embarrassing 
laking full partner anytime soon. 
or even $25,000. Who'd give up a 
98 
Q: Sir, are you aware that certain rumors may have been circu-
lating around your firm in connection with your reasons for 
leaving the firm? 
A: I'm aware that there were many rumors. 
Q: What rumors have you heard? 
A: Nothing to do with St. Joe. 
Q: Can you relate what you heard? 
A: It was having to do with an illicit affair with a secretary. 
As far as the investigators are concerned, this is new informa-
tion; the first time a secretary's name has come up. But they have 
no interest in Epstein's office romance and press on: 
Q: Mr. Epstein, did anyone at Bear Stearns tell you in words or 
substance that you should not divulge anything about St. Joe 
Minerals to the staff of the Securities and Exchange Com-
mission? Has anyone indicated to you in any way, either 
directly or indirectly, in words or substance, that your com-
pensation for this past year or any future monies coming to 
you from Bear Stearns will be contingent upon your not 
divulging information to the Securities and Exchange 
Commission? 
A: No. 
99 
JAMES PATTERSON 
Whatever the reasons for his resignation, Epstein still gets his 
annual bonus of around $100,000 (roughly $275,000 in today's 
dollars). The SEC never brings charges against him or any other 
Bear Stearns employee. And so the particulars of Epstein's depar-
ture get folded up into the greater mystery surrounding the man. 
Did Epstein crash the rocket ship that Ace Greenberg had given 
him to pilot? Or did he take it and fly it out, over the horizon? 
Either way, Epstein was out on his own. 
For him, the future would only get brighter. 
Ana ObregO 
na Obrt 
A
and wel 
ishe firsi 
roles—in the 
the star a run: 
Spanish Playbc 
As for forti 
Ana's fathe 
had serious pr 
bond-trading fi 
that it was goir 
off a subsidian 
And in May, DI 
owed on Treast 
had dragged do 
100 
TERSON 
signation, Epstein still gets his 
)0 (roughly $275,000 in today's 
harges against him or any other 
le particulars of Epstein's depar-
r mystery surrounding the man. 
Lp that Ace Greenberg had given 
-id fly it out, over the horizon? 
on his own. 
nly get brighter. 
Ana Obregin: 1982 
CHAPTER 24 
na ObregOn was one of the world's most beautiful women 
and well on her way to becoming famous as such when 
she first met Jeffrey Epstein. For her, there would be film 
roles—in the 1984 Bo Derek vehicle Bolero, Ana Obregon gives 
the star a run for her money—and appearances on the covers of 
Spanish Playboy and Spanish Vanity Fair. 
As for fortune, Obregon had that already. 
Ana's father was a very wealthy investor in Spain. But he also 
had serious problems. On June 15, 1982, a venerable stock- and 
bond-trading firm, the Drysdale Securities Corporation, announced 
that it was going out of business. Just that year, Drysdale had spun 
off a subsidiary operation called Drysdale Government Securities. 
And in May, DGS defaulted on $160 million in interest payments it 
owed on Treasury securities that it had borrowed. In doing so, DGS 
had dragged down its parent company. 
101 
100 
JAMES PATTERSON 
A very well-connected group of Spanish families—including 
members of Spain's royal family—had invested with Drysdale. 
Those investors stood to lose hundreds of millions of dollars. 
And Ana's father was one of those investors. 
What Ana wanted from Jeffrey Epstein was help in recover-
ing her father's money. 
""My father, he's done something stupid,"" she told him. 
A Spanish accent. A Brooklyn accent. They blended well 
together, and Ana was so very lovely. 
It turned out that Epstein was willing to help. 
""Something stupid, you see, with the money. The family 
money. Some—what do you call it? A scheme. He knew some of 
the people, but they lied to him. And now the money is gone."" 
People who knew Jeffrey Epstein recall that he was bad off after 
his exit or ouster—whatever it was—from Bear Stearns. Mov-
ing from couch to couch for a while. Sleeping in his lawyer's 
offices before settling down in an apartment in the Solow Tower, 
on East 66th Street. 
It's a bit hard to believe. After all, Epstein left Bear Stearns 
with a good deal of money. But Epstein's lifestyle was expensive. 
He was a man on the make then, and Ana was still in her twen-
ties, plying her craft at the Actors Studio—the New York City 
theater institution that Marlon Brando, Robert De Niro, Jack 
Nicholson, and Jane Fonda had all been members of. 
Epstein told Ana that he'd formed a company, International 
Assets Group. 
To Ana, this sounded very impressive. In fact, IAG was a 
small operation that Epstein was running out of his apartment. 
102 
But if Ana had 
already see tIN 
maintain that 
who helped SE 
women he'd cu 
whole other kir 
Ones that n 
Andrew Levan( 
District of Nev% 
Force. He was a 
he was build in 
of Drysdale ex 
Epstein bringir 
Epstein came tc 
The woman 
Levander to 
lawyer named F 
himself, was as! 
hunt for the mo 
In effect, DC 
deadfalls. And I 
pany were less 
to the US attori 
had violated t1-. 
investments. 
This was w 
discretion— cat 
Ana Obregoi 
FILTHY RICH 
TERSON 
)f Spanish families _including 
—had invested with Drysdale. 
mdreds of millions of dollars. 
investors. 
ey Epstein was help in recover-
ing stupid,"" she told him. 
lyn accent. They blended well 
.vely. 
Is willing to help. 
e, with the money. The family 
Ll it? A scheme. He knew some of 
. And now the money is gone."" 
in recall that he was bad off after 
it was—from Bear Stearns. Mov-
a while. Sleeping in his lawyer's 
an apartment in the Solow Tower, 
fter all, Epstein left Bear Stearns 
Epstein's lifestyle was expensive. 
Len, and Ana was still in her twen-
ctors Studio — the New York City 
on Brando, Robert De Niro, Jack 
td all been members of. 
formed a company, International 
!.ry impressive. In fact, IAG was a 
was running out of his apartment. 
102 
But if Ana had known that, would she have cared? She could 
already see that Epstein was brilliant. And though she would 
maintain that their friendship was strictly platonic, it was Ana 
who helped set Epstein on his course. Like other beautiful 
women he'd cultivate throughout his life, she opened doors to 
whole other kingdoms. 
Ones that no boys from Brooklyn had even dreamed of. 
Andrew Levander was an assistant US attorney in the Southern 
District of New York's Securities and Commodities Fraud Task 
Force. He was assigned to look into Drysdale's collapse. The case 
he was building would result in fraud convictions for a number 
of Drysdale executives, and even today, Levander remembers 
Epstein bringing ""a very attractive woman"" to meet him when 
Epstein came to him in the course of the investigation. 
The woman was Ana Obregon. 
Levander told Ana that he was already working the case. A 
lawyer named Robert Gold, who was a former federal prosecutor 
himself, was assisting. And now Epstein would join them in the 
hunt for the monies. 
In effect, DGS had built a series of labyrinths, rabbit holes, 
deadfalls. And even investors who'd lost vast sums to the com-
pany were less than forthcoming when it came to speaking 
to the US attorney. Several of the investors were foreign. Some 
had violated their own countries' laws pertaining to foreign 
investments. 
This was where Epstein—with his calm, confident air of 
discretion —came in. 
Ana ObregOn gave Epstein power of attorney over any monies 
103 
JAMES PATTERSON 
that he recovered. And though it took him three years, working 
with Robert Gold and the US attorney's office, Epstein finally did 
make his way to the center of DGS's maze and recover ObregOn's 
money. 
Most of it was being held in a bank in the Cayman Islands. 
Epstein's agreement with Ana prevents us from knowing 
how much he recovered—and how much he kept. But given the 
amounts at stake, Epstein likely earned millions— or more—
and to this day Ana ObregOn has nothing but appreciation for 
what Epstein accomplished. 
""I know he's had some problems,"" she says. ""I don't want any-
thing to do with that."" 
As for Epstein, he came out of the deal with a new modus 
operandi: from now on, he'd only work with the super rich. 
104 
Eva Andersson: 
iss Swed( 
zling whi 
the stage 
winner of this, the 
Seoul, South Korea 
""And now that 
see which five girls 
Barker pauses, 
tightens. There are I 
even if they're not ( 
""On this card 
received the highe5 
interview, the swin 
Eva feels the 
standing in betwee. 
TERSON 
took him three years, working 
irney's office, Epstein finally did 
;S's maze and recover ObregOn's 
. bank in the Cayman Islands. 
na prevents us from knowing 
low much he kept. But given the 
y earned millions—or more — 
Las nothing but appreciation for 
ems,"" she says. ""I don't want any-
•t of the deal with a new modus Eva Andersson: July 8, 1980 
ly work with the super rich. 
.1, 
104 
CHAPTER 25 
Miss Sweden, Eva Birgitta Andersson, is wearing a daz-
zling white gown and sweating, ever so slightly, under 
the stage lights. But Bob Barker's about to announce the 
winner of this, the twenty-ninth Miss Universe pageant, held in 
Seoul, South Korea, and Eva's smile is as wide as the ocean. 
""And now that we know what Miss Universe will win, let's 
see which five girls are still in the running!"" 
Barker pauses, like the expert broadcaster he is. Eva's chest 
tightens. There are twelve women onstage, all of them beautiful—
even if they're not quite as beautiful as Miss Sweden. 
""On this card are the names of five contestants who have 
received the highest total score from our judges in the personal 
interview, the swimsuit, and the evening gown competition."" 
Eva feels the camera pan across the stage—pan across her, 
standing in between Miss Scotland and Miss Puerto Rico. 
105 
JAMES PATTERSON 
Why didn't any of 
always someone more 
corner. Perhaps none c 
urges. But he did have 2 
by his side through tl: 
with them. 
When he was thro 
say, they graduated up 
status of ""lover"" to ""fric 
In his estimation, th 
The world was ful 
friendship seemed to 13( 
""As a result, they will be our five finalists. As I call each name, 
you will see a figure on your television screen. That is the total 
score received by the contestant since she became a semifinalist. 
But one thing I would point out to you: the point total is not 
necessarily a sign of who our eventual winner will be. Being first 
now is no guarantee of being first at the time of our judges' final 
ballot."" 
Oh, get on with it, Miss Sweden thinks. And, as if by her com-
mand, Bob Barker does. 
""Now our five finalists. Good luck, girls! The first finalist is: 
Miss Sweden!"" 
Eva's hands fly up to her face. The time it takes her to walk to 
the front of the stage is all the time she needs to stop herself from 
crying. 
For Eva, it's not meant to be. Miss USA, Shawn Weatherly, wins 
that year's competition—she'll go on to become a star on Bay-
watch. But Eva's future is secure nonetheless. After the pageant, 
she'll spend three years studying in Stockholm, finish med 
school at UCLA, and become a doctor of internal medicine. 
Along the way, she'll meet Jeffrey Epstein. 
People who knew them when they were a couple say that Eva 
wanted to marry Epstein. One friend says he considered it seri-
ously. In the end, Eva ended up with a man named Glenn Dubin, 
though she and Epstein remained very close. And if Eva was the 
proverbial ""one who got away,"" Epstein ended up dating othe 
impressive women—world-class beauties—as he made .his way 
in the world. 
106 
FILTHY RICH 
TERSON 
ye finalists. As I call each name, 
:vision screen. That is the total 
;ince she became a semifinalist. 
t to you: the point total is not 
ntual winner will be. Being first 
;t at the time of our judges' final 
:n thinks. And, as if by her corn-
d luck, girls! The first finalist is: 
The time it takes her to walk to 
me she needs to stop herself from 
iiss USA, Shawn Weatherly, wins 
1 go on to become a star on Bay-
re nonetheless. After the pageant, 
lying in Stockholm, finish med 
doctor of internal medicine. 
Jeffrey Epstein. 
ten they were a couple say that Eva 
e friend says he considered it seri-
p with a man named Glenn Dubin, 
ined very close. And if Eva was the 
ty,"" Epstein ended up dating other 
lass beauties—as he made his way 
106 
Why didn't any of the romances take? Perhaps there was 
always someone more fabulous waiting for Epstein around the 
corner. Perhaps none of these women satisfied Epstein's deeper 
urges. But he did have a knack for keeping the women he'd dated 
by his side through thick and thin, long after he'd broken up 
with them. 
When he was through with his girlfriends, Epstein would 
say, they graduated up, not down, the ladder, moving from the 
status of ""lover"" to ""friend."" 
In his estimation, these shifts always constituted a promotion. 
The world was full of beautiful women. But for Epstein, 
friendship seemed to be a far more precious commodity. 
107 
Pay me fifty million c1( 
amount. 
At first Epstein did nc 
asked that the payment — 
escrow. If his strategy we 
bounced back to the client 
In the eighties, when 
much, much higher than 
50 percent, it was an ext] 
were other ways to make 
In 1982, Epstein sold his 
relatives, and others on an 
Michael Stroll, had run M 
company known for the 131 
Stroll put $450,000 int 
But in 1984, Michael 
repeated demands and r€ 
Epstein owed him, he got 
ment. Eventually he sued] 
ing 5440,000—the case 
Epstein told the judge tha 
ally the payment for a hop 
Like many cases invol 
of court, the terms of the f 
CHAPTER 26 
Jeffrey Epstein: 1984 
, 
ow did Jeffrey Epstein make all his money? 
Epstein would tell stories over the years about mon-
ies recovered from slippery characters. Sometimes, friends 
and former associates would say, he'd suggest he had ties to the 
government, giving listeners the impression that he was doing 
dangerous, glamorous work. 
Others said that what Epstein really did, at this stage in his 
career, was much more banal. According to them, Epstein spent 
most of his time coming up with creative new ways for the rich 
to avoid paying taxes. The commission for tax-avoidance deals 
was enormous, although the number of deals Epstein was involved 
with is a matter of conjecture, as is his record of successes and 
But Epstein's business model was evolving. He'd charge a fla 
failures. 
fee. No fancy math. No percentages. 
108 
FILTHY RICH 
CHAPTER 26 
lake all his money? 
tories over the years about mon-
ny characters. Sometimes, friends 
iy, he'd suggest he had ties to the 
rie impression that he was doing 
em n really did, at this stage in his 
According to them, Epstein spent 
ith creative new ways for the rich 
mmission for tax-avoidance deals 
Lmber of deals Epstein was involved 
, as is his record of successes and 
del was evolving. He'd charge a flat: 
itages. 
108 
Pay me fifty million dollars. Or pay the IRS seven times that 
amount. 
At first Epstein did not demand his fee up front. Instead he 
asked that the payment—often a substantial one—be put into 
escrow. If his strategy worked, he'd get paid. If not, the money 
bounced back to the client. 
In the eighties, when tax rates on the top 1 percent were 
much, much higher than they are today, topping out at close to 
50 percent, it was an extremely effective pitch. And then there 
were other ways to make money. 
In 1982, Epstein sold his wealthy friends, his friends' wealthy 
relatives, and others on an oil-drilling deal. One of the investors, 
Michael Stroll, had run Williams Electronics, an entertainment 
company known for the pinball machines it made. 
Stroll put $450,000 into the oil deal. 
But in 1984, Michael Stroll wanted his money back. Despite 
repeated demands and requests for a full accounting of what 
Epstein owed him, he got $10,000 back on his $450,000 invest-
ment. Eventually he sued Epstein in federal court for the remain-
ing $440,000—the case went on for a number of years. In court, 
Epstein told the judge that the $10,000 he'd returned was actu-
ally the payment for a horse Stroll had sold him. 
Like many cases involving Epstein, this one was settled out 
of court, the terms of the final agreement kept secret. 
109 
CHAPTER 27 
Steven Hoffenberg: July 10, 1987 
efore there was Bernie Madoff, there was Steven Hoffenberg. 
BIn 1987, Hoffenberg was the head of Towers Financial 
Corporation, a company that bought debts, such as unpaid 
medical bills, at a very steep discount while pressing the debtors 
to repay in full. He'd started the company fifteen years earlier 
with two thousand dollars and just a handful of employees. 
Thanks, in part, to a grueling work ethic, he'd turned that into a 
much bigger concern, with twelve hundred employees and stock 
that traded over the counter. But Hoffenberg still spent fifteen 
hours each day, six days a week, in his office. 
He wanted more. Hoffenberg was a Wall Street outsider. A 
Brooklyn boy. A college dropout, like Epstein. 
One thing Hoffenberg wanted was respect. The other was 
someone who was familiar with Wall Street's inner workings. Jef-
frey Epstein, who had traded options for Bear Stearns, fit the bill. 
110 
Hoffenberg began pa 
month for Epstein's exper 
The SEC had already 
ding with him out of cou 
securities. But Hoffenberg 
In the 1980s, several n 
the greenmailing of pub 
mailing means, in practio 
investors will start buyin 
vulnerable to takeover att 
utives at those companies 
It's risky, but very often tt 
profit. 
Yet another thing Hof 
American World Airways. 
its downward trajectory, t 
For Hoffenberg, the 
huge. 
According to Hoffenberg, 
over of Pan Am—a deal tl 
Steven Hoffenberg stil 
listening to him, one mus 
guilty to criminal conspit 
million swindle, a famili2 
Bernie Madoff case. 
Like so many others, 
without the necessary u: 
Spent at the office, he'd als 
FILTHY RICH 
CHAPTER 27 
1987 
[off, there was Steven Hoffenberg. 
ras the head of Towers Financial 
hat bought debts, such as unpaid 
scount while pressing the debtors 
the company fifteen years earlier 
nd just a handful of employees. 
work ethic, he'd turned that into a 
elve hundred employees and stock 
But Hoffenberg still spent fifteen 
in his office. 
)erg was a Wall Street outsider. A 
jut, like Epstein. 
anted was respect. The other was 
.th Wall Street's inner workings. jef-
Dptions for Bear Stearns, fit the bill. 
110 
Hoffenberg began paying twenty-five thousand dollars per 
month for Epstein's expertise as a consultant. 
The SEC had already looked into Hoffenberg's affairs, set-
tling with him out of court in a matter relating to unregistered 
securities. But Hoffenberg was dangling a very big prize. 
In the 1980s, several major financial players were involved in 
the greenmailing of publicly traded companies. What green-
mailing means, in practice, is that a brokerage house or group of 
investors will start buying shares in companies that seem to be 
vulnerable to takeover attempts. To ward off the attempts, exec-
utives at those companies will buy the shares back at a premium. 
It's risky, but very often the investors stand to make a handsome 
profit. 
Yet another thing Hoffenberg wanted was to take over Pan 
American World Airways. The iconic airline had already entered 
its downward trajectory, but it was still a giant. 
For Hoffenberg, the greenmailing profits could have been 
huge. 
According to Hoffenberg, Epstein handled the attempted take-
over of Pan Am—a deal that went sideways almost immediately. 
Steven Hoffenberg still has a lot to say on the subject. But in 
listening to him, one must bear in mind that in 1995, he pleaded 
guilty to criminal conspiracy and fraud charges involving a $460 
million swindle, a familiar scheme to anyone who followed the 
Bernie Madoff case. 
Like so many others, Hoffenberg had tried to fly very high 
Without the necessary updraft. And despite all the hours he 
,spent at the office, he'd also developed a taste for the high life. He 
111 
JAMES PATTERSON 
bought his own jet, a luxury yacht, and a Long Island mansion 
to go with his expensive Manhattan apartment. He'd also briefly 
owned a controlling interest in the New York Post. 
To cover his tracks, Hoffenberg had been taking money from 
investors and using it to pay previous investors. It was a classic 
Ponzi scheme—one of the biggest in history—and Hoffenberg 
ended up spending nineteen years in a federal prison. 
Why was Epstein not implicated in the case? All that Hoffen-
berg will say when asked is: ""Ask Robert Gold."" 
Another source suggests that Gold, the former federal prose-
cutor who had helped Epstein recover Ana Obregon's money, 
kept the US attorney away from Epstein until there were only a 
few weeks left before the statute of limitations ran out. 
As for Epstein himself, he would always deny any wrong-
doing. Despite his proximity to Hoffenberg, he managed to avoid 
the blast radius. 
1 
112 
Robert Meister: 1985 
Robert Meister, the vic( 
kerage and consulting 
in the mid-eighties, 
Palm Beach. Both men were 
the other looked familiar. Th 
and Meister filed the conven 
At that time, Les Wexner, w 
of Meister's insurance comp 
the people managing his mo 
Wexner was a billionaire 
were in a tangle. Maybe Epst 
would also be grateful for the 
there's evidence to suggest th 
his last Bear Stearns bonus—
recovered for Ana ObregOn—
T ER S ON 
ht, and a Long Island mansion 
tan apartment. He'd also briefly 
ie New York Post. 
rg had been taking money from 
vious investors. It was a classic 
.tst in history—and Hoffenberg 
Ts in a federal prison. 
tted in the case? All that Hoffen-
( Robert Gold."" 
t Gold, the former federal prose-
recover Ana ObregOn's money, 
t Epstein until there were only a 
: of limitations ran out. 
would always deny any wrong-
Hoffenberg, he managed to avoid 
112 
CHAPTER 28 
Robert Meister: 1985 
obert Meister, the vice chairman of a giant insurance bro-
kerage and consulting firm called Aon, met Jeffrey Epstein 
in the mid-eighties, aboard a flight from New York to 
Palm Beach. Both men were flying first class. Each one thought 
the other looked familiar. They talked in the course of that flight, 
and Meister filed the conversation away, only to recall it in 1989. 
At that time, Les Wexner, who was Meister's friend and a client 
of Meister's insurance company, was complaining to him about 
the people managing his money. 
Wexner was a billionaire, but for all his wealth, his finances 
were in a tangle. Maybe Epstein could help. And perhaps Epstein 
would also be grateful for the introduction. Hard as it is to believe, 
there's evidence to suggest that Epstein really had spent the last of 
his last Bear Stearns bonus—along with his share of the money he'd 
recovered for Ana ObregOn—and was broke, again, at the time. 
113 
JAMES PATTERSON 
One estranged friend says that he had to loan Epstein money 
to pay the bill at Epstein's garage, which had seized Epstein's car 
for nonpayment. 
Another estranged friend says that Epstein didn't have two 
nickels to rub together. 
Diana Crane, a former model, says that Epstein always had 
first-class upgrades he would give to his friends so they didn't 
have to fly economy class. 
""No one knew where or how he got them,"" Crane recalls. 
""Sometimes they worked, and other times they didn't. I remem-
ber he saw a friend of mine wearing a Concorde jacket. He asked 
if he could borrow it for a day or so. My friend never got the 
jacket back. But Epstein would tell people he always flew on the 
Concorde — a total lie."" 
But even if Epstein were flush, Les Wexner would have been 
a big fish to catch. 
From the get-go, Meister's wife, Wendy, had her suspicions 
about Epstein. About the way he presented himself and the way 
he worked himself into their inner circle. 
Before long, Wendy was calling Epstein the virus. 
But for Epstein, the Meisters weren't the point. Wexner was. 
And hard as it is to understand why the billionaire would 
associate with a man who'd worked with a Ponzi king like Steven 
Hoffenberg, it turned out that Wexner and Epstein would get 
along perfectly well. 
114 
Ghislaine Maxwell 
Robert Meister v 
Epstein, the bc 
social ladder. T 
heiress from the Unite 
of the world's most gla-
Maxwell was the : 
the most famous— ev 
Robert Maxwell, was 
'French Foreign Legioi 
had gone on to becon 
e'd become a media 
irth name was Jan L 
d in disgrace in 19 
e of his supersize y 
""The shtetl Solon 
ERSON 
he had to loan Epstein money 
which had seized Epstein's car 
3 that Epstein didn't have two 
, says that Epstein always had 
re to his friends so they didn't 
v he got them,"" Crane recalls. 
her times they didn't. I remem-
Lng a Concorde jacket. He asked 
or so. My friend never got the 
ell people he always flew on the 
h, Les Wexner would have been 
vife, Wendy, had her suspicions 
e presented himself and the way 
ner circle. 
.ing Epstein the virus. 
3 weren't the point. Wexner was. 
stand why the billionaire would 
:ked with a Ponzi king like Steven 
Wexner and Epstein would get 
114 
CHAPTER 29 
Ghislaine Maxwell: 1991 
Robert Meister was not the only friend who helped Jeffrey 
Epstein, the boy from Coney Island, on his way up the 
social ladder. There was also Ghislaine Maxwell, a wealthy 
heiress from the United Kingdom who'd retained her ties to some 
of the world's most glamorous and scandalous jet-setters. 
Maxwell was the youngest and most favored child of one of 
the most famous—even infamous —men in Europe. Her father, 
Robert Maxwell, was a Czech refugee who had fought in the 
French Foreign Legion and with the British in World War II and 
had gone on to become a member of Parliament. By the 1960s, 
he'd become a media baron. Born into a Hasidic family—his 
birth name was Jan Ludvik Hyman Binyamin Hoch—Maxwell 
died in disgrace in 1991 after falling or perhaps jumping off the 
side of his supersize yacht, the Lady Ghislaine. 
,, 
.. The shtetl Solotvyno, where I come from, it is no more,"" 
115 
JAMES PATTERSON 
Maxwell said a few months before his demise. ""It was poor. It 
was Orthodox. And it was Jewish. We were very poor. We didn't 
have things that other people had. They had shoes, they had 
food, and we didn't. At the end of the war, I discovered the fate of 
my parents and my sisters and brothers, relatives, and neighbors. 
I don't know what went through their minds as they realized 
that they'd been tricked into a gas chamber."" 
Maxwell's own death was followed by an international scan-
dal. It turned out that he'd stolen hundreds of millions of pounds 
from his companies' pension funds and used them to prop up his 
empire. Two of his sons were tried for conspiracy to commit 
fraud and ultimately exonerated. But Ghislaine, who had grown 
up in luxurious surroundings and counted the Duke of York, 
Prince Andrew, among her intimates, could not escape the dark 
shadow her father had cast. Looking to start fresh, she took the 
Concorde to New York City. 
At first, it seems, Maxwell and Epstein were lovers. ""She was 
madly in love with Jeffrey,"" says a longtime friend of Ghislaine's. 
Then they became something more. Ghislaine took care of 
Epstein's travel arrangements. She managed his household and 
opened doors that very few Brooklyn-born Jewish boys could 
have passed through. According to lawsuits and witness testi-
mony, she also became one of several women who procured 
young girls for Epstein. 
She was not jealous, according to people who knew her back 
then. If anything, Ghislaine seemed to take pleasure in satisfy-
ing Epstein's needs. 
Ghislaine introduced Epstein to a fabulous world that the 
116 
Brooklyn boy knew no 
taught Epstein the differ' 
But despite—or was ii 
Epstein, she, too, grach 
According to Jane Doe 
filed in 2009 by a womat 
of the services Maxwell 
ment of underage worn. 
papers, Maxwell has ye. 
Virginia, with any othe 
with, or with any criminl 
In a 2016 answer to a c 
Maxwell called the allep 
The case of Nadia B. 
first noticed by Epstein, 
in the eyes of her mothet 
Bjorlin's Iranian-bon 
years ago about her famil 
and Epstein. Bjorlin's fat 
music, had died a year 
this made the girl a vuln 
""She was at school a. 
Michigan, when she met 
""My daughter was a 5 
little girl, not mature for 
thought she was nine or • 
""Epstein was a big dc 
her father had died, so St 
He said, 'Here's my numt 
""He kept saying, `Cor 
ERSON 
FILTHY RICH 
-e his demise. ""It was poor. It 
We were very poor. We didn't 
id. They had shoes, they had 
the war, I discovered the fate of 
)thers, relatives, and neighbors. 
their minds as they realized 
; chamber."" 
owed by an international scan-
hundreds of millions of pounds 
Is and used them to prop up his 
ried for conspiracy to commit 
. But Ghislaine, who had grown 
md counted the Duke of York, 
lates, could not escape the dark 
king to start fresh, she took the 
L Epstein were lovers. ""She was 
a longtime friend of Ghislaine's. 
, more. Ghislaine took care of 
She managed his household and 
rooklyn-born Jewish boys could 
lg to lawsuits and witness testi-
)f several women who procured 
.ing to people who knew her back 
:emed to take pleasure in satisfy
ein to a fabulous world that the 
116 
Brooklyn boy knew nothing about. One friend jokes that she 
taught Epstein the difference between a fish fork and a salad fork. 
But despite—or was it because of? —Maxwell's devotion to 
Epstein, she, too, graduated from girlfriend to friend status. 
According to Jane Doe 102 vs. Jeffrey Epstein, a civil complaint 
filed in 2009 by a woman later identified as Virginia Roberts, one 
of the services Maxwell provided for Epstein was the procure-
ment of underage women. (Through her lawyer and in court 
papers, Maxwell has vehemently denied any involvement with 
Virginia, with any other young woman Epstein was involved 
with, or with any criminal activities committed by Jeffrey Epstein. 
In a 2016 answer to a defamation lawsuit brought by Roberts, 
Maxwell called the allegations fabricated for financial gain.) 
The case of Nadia Bjorlin, who was thirteen when she was 
first noticed by Epstein, raises questions in this regard, at least 
in the eyes of her mother. 
Bjorlin's Iranian-born mother spoke to a British tabloid some 
years ago about her family's disturbing experience with Maxwell 
and Epstein. Bjorlin's father, a celebrated conductor of classical 
music, had died a year earlier, the mother said. She believed that 
this made the girl a vulnerable and easy target. 
""She was at school at the famed Interlochen Arts Center, in 
Michigan, when she met Epstein,"" the mother said. 
""My daughter was a singer. She was a baby. She was a skinny 
little girl, not mature for her age. She was thirteen, but everyone 
thought she was nine or ten. 
""Epstein was a big donor, and he heard about Nadia and that 
her father had died, so she was vulnerable, and he contacted her. 
He said, 'Here's my number.' 
""He kept saying, 'Come—will you come?' He said he wanted 
117 
JAMES PATTERSON 
to help mentor her. I wouldn't let her meet him. What sort of a 
man approaches a young girl and asks to meet her?"" 
In the meantime, •Maxwell had become friendly with the 
family. ""I trusted Ghislaine; she was like a mother,"" Bjorlin's 
mother recalled. ""She was always calling my house. 
""Ghislaine didn't want me to meet Epstein, but I did anyway, 
and I asked what he wanted with Nadia. He said he wanted to 
help her singing career. He said, 'I'd like to be like a godfather.' It 
felt creepy. 
""I had a bad vibe about him and said, 'Stop!' I told him, 'No, 
thank you. She doesn't need your help.' I kept Nadia away from 
him. She never met him alone. She never went anywhere with him."" 
Despite her suspicions, it took Epstein's arrest to make Bjor-
lin's mother wonder whether Maxwell and Epstein hadn't been 
sizing her daughter up for his stable of underage women. 
118 
Leslie Wexner: 19.' 
Leslie Wexner, ti 
erner. Born in 
Russian-Jewish 
shooter— taciturn ar 
For several years 
was the largest yacht 
Wexner's emplo) 
fiercely loyal to therri 
In time, he'd corn 
""Everyone was n 
ys Robert Morosk 
tailer the Limited, 
""Almost everyor 
other former emp 
t of nowhere."" 
TERSON 
t her meet him. What sort of a 
asks to meet her?"" 
had become friendly with the 
e was like a mother,"" Bjorlin's 
; calling my house. 
meet Epstein, but I did anyway, 
th Nadia. He said he wanted to 
'I'd like to be like a godfather.' It 
and said, 'Stop!' I told him, 'No, 
ur help.' I kept Nadia away from 
e never went anywhere with him."" 
ok Epstein's arrest to make Bjor-
laxwell and Epstein hadn't been 
table of underage women. 
118 
CHAPTER 30 
Leslie Wexner: 1993 
Leslie Wexner, the richest man in Ohio, is a proud midwest-
erner. Born into the rag trade (Wexner's parents were 
Russian-Jewish immigrants), he grew up to be a straight 
shooter— taciturn and camera-shy. 
For several years running, his 315-foot boat, the Limitless, 
was the largest yacht owned by an American. • 
Wexner's employees loved him, and he was known to be 
fiercely loyal to them. 
In time, he'd come to see the same qualities in Jeffrey Epstein. 
""Everyone was mystified as to what [Epstein's] appeal was,"" 
says Robert Morosky, a former vice chairman of the clothing 
retailer the Limited, founded by Wexner. 
""Almost everyone at the Limited wondered who he was,"" 
another former employee of Wexner's recalls. -""He literally came 
out of nowhere."" 
119 
JAMES PATTERSON 
F1 
But it seems that Epstein did work hard to untangle Wexner's 
finances. And it appears he succeeded. ""Jeffrey cleaned that up 
right away,"" a former associate of Epstein's says. 
The two men became all but inseparable. 
""Very smart, with a combination of excellent judgment and 
unusually high standards,"" Wexner said of Epstein at the time. 
""Also, he is always a most loyal friend."" 
When Wexner wanted to break up with a woman he'd been 
dating for several years—a woman who moved to Ohio and con-
verted to Judaism to make him happy—he dispatched Epstein 
to do the dirty work. 
When Wexner hired a decorator for his Ohio mansion and 
wanted someone to verify the authenticity of several expensive 
antiques, Epstein flew in his friend Stuart Pivar, the renowned 
art collector and author. (According to Pivar, most of the antiques 
were cheap imitations.) When Wexner traveled abroad, he'd 
bring back trinkets and gifts for Epstein. When Wexner wanted 
to see Cats, Epstein arranged to have the cast perform in his 
mansion. 
In Ohio, Wexner's associates whispered about his relationship 
with Jeffrey Epstein. In New York, they wondered about Epstein's 
role in Wexner's 1993 marriage to Abigail Koppel. 
At thirty-one, Koppel was twenty-four years Wexner's junior. 
It was Epstein who negotiated the prenuptial agreement and 
orchestrated its very strange signing. Abigail signed the agree-
ment in her law office. Wexner signed it in his office. According 
to an associate of Epstein's who was present, Epstein brought a 
Sports Illustrated swimsuit model along to Wexner's office, as if 
to make the point that then 
world. As a joke, Epstein pl 
belly and had Wexner sign it 
Epstein asked his friend: 
""Yes, Jeffrey,"" said Wexne 
""It was an uproarious sce 
Jeffrey being Jeffrey. That wa 
'TERSON 
FILTHY RICH 
vork hard to untangle Wexner's 
eeded. ""Jeffrey cleaned that up 
Epstein's says. 
inseparable. 
ttion of excellent judgment and 
ner said of Epstein at the time. 
riend."" 
..ak up with a woman he'd been 
an who moved to Ohio and con-
happy — he dispatched Epstein 
rator for his Ohio mansion and 
iuthenticity of several expensive 
iend Stuart Pivar, the renowned 
ling to Pivar, most of the antiques 
Wexner traveled abroad, he'd 
r Epstein. When Wexner wanted 
to have the cast perform in his 
Nhispered about his relationship 
rk, they wondered about Epstein's 
!. to Abigail Koppel. 
wenty-four years Wexner's junior. 
:d the prenuptial agreement and 
Agning. Abigail signed the agree-
r signed it in his office. According 
lo was present, Epstein brought a 
del along to Wexner's office, as if 
120 
to make the point that there are other beautiful women in the 
world. As a joke, Epstein placed the agreement on the model's 
belly and had Wexner sign it right there. 
Epstein asked his friend: ""Are you sure you want to do this?"" 
""Yes, Jeffrey,"" said Wexner. ""Quite sure."" 
It was an uproarious scene,"" Epstein's associate recalls. ""Just 
Jeffrey being Jeffrey. That was his gestalt."" 
121 
PART 
The omen 
CHAPTER 31 
Mc2 Model Management's NYC branch is looking for ""highly 
motivated and energetic"" interns to assist their agents part-time 
or full-time. If you're thinking to yourself, who?, it's the agency 
founded by Jean-Luc Brunel, the guy who first signed Christy 
Turlington when she was just fourteen. Responsibilities include 
scanning pictures, answering phones, assisting with updating 
models' portfolios, and working in Photoshop, Word and Excel 
(so you have to already know what you're doing in those). You 
Must: Be interested in the fashion, modeling and photography 
industries, outgoing, well spoken, and able to keep cool while 
five different people demand Starbucks / copies / phone calls / 
etc. This is a great opportunity to get hands-on experience at a 
smaller agency, plus they can offer a stipend and a Met rocard 
as well as school credit if needed. Send your resume to intern@ 
mc2mm.com Good luck! 
—Julia Hermanns, Fashionista, January 30, 2009 
125 
JAMES PATTERSON• 
Jean-Luc Brunel: 2005 
IFor Jeffrey Epstein, Leslie Wexner is more than a mentor. 
More than the last in a line of older men—father figures—
whom Epstein cultivated while making his way in the 
world. 
Wexner is also a steady, if indirect, source of beautiful 
women. 
After all, Wexner is the man in charge of Victoria's Secret, 
part of the Limited family of companies and—better yet—in 
charge of the Victoria's Secret catalog. What this means for 
Epstein is models galore. In fact, like a fox that's gotten hold of 
the lease to a henhouse, Epstein, according to evidence collected 
in a later lawsuit brought by Epstein victims, eventually pro-
vided financial support for a modeling agency, and provided 
support for models employed by that agency, in New York City. 
This story begins with a Frenchman— a playboy modeling 
agent named Jean-Luc Brunel—who was an owner of the Karin 
modeling agency. 
Brunel had been working as a modeling agent since the sev-
enties. He claimed to have launched the careers of Monica Bel-
lucci, Estelle, Jerry Hall, Rachel Hunter, Milla Jovovich, Rebecca 
Romijn, Kristina Semenovskaya, Sharon Stone, and Estella War-
ren, as well as Christy Turlington and other well-known cover 
girls. Brunel had also been a subject of a 60 Minutes investiga-
tion, broadcast in 1988, into sexual exploitation in the modeling 
industry. That expose had caused Eileen Ford of the elite Ford 
modeling agency to sever her ties with the playboy. (Bruners 
activities were also chronicled in a 1995 book about the fashion 
126 
industry—Model: The 
Gross.) 
But Brunel's reputat 
getting involved in his 
According to a sun 
Edwards, a victims' law 
Epstein alleging fabrics 
Epstein had provided st 
its name, in 2005, from 
As a scout for MC2 
undiscovered talent, faN 
the former Soviet repuE 
eling competitions and 
eling agents and agenci 
But according to th 
the information he ha( 
and Brunel had used th 
eign countries into the 
ing contracts. These g 
belonging to Epstein. 
visa for these girls,"" 
underage girls rent, pre 
the condos."" 
""I strongly deny I 
indirectly, in the actior 
Brunel would say. ""I st 
act or any wrongdoing 
model agencies manag 
cal standard for almosi 
According to Brut 
ERSON. 
FILTHY RICH 
xner is more than a mentor. 
f older men— father figures — 
thile making his way in the 
indirect, source of beautiful 
in charge of Victoria's Secret, 
mpanies and—better yet—in 
catalog. What this means for 
like a fox that's gotten hold of 
according to evidence collected 
pstein victims, eventually pro-
lodeling agency, and provided 
that agency, in New York City. 
mchman— a playboy modeling 
who was an owner of the Karin 
a modeling agent since the sev-
.ched the careers of Monica Bel-
Hunter, Milla Jovovich, Rebecca 
Sharon Stone, and Estella War-
ton and other well-known cover 
ubject of a 60 Minutes investiga-
(ual exploitation in the modeling 
sed Eileen Ford of the elite Ford 
ties with the playboy. (Bruners 
in a 1995 book about the fashion • 
126 
industry—Model: The Ugly Business of Beautiful Women, by Michael 
Gross.) 
But Brunel's reputation did not prevent Jeffrey Epstein from 
getting involved in his business. 
According to a summary judgment court filing by Bradley 
Edwards, a victims' lawyer defending against a lawsuit by Jeffrey 
Epstein alleging fabrication of sexual assault cases against him, 
Epstein had provided support for Brunel's agency, which changed 
its name, in 2005, from Karin to MC2 — as in E = mc2. 
As a scout for MC2, Brunel traveled the world in search of 
undiscovered talent, favoring Scandinavia, Israel, central Europe, 
the former Soviet republics, and South America, setting up mod-
eling competitions and negotiating with other international mod-
eling agents and agencies. 
But according to the court filing, in which Edwards detailed 
the information he had gathered in support of victims, Epstein 
and Brunel had used the agency to bring underage girls from for-
eign countries into the United States by promising them model-
ing contracts. These girls were then housed in condominiums 
belonging to Epstein. ""Epstein and Brunel would then obtain a 
visa for these girls,"" the document states, ""then charge the 
underage girls rent, presumably to live as underage prostitutes in 
the condos."" 
""I strongly deny having participated, neither directly nor 
indirectly, in the actions Mr. Jeffrey Epstein is being accused of,"" 
Brunel would say. ""I strongly deny having committed any illicit 
act or any wrongdoing in the course of my work as a scouter or 
model agencies manager. I have exercised with the utmost ethi-
cal standard for almost forty years."" 
According to Brunel, his association with Jeffrey Epstein 
127 
JAMES PATTERSON 
ended up having a strong negative impact on his reputation and 
business. Several photographers refused to work with him. Other 
agencies, such as Modilinos Model Management, curtailed their 
relationships with Brunel. And in 2015, Brunel filed his own 
civil lawsuit against Jeffrey Epstein, denying that he had any role 
in Epstein's illegal activities, alleging that Epstein had obstructed 
justice by telling him to avoid having his deposition taken in the 
criminal case the Palm Beach PD had built against Epstein, and 
claiming that false allegations of Brunel's links to Epstein's activ-
ities had harmed his reputation and cost him a great deal of 
business. 
In his filing, Brunel included several e-mails from industry 
contacts who expressed their doubts about placing models with 
his agency. ""Parents don't want their daughters coming to us 
because [when] they google your name and the agency name the 
only things they see is 'Sex Trafficking'!!!"" one correspondent 
had written. 
128 
Nadia Marcinkova: circ 
C2 has offices in I\ 
motion—flying to 
Virgin Islands. Oi 
Paris. And when he comes 
where important people — c 
university presidents, Nobe 
ex-presidents, and heads of si 
Some guests marvel in p1 
do they come from? 
Nadia Marcinkova com( 
model. But Nadia's done very 
become another of Epstein's 
According to statements 
also served as a willing acc( 
on underage females. 
ERSON 
impact on his reputation and 
used to work with him. Other 
Management, curtailed their 
2015, Brunel filed his own 
, denying that he had any role 
ig that Epstein had obstructed 
ng his deposition taken in the 
had built against Epstein, and 
runel's links to Epstein's activ-
and cost him a great deal of 
several e-mails from industry 
bts about placing models with 
:heir daughters coming to us 
lame and the agency name the 
licking'! !!"" one correspondent 
1 
Nadia Marcinkova: circa 2000 
Paris. 
where 
CHAPTER 32 
C2 has offices in New York City. But Jeffrey's always in 
motion—flying to his homes in New Mexico and the 
Virgin Islands. Often to Palm Beach. Sometimes to 
And when he comes home to New York he hosts parties 
important people—corporate titans, real estate tycoons, 
university presidents, Nobel Prize—winning scientists, princes, 
ex-presidents, and heads of state—mingle with beautiful women. 
Some guests marvel in public: Who are these women? Where 
do they come from? 
Nadia Marcinkova comes from Slovakia. She looks like a 
model. But Nadia's done very little modeling, if any. Instead she's 
become another of Epstein's girlfriends. 
According to statements given to the Palm Beach police, she's 
also served as a willing accomplice in Epstein's sexual assaults 
on underage females. 
129 
JAMES PATTERSON 
Epstein prefers diminutive women, but Nadia is tall. She's 
rail-thin and blond like the sun, with glowing skin, a wide smile, 
and sky-high cheekbones. 
On a good day, she could pass for a Bond girl— a woman 
caught up in a web of crime and intrigue. But of course, that's 
exactly what she is. 
In certain circles, the academics and the women in Epstein's 
orbit are almost a joke. In a 2003 profile of him, New York maga-
zine quotes Harvard professors (""He is amazing""), Princeton 
professors (""He changed my life""), MIT professors (""If I had acted 
upon the investment advice he has given me over the years, I'd 
be calling you from my Gulfstream right now""), and other lumi-
naries, up to and including Bill Clinton. 
""I've known Jeff for fifteen years,"" says Donald Trump. 
""Terrific guy; he's a lot of fun to be with."" 
No one knew then that someday Trump would run for presi-
dent. (When he does, he'll attack Hillary Clinton for Bill Clinton's 
own entanglements with Epstein.) But Trump's already ahead of 
the curve in that he ends up severing his ties to Epstein well 
before the police or the media get wind of Epstein's penchant for 
underage girls. 
He does this because he finds out that in their endless hunt 
for ""masseuses,"" Epstein's procurers have been prowling around 
Trump's estate in Palm Beach. 
130 
Virginia Roberts: 1999 
P1' rump's estate, Mar-
ulously wealthy he: 
sits on twenty perfi 
miles away from Jeffrey E 
home to the exclusive Mar-
courts, and a very posh rest 
Donald Trump had fou 
they blocked all his efforts I 
Other clubs on the island-
blacks and Jews— had neve 
argued. At one point he seni 
ber of the town council: Gu 
Sidney Poitier confronts his 
tleman's Agreement, in which 
in Connecticut and New Yoi 
TERSON 
1 
omen, but Nadia is tall. She's 
rith glowing skin, a wide smile, 
tss for a Bond girl—a woman 
intrigue. But of course, that's 
CHAPTER 33 
:s and the women in Epstein's 
profile of him, New York maga-
; (""He is amazing""), Princeton 
), MIT professors (""If I had acted 
has given me over the years, I'd 
am right now""), and other lumi-
:linton. 
n years,"" says Donald Trump. 
be with."" 
.day Trump would run for presi-
z Hillary Clinton for Bill Clinton's 
.n.) But Trump's already ahead of 
;evering his ties to Epstein well 
;et wind of Epstein's penchant for 
tds out that in their endless hunt 
urers have been prowling around 
130 
ie 
Virginia Roberts: 1999 
Trump's estate, Mar-a-Lago, had once belonged to the fab-
ulously wealthy heiress Marjorie Merriweather Post. It 
sits on twenty perfectly manicured acres less than two 
miles away from Jeffrey Epstein's home on El Brillo Way. It's 
home to the exclusive Mar-a-Lago Club, which has a spa, tennis 
courts, and a very posh restaurant. 
Donald Trump had fought the town council for decades as 
they blocked all his efforts to turn the place into a private resort. 
Other clubs on the island— those with a history of excluding 
blacks and Jews— had never faced such restrictions, Trump had 
argued. At one point he sent copies of two movies to every mem-
ber of the town council: Guess Who's Coming to Dinner, in which 
Sidney Poitier confronts his girlfriend's racist parents, and Gen-
tleman's Agreement, in which a journalist confronts anti-Semitism 
in Connecticut and New York City. 
131 
JAMES PATTERSON 
""Whether they love me or not, everyone agrees the greatest 
and most important place in Palm Beach is Mar-a-Lago,"" Trump 
told the Washington Post after winning his battle. ""I took this 
ultimate place and made it incredible and opened it, essentially, 
to the people of Palm Beach. The fact that I owned it made it a lot 
easier to get along with the Palm Beach establishment."" 
The Breakers hotel, Trump explained, ""gets the [island's] 
leftovers."" 
It cost $100,000 to join the club. Members paid $14,000 
yearly in dues. And although Epstein had never properly joined 
the club, Trump's friendship with Ghislaine Maxwell gave Epstein 
unlimited use of the facilities. 
This arrangement ended when a member's young daughter 
complained to her wealthy father: while relaxing at Mar-a-Lago, 
she'd been approached and invited out to Epstein's house. 
The girl said that she had gone and that Epstein had tried to 
get her to undress. 
The girl's father had gone directly to Trump, who —in no 
uncertain terms—told Epstein that he was barred from Mar-a-
Lago. 
Because no complaint was filed, the police had taken no 
action. But years later, a woman named Virginia Roberts would 
say that, as a young girl, she'd had an identical encounter at 
Mar-a-Lago. 
According to a court document Virginia filed in her civil 
lawsuit against Epstein, she was a changing-room assistant at 
Mar-a-Lago, earning about nine dollars an hour, when Ghislaine 
Maxwell approached her. Maxwell asked Virginia if she was 
interested in learning to be a massage therapist—which, it 
turned out, she was. Like the other girl, Virginia told her father, 
132 
who was also employed at 
ager. But Virginia's father s 
he drove her, later that day 
There, according to thE 
ia's father that Ms. Maxwel 
for his teenage daughter. T 
room equipped with a sl 
Epstein was lying, naked, c 
Virginia was shocked, 
experience with massages, 
apy protocol. ""Ms. Maxwel 
on her underwear and 
[Jeffrey's] body, impliedly 
expected to do,"" the filing 
[Virginia] to take off her cl 
sive about doing this, but, in 
by removing everything but 
to remove her underwear a 
escalated, with [Jeffrey] at 
battering, exploiting, and at 
in various locations, incluc 
At the end of this sexua 
Ms. Maxwell giddily told 1. 
and told her she had 'lots c 
hundreds of dollars, told h 
directed one of her employe 
At the time, Virginia wa 
ERSON 
FILTHY RICH 
everyone agrees the greatest 
Beach is Mar-a-Lago,"" Trump 
ming his battle. ""I took this 
ble and. opened it, essentially, 
la that I owned it made it a lot 
;each establishment."" 
:xplained, ""gets the [island's] 
club. Members paid $14,000 
tein had never properly joined 
3hislaine Maxwell gave Epstein 
m. a member's young daughter 
while relaxing at Mar-a-Lago, 
d out to Epstein's house. 
le and that Epstein had tried to 
irectly to Trump, who —in no 
that he was barred from Mar-a-
filed, the police had taken no 
named Virginia Roberts would 
had an identical encounter at 
ment Virginia filed in her civil 
as a changing-room assistant at 
: dollars an hour, when Ghislaine 
(well asked Virginia if she was 
a massage therapist—which, it 
ther girl, Virginia told her father, 
132 
II 
4 
who was also employed at Mar-a-Lago as a maintenance man-
ager. But Virginia's father saw nothing wrong with the offer, and 
he drove her, later that day, to Epstein's house on El Brillo Way. 
There, according to the document, Maxwell assured Virgin-
ia's father that Ms. Maxwell would provide transportation home 
for his teenage daughter. Then she led Virginia upstairs, to a spa 
room equipped with a shower and a massage table. Jeffrey 
Epstein was lying, naked, on the table. 
Virginia was shocked, she says in the filing, but, with no 
experience with massages, thought this could be massage ther-
apy protocol. ""Ms. Maxwell then took off her own shirt and left 
on her underwear and started rubbing her breasts across 
[Jeffrey's] body, impliedly showing [Virginia] what she was 
expected to do,"" the filing continues. ""Ms. Maxwell then told 
[Virginia] to take off her clothes. The minor girl was apprehen-
sive about doing this, but, in fear, proceeded to follow Ms. Maxwell 
by removing everything but her underwear. She was then ordered 
to remove her underwear and straddle [Epstein]. The encounter 
escalated, with [Jeffrey] and Ms. Maxwell sexually assaulting, 
battering, exploiting, and abusing [Virginia] in various ways and 
in various locations, including the steam room and the shower. 
At the end of this sexually exploitive abuse, [Epstein] and 
Ms. Maxwell giddily told [Virginia] to return the following day 
and told her she had 'lots of potential.' [Epstein] paid [Virginia] 
hundreds of dollars, told her it was for two hours of work, and 
directed one of her employees to drive her home."" 
At the time, Virginia was fifteen years old. 
133 
CHAPTER 34 
Declaration of Virginia Roberts Giuffre: January 19, 
2015, filed on January 19, 2015 by attorneys 
representing Jeffrey Epstein's victims 
1. My name is Virginia Giuffre and I was born in August, 
1983. 
2. I am currently 31 years old. 
3. I grew up in Palm Beach, Florida. When I was little, I 
loved animals and wanted to be a veterinarian. But my life 
took a very different turn when adults—including Jeffrey 
Epstein and his close friend Alan Dershowitz —began to be 
interested in having sex with me. 
4. In approximately 1999, when I was 15 years old, I met 
Ghislaine Maxwell. She is the daughter of Robert Maxwell, 
who had been a wealthy publisher in Britain. Maxwell asked 
that I come with her to Jeffrey Epstein's mansion for the pur-
poses of teaching me how to perform ""massages"" and to train 
134 
Fu. 
me personally in that area. 
home in Palm Beach on El 
5. From the first time. 
that day, his motivations c 
Maxwell's. My father was 
up some stairs. There was c 
in the room. Epstein and 
activity with Epstein. I lc 
seemed to be in his 40s or 5 
home by one of Epstein's ern 
6. I came back for sev. 
same sorts of sexual things j 
7. After I did those things 
they were going to have me ti 
cation for me. They were pro; 
travel with Epstein on his pri. 
fession. Epstein said he womb 
wealthy person so that I woul 
8. So I started ""working"" 
me to New York on his big, 
sion in New York City. I was 
rious room. The mansion wc 
got scared because it was si 
room with a massage parlor 
sexual activities with him the 
9. You can see how you 
below [see insert page 31. 
10. Epstein took me on aj 
New York City and there he 
approximately 15 or 16 years 
1 
FILTHY RICH 
CHAPTER 34 
erts Giuffre: January 19, 
015 by attorneys 
i's victims 
fre and I was born in August, 
; old. 
:h, Florida. When I was little, I 
s be a veterinarian. But my life 
'hen adults— including Jeffrey 
Alan Dershowitz— began to be 
me. 
when I was 15 years old, I met 
ie daughter of Robert Maxwell, 
tisher in Britain. Maxwell asked 
'y Epstein's mansion for the pur-
oerform ""massages"" and to train 
134 
me personally in that area. Soon after that I went to Epstein's 
home in Palm Beach on El Brill° Way. 
5. From the first time I was taken to Epstein's mansion 
that day, his motivations and actions were sexual, as were 
Maxwell's. My father was not allowed inside. I was brought 
up some stairs. There was a naked guy, Epstein, on the table 
in the room. Epstein and Maxwell forced me into sexual 
activity with Epstein. I was 15 years old at the time. He 
seemed to be in his 40s or 50s. I was paid $200. I was driven 
home by one of Epstein's employees. 
6. I came back for several days following and did the 
same sorts of sexual things for Epstein. 
7. After I did those things for Epstein, he and Maxwell said 
they were going to have me travel and were going to get an edu-
cation for me. They were promising me the world, that I would 
travel with Epstein on his private jet and have a well-paid pro-
fession. Epstein said he would eventually match me up with a 
wealthy person so that I would be ""set up"" for life. 
8. So I started ""working"" exclusively for Epstein. He took 
me to New York on his big, private jet. We went to his man-
sion in New York City. I was shown to my room, a very luxu-
rious room. The mansion was huge. I was very young and I 
got scared because it was so big. Epstein brought me to a 
room with a massage parlor. Epstein made me engage [in] 
sexual activities with him there. 
9. You can see how young I looked in the photograph 
below [see insert page 3]. 
.10. Epstein took me on a ferry boat on one of the trips to 
New York City and there he took the picture above. I was 
approximately 15 or 16 years old at the time. 
135 
JAMES PATTERSON 
11. Over the next few weeks, Jeffrey Epstein and Ghis-
laine Maxwell trained me to do what they wanted, including 
sexual activities. The training was in New York and Florida, 
at Epstein's mansion. It was basically every day and it was 
like going to school. I also had to have sex with Epstein many 
times. 
12. I was trained to be ""everything a man wanted me to 
be."" It wasn't just sexual training—they wanted me to be 
able to cater to all the needs of the men they were going to 
send me to. They said that they loved that I was very compli-
ant and knew how to keep my mouth shut about what they 
expected me to do. 
13. Epstein and Maxwell also told me that they wanted 
me to produce information for them in addition to perform-
ing sex on the men. They told me to pay attention to the 
details about what the men wanted, so I could report back to 
them. 
14. While I had juvenile hopes of bettering my life, from 
very early on I was also afraid of Epstein. Epstein told me he 
was a billionaire. I told my mother that I was working for 
this rich guy, and she said ""go, go far away."" Epstein had 
promised me a lot, and I knew if I left I would be in big trou-
ble. I was witness to a lot of illegal and bad behavior by 
Epstein and his friends. If I left Epstein, he knew all kinds of 
powerful people. He could have had me killed or abducted, 
and I knew he was capable of that if I did not obey him. He 
let me know that he knew many people in high places. Speak-
ing about himself, he said ""I can get away"" with things. Even 
as a teenager, I understood what this meant and it scared me, 
as I believe he intended. 
136 
FILTF 
15. 1 visited and traveled 
through the summer of 2002 
with him for sexual activities 
sions) in locations including 
area of Santa Fe, New MeA 
island in the U.S. Virgin Islam 
with him often in these places 
pie he demanded that I have 
many of these sexual encounte 
my only purposes for Epsteir 
was to be used for sex. 
16. To illustrate my conno 
four photographs taken of me in 
for one of the photographs ni 
museum in Santa Fe, New Mexi. 
the day. Epstein took this picture 
at the time, judging from the lo( 
we returned to Epstein's Zorro R, 
on one of Epstein's horses on a 
following two are from wintertirr 
17. When I was with him, El 
girls on a daily basis. His inte 
obvious to the people around 
obvious and bold that anyone si 
at one of Epstein's residences we 
of what was going on. 
18. Epstein's code word for s( 
was a ""massage."" At times the 
and the girls would start in the I 
was always a sexual encounter a 
137 
FERSON 
FILTHY RICH 
s, Jeffrey Epstein and Ghis-
what they wanted, including 
as in New York and Florida, 
sically every day and it was 
) have sex with Epstein many 
rything a man wanted me to 
ing— they wanted me to be 
f the men they were going to 
loved that I was very compli-
mouth shut about what they 
[lso told me that they wanted 
them in addition to perform-
d me to pay attention to the 
nted, so I could report back to 
9pes of bettering my life, from 
r of Epstein. Epstein told me he 
lother that I was working for 
go, go far away."" Epstein had 
if I left I would be in big trou-
f illegal and bad behavior by 
ft Epstein, he knew all kinds of 
tve had me killed or abducted, 
f that if I did not obey him. He 
rty people in high places. Speak-
:an get away"" with things. Even 
hat this meant and it scared me, 
136 
15. I visited and traveled with Jeffrey Epstein from 1999 
through the summer of 2002, and during that time I stayed 
with him for sexual activities at each of his houses (or man-
sions) in locations including New York City, New York; the 
area of Santa Fe, New Mexico; Palm Beach, Florida; an 
island in the U.S. Virgin Islands; and Paris, France. I had sex 
with him often in these places and also with the various peo-
ple he demanded that I have sex with. Epstein paid me for 
many of these sexual encounters. Looking back, I realize that 
my only purposes for Epstein, Maxwell, and their friends 
was to be used for sex. 
16. To illustrate my connection to these places, I include 
four photographs taken of me in New Mexico [see insert page 3 
for one of the photographs mentioned]. The first one is a 
museum in Santa Fe, New Mexico. We had gone sightseeing for 
the day. Epstein took this picture of me. I was approximately 17 
at the time, judging from the looks of it. At the end of the day 
we returned to Epstein's Zorro Ranch. The second picture is me 
on one of Epstein's horses on the ranch in New Mexico. The 
following two are from wintertime in New Mexico. 
17. When I was with him, Epstein had sex with underage 
girls on a daily basis. His interest in this kind of sex was 
obvious to the people around him. The activities were so 
obvious and bold that anyone spending any significant time 
at one of Epstein's residences would have clearly been aware 
of what was going on. 
18. Epstein's code word for sexual encounters was that it 
was a ""massage."" At times the interaction between Epstein 
and the girls would start in the massage room setting, but it 
was always a sexual encounter and never just a massage. 
137 
JAMES PATTERSON 
19. In addition to constantly finding underage girls to 
satisfy their personal desires, Epstein and Maxwell also got 
girls for Epstein's friends and acquaintances. Epstein specifi-
cally told me that the reason for him doing this was so that 
they would ""owe him,"" they would ""be in his pocket,"" and he 
would ""have something on them."" I understood that Epstein 
thought he could get leniency if he was ever caught doing 
anything illegal, or that he could escape trouble altogether. 
Roberts submitted her declaration in support of a motion to 
be added as a plaintiff in a suit (ongoing, as of this writing) that 
sought to overturn a non-prosecution agreement that Jeffrey 
Epstein would reach with the government. Roberts was seeking 
to join a case brought against the government by two other vic-
tims, but a judge denied her motion in April of 2015, explaining 
that the case had already been pending for several years, and it 
was unneccesary to add an additional plaintiff. 
Roberts's declaration, which goes on for another eight pages, and 
makes twenty-four additional points, was stricken from the record—
the judge explained that the ""lurid"" and ""unnecessary details"" 
involving ""non-parties"" to the lawsuit against the government, were 
""immaterial and impertinent"" to the proceedings. 
Through a representative, Ghislaine Maxwell called the 
allegations against her ""obvious lies,"" after which Roberts filed a 
defamation suit against Maxwell. In an answer filed in the suit, 
Maxwell elaborated that Roberts's ""story of abuse at the hands of 
Ms. Maxwell"" was ""fabricated"" for financial gain. 
138 
Alicia: May 20, 1997 
Donald Trump's instin 
solid. But if the repc 
into Epstein's myster 
ther, there's a chance they wc 
not just in Palm Beach. 
In California, for instan 
from the Santa Monica Police 
In the spring--almost the 
the police. The young woman i 
appeared on Baywatch and Gei 
ally assaulted at a trendy hotel 
- The officer who took th 
Alicia*—and her voice. A w 
Alicia's name, some identifying ( 
tERSON 
ly finding underage girls to 
pstein and Maxwell also got 
:quaintances. Epstein specifi-
r him doing this was so that 
tld ""be in his pocket,"" and he 
vi."" I understood that Epstein 
if he was ever caught doing 
d escape trouble altogether. 
ation in support of a motion to 
mgoing, as of this writing) that 
cution agreement that Jeffrey 
vernment. Roberts was seeking 
e government by two other vic-
ion in April of 2015, explaining 
)ending for several years, and it 
ional plaintiff. 
)es on for another eight pages, and 
its, was stricken from the record—
urid"" and ""unnecessary details"" 
suit against the government, were 
he proceedings. 
Ghislaine Maxwell called the 
lies,"" after which Roberts filed a 
11. In an answer filed in the suit, 
s's ""story of abuse at the hands of 
for financial gain. 
138 
CHAPTER 35 
Alicia: May 20, 1997 
Donald Trump's instincts regarding Jeffrey Epstein were 
solid. But if the reporters who were beginning to look 
into Epstein's mysterious background had dug a bit fur-
ther, there's a chance they would have hit pay dirt as well—and 
not just in Palm Beach. 
In California, for instance, a paper trail already stretched 
from the Santa Monica Police Department to Epstein's front door. 
In the spring—almost the summer—of 1997, a call came in to 
the police. The young woman who placed it—a young actress who'd 
appeared on Baywatch and General Hospital—said she'd been sexu-
ally assaulted at a trendy hotel called Shutters on the Beach. 
The officer who took the call knew the woman's name — 
Alicia* — and her voice. A week earlier, she'd told him about an 
Alicia's name, some identifying details, and dialogue have been changed. 
139 
FIU 
JAMES PATTERSON 
Then, Alicia told the cop, 
her will while acting as thoue 
had stopped Epstein, and left 
incident. 
At the top of his crime 
Battery."" But Epstein was ne. 
Santa Monica Police Departme 
allegations of improper condu 
no action on this 1997 comp 
attorney, Jack Goldberger, told 
""The cops said it'd be my 
paper. ""And since he had a 
thought much about it since, 1 
now, I want everybody to kno‘ 
been."" 
encounter with Epstein. The woman had not wanted to make a 
formal complaint at the time. But she had taken the cop's card, 
and now he was happy to hear that she'd changed her mind. 
In a shaky voice, Alicia described Epstein as a tallish man—
five feet eleven or six feet in height was her guess—with gray 
hair and brown eyes. He was the owner of a large black four-door 
Mercedes and was a regular at Shutters on the Beach, which was 
the kind of place that cost one thousand dollars a night and was 
frequented by actors, agents, and other Hollywood types. 
Alicia told the cop that she was a model and actress herself. 
She'd known Epstein for about a month. They had a friend in 
common, and she'd sent him her head shots. 
Then, through an assistant, Epstein had invited her to meet 
in his room at the hotel. 
Alicia said she was having reservations, the officer wrote in his 
report, because generally interviews are not conducted in hotel 
According to her, things turned frightening quickly. 
She was unsure she was safe because although she wanted to 
land the job as a 'Victoria's Secret' catalog model she felt as 
though Epstein was attempting to get her to act in an unpro-
fessional manner for a model. 
Epstein wore navy blue sweatpants and a white T-shirt, she 
recalled. The T-shirt had the letters USA printed on it in patriotic 
red, white, and blue. 
Epstein told her to undress and actually assisted her to do so 
while saying 'let me manhandle you for a second.' 
140 
TERSON 
FILTHY RICH 
nan had not wanted to make a 
t she had taken the cop's card, 
at she'd changed her mind. 
ibed Epstein as a tallish man — 
ght was her guess—with gray 
owner of a large black four-door 
tutters on the Beach, which was 
tousand dollars a night and was 
. other Hollywood types. 
vas a model and actress herself. 
a month. They had a friend in 
head shots. 
Epstein had invited her to meet 
_rvations, the officer wrote in his 
tiews are not conducted in hotel 
ned frightening quickly. 
)ecause although she wanted to 
ecret' catalog model she felt as 
tg to get her to act in an unpro-
eatpants and a white T-shirt, she 
.ters USA printed on it in patriotic 
rid actually assisted her to do so 
die you for a second.' 
Then, Alicia told the cop, Epstein groped her buttocks against 
her will while acting as though he was evaluating her body. Alicia 
had stopped Epstein, and left the room, but couldn't get over the 
incident. 
At the top of his crime report, the officer wrote ""Sexual 
Battery."" But Epstein was never charged in the incident. ""The 
Santa Monica Police Department discounted every one of [Alicia's] 
allegations of improper conduct by Jeffrey Epstein and they took 
no action on this 1997 complaint,"" Epstein's West Palm Beach 
attorney, Jack Goldberger, told the Palm Beach Post in 2010. 
""The cops said it'd be my word against his,"" Alicia told the 
paper. ""And since he had a lot of money, I let it go. I hadn't 
thought much about it since, until I saw his picture online. And 
now, I want everybody to know how much of a creep he's always 
been."" 
CHAPTER 36 
Graydon Carter: December 2002 
Graydon Carter, the legendary editor of Vanity Fair, likes to 
get to his office early, well before the rest of his staff 
files in. 
Most monthly magazines operate at a leisurely pace— three 
weeks of coming up with ideas, assigning articles, and shooting 
the shit in the corporate kitchen followed by one frantic week 
when all the actual editing gets done. But this isn't the case at 
Vanity Fair, which runs hard-hitting investigative pieces along-
side its glitzy celebrity profiles. There are also parties to plan 
and host—incredibly glamorous parties, including the annual 
Oscar-night bash, which is more fun and far more exclusive than 
the Academy Awards ceremony itself. Vanity Fair is an old, 
famous brand. But Carter is its public face, just as Anna Wintour 
is the face of Conde Nast's iconic fashion magazine, Vogue. 
142 
One cover of Vanity F 
superstar. And a single tl 
down a corporate overlorc. 
Carter's easy to recogr 
a lion's mane. The Santa ( 
tailored bespoke suit. He s 
be more serious about hi! 
heavily on him this montl 
to Vicky Ward, an English 
ity Fair. He'd meant for it 
pregnant with twins. She 
story right on her doorster 
Who was he, really? Cat 
attended by academics, bull 
he'd flown Bill Clinton tc 
how he had made his fort 
tor of F. Scott Fitzgerald's 
Carter himself could h 
his case, the author would 
dropout who'd worked as 
York in his late twenties al 
rise up the social and med 
and outgoing, Epstein red 
him was known. Maybe, 
What did Epstein do, exact 
Why were so many 
And where did those beaut 
Almost immediately, F 
Ward. He prevailed upon 
FILTHY RICH 
CHAPTER 36 
2002 
lary editor of Vanity Fair, likes to 
yell before the rest of his staff 
)erate at a leisurely pace—three 
assigning articles, and shooting 
m followed by one frantic week 
s done. But this isn't the case at 
itting investigative pieces along-
3. There are also parties to plan 
us parties, including the annual 
e fun and far more exclusive than 
ny itself. Vanity Fair is an old, 
public face, just as Anna Wintour 
ic fashion magazine, Vogue. 
142 
One cover of Vanity Fair can turn a minor celebrity into a 
superstar. And a single thoroughly researched story can bring 
down a corporate overlord. 
Carter's easy to recognize: the pompadour of white hair, like 
a lion's mane. The Santa Claus body stuffed into an impeccably 
tailored bespoke suit. He wears his fame lightly. But he could not 
be more serious about his responsibilities, which are weighing 
heavily on him this month. Months earlier, he'd assigned a piece 
to Vicky Ward, an Englishwoman who wrote frequently for Van-
ity Fair. He'd meant for it to be an easy assignment: Ward was 
pregnant with twins. She wasn't allowed to fly. But here was a 
story right on her doorstep. A nice, easy profile of Jeffrey Epstein. 
Who was he, really? Carter knew he threw fabulous parties 
attended by academics, billionaires, and beautiful women. Recently 
he'd flown Bill Clinton to Africa. But no one seemed to know 
how he had made his fortune. Epstein's story reminded the edi-
tor of F. Scott Fitzgerald's The Great Gatsby. 
Carter himself could have stepped out of a novel—though in 
his case, the author would be Horatio Alger. A Canadian college 
dropout who'd worked as a railroad lineman, he arrived in New 
York in his late twenties and commenced an astonishingly quick 
rise up the social and media ladders. But where Carter was open 
and outgoing, Epstein really was Gatsby-like— very little about 
him was known. Maybe, Carter thought, Ward could find out. 
What did Epstein do, exactly, for money? Why was he so secretive? 
Why were so many brilliant and powerful men drawn to him? 
And where did those beautiful women come from? 
Almost immediately, Epstein began a campaign to discredit 
Ward. He prevailed upon Conrad Black, the press baron and 
143 
JAMES PATTERSON 
Epstein's Palm Beach neighbor—who was also a step-uncle of 
Vicky Ward's husband— to ask Ward to drop the story. But Ward 
was tenacious, and what she came back with was dynamite. 
More interesting and much more salacious than anything Carter 
had imagined. 
Now Carter's staff was putting in the hours it would take to 
confirm all the things she'd uncovered, picking the ones they 
could publish and laying them all out in a narrative that would 
be no less explosive than the facts it contained. 
Vicky Ward: October 
Epstein went out of l 
his own ends, and s 
Ward's phone bega 
Greenberg and Jimmy CE 
from Les Wexner; from. 
shakers who counted Eps 
Then there were the c 
go on the record, but dI 
Ward's back, he was hap 
tour of his Manhattan m; 
dined out on for years. 
extremely charming—el 
him which forks to use• 
Vicky Ward. But she was 
to have a keen eye for Eps 
144 
ATTERSON 
—who was also a step-uncle of 
Ward to drop the story. But Ward 
came back with was dynamite. 
re salacious than anything Carter 
ting in the hours it would take to 
tncovered, picking the ones they 
all out in a narrative that would 
acts it contained. 
144 
CHAPTER 37 
Vicky Ward: October 2002 
Epstein went out of his way to spin the Vanity Fair story to 
his own ends, and soon after she got the assignment, Vicky 
Ward's phone began to ring off the hook: calls from Ace 
Greenberg and Jimmy Cayne, the current head of Bear Stearns; 
from Les Wexner; from academics, scientists, and movers and 
shakers who counted Epstein among their friends. 
Then there were the calls from Epstein himself. He wouldn't 
go on the record, but despite the rumors he'd spread behind 
Ward's back, he was happy to talk informally, even give her a 
tour of his Manhattan mansion and trot out stories that he had 
dined out on for years. By most accounts, Epstein could be 
extremely charming—even if it had taken Ghislaine to teach 
him which forks to use when—and he did his best to charm 
Vicky Ward. But she was not easily seduced, and she turned out 
to have a keen eye for Epstein's missteps. 
145 
JAMES PATTERSON 
Over tea in his town house, she noticed, Epstein ate all the 
finger food that had been put out for both of them. She found it 
odd that the only book this supposedly brilliant man had left for 
her to see was a paperback by the Marquis de Sade. And then 
there was the call afterward from one of Epstein's assistants— a 
woman Ward did not know—who told her, ""Jeffrey wanted me 
to tell you that you looked so pretty."" 
Ward is pretty, with fine English features and flowing blond 
hair. She was also very pregnant then, with a bad case of morn-
ing sickness. She threw up often, sometimes in public, and these 
clumsy advances on Epstein's part only added to her ever-present 
nausea. For a man who was supposedly brilliant, he'd struck her, 
oddly, as not very smart. 
""Epstein is charming, but he doesn't let the charm slip into 
his eyes,"" she wrote. ""They are steely and calculating, giving 
some hint at the steady whir of machinery running behind them. 
'Let's play chess,' he said to me, after refusing to give an inter-
view for this article. 'You be white. You get the first move.' It was 
an appropriate metaphor for a man who seems to feel he can win 
no matter what the advantage of the other side. His advantage is 
that no one really seems to know him or his history completely 
or what his arsenal actually consists of. He has carefully engi-
neered it so that he remains one of the few truly baffling myster-
ies among New York's moneyed world. People know snippets, 
but few know the whole."" 
The testimonials Epstein's friends gave were glowing: ""I 
think we both possess the skill of seeing patterns,"" Les Wexner 
told her. ""Jeffrey sees patterns in politics and financial markets, 
and I see patterns in lifestyle and fashion trends. My skills are 
146 
not in investment strateg 
knows, his are not in fast 
world trends as each of u5 
""I'm on my 20th boc 
Epstein in 1997. ""The ont 
ily that I send drafts to is 
But Ward also talked 
questions and qualms abc 
in lawsuits against him. C 
with him. One who had I 
board of Rockefeller Unix 
One powerful investn 
conspicuous absence frot 
ing desks don't seem to 
animals that big to not le 
Ward uncovered lega 
view with the SEC, given 
Stearns. She visited a fed. 
at length with Steven Ho. 
made a major mistake in 
told him to stay below th( 
accusations, about Epste 
denied—and Ward kne 
mastermind, was not to b 
throughout the reporting 
concerned with what sb 
with what she'd uncovere 
Time and again, he 
have on the girls?"" 
'TERSON 
she noticed, Epstein ate all the 
t for both of them. She found it 
osedly brilliant man had left for 
.he Marquis de Sade. And then 
a one of Epstein's assistants— a 
ho told her, ""Jeffrey wanted me 
!tty."" 
;fish features and flowing blond 
t then, with a bad case of morn-
sometimes in public, and these 
rt only added to her ever-present 
Dosedly brilliant, he'd struck her, 
Le doesn't let the charm slip into 
.e steely and calculating, giving 
nachinery running behind them. 
after refusing to give an inter-
Lite. You get the first move.' It was 
nan who seems to feel he can win 
3f the other side. His advantage is 
ow him or his history completely 
onsists of. He has carefully engi-
Le of the few truly baffling myster-
ed world. People know snippets, 
s friends gave were glowing: ""I 
11 of seeing patterns,"" Les Wexner 
in politics and financial markets, 
and fashion trends. My skills are 
146 
• FILTHY RICH 
not in investment strategy, and, as everyone who knows Jeffrey 
knows, his are not in fashion and design. We frequently discuss 
world trends as each of us sees them."" 
""I'm on my 20th book,"" said Alan Dershowitz, who'd met 
Epstein in 1997. ""The only person outside of my immediate fam-
ily that I send drafts to is Jeffrey."" 
But Ward also talked to other sources, who had their own 
questions and qualms about Jeffrey Epstein. Some were involved 
in lawsuits against him. Others had served on prestigious boards 
with him. One who had witnessed Epstein's aborted stint on the 
board of Rockefeller University called him arrogant. 
One powerful investment manager wondered about Epstein's 
conspicuous absence from New York's trading floors. ""The trad-
ing desks don't seem to know him,"" he says. ""It's unusual for 
animals that big to not leave any footprints in the snow."" 
Ward uncovered legal documents, including Epstein's inter-
view with the SEC, given in the wake of his departure from Bear 
Stearns. She visited a federal prison in Massachusetts and spoke 
at length with Steven Hoffenberg, who told her that Epstein had 
made a major mistake in taking Bill Clinton to Africa. ""I always 
told him to stay below the radar,"" Hoffenberg said. He made other 
accusations, about Epstein's financial practices, which Epstein 
denied—and Ward knew that Hoffenberg, the Ponzi-scheme 
mastermind, was not to be trusted. But she did find it strange that 
throughout the reporting process Epstein was much less openly 
concerned with what she'd found out about his finances than 
with what she'd uncovered about his dealings with women. 
Time and again, he would call and ask her: ""What do you 
have on the girls?"" 
147 
JAMES PATTERSON 
* * * 
One young woman Ward talked to had been invited by Ghis-
laine Maxwell to attend a party at Epstein's town house. There, 
the woman had noticed, female guests far outnumbered the male 
guests. ""These were not women you'd see at Upper East Side din-
ners,"" the woman had said. ""Many seemed foreign and dressed a 
little bizarrely."" 
""This same guest also attended a cocktail party thrown by 
Maxwell that Prince Andrew attended, which was filled, she 
says, with young Russian models,"" Ward wrote. ""Some of the 
guests were horrified,' the woman says."" 
Another source, one who had worked with Epstein, said, 
""He's reckless, and he's gotten more so. Money does that to you. 
He's breaking the oath he made to himself— that he would never 
do anything that would expose him in the media. Right now, in 
the wake of the publicity following his trip with Clinton, he 
must be in a very difficult place."" 
148 
Vicky Ward: Novembei 
IA/hat I had 'on d 
Beast article .pu 
some remarkah 
on-the-record stories from 
who came from Phoenix. . 
character was vouchsafed 
the artist Eric Fischl, had 1 
ing room, of how Epstein h 
separately, her younger sist 
Ward had written it all 
the ifs, dotted the i's. 
But when she called E1 
the allegations completely. 
""Just the mention of 
rTERSON 
to had been invited by Ghis-
at Epstein's town house. There, 
;uests far outnumbered the male 
you'd see at Upper East Side din-
ny seemed foreign and dressed a 
.ded a cocktail party thrown by 
attended, which was filled, she 
els,"" Ward wrote. ""Some of the 
an says."" 
had worked with Epstein, said, 
nore so. Money does that to you. 
to himself— that he would never 
: him in the media. Right now, in 
Dwing his trip with Clinton, he 
1) 
148 
CHAPTER 38 
Vicky Ward: November 2002 
What I had 'on the girls,"" Ward explained in a Daily 
Beast article published after Epstein's arrest, ""were 
some remarkably brave first-person accounts. Three 
on-the-record stories from a family: a mother and her daughters 
who came from Phoenix. The oldest daughter, an artist whose 
character was vouchsafed to me by several sources, including 
the artist Eric Fischl, had told me, weeping as she sat in my liv-
ing room, of how Epstein had attempted to seduce both her and, 
separately, her younger sister, then only 16."" 
Ward had written it all down in her notes. She had crossed 
the t's, dotted the i's. 
.. But when she called Epstein to get his response, he denied 
the allegations completely. 
""Just the mention of a 16-year-old girl,"" Epstein told her, 
149 
JAMES PATTERSON 
""carries the wrong impression. I don't see what it adds to the 
piece. And that makes me unhappy."" 
If some sort of criminal investigation had taken place, that 
would have been one thing. But, at that time, no criminal 
investigation into Epstein's affairs had been launched. And in 
the absence of an investigation, the rumors of Epstein's dealings 
with very young women seemed to be just that—rumors. 
Graydon Carter consulted his lawyers, his editors, and his 
fact-checkers. And then something odd and disturbing happened 
at the Conde Nast building, then in Times Square. 
As usual, Carter had come into the office early. He swiped his 
key card in the lobby, pressed the elevator button, and arrived in 
the hallway outside the reception area on the twenty-first floor. 
It would have been a perfect time to review Ward's story. 
Her description of Epstein's town house—which is said to 
have been the largest private residence in New York City at the 
time—was priceless: ""Inside, amid the flurry of menservants 
attired in sober black suits and pristine white gloves, you feel 
you have stumbled into someone's private Xanadu,"" she'd writ-
ten. ""This is no mere rich person's home, but a high-walled, 
eclectic, imperious fantasy that seems to have no boundaries. 
The entrance hall is decorated not with paintings but with row 
upon row of individually framed eyeballs; these, the owner tells 
people with relish, were imported from England, where they 
were made for injured soldiers. Next comes a marble foyer, which 
does have a painting, in the manner of Jean Dubuffet ... but the 
host coyly refuses to tell visitors who painted it. In any case, 
150 
One of the photogra 
captured on video during 
Palm Beach Police Departm 
search warrant walk-throi 
of Epstein's El Brillo N 
residence (Palm Beach Pc 
Departm 
Jeffrey Epstein, Coney Isl 
circa 1969 (Anonyn-
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027052.txt,"HERMANN viene SCHUTTBILD

HERMANN NITS

MCLAREN EXPERIENCE

MCLAREN EXPERIENCE

Ein Besuch von sechs Gasten im
in Wo-
king, England. Die Gruppe hat die

McLaren Headquarter

Moglichkeit, den Rennbetrieb aus
nachster Nahe zu erleben und jenes
Werk zu besichtigen, in dem der
Sportwagen MP4-12C designt, ent-

wickelt und auch produziert wird.

[LLED PAINTING

Hermann Nitsch, geb. 1938
Schuttbild, Acryl/Blut auf Lein-
wand 100x80 cm, 2010

Ruckseitig signiert und datiert:
hermann nitsch 2010

Hermann Nitsch, born 1938

Spilled painting ,schittbild*, acrylics/
blood on canvas, 39x31 in, 2010
Signed and dated on the back:
hermann nitsch 2010

Der Besuch inkludiert ein exklusi-

ves Essen sowie eine Testfahrt.

A visit for six people to the McLaren
headquarters in Woking. The group
would see the McLaren racing opera-
tion at close hand and view the place
where the MP4-12C road car has been
designed, developed and is now in pro-
duction. The visit would include a great

lunch and a test drive.

ZWEI VIP TICKETS FUR DIE MTV EMA IN FRANKFURT,

NKLUSIVE TICKETS FUR DIE AFTER SHOW PARTY

parm pe om

CVE AS STOT

HE MIVE

Bei den MTV Europe Music Awards
am 11. November 2012 in Frankfurt
treffen hochkaratige Musikkunstler
aus der ganzen Welt aufeinander.
Das zu ersteigernde Package enthalt
VIP Tickets fur die besondere Red
Carpet Experience. Bei der After-
show Party kann man im Anschluss
mit den angesagtesten KunstlerIn-
nen des Pop-Business bis in die fru-

hen Morgenstunden feiern.

STAYING ALIVE

The MTV Europe Music Awards, to be
held on November 11, 2012, in Frank-
furt/Germany, celebrate the most popu-
lar music videos in Europe, they feature
the current stars in the music industry.

The package includes full VIP treat-
ment as only MTV knows how. Hav-
ing watched some truly outstanding
live performances from Europe's hot-
test stars you and your guests will then

make your way to the After Party.

ea ES

A

=

Das Wiener Traditionsunterneh-
men LOBMEYR hand-

und von Sebastian

stellt
gemachte
Menschhorn eigens entworfene
Champagner Kuhler zur Verfu-
gung, jeder der

Kuhler wurde exklusiv von den

Champagner

Designern Vivienne Westwood,
Angela Missoni und Roberto Ca-
valli gestaltet und in den LOB-
MEYR  Werkstatten  geschliffen
und graviert. Die Kuhler sind auf

ein Stuck limitiert.

Ln 1823 Josef Lobmeyr senior founds
the company in Vienna's Wethburg-
gasse and soon becomes purveyor to
the Imperial Court. LOBMEYR pro-
vides handmade and mouthblown
champagne coolers for auction. The
shape has been designed by Sebas-
tian Menschhorn. Each of them was
exclusively designed by the designers
Vivienne Westwood, Angela Missoni
and Roberto Cavalli and cut and en-
graved at the LOBMEYR work-
shops. The coolers are limited to one

piece.

Fur die Abwicklung der Auktion zeichnet das Dorotheum verantwortlich. Die Ausrufpreise
der einzelnen Auktionsgegenstande finden Sie auf www.dorotheum.com.

STARTGEBOTE WAHREND DES CHAMPAGNER-EMPFANGS Schon wahrend des Champagner-Empfangs im Schwei-
zerhof besteht die Moglichkeit die Auktionsgegenstande zu sehen und erste Gebote abzu-
geben. Die Versteigerung findet wahrend des Gala Dinners statt.

KAUFAUFTRAGE UBER INTERNET ODER TELEFON: Um Uber Telefon an der Auktion teilzunehmen, ersuchen
wir Sie, uber die Website einen Telefonauftrag abzugeben oder sich telefonisch an das
Dorotheum Client Service zu wenden, erreichbar unter +43-1-515 60-570. Telefonauftrage,
die bis spatestens Freitag 18.5.2012 um 12:00 Uhr (MEZ) Uber Internet oder telefonisch
einlangen, werden bei der Saalauktion bertcksichtigt. Das Dorotheum-Team wird Sie
dann bei der Auktion anrufen.

Bei Fragen kontaktieren Sie bitte das Life Ball Buro unter +43 1595 56 00 oder: Mag. Rafael
Schwarz, Tel. +43-1-515 60-405, rafael.schwarz@dorotheum.at

The Dorotheum Vienna will execute the auction. The start prices of the auction items are available
at www.dorotheum.com.

STARTING BIDS POSSIBLE DURING THE CHAMPAGNE RECEPTION Our guests at the AIDS Solidarity Gala will have the possibt-
lity to start auctioning for our prestigious items during the champagne reception in the Schweizer-
hof. The auction will be held during the gala dinner.

BIDS ONLINE OR ON THE PHONE Jn order to participate in the auction on the phone, we kindly ask you to place
your telephone order on the website or call the Dorotheum Client Service at +43 1515 60 570. Phone
bids that are placed unul no later than Friday, 18 May 2012 noon online or on the phone, will be
considered during the live auction. The team of the Dorotheum will call you during the auction.

Lfyou have any questions, please call the Life Ball office at +43 1515 5600 or contact: Rafael Schwarz,
tel: +43 1 545 60.405, rafael.schwarz@dorotheum.at

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027052
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021300.txt,"reciprocal control of the autonomic
branches. Rather, higher level systems
engage in highly sophisticated “banter”
with the autonomic nervous system.

In contrast to the reciprocal
control characteristic of autonomic
reflexes, higher level brain circuits exert
more flexible control over the autonomic
nervous system. This can include the
classic reciprocal control pattern, but can
also include an independent control
pattern in which only the sympathetic
branch or only the parasympathetic
branch of the autonomic nervous system
is activated, and a coactive control
pattern in which both branches are
activated. This greater flexibility in
control may have behavioral and health
significance.

Beliefs about One’s Relationship with
God and Autonomic Functioning

Recently, we used a population-
based sample of 50-68-year-old adults in
the Chicago Health, Aging and Social
Relations Study to examine risk factors
for heart attack, a health outcome known
to be influenced the autonomic nervous
system. We were particularly interested
in whether spirituality influenced risk for
heart attack. With very few exceptions,
everyone in our sample expressed a
belief in God. However, individuals
differed in how they perceived the
quality of their relationship with God,
much as individuals differ in how they
perceive the quality of their relationships
with other people. We defined
spirituality as the degree to which a
personal relationship with God was
believed to offer safety, security,
contentment, and love. One observation
that emerged from this study was that
spirituality was associated with a lower
incidence of heart attack (7). This
remained true after ruling out the effects

Page |54

of demographics, health behaviors, body
mass index, blood pressure, and other
potential explanatory factors. Short of
divine intervention, was there a rational
explanation for this relationship? We
certainly know that psychological factors
can impact autonomic control, among
other aspects of physiology.

As considered above, when
extreme or prolonged, sympathetic
activation may have harmful
consequences. Heightened sympathetic
activation is known, for example, to
predict a poorer outcome after heart
attack. In contrast, parasympathetic
activity may have beneficial or
protective effects. From the perspective
of a reciprocal model of autonomic
control, high parasympathetic/low
sympathetic control would be optimal
whereas high sympathetic/low
parasympathetic control would be
considered a risk. But we also know that
higher level neurobehavioral systems
may not be constrained to reciprocal
autonomic controls. Moreover, it has
been argued that more autonomic control
is better than little control, in that if
affords greater capacity for adjustment
of visceral functions. Could high levels
of parasympathetic control, for example,
mitigate the negative effects of
sympathetic activation and perhaps yield
an even more advantageous health
outcome?

To examine these questions, we
developed two quantitative measures of
autonomic control (7). The first was a
common metric of autonomic balance
(Cardiac Autonomic Balance), which
represents the relative dominance of the
two branches along a single autonomic
continuum that ranges from purely
parasympathetic control to purely
sympathetic control. This metric is
consistent with the classical model of

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style"",""type"":""text""},{""identifier"":""_anf-container-104"",""layout"":""ComponentLayout-

24"" ,""role"":""container"",""type"":""container'},{""components"":[{""components"":[{""animation"":{""initialAlpna"":0.75,""
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14"", ""role"":""body"",""text"":""From Maine to Texas, these are the best U.S. cities for fall foliage, great food,
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HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028361
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022526.txt,"disclose bribe payments to the authorities of criminal liabil-

ity did not make the bribes legal.“

Reasonable and Bona Fide Expenditures

The FCPA allows companies to provide reasonable
and bona fide travel and lodging expenses to a foreign
official, and it is an affirmative defense where expenses
are directly related to the promotion, demonstration, or
explanation of a company’s products or services, or are
related to a company’s execution or performance of a con-
tract with a foreign government or agency.'“ Trips that
are primarily for personal entertainment purposes, how-
ever, are not bona fide business expenses and may violate
the FCPA’s anti-bribery provisions.'* Moreover, when
expenditures, bona fide or not, are mischaracterized in a
company’s books and records, or where unauthorized or
improper expenditures occur due to a failure to imple-
ment adequate internal controls, they may also violate
the FCPA’s accounting provisions. Purposeful mischarac-
terization of expenditures may also, of course, indicate a
corrupt intent.

DOJ and SEC have consistently recognized that busi-
nesses, both foreign and domestic, are permitted to pay for
reasonable expenses associated with the promotion of their
products and services or the execution of existing contracts.
In addition, DOJ has frequently provided guidance about
legitimate promotional and contract-related expenses—
addressing travel and lodging expenses in particular—
through several opinion procedure releases. Under the cir-
cumstances presented in those releases,'“ DOJ opined that
the following types of expenditures on behalf of foreign
officials did not warrant FCPA enforcement action:

e travel and expenses to visit company facilities or
operations;

e travel and expenses for training; and

e product demonstration or promotional activities,
including travel and expenses for meetings.

Whether any particular payment is a bona fide expen-
diture necessarily requires a fact-specific analysis. But the
following non-exhaustive list of safeguards, compiled from

several releases, may be helpful to businesses in evaluating

The FCPA:

Anti-Bribery Provisions

whether a particular expenditure is appropriate or may risk

violating the FCPA:

¢ Donot select the particular officials who will par-
ticipate in the party's proposed trip or program'”
or else select them based on pre-determined, merit-
based criteria.

e Pay all costs directly to travel and lodging vendors
and/or reimburse costs only upon presentation of a
receipt.

¢ Donot advance funds or pay for reimbursements
in cash,!*°

e Ensure that any stipends are reasonable approxima-
tions of costs likely to be incurred’! and/or that
expenses are limited to those that are necessary and
reasonable.'?

e Ensure the expenditures are transparent,
both within the company and to the foreign

government.'®

¢ Donot condition payment of expenses on any
action by the foreign official.!*4

e Obtain written confirmation that payment of the
expenses is not contrary to local law.’

e Provide no additional compensation, stipends, or
spending money beyond what is necessary to pay
for actual expenses incurred.'*6
e Ensure that costs and expenses on behalf of the

foreign officials will be accurately recorded in the
company’s books and records.!*”

In sum, while certain expenditures are more likely to
raise red flags, they will not give rise to prosecution if they
are (1) reasonable, (2) bona fide, and (3) directly related
to (4) the promotion, demonstration, or explanation of
products or services or the execution or performance of

a contract.)

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022526
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024674.txt,"Or
>a
LA
“a
Plan

on

Cannabis Investment Report | December 2017

Certificate of Analysis
Sample Type:
Total Sample Wt:
Potency Test Results Terpene Test Results
Full spectrum cannabinoid profiling and analysis utilizing High ‘Screening and profiling for 34 tarpanes found in Gannabis utilizing
Performance Liquid Chromatography (HPLGAUV) (Gas Grromatograpny - Flame lonization Detection (GC-FID)
‘Cannabinoid Summary mglg | % mg/g / %
Total THC ASTHC+THCa N/A a Bisabolol 3.65 / 0.965 a Terpinene 0.29 /0.029
Total Potential ASTHG 0.00% a Pinene 239.09 / Linalool 4.21 /0.421
: 23.909
3 Carene 0.09 / 0.009 Limonene 22.28 / 2.228
Teal can ‘ GRDAGBRE WA Borneol 0.00 / 0.000 Myrcene 28.87 / 2.887
Total Potential CBD 0.00% B Caryophyllene 54.13/5.413  Fenchol 1.48 /0,148
Geraniol 0.00 / 0.000 @ Phellandrene 0.24 /0.024
Total CBN Total CBN NIA a Humulene 20.08 / 2.008 Caryophyliene Oxide «5.51/ 0.551
Terpinolene 1.08 / 0.108 Terpineol 0.11 /0.011
Full Cannabinoid Profile Valencene 6.20/0.620 B Pinene 101.26 /
10.126
Tetrahydrocannabinol ASTHC Menthol 0.00 /0.000 R-(+)-Pulegone 0.00 / 0.000
Tetrahydrocannabinolic Acid THGa Nerolidol 3.34 /0.334 Gerany/ Acetate 0.00 / 0.000
Cannabidiol CBD Camphene 5.32 /0.532 Citronellol 0.00 /.0.000
Cannabidiolic Acid CBDa Eucalyptol 2.65 / 0.265 p-Cymene 0.14/0.014
‘Cannabinol CBN a Cedrene 0.00 / 0.000 Ocimene 2.74 10.274
Camphor 0.00 /0.000 Guaiol 6.69 / 0.669
Total Active Cannabinolds: (-)-Isopulegol 0.15 /0.015 Phytol 0.27 (0.027
Sabinene 0.49 /0.049 isodorneoi 0.00 7/ 0.000
Total Terpene Concentration 510.35 mg/g / 51.035 %
Pesticide Test Results
Residual Solvent Test Results
HPLC-Mass Spectrometry for 12 compounds including pesticides,
fucaleces ane pant chewet feauletes Headspace-Gas Chromatography for alkane and alcohol extractions
sean A noe oe Propane NA Ethanol NIA
Pyrethrium N/A Spinosad NIA
: Hi ‘s Methanol N/A Isopropanol NIA
Spiromesifen N/A Spirotetramat N/A
Abamectin N/A Bifenazate NIA peal ve nite aan
Papal 2,2-Dimethylbutane N/A 2-Methylpentane NA
Daminozide NIA Fenoxycarb N/A
Myclobutend NIA Paclob 1 NA 3-Methylpentane NA Cyclohexane + Benzene N/A
eeu ssl aL Isopentane NIA Neopentane NIA
n Butane NA n Heptane NIA
n Hexane N/A n Pentane NA
Microbiological Test Results
3M Petrifilm and plate counts for microbiological contamination Sample Certification
Thi: tested Labs
Total Aerobic Plate N/A Total Yeast and N/A ee
Count Mold ibigiaah ecm al
i. the expiration date shown.
Coliforms NIA E coli NIA 2
Salmonella NIA Pseudomonas NIA

Sample Laboratory Test Results

© 2017 Ackrell Capital, LLC | Member FINRA/SIPC

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024674
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HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027734
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021466.txt,"» X y
° ‘
. e
.

UNITED STATES
EXTRADITION TREATIES

(January 1, 2006)

Stewart C. Robinson
Deputy Director
Office of International Affairs
United States Department of Justice

International extradition is the formal process by which a person found in one country is
surrendered to another country for trial or punishment. The process is regulated by treaty and
conducted between the Federal Government of the United States and the government of a foreign
country. It differs considerably from interstate rendition, commonly referred to as “interstate
extradition”, mandated by the Constitution, Art. 4, Sec. 2.

Below is a listing of extradition treaties signed by the United States. As indicated, not all
of the treaties have entered into force as of the date this document was created.
Please contact the Office of International Affairs, United States Department of Justice at (202) ;
514-0000 to determine the status of a particular treaty.

Over the last few years, the United States has focused its efforts on replacing extradition
treaties that have become outdated and obsolete, as well negotiating treaties with first time treaty
partners. Our most recent treaties include the “dual criminality” approach rather than a listing of

' offenses for which extradition may be sought, clarify the procedures for provisional arrest, permit
extradition whether the extraditable offense occurred before or after the treaty enters into force,
allow the person sought to waive extradition, and permit temporary transfer of a fugitive serving
a sentence in one state in order to expedite prosecution in another. In our newer treaties, one of
the priorities of the United States has been to address two extremely difficult problems: the
extradition of nationals; and extradition where the fugitive may be subject to the death penalty in
the Requesting state. Not all of our treaty partners have agreed to extradite under these
circumstances, but the issue is specifically addressed. ,

; The treaties highlighted “pending” in boldface, are treaties which have not entered into
| force as of the date of this listing. The law of extradition varies from country to country and is
subject to foreign policy considerations. The first step a prosecutor should take before
considering any action relating to international extradition, is to contact the Office of
International Affairs, United States Department of Justice, at (202) 514-0000.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021466
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HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028407
"
IMAGES-012-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033043.txt,"From: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com]

Sent: 9/27/2017 2:56:10 PM

To: Thomas Jr., Landon [i
Subject: Re: Got another call from Connelly..

thx

On Wed, Sep 27, 2017 at 10:47 AM, Thomas Jr., Landon iii - wrote:

He is digging around again -- not clear if its another book/or expanded paperback version. Was
asking me all sorts of questions about why you hired Ken Starr. I told him I had no idea -- I think he

is doing some Trump-related digging too.
Anyway, for what its worth...
Landon Thomas, Jr.

Financial Reporter
New York Times

http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/t/landon_ jr thomas/index.

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033043
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015334.txt,"the electorate. It does not reside with either of the two major political
parties. It is not represented by the press. It is not arbitrated by a judiciary
that protects us from predators. Power rests with corporations. And
corporations gain very lucrative profits from war, even wars we have no
chance of winning. All polite appeals to the formal systems of power will
not end the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. We must physically obstruct the
war machine or accept a role as its accomplice.”

When it comes to bloodbaths, the only difference between such
invisible corporations and Jared Loughner is that he did it face-to-face.

Obviously, Loughner is crazy, but not legally insane, because he
knew right from wrong, as indicated by his expectation of life in prison or
execution for his unspeakable crime. True, John Hinckley was crazy when
he tried to assassinate Ronald Reagan—his motivation was to impress
actress Jodie Foster so she would go out bowling with him--yet he was
sentenced to serve //s time in a mental hospital, including occasional
outings with his parents, which resulted in public outrage and a weakening
of the insanity defense.

Ironically, Hinckley came out for gun control, and Reagan came out

against it.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015334
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020778.txt,"...10 years old...

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020778
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024157.txt,"Section 2.B

Fixed income

36 UBS

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024157
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023638.txt,"A POLITE INTERVIEW =

Skin So Thin,
It’s Inside Out”

Ethan Persoff talks with Paul Krassner about running The Realist,
hacking The New York Times Bestseller list, and that
“true, extraordinary liar,” Donald Trump.

of American comedy: Lenny Bruce, The Second City, and

The Realist. From its first issue in the Spring of 1958, Paul
Krassner’s iconoclastic “journal of freethought and satire”
created a comedic template that is still being followed today; its
mix of fact and intelligent opinion delivered with a mordant,
knowing skepticism, is as current as John Oliver and as
omnipresent as the entire internet. But you don’t hear much
about The Realist these days — it’s the fate of truly seminal
sources to seem inevitable, when in fact they reshaped the
world in their own image.

Fortunately, in 2006 Krassner teamed with archivist/comic
artist Ethan Persoff on The Realist Archive Project (http://
www.ep.tc/realist/), a free online repository of every issue of
the magazine from its 43-year run. They recently collaborated
again on a deluxe coffee table book, The Realist Cartoons,
published by Fantagraphics.

The election of Donald Trump seemed to be a particularly
Krassnerian moment, so I asked Ethan to call Paul and ask
afew leading questions. —MG

[: the late Fifties, three things radically changed the course

ETHAN PERSOFF: Paul, what’s your opinion of Trump?

PAUL KRASSNER: Where to begin? Personally, for me, it goes
back to when George Bush won the presidency in 2000. That
was due to the electoral college, even though Al Gore had won
the popular vote.

That same time, Hillary Clinton was elected Senator. She
announced, publicly, the first thing she was going to do was
get rid of the electoral college.

Years later, I was doing a column for The New York Press,
and I sent Clinton a letter asking her about the status of her
promise. She didn’t reply.

During the campaign, Trump called Clinton a crook —

EP: Right, “Lock her up”.
PK: —he called her a crooked businessperson. But that’s what
he was. Everything he says about anybody is really about him.

He’s a true, extraordinary liar.

EP: What's your opinion of his “fake news” media scolding?
PK: Another example of projection. He calls the newspapers
dishonest, because he is, in fact, the most dishonest.

Trump became an insanely narcissistic dictator once he
won, bragging about his electoral numbers as proof. But prior
to that, he endlessly insisted the electoral college was a sham.
That, to me, wins the prize for irony.

EP: | have to wonder, what if Clinton had won the electoral
count, but lost the popular vote?

PK: Oh, then he would have said it was rigged.

EP: Lock her up!

PK: When I wrote the letter to her, it was partly because I’'d
heard the electoral college was based on slavery.

EP: And there’s gerrymandering, which is also racist.

PK: Yes. You know, the thing with Trump, is there’s talk of
anything from impeachment, assassination, treason ... But
that leads to more irony, because that would leave President
Pence. Pence has just as much an interest in turning evolution
around, and going back to barbaric times, but has the ability
to pass as sane. Trump can’t do that.

EP: Do you think Trump’s madness is an asset to his opposition?
He’s such an easily identifiable lunatic, does that provide for
a sense of protection, as opposed to Pence, who is so much
more canny and quiet?

PK: There’s fear of Trump, and then there’s dictatorship in
action. The things he’s been doing are disgusting -- these ap-
pointments! Like Rick Perry for Dept of Energy. It’s so insane.
And then, Betsy DeVos. No education experience ... I think
even starting in kindergarten. (Laughter)

EP: Yes. Everyone has their own personal thing that they’re
seared about with Trump. Me, it’s the environment. I can’t
believe his appointment of Scott Pruitt with the EPA.

PK: They’re all horrible. Then there’s Michael Flynn. He
is the core of the hypocrisy of the relationship between
Trumpo the Elephant and Putin. (continued) i=

Ww

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023638
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017725.txt,"Page 11 of 52
2005 B.Y.U.L. Rev. 835, #853

While this argument 1s legally precise, as a practical matter, compelling reasons justify amending the federal rules to include
victims. Congress intended that the CVRA's new rights not be ""simply words on paper,"" but rather ""meaningful and functional""
reforms. !° To that end, Congress mandated that courts shall ""ensure"" that crime victims are ""afforded the rights"" conveyed
by the CVRA. |°! To effectively ensure that victims’ rights are protected, these rights must become part of the warp and woof
of the criminal process. That can occur only if the federal rules - the day-to-day operations manual of the courts - spell out how
to integrate victims into the process.

Judges and practitioners frequently refer to the Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure for guidance as to how to conduct
hearings. If victims' rights are left out of the federal rules, the strong possibility exists that courts may mistakenly disregard
victims’ rights under the CVRA. A good illustration comes from Rule 11, which spells out in some detail how judges should
conduct a hearing accepting a plea. The judge is required to personally inform the defendant of certain specified rights and
ensure that the defendant understands he will be waiving those rights. !°* The judge must also determine that the defendant is
voluntarily entering the plea and that there is a factual basis for the guilty plea. '°? Under the CVRA, victims now also have the

right to be heard before the judge accepts any plea. !°4 This is a new right, 1°

which judges are not accustomed to
administering. Unless the victim's right to be heard is specifically spelled out in Rule 11's plea procedures, some judges may

inadvertently disregard it.

[*854] The Oklahoma City bombing case further demonstrates how courts sometimes blindly follow the federal rules without
considering superseding statutes. In that case, the court excluded victim-witnesses from certain proceedings, relying solely on
Federal Rule of Evidence 615 in making tts determination. In denying the witnesses entrance to the proceedings, the court was
apparently unaware of the provision in the Victims’ Rights and Restitution Act protecting a victim's right to attend. !°° This

deficiency was called to the attention of the Advisory Committee on the Federal Rules of Evidence. !°7 The committee
acknowledged the need to include victims in the evidence rules and later added a new provision reflecting the victim's right to
attend, 1%

One reason for including victims' rights in the rules is to avoid litigation about the negative inferences that might be drawn if
victims’ rights are not in the rules. It is a well-settled principle of statutory construction that expressio unius est exclusio alterius
(the expression of one thing implies the exclusion of the other). This canon of construction applies to the federal rules as much
as to statutes. !°? Because the rules repeatedly spell out situations in which the defendant has the right to have his interests
considered but say nothing about victims, it might be argued that the rules have implicitly determined that a victim's interests
are irrelevant. To return to the Rule 11 plea example, given that the criminal rules specify that a court must address the
defendant but lack any comparable requirement for victims, it might be inferred that victims cannot speak at plea hearings. Any

°0 150 Cong. Rec. $4262 (daily ed. Apr. 22, 2004) (statement of Sen. Feinstein).
01 18 U.S.C.A. 3771(b) (West 2004 & Supp. 2005).

02 Fed. R. Crim. P. 11(b)(1).

03 Td. at 11(b)(2), (b)(3).
4 18 US.C.A. 3771(a)(4).

5 Cf. 42 U.S.C. 10606(b) (listing victims' rights; right to be heard at pleas not included) (repealed by /8 U.S.C. 3771).
°6 See supra note 45 and accompanying text.

°7 See Letter from Paul G. Cassell to Advisory Comm. (on file with author).

8 See Fed_R. Evid. 615 advisory committee's notes (1998 Amendments).

9 See, e.g., Leatherman v. Tarrant County Narcotics Intelligence & Coordination Unit, 507 U.S. 163, 168 (1993).

DAVID SCHOEN

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017725
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018416.txt,"for survival, for evolution. And it would best be done cooperatively with the nation
that will, in a short time, have the largest economy in the world.

China is not really a threat to the US now. The country can’t assemble the ability to
demolish or attack America in any significant way, and itis years from being able to
sustain a military effort. It is not in China’s interest to provoke a match. They would
lose. And honestly they have endless, troubling problems to handle, many new in
human history. How do you care for 800 million aging people? Though China will
pass the US in total national income in coming years, the country may never pass
America in per-capita income. With an aging, 1.4 billion person population the
challenges of distribution nearly guarantee this. Time acts against both the United
States and China today. Each depends on global arrangements that are themselves
cracking. Each nation needs to adjust her structures for a network world. But these
pressures operate severely against China. She can disrupt and challenge and slow
the transition to a gated order if she wishes, but only at the cost of fatal distraction.

An American Hard Gatekept system will thrive with or without China. China is not so
fortunate. Her system, without America or other elements of global connection,
cannot continue on the path of reform. Great network construction — this is the
nature of our age. There is no fighting the nature of the age, as Huang Hua would
remind us. We should of course expect China to build her own systems. We can also
expect that she will try to avoid some of the costs that joining an American system
might impose. That’s all fine. Our aim should remain constant, calm and direct: Build
a gatekept system for our own use; enforce the rules we believe secure that system.
And remain clear in our thinking: The threat to the US is the evolution of the
network. The threat to China? The evolution of the network.

If an arrangement based on these undeniable facts seems unlikely, it is worth
remembering that in the twenty years before the restablishment of simple relations
between Beijing and Washington in 1971, the two sides had fought a war in Korea,
built a politics based on condemning one another, and drifted so far apart as to
share nearly no econoic connection. Bringing the countries together demanded
heroic diplomacy on both sides, to be sure. To read the transcript of Henry Kissinger
and Zhou Enlai’s first, secret meeting on July 9, 1971 is to regard a masterclass in
careful chessboard moves?®5. But the game itself demanded a clear view of the
board, of shared interest in the face of a changing world. On his very first day in
office, Nixon compiled a list of his diplomatic aims: “Chinese Communists: Short
range — no change. Long range - we do not want 800,000,000 living in angry
isolation. We want contact.”25¢ The Seventh Sense returns us to this fundamental
question of balance, but in a new frame. It alters how we look at the range of options
for US-China relations - and American security itself. There are certain problems
both sides face, perhaps the most essential, that are simply not addressable using

255 To read the transcript: Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969-1976,
Volume XVII, doc 139

256 Nixon complied a list: Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969-1976, Volume
XVII, doc 3, footnote 3

184

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018416
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026063.txt,"please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026063
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029832.txt,"VVVVVVVV

Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this

communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited

and may be unlawful. If you have received this

communication in error, please notify us immediately by

return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com<mailto:jeevacation@gmail.com>, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,

including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

<katie johnson v trump complaint. pdf>

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029832
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019341.txt,"From: Maria Luisa
Date: July 22, 2018 at 9:11:58 AM EDT

To: Steve Bannon ii. Preate Alexandra (i i

<PHOTO-2018-07-22-10-02-17.jpg>

Sent from my iPhone

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019341
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014463.txt,"Lessons from 2016

The old joke is that Year Aheads are frequently out of date by the end of year they are
written in. There is a real danger of that this year given the speed which things have
moved since Brexit and more recently the US election. The two charts below show that
Financials and Cyclicals have clawed back around 2/3 of their underperformance vs
Defensives. Of course it depends how you frame the question since we have included
Utilities and Telecoms in the defensive basket. But when we downgraded Banks 10 days
or so ago they had outperformed Food and Beverage by ~50% since the lows of early
July. Whichever way you cut it some of these moves have been extreme.

Chart 7: The moves since Brexit in both Financials... Chart 8: ..and Cyclicals relative to Defensives has been dramatic
0.85 1.45
0.80 1.35
0.70
1.15
0.65
1.05
0.60
0.95
mee =———Cyclicals vs Defensives relative
0.50 0.85
== Financials vs Defensives relative
0.45 0.75
0110 «011 O12 0130114 OMS = 0116 0110 «011 O12 013 0114 = 0115 01/16
Source: Bloomberg Source: Bloomberg

Moreover, in 2016 we doubt that even if investors had known the results of key events
that they would necessarily have got the reaction in markets right. As we joked in our
Cross Asset year ahead you needed not so much a crystal ball as a time machine to have
got things completely right this year. Aside from Brexit and Donald Trump winning the
US election it is easy to forget that in February we were worrying about a US recession
and deflation. US 5Y5Y forward breakeven inflation rates actually troughed at 1.8% at
that point. Four months later we were worrying about the deflationary impact of Brexit.
Now we are thinking about the reflation under a Trump Presidency.

Chart 9: US 5Y5Y forward inflation troughed in February Chart 10: At the same time as Basic Resources
3.3 17
34 45 —— Stoxx Basic Resources Price Relative
29
1.3
27
25 1.1
23 0.9
2.1 _ ba
19 ae US Syoy fwd inflation swap
0.5
1.7 NoOnmmomowtrtt two MH wow oO 0O ©
WY WY 2 D  B © GS G Se eaSeEeE aS ES REESE SE
RY en oy CY oy vy oy = 5 = 5 = 5 =s
SVG VW VV ww yw wv S a ae eo @
Source: Bloomberg Source: Bloomberg
The panic in markets in early February actually presented a perfect buying opportunity
for reflationary assets. Miners was a sector truly loathed by investors of all colours at
the start of the year with many thinking that some of the big players might even go
bust. If there is one key conclusion from all of this it is do not tie yourself to a view. We
4 European Equity Strategy | 01 December 2016 orate 2

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014463
"
TEXT-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032795.txt,"From: Weingarten, Reid 
Sent: 8/21/2018 10:34:55 PM 
To: jeffrey E. [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Subject: Re: 
Importance: High 
Quite a day...have a feeling cohen is just beginning to make trouble...where are you? 
Sent from my BlackBerry 10 smartphone. 
From: Jeffrey E. 
Sent: Tuesday, August 21, 2018 5:57 PM 
To: Weingarten, Reid 
Subject: 
avenatti civil suit now goes front and center? I guess trump just refuses ? how are you feeling? 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 032795 
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026077.txt,"JEE

Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026077
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029826.txt,"procedures; and improving the
transparency and speed of the system for
settling disputes.

Next, the U.S. needs to keep the WTO
current with a vastly changed world
economy. The past WTO agreements are
valuable for all 158 WTO members. But
some economies want to go further by
reducing barriers in important sectors
such as the services trade, environmental
goods and services, government
procurement, and the digital economy.

The services trade, for example, 1s vital
for boosting innovation, productivity and
jobs in developing and developed
countries alike—but regulatory,
licensing, zoning and other barriers to
services are often equivalent to a 30%
tariff or higher. Because liberalization in
the WTO has been stuck, countries have
turned increasingly to bilateral and
multilateral free-trade agreements, some
of which have addressed these newer
topics. The U.S. should foster the WTO
principle of world-wide liberalization by
adopting standards in various industries
and sectors that would be open to all
economies that reciprocate. The WTO
also needs new rules for fair trading by
state-owned enterprises.

Yet the U.S. also should use free-trade
agreements to open markets. Trade
competition advances structural reforms

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029826
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021223.txt,"From: Steve Bannon I 
Sent: 4/23/2019 4:06:36 PM 
To: Michael Wolff _________________________________1 
CC: Jeffrey Epstein [jeevacation@gmail.com] 
Subject: Re: Announcing the 2019 Hillman Prize winners 
Importance: High 
Fix always in 
On Apr 23, 2019, at 9:06 AM, Michael Wolff < 
> wrote: 
Look at the judges on this thing: the right-thinking establishment to a tee (to a Ta-Nihisi). 
On Tue, Apr 23, 2019 at 2:57 PM Steve Bannon < wrote: 
Pile on 
On Apr 23, 2019, at 8:51 AM, Michael Wolff <___________________________> wrote: 
Another big prize for Miami Herald. 
----------Forwarded message--------- 
From: The Sidney Hillman Foundation < 
Date: Tue, Apr 23, 2019 at 2:45 PM 
Subject: Announcing the 2019 Hillman Prize winners 
To: Michael < 
Congratulations to the 2019 Hillman Prize recipients! 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 021223 
Sidney Hillman Foundation Names Winners of 2019 Prizes 
for Journalism in Service of the Common Good 
Reuters, NBC News and MSNBC, ProPublica Receive Honors; Adam Serwer to 
receive Opinion & Analysis Prize 
NEW YORK — The Sidney Hillman Foundation announced Tuesday winners of the 69th annual 
Hillman Prizes, recognizing a Reuters expose of slum-like living conditions on U.S military 
bases, the Miami Herald's investigation into Labor Secretary Alex Acosta's sweetheart deal with 
serial sex abuser, Jeffrey Epstein, and NBC News and MSNBC's reporting on the Trump 
Administration's family separation policy, among other standout reporting in service of the 
common good. 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 021224 
Hannah Dreier of ProPublica won a Hillman Prize for reporting that showed how the 
government's bungled crackdown on MS-13 has torn apart the lives of Latino immigrants. The 
Atlantic's Adam Serwer, who has emerged as a defining voice of the Trump era, won for his 
essays on racism and Trump's political movement, and Anna Clark won for her book on the 
Flint water crisis. 
This year's prizes were judged by writer Ta-Nehisi Coates, the New Yorker's Jelani Cobb, 
Reuters' Alix Freedman, the New Yorker's Hendrik Hertzberg, the American Prospect's Harold 
Meyerson and The Nation's Katrina vanden Heuvel. 
The 2019 winners of the Hillman Prizes are: 
Newspaper — Miami Herald, Julie K. Brown and Emily Michot: Perversion of Justice 
Magazine — ProPublica with New York magazine, Newsday, This American Life, New 
York Times Magazine, Hannah Dreier: Trapped in Gangland 
Web — Reuters, Joshua Schneyer, Michael Pell, Andrea Januta, Deborah Nelson: 
Ambushed at Home 
Broadcast — NBC News and MSNBC, Jacob Soboroff and Julia Ainsley: Torn Apart: 
Crisis at the Border 
Opinion & Analysis — Adam Serwer, The Atlantic 
Book — Anna Clark: The Poisoned City: Flint's Water and the American Urban 
Tragedy, Metropolitan Books 
Reporting by this year's prize winners has had significant positive impact, including: 
Reversal of the Trump administration's ""Zero Tolerance"" family separation policy 
Three federal investigations, new legislation, widespread repairs, and a $386 million 
emergency program to inspect military housing for hazards 
The exposure of pervasive bias and negligence by Long Island police, leading to federal 
and local investigations and reforms 
This year's honorees follow in the trailblazing tradition of past winners ranging from Murray 
Kempton in 1950 for his articles on labor in the south and Edward R. Murrow in 1954 for his 
critical reports on civil liberties and Joseph McCarthy at the height of the Red Scare; to 2017 
newspaper winner, David Fahrenthold, for exposing Donald Trump's sexual harassment and 
mismanagement of his foundation. 
The Hillman Prizes are open to journalists and subjects globally for any work widely accessible 
to a U.S. audience. Winners will be awarded a $5,000 prize at the Hillman Foundation's annual 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 021225 
ceremony in New York City on May 7. 
""In a time when this country's highest powers have taken it as their business to demean the 
work of journalists, it is particularly significant for us to honor those who have taken up the 
tools of journalism to challenge corrupt power wherever it may reside,"" said Hillman judge Ta-
Nehisi Coates. 
In 2011, the Sidney Hillman Foundation inaugurated the Canadian Hillman Prize. This year's 
winners, Harvey Cashore, Bob McKeown and Kimberly Ivany of CBC's The Fifth Estate, won for 
their sweeping investigation into the research and regulatory failures that have put millions of 
children at risk on their way to and from school each day. Their reporting exposed fraudulent 
science behind Transport Canada's seminal seatbelt study and led the Transport Minister to 
form a task force with the provinces to look at implementing seatbelts on school buses across 
the country. 
The Hillman Foundation announced Monday that CUNY professor and historian, Joshua B. 
Freeman, is the recipient of its 2019 Sol Stetin Award for Labor History. Freeman has written 
extensively about the history of labor, industry, modern America, and New York City. The 
Hillman Foundation established the award in 2005 to honor a labor historian who has made 
significant contribution to the field, researching and telling the stories of working peoples' lives. 
Since 1950, the Hillman's Prizes for Journalism honor the legacy of Sidney Hillman, an 
immigrant who dedicated his life to a ""better America."" Hillman believed that a free press was 
essential to a fair and equal society. The Sidney Hillman Foundation has sought to carry on his 
legacy by honoring journalists who illuminate the great issues of our times—from the search for 
a basis for lasting peace, to the need for better housing, medical care, and employment security 
for all people, to the promotion of civil liberties and the battle against discrimination based on 
race, nationality, or religion. 
For more information, including to RSVP to the event, please contact Alexandra Lescaze at 646-
448-6413 or Alex@HillmanFoundation.org 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 021226 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 021227 
Share 
Tweet 
Forward 
View this email in your browser 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 021228 
Copyright © 2019 The Sidney Hillman Foundation, All rights reserved. 
You are receiving this email because you opted in to our list. 
Our mailing address is: 
The Sidney Hillman Foundation 
330 W. 42nd St., Suite 900  
New York, NY 10036  
Add us to your address book 
unsubscribe from this list update subscription preferences 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 021229 
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019355.txt,"Page 209 ~ b6G - 1, -3, -4, -5, -¥; b?7C - 1, -3, -4, -5, -7; BID - I;
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Page 212 ~ b3 - 1; b6 - 1, -3, -4, -5; b7c - 1, -3, -4, -5; BID - 2;
Page 213 ~ b3 - 1; b6 - 1, -3, -4, -5; b7c - 1, -3, -4, -5; BID - I;
Page 214 ~ b3 - 1; b6 - 1, -3, -4; b7C - 1, -3, -4; b?7D - 1;

Page 215 ~ bo - 1, —-4, -5; b?Cc - 1, -4, —-S;

Page 216 ~ bo - 1, -4; b?c - 1, —-4;

Page 217 ~ b3 - 1; b6 - 1, -3, -4, -5, -7; b7C - 1, -3, -4, -5, -7; bID -
1, -2;

Page 218 ~ b3 - 1; b6 1, -3, -4, -5; b/c 1, -3, —-4, —-5; b’YD —- 2;
Page 219 ~ b3 - 1; b6 1, “3, —-4, —-5y b7C 1, -3, -4, -5; b?D -— 2; b7E
- il;

Page 220 ~ b3 - 1; b6 - 1, -3, -5, -7; bvc - 1, -3, -5, -7; BID - 2;
Page 221 ~ b6 - 1, -4, -5, -7; bvc - 1, -4, -5, -7;

Page 222 ~ b3 - 1; b6 1, -3, —-4, -5; bi7c 1, -3, —4, —-5;

Page 223 ~ b3 - 1; b6 1, “3, -4; —-5y bic 1, -3, —-4, -5; b7D - 1, -2;
Page 224 ~ b3 - 1; b6 - 1, -3, -5; bYC - 1, -3, -5; bYD - 1;

Page 225 ~ b3 - 1; b6 - 1, -3, -4; b7C - 1, -3, -4; b/D - 1, -2;

Page 226 ~ b3 - 1; b6 1, -3, -4, -5; b/c 1, -3, -4, -5; b’?YD - 1, —-2;
Page 227 ~ b3 - 1; bo 1, -3, —-4, -5; b7e 1, -3, -4, -5; b?YD - 1, -2;
Page 228 ~ b3 - 1; b6 1; “8, -4, “5, -Ty b7C 1, -3, —-4, -5, -—7; b7D -

ly S23

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Page 230 ~ b3 - 1; bo 1, -3, —-4, -5; b7c 1, -3, —4, -5; b?7D - 1;

Page 231 ~ b3 - 1; bo 1, -3, —-4, -5; bi7c 1, -3, —4, -5; b?D - 1;

Page 232 ~ b6 - 1, -3, -4, -5; bye - 1, -3, -4, -5; bYD - 1;

Page 233 ~ b3 - 1; b6 - 1, -3, -5; bYC - 1, -3, -5; bYD - 1;

Page 234 ~ b3 - 1; bo 1, -3, —-4, -5; b7c 1, -3, -4, -5; b7D - 1, -2;
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Page 236 ~ b3 - 1; bo 1, -3, -4, -5, -7; bre 1, -3, -4, -5, -7; b?7D -
1;

Page 237 ~ b3 - ; b6 - ; =Sp =4p =5y =T7r BTC - y wo, “4, -5, -7; bID -
1;

Page 238 ~ b6 1, -4, -5, -77; bYc 1, -4, -5, -?; b’YD - 1;

Page 239 ~ b3 - ; b6é - , cS, “4, -5, -fs bc - y wo, “4, -5, -7; bID -
A}

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le -279

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Page 242 ~ b3 - b6 - 3; b7C

Page 249 ~ b3 - 1
Page 250 ~ OTHER Court Sealing Order;
Page 251 ~ OTHER - Court Sealing Order;
Page 252 ~ OTHER - Court Sealing Order;
Page 253 ~ OTHER - Court Sealing Order;
Page 254 ~ OTHER - Court Sealing Order;
Page 255 ~ OTHER - Court Sealing Order;

l; - 3;
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Page 248 ~ b3 - 1; b6é - 1, -3; ble - 1, -3; bYD - 1;

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019355
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013318.txt,"Case No.: 502009CA040800XXXXMBAG
Edwards’ Opposition to Epstein's Motion for Summary Judgment
Page 15 of 15

COUNSEL LIST
William Chester Brewer, Esquire Marc S. Nurik, Esquire
weblaw@aol.com; webcg@aol.com marc@nuriklaw.com
250 8S Australian Avenue, Suite 1400 Law Offices of Marc S. Nurik
West Palm Beach, FL 33401 One E Broward Blvd., Suite 700
Phone: (561)-655-4777 Fort Lauderdale, FL 33301
Fax: (561)-835-8691 Phone: (954)-745-5849
Attorneys for Jeffrey Epstein Fax: (954)-745-3556

Attorneys for Scott Rothstein
Jack A. Goldberger, Esquire

jgoldberger@agwpa.com; Tonja Haddad Coleman, Esquire
smahoney@agwpa.com tonja@tonjahaddad.com;
Atterbury, Goldberger & Weiss, P.A. Debbie@Tonjahaddad.com;
250 Australian Avenue South, Suite 1400 efiling@tonjahaddad.com
West Palm Beach, FL 33401 Tonja Haddad, P.A.
Phone: (561)-659-8300 315 SE 7th Street, Suite 301
Fax: (561)-835-869 1 Fort Lauderdale, FL 33301
Attomeys for Jeffrey Epstein Phone: (954)-467-1223

Fax: (954)-337-3716
Bradley J. Edwards, Esquire Attorneys for Jeffrey Epstein

staff.efile@pathtojustice.com

Farmer, Jaffe, Weissing, Edwards, Fistos &
Lehrman, FL

425 North Andrews Avenue, Suite 2

Fort Lauderdale, FL 33301

Phone: (954)-524-2820

Fax: (954)-524-2822

Attomeys for Jeffrey Epstein

Fred Haddad, Esquire
Dee@FredHaddadLaw.com;
haddadfm@aol.com; fred@fredhaddadlaw.com
Fred Haddad, P.A.

One Financial Plaza, Suite 2612

Fort Lauderdale, FL 33394

Phone: (954)-467-6767

Fax: (954)-467-3599

Attorneys for Jeffrey Epstein

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013318
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022532.txt,"company. No enforcement action was taken against the suc-
cessor, but the predecessor company pleaded guilty to one
count of violating the FCPA and agreed to pay a $2 million
fine.'” Later, four executives from the predecessor company
were convicted of FCPA violations, three of whom received
terms of imprisonment.”

On occasion, when an enforcement action has
been taken against a predecessor company, the succes-
sor seeks assurances that it will not be subject to a future
enforcement action. In one such case, a Dutch predeces-
sor resolved FCPA charges with DOJ through a deferred
prosecution agreement.’ While both the predecessor
and successor signed the agreement, which included a
commitment to ongoing cooperation and an improved
compliance program, only the predecessor company was
charged; in signing the agreement, the successor company
gained the certainty of conditional release from criminal
liability, even though it was not being pursued for FCPA
violations.!”> In another case, after a Connecticut-based
company uncovered FCPA violations by a California
company it sought to acquire, both companies voluntarily
disclosed the conduct to DOJ and SEC.'% The prede-
cessor company resolved its criminal liability through a
non-prosecution agreement with DOJ that included an
$800,000 monetary penalty and also settled with SEC,
paying a total of $1.1 million in disgorgement, pre-judg-
ment interest, and civil penalties. The successor company
proceeded with the acquisition and separately entered
into a non-prosecution agreement with DOJ in which it
agreed, among other things, to ensure full performance of
the predecessor company’s non-prosecution agreement.
This agreement provided certainty to the successor con-
cerning its FCPA liability. '””

Importantly, a successor company’s voluntary disclo-
sure, appropriate due diligence, and implementation of an
effective compliance program may also decrease the likeli-
hood of an enforcement action regarding an acquired com-
pany’s post-acquisition conduct when pre-acquisition due

diligence is not possible.!”*

The FCPA:

Anti-Bribery Provisions

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022532
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024660.txt,"ACKRELL
CAPITAL Cannabis Investment Report | December 2017

or dissolving with fats, inhibiting serotonin uptake and increasing dopamine activity in the brain. Sci-
entists have yet to develop an extensive and detailed understanding of the mechanisms and effects of
many terpenes. However, consumption of certain cannabis strains with particular terpene profiles and
corresponding aromas are generally associated with certain experiences. For example, cannabis strains
that smell of musk or clove (indicating the presence of myrcene) tend to cause sedative and relaxing
effects, strains with a piney scent (indicating the presence of pinene) are used to promote focus and
memory retention, and strains with a lemony scent (indicating the presence of limonene) are con-

sumed for mood uplift.

The following table identifies eight terpenes found in cannabis and lists the medicinal benefits and
therapeutic applications commonly associated with each.

Potential Medicinal Benefits and Therapeutic Applications of Notable Terpenes

| |
at Fm | @ FY
e

Antianxiety
Antibacterial co) @ e
Anticancer e

A
Antidepressant

Antifungal td e
Anti-inflammatory e @ e

Anti-insomnia t t
Anti-ischemic e

Antiseptic @
Antitumor

Appetite suppressant @

Bronchodilator e @ @

ticonvulsive

site 9

pe
@©9ee3e8 @
*

pe

Camphene: Camphene smells strongly of damp woodlands and fir needles and is believed to have
several medicinal benefits, such as antibacterial, antifungal and anti-inflammatory, and a therapeutic
application as a bronchodilator. Some studies have shown that camphene could be used to combat
heart disease as an alternative to other pharmaceutically based therapies with harsh side effects. Cam-
phene is a minor component of many essential oils and is used as a food additive.

24 © 2017 Ackrell Capital, LLC | Member FINRA/SIPC

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024660
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027720.txt,"Source —_— H\Macintosh HD\root \Users\jee\Library\Messages \archive\2019-05-23

6n ZO19-US-Z3 at. 0.21.07. Lehat

Service: iMessag

Start Time: 05/23/19 03:21:07 AM (580299667)

End Time: 05/23/19 06:28:49 AM (580310929)

Last Message ID: 29518

Chat Room:

Participants: - iii

Presentity IDs: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com, [EI

Messages -

sender:

Time: 05/23/19 03:21:07 AM (580299667)

Flags: 1126401
Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

r,

GUID: 1FB1D854-A563-4238-B200-EA41F

iHABCCE

Message: https://www.thedailybeast.com/nancy-pelosi-to-impatient-democrats-—weve-got-
trump-on-the-ropes?ref=hom

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 05/23/19 04:15:48 AM (580302948)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: E43 9ADEF-F43F-4BFB-8B5D-52CEE26D1420
Message: 60 days after they get the DB papers. oy I think you have positioned
yourself perfectly. policy not individuals. . china not trump. . . sovereignty

not sovereign

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 05/23/19 04:17:14 AM (580303034)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

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GUID: EAFA727B-5D16-4355-A8A9-C357A5646573

Message: your brand with tweaking . tom friedman like allies. all good. less of
deutshland more of homeland

Time: 05/23/19 06:28:49 AM (580310929)

Flags: 1060865
Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

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HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028413
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021472.txt,"-

To: Tampa From @., ami ©

Re: 31E-MM-108062, 06/11/2007

LEAD (s) :
Set Lead 1: (Info)
TAMPA

AT ORLANDO, Fl

FBI Miami requests travel concurrence from FBI Tampa to
conduct victim/witness interview.

ad

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021472
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015320.txt,"in arms that ‘women are being non-consensually satirized’ by Big Evil
Porn, and The Big Bad Larry Flynt. The usual nonsense from the usual
suspects. Even some pro-porn feminists are upset at Palin being

‘targeted’ by porn. They conveniently overlook the fact that most porn
satirizes white men in power: politicians, police, professors. Most recent
case in point, 7he Elliot Splizter Story...""

Who’ s Nailin’ Paylin was ready for release before the election, as
was an issue of the horror comic book 7a/es From the Crypt, which
featured on the cover a painting of Sarah Palin swinging her hockey stick
to disperse the Vault-Keeper and other ghoulish characters as she
sneeringly asks, “Didn' t we get rid of you guys in the ' 50s?” --a
reference to the censorship problems faced decades ago by EC Comics, the
original publisher of 7a/es From the Crypt, and concomitantly a criticism of
Palin for her “rhetorical question” about removing objectionable books
from library shelves.

However, another publisher was producing a comic-book
biography of Palin that wouldn’ t be released until February 2009, so two
endings were prepared. But an edition of South Park--broadcast the day
after the election--took a risk with only one ending, which lampooned

Obama’ s victory. Co-creator Trey Parker explained, “We’ re just going

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015320
"
IMAGES-012-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033057.txt,"From: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com]

Sent: 1/3/2018 7:14:36 PM
To: Thomas Jr., Landon
Subject: Re:

Importance: — High
no. but no questions donalds statement is goofy. . early dementia?

On Wed, Jan 3, 2018 at 2:12 PM, Thomas Jr., Landon (> wrote:
No doubt he and DT know each other well too. Have to say, he is looking/sounding increasingly
unhinged -- are you tempted to take any money off the table in the markets?

On Wed, Jan 3, 2018 at 2:04 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:
yup

On Wed, Jan 3, 2018 at 1:08 PM, Thomas Jr., Landon (> wrote:
I know -- have been reading it. Good old MW. You still talk to him?

On Wed, Jan 3, 2018 at 1:05 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:
http://nymag.com/daily/intelligencer/2018/01/michael-wolff-fire-and-fury-book-donald-trump.html

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

Landon Thomas, Jr.
Financial Reporter
New York Times

http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/t/landon jr thomas/inde
x.html

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033057
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024143.txt,"Key financial market driver 1 - Eurozone crisis

Key questions

e What is the way forward for Eurozone banks?

e What is the most likely course of events in Spain, Italy and Portugal?
¢ In what direction will the economy and the ECB go?

ClO View (Probability: 65%*) Austerity and weak growth
¢ Support for the banking sector is a major political agenda item, and the request for external support for
Spanish banks can be seen as the starting point for greater European support and oversight for banks, to
be discussed at the upcoming European Council.

¢ Greece's debt remains unsustainable, but the risk of a euro exit over the next six months has diminished
after the 17 June elections, which have produced a viable government coalition. The Troika may only
accept moderate adjustments to the second Greek package. Portugal is likely to receive an increased
bailout package and is unlikely to default in 2012. Progress on reforms and consolidation in Spain and Italy
is most crucial for the near-term development of the crisis. Risk premiums would rise strongly on any
failure to meet deficit targets; we expect bond risk premiums to remain elevated for Spain and Italy over
the next six months.

¢ Following stagnation in 1Q 2012, economic surveys are commensurate with a quarterly GDP contraction
of around 0.3% at present. Business survey evidence points to a general wait and see mode. The risk to the
outlook for a stabilization of economic growth in the second half of 2012 is skewed to the downside. The
ECB remains on hold, but the bar to support the economy and markets has been lowered substantially. We
see a significant probability of policy action in early July, including the possibility of a rate reduction.
Despite all the talk about political measures to support growth and increased tolerance for budget
slippages, there is practically no leeway for fiscal stimuli. The near-term growth impact of any fiscal
measure will at best be marginal, in our view.

A Positive scenario (Probability: 15%*)

¢ Bond yields are contained, as peripheral countries' budgets stay on track and economic activity recovers
faster than expected. Greece fully complies with the austerity plans and receives further support. Market
confidence is restored, and economic growth stagnates in 2012.

& Negative scenario (Probability: 20%*) Major shock
¢ Major shocks could include Spain being pushed into a full IMF/EU program, possibly by a rating cut to
junk, enhancing pressure also on Italy; serious political disagreement in core countries (for instance after
Dutch elections, etc.); a possible Portuguese default; a Greek euro exit; or a major external growth shock.

Return to macro stability

Key dates

5 July ECB press conference

9-10 July Eurogroup/ECOFIN-Meeting

24 July Eurozone purchasing manager indices (PMI), July estimates

36 UBS

Bottoming in Eurozone leading
indicators (PMI) in June?

65
60
55
50
45
40
35

30

06 07 08 09 10 11 12
—Manufacturing —Services —Composite

Source: Bloomberg, UBS CIO, as of 21 June 2012 (estimates)

Yield of Spanish and Italian 10-year
bonds over German Bunds (in bps)

600
500
400

300

01/2011

04/2011

07/2011 10/2011. 01/2012: 04/2012
—ltaly Spain

Source: UBS CIO, Bloomberg, as of 18 June 2012

Note: Past performance is not an indication of future returns.

* Scenario probabilities are based on qualitative assessment.

For further information please contact CIO analyst Thomas Wacker, thomas.wacker@ubs.com and
ClO economist Ricardo Garcia, ricardo-za.garcia@ubs.com

Please see important disclaimer and disclosures at the end of the document.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024143
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017731.txt,"Page 17 of 52
2005 B.Y.U.L. Rev. 835, *863

To avoid creating only significant new responsibilities for prosecutors and their agents, the proposed new Rule 10.1 is lifted
essentially verbatim from the 2000 Attorney General Guidelines for Victim and Witness Assistance. The 2005 revisions to the
Guidelines continue essentially the same requirements. 148

The drafters of the CVRA also appear to believe that the notification obligations will fall primarily on prosecutors’ offices, as
the CVRA authorizes an appropriation of $ 22,000,000 over the next five fiscal years to the Office for Victims of Crime of the

139 [*864] Presumably, those enhanced new

Department of Justice for enhancement of victim notification systems.
notification systems can be used to keep victims apprised of court proceedings. Moreover, the CVRA directs that the
Department of Justice and its investigative agencies ""shall make their best efforts to see that crime victims are notified of, and
accorded, the rights described in subsection (a).""_ 14°

Proposed new Rule 10.1 adds only two new obligations beyond those found in the 2000 Attorney General Guidelines: (1)
notice to victims of their right to make a statement regarding any proposed plea, and (2) notice to victims of their right to attend
public proceedings. Both of these obligations are currently found in the 2005 Guidelines. !4!

One last issue deserves brief discussion: Is it proper for the Judiciary, through the rule-making process, to command another
branch of government to take certain actions? !4? The starting point for analyzing this question is the congressional command
in the CVRA that the executive branch must protect victims' rights. ‘4? Consequently, implementing these rights through rule
changes presents no question of the courts inventing new rights or exercising some kind of ""supervisory"" power over federal
agents. '44 Instead, the implementation is simply enforcing congressionally created rights through the Judiciary's
congressionally authorized rulemaking authority - an uncontroversial exercise of judicial power. !4° Moreover, in the CVRA,
Congress commanded the courts to ""ensure that the crime victim is afforded the rights described [in the CVRA]."" '4° Rule
changes needed to implement the CVRA thus rest [*865] on this statutory authority as well. Additionally, this Article's
proposals affecting prosecutors are closely connected to court proceedings; they deal with such things as prosecutors notifying
victims of hearings and conferring with victims in anticipation thereof. It is difficult to see new separation of powers concerns
arising in such contexts so closely connected to the courtroom.

137 See 2000 A.G. Guidelines, supra note 38; see also U.S. Dept. of Justice, Office for Victims of Crime, New Directions from the Field:
Victims' Rights and Services for the 21st Century 82 (1998) (""Prosecutors' offices should notify victims in a timely manner"" of all significant
hearings.).

B8 See 2005 A.G. Guidelines, supra note 38, at 27-29 (providing for notice to victims, although relying on the department's Victim
Notification Systems (VNS) to do this).

B9 See 118 Stat. 2260, 2264 (2004); sce also 150 Cong. Rec. $4267 (daily ed. Apr. 22, 2004) (statement of Sen. Kyl) (""We authorized an
appropriation of funds to assure ... that moneys would be made available to enhance the victim notification system, managed by the
Department of Justice's Office for Victims of Crime, and the resources additionally to develop state-of-the-art systems for notifying crime
victims of important statements of development) (emphasis added). But cf. id. (discussing court notification of attorneys of record and
concluding ""it is a relatively simple matter to add another name and telephone number or address to that list"").

40 78 US.CA. 3771(c)(1) (West 2004 & Supp. 2005) (emphasis added).

141 See 2005 A.G. Guidelines, supra note 38, at 27 (prosecutors to notify victims of all their rights under the CVRA).

42 Victims cannot rely on the provisions of the Attorney General Guidelines to protect their rights because the Guidelines themselves state
that they ""are not intended to ... and may not be relied upon to create any rights ... enforceable at law by any person in a matter civil or
criminal."" 2005 A.G. Guidelines, supra note 38, at 27.

43 18 USCA. 3771(c)(1).

44 Cf. Sarah Sun Beale, Reconsidering Supervisory Power in Criminal Cases: Constitutional and Statutory Limits on the Authority of the
Federal Courts, 84 Colum. L. Rev. 1433 (1984) (discussing more problematic applications of judicial power).

45 See id. at 1476-77; 28 U.S.C. 2071, 2072 (establishing court rule-making power).

46 18 U.S.C. 3771(b) (emphasis added).

DAVID SCHOEN

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017731
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018402.txt,"fracturing of ancient China during the Spring and Autumn era or in the Roman
Empire in the age of the Caesars. Our current shifting — that tap, tap on every
nation’s politics, media, and economics - isn’t really so unpredictable after all. 242

You may know the old saw of military parade evaluation: That the more magnificent
a nation’s uniforms are the weaker it’s army usually is. But the gold-braided
admirals of some three-ship navy reflect a very human need for security, and
particularly for a self-decided feeling of security. Every nation has it’s own foreign
affairs aims. Each cherishes a certain national image, memories of military glory and
of “interests” inseparable from culture or identity. The goals of the French and the
Turks, for instance, each evoke an encyclopedia of history, tradition and politics.
Uneasiness in Paris about capitalism and immigration, for instance; or Anrka’s
worry about ethnic division, fundamentalisms, and the creeping nuclear progress of
their neighbors. Our era’s revolutionary logic will shape choices in every nation
differently. But I'd like here to discuss American foreign policy. America plays a
central role in world order now. The country’s leading position makes her, to some
degree, an unavoidable gatekeeper. In the Napoleonic era, nearly every revolution
or war could be tied to energies emanating from Paris. During the Cold War most
puzzles of politics or geography might be framed in terms of a zero-sum competition
with the USSR. In our own age, we'll find most every problem links to networks and
their new logic. And - for now at least - to America. Thomas Paine’s memorable 250
year-old assessment, that “The cause of America is the cause of all mankind,”
touches this linked universalism in a way he never could have imagined.
“Betweeness” or “Centrality” are the way network science labels and measures such
a role. Just how essential is a certain nation or trading platform or point? The
networks of America won't, in the future, be the only networks. They will be less
“between”. But they will be, always and indelibly, the first reference for design.

If the traditional aim of American foreign policy was to prevent the emergence of a
challenger that threatened the country directly, or that might fence off and
manipulate Asia or Europe or Latin America against Washington’s aims, the concern
now is different: Mastery of topological destiny. There are those who observe, as an
American think tank noted in 2015, “Today the United States faces no existential
threat.”243 This is wrong. The emergence and shape of networks is just such a
danger. Security, the great foreign policy theorist Andre Wolfers once wrote, is “the
absence of threats to acquired values.”244 The networks around us, as we've seen,
are demolishing older values. Often because we want them to. Any revolutionary
technology unbuttons an older order this way. But we now approach this
destabilized world with a sort of wideyed panic. Control terrorism, manage climate

242 Our current shifting: See also Lars-Erik Cederman, T. Camber Warren, and
Didier Sornette, “Testing Clausewitz: Nationalism, Mass Mobilization, and the
Severity of War” International Organization 65, Fall 2011, pp 605-38

243 “America faces no existential threat”: See James Dobbins, et al. Choices for
America in a Turbulent World (Santa Monica: RAND Corporation, 2015) xiv

244 In his classic essay: Andre Wolfers, “National Security’ as an ambigious
symbol”, Political Science Quarterly, 67 (1952) 485

170

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018402
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017057.txt,"Figure $18

1e-5
& 8 - —— - B 4.0
— fever —— diabetes
— cancer =~ obesity
6 — asthma — _ heart attack
iS —— tuberculosis =
rs) o
cS c
ro) oO
=| =]
log low
® ®
& <4
we Te
0 0.
1800 1850 1900 1950 2000 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000
Year Year
— cholera infantile paralysis
Franklin Delano Roosevelt
1.55 polio vaccine 1
> >
is) is)
c c
® ()
3 1.0 =
lou low
£ 2
re Ww
0.5
0.0 = : ~ 0.0
1800 1850 1900 1950 2000 1800 1850 1900 1950 2000

Year Year

Fig. $18. Tracking historical epidemics using their influence on the surrounding culture. (A) Usage
frequency of various diseases: ‘fever’ (blue), ‘cancer’ (green), ‘asthma’ (red), ‘tuberculosis’ (cyan),
‘diabetes’ (purple), ‘obesity’ (yellow) and ‘heart attack’ (black). (B) Cultural prevalence of AIDS and HIV.
We highlight the year 1983 when the viral agent was discovered. (C) Usage of the term ‘cholera’ peaks
during the cholera epidemics that affected Europe and the US (blue shading). (D) Usage of the term
‘infantile paralysis’ (blue) exhibits one peak during the 1916 polio epidemic (blue shading), and a second
around the time of a series of polio epidemics that took place during the early 1950s. But the second
peak is anomalously broad. Discussion of polio during that time may have been fueled by the election of
‘Franklin Delano Roosevelt’ (green), who had been paralyzed by polio in 1936 (green shading), as well as

by the development of the ‘polio vaccine’ (red) in 1952. The vaccine ultimately eradicated ‘infantile

paralysis’ in the United States.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017057
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014980.txt,"Volatility in Europe
Buy EU banks dispersion: (+) basket call, (-) worst-of calls

Trade: Long Dec17 105% call on an equally weighted basket of SAN, BNP, ING,
ISP & DBK*, short Dec17 ATM worst-of call on the same basket for 1.8% indic.
(correl bid: 81%).

* We pick the top 5 stocks with the largest market cap within the SX7E (EU banks sector

index) corresponding to 5 different countries

We have previously highlighted our preference for vol dispersion trades both in the US
and the EU — with the most recent recommendation being sector dispersion
opportunities within the EU. In a similar vein, we suggest positioning for greater
dispersion within EU banks via buying a call on a basket of Santander, BNP Paribas, ING,
Intesa and Deutsche Bank part-financed by selling a worst-of call on the same basket as:

¢ Improving macro/earnings, sensitivity to rates and regulatory headwinds likely
to lead to greater differentiation within banks: An improving macro backdrop in
Europe & ongoing improvement in EPS revisions (see Style Cycle) paint a bullish
picture for EU banks as they are seen as leveraged macro plays within the EU.
However, we believe there is a potential for greater differentiation within banks as
our bank analysts have argued before (here and here} that: (i) some banks stand to
benefit more than others based on their earnings power should the uptick in the
earnings cycle continue, (ii) banks’ gearing to interest rate cycles, and therefore
likely impact from a more hawkish ECB, varies between different banks and (iii)
French and Benelux banks are likely to be most impacted under potential Basel IV
regulations.

+ Entry point is attractive given historically low implied vols: The structure
benefits from its long vol bias as average 6M implied vol on the basket of 5
European banks is historically low (13% %-ile since Jan-08, Chart 16).

¢ High implied correlation beneficial for structure’s short correlation bias: Chart
17 shows the average pairwise 6M and 3M realised correlations between the 5 EU
banks, which are historically low. Despite this recent drop in realised correlations,
implied correlation is priced higher, thus providing an interesting entry point for the
(short-correlation) trade.

Bankof America <> ; dee Ios
Merrill Lynch Global Equity Volatility Insights | 20 June 2017 9

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014980
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025218.txt,"Industrial production Unemployment rates - core vs. periphery

index, 100 = January 2007 Percent, Peripheral rates weighted by population
41 18%
rie — Greece, Ireland, Spain & Portugal
16%
105.
14%
100
17%
i 10%
od B%
85 G% Germany
ad Ao,
a aa
2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 0% aa ae ;
Source: INE, CSO, ISTAT, NSS, Eurostat, Bundesbank, J.P. Morgan Ve7O gf TOG 188 TO 1D ZO aT
Securities LLC, J.P. Morgan Private Bank. Periphery =Portugal, Ireland, lialy, Source: J.P. Morgan Private Bank, Bankof Spain, Bankof Portugal, OECD,
Greece, Spain. CSO, M55, Bundesbank

The third concern: Germany as paymaster. We are often told that Germans across both major parties are unflinching
supporters of the European project, and will do whatever it takes to prevent a break-up. The objections from members of
the Bundesbank are described as lonely voices of opposition that carry no weight [a]. But how large are the costs going
to be? German politicians and voters may see current circumstances as exceptional, and that if they just agree to one
more package, the problem will go away. However, we are starting to see analyses of how costly a permanent transfer
union may be for Germany. Bernard Connolly at Hamiltonian Advisors sent me a recent paper from the Centrum fur
Europaische Politik in Freiburg, which provides some clues. They see three alternatives for the deficit countries:

** massive reduction in regulations and unit labor costs to regain competitiveness
** exit from the EMU, re-introduction of national currencies
** permanent transfer union from surplus countries to deficit ones

On the last option, they estimate a “creditworthiness gap” in European deficit countries of Eur 108 billion in 2010. The
gap measures how much European deficit countries rely on capital inflows to fund consumption, rather than investment
(which contributes to future GDP). Germany’s share of the European surplus is around ™%, so let’s assume a pro-rata
burden on Germany to maintain the transfer union. As a result, the theoretical economic cost could be 3.3% of German
GDP every year, which as shown, gets close to some expensive episodes in German history. If German citizens were
faced with costs this high, it could be a White Castle hamburger-throwing moment of national proportions.

ior ev Europe equities, priced for the risks

icon ofmelor events Europe 10-yrbvalling PE divided by US 10-yr trailing PE
45% 125
4.0%
3.5% 115
3.0% 1.05
25%
7 OM, 0.95
1.5% _
10% 0.65
5% O75
0.0%

Peak Versailles Unificaban (since PotentialcostofEMU = gas

reparations (1925) 1991) transtfar union 1998 20000 anne 2004 2006 2008 anid

Source: Carl-Ludwig Holtirerich, Hallelnstitute for Economic Research, Source: Factset, MSCL

Zentrum fur Europaische Politik (Freiburg), J.P. Morgan Private Bank.

Bottom line. At atime when European equities are trading close to 2009 lows relative to earnings and book value, this
package could result in a relief rally for European equities, particularly banks. The chance of a disorderly default in 2011
has decreased markedly, and a process has been put in place to create more seamless transfers to areas (and banks) in
need. But the size of the transfer union fund is not big enough to allay all concerns, particularly with Spain and Italy
growing at anemic levels, and there is execution risk in Greece.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025218
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018364.txt,"the endless long continuum. We do think in too short a time frame. But the clock
also, I began to suspect as I considered it, had another role. Those 10,000 years of
marked time were an attempt to scratch an itch bothering these pioneers of
cyberspace. It might even have been a sort of guilty sensation. After all, there was
something that they had demolished in their ceaseless fast connecting of the world -
maybe accidentally, but anyhow it could never be put back to where it was. If the
great industrial titans before them had, over several hundred years, vanquished
distance, lacing the world with trading networks, the men and women behind the
clock were fracturing something else, something that for all of human history had
seemed the only reliable, safe, sad constant of our condition: Time. For most of
history, time and space were seen as facts, immutable forces that could not be
overcome or adjusted or fought. Time particularly. The quintessential, tragically
non-negotiable condition of life. The backers of the clock were, in their “day jobs”, in
the business of overcoming, adjusting, fighting and even destroying an older sense
of time. What might once have taken years, they were committed to making happen
in an instant.

The Long Now project, then, was like one of those carefully isolated arctic freezers,
where samples of essential grains and DNA from Beethoven’s hair and Einstein’s
brain are sunk and iced against the godforbid day in which our basic feedstock or a
chunk of humanity has been wiped out by accident or disaster. Blasted into a
mountain hole, designed to last thousands of years, the clock is a repository for time
itself. Itis a defensive museum, built against the moment when instant networks
finally devour the off switch and kill an older, essential feeling of time. The clock-
makers knew, | think, that they had helped to demolish a particular sense of pace
with their fast, instant networks. They wanted, with the knowledgeable keening of
the guilty, a new device, one carefully gated away from the very revolution they
were encouraging with their business and technical obsessions. This hunger for
speed had built their fortunes. Their revolution (and its IPOs) had paid for the clock,
frankly. And the hope for “instant world” had inspired their dreams long before
deep, fast connections were possible. Bezos’s first name for Amazon, Cadabara,
captured just this sense of waving wands and the eye-blink “Now you don't see it,
now you do!” appearance of just what you want or need. Murdering time. You could
ask: What are the really networks for anyway? Would they feel guilty when they
confessed?

2.

Danny Hillis’s father was an epidemiologist. His mother was a bio-statistician. And
his childhood was a blur of infection-led family migrations. “Anywhere in the world
there was an epidemic, we would go,” he recalled. As the family bounced from Dehli
to Cairo to Dakha to Nairobi, racing diseases one after another, Danny developed a
vivid, energetic autodidactisism. He would collect knowledge from his parents, from
the streets around him, his new friends, anywhere. In a library in Calcutta, for
instance, he once found a copy of George Boole’s 1854 book “An Investigation Into
the Laws of Thought”. Boole invented symbolic logic on those pages and though his
instincts were grounded in an age of steam and machines, his vision still echoes in

132

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018364
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015446.txt,"“We better run,” | told Marilee.
“Why? They’ re not gonna hit us.”
“Yes, they are! Run! Hurry!”

The police had been let out of their cage and they were absolutely
enraged. Marilee got away, but | was struck with a nightstick on the
outside of my right knee. | fell to the ground. The cop ran off to injure as
many other cockroaches in his kitchen as he could. Another cop came
charging and he yelled at me, “Get up/ Get up!”

‘l’ m trying to!”

He made a threatening gesture with his billy club, and when | tried
to protect my head with my arms, he jabbed me viciously on the exposed
right side of my ribs. Oh, God, the pain! The cops were running amuck
now, in an orgy of indiscriminate sadism, swinging their clubs wildly and
screaming, “Get the fuck outa here you fuckin’ faggots, you
motherfuckin’ cocksuckers!”

| managed to drag myself along the sidewalk. It felt like an electric
cattle prod was stuck between my ribs. Marilee drove me to a hospital
emergency ward. X-rays indicated that | had a fractured rib and a

punctured lung.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015446
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027046.txt,"From: ee

Sent: 1/12/2012 3:23:25 PM
To: jeevacation@gmail.com
Subject: Re: B 727 thought

Importance: — High

you want me to call Tarek, instead? just to confirm.

In a message dated 1/12/2012 10:21:24 A.M. Eastern Standard Time, jeevacation@gmail.com writes:
Call

Sorry for all the typos .Sent from my iPhone

On Jan 12, 2012, at 4:12 PVM rote:

Jeffrey,

this may be a long shot to save the Boeing deal, or if you think its a dead deal, disregard this.

| thought there was a connection between Tarek and myself, | do believe one concern was operation of Boeing with
flight crew. | Know its his problem not ours, but may help make the sale happen,.

| wrote this email for your review, if you think its worth sending, please critique, and let me know,. thank you:

Mr. Tarek El Sayed,
| hope this email finds you well, and believe worth communicating my thoughts to you.

| was surprised to hear that you decided against the purchase of our Super Boeing 727. | personally thought it was a great match for
your business needs in Qatar. If for any reason your decision was based on crew issues and charter needs in the Middle East, I'd like
to share some information that might prove beneficial to making you reconsider this purchase.

The pilot candidates | have lined up for your interview along with the possibility of David Rodgers joining your flight department
were as follows:

(at no time did | disclose location or persons to the following pilot candidates to protect your privacy.)

Robert Breslin, who is the former Chief Pilot of Mr. Donald Trump, Mr. Breslin flew the Boeing 727 and Boeing 757 owned by Mr
Trump. Mr Breslin is a fine man of 40 years of age estimate, with extensive VIP Boeing operations.

James Bartakowski, who has extensive flying experience in the Middle east, Africa and Europe régime. Mr. Bartakowski has also
been involved in charter operations in Africa and Middle East and has contacted me on several recent occasions with charters for
our Boeing 727, James has indicated there is the possibility of 40 -60 hours per month charter operations for larger transport
category aircraft in your area. | believe there is a growing need for charter in the business community in Qatar and neighboring
countries.

Bruce Jafahri, who is a current Boeing 727 captain who lived in Doha for two years, and familiar with international operations of
Boeing 727 aircraft. Mr. Jafahri currently lives in California and ready for a new opportunity. Bruce is current in the Boeing 727 and
also flew Captain on the Boeing 747. Well qualified individual and personable.

Mr. El Sayed, as you have seen during our demo flight, our Boeing 727 is in impeccable condition, quite cabin and will provide many
years of charter and business flights your company. | believe the large business jet future in Qatar is growing and you will be
leading its path, and your initial investment in this purchase will not come close with other aircraft options on the market as you
may have seen already.

We are currently completing the C2C check on the Boeing, and as we have done in the past, assure you it will be a fine aircraft
when it leaves Flight Star Maintenance repair facility.

Sincerely,

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027046
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014758.txt,"Best Vol Trades

Ralf Preusser, CFA Herve Belmas

MLI (UK) MLPF&S

ralf .preusser@baml.com herve.belmas@baml.com
Sphia Salim Christopher Xiao

MLI (UK) MLPF&S
sphia.salim@baml.com christopher.xiao@baml.com

Tension in Trump’s policies are bullish for vol
¢ Weighing up the impact of fiscal easing vs protectionism and shifting from
deflation to inflation risks should be bullish for vol.

« Inrates, we see room for the belly of the curve to reprice to the dots. 2yly should
cheapen 75bp, vol is cheap vs rates and the skew the least expensive in that sector.

e In FX, we think vol and skew have room to reprice higher compared to the repricing
seen in rates. We like cheapening a EURUSD put with a 3m30y strangle.

e In EM, USDCNH calls are attractive in our view. A stronger USD adds pressure to
depreciate, while the risks of trade tariffs, labelling China a currency manipulator,
etc could lead to a sharp re-pricing or risk premia higher.

Highest conviction in FX, belly of the US curve and CNH

We view Donald Trump’s election as bullish for USD, bearish for real rates and
challenging for EM. The inherent tensions in President-elect Trump’s policy proposals,
as well as the question marks over the Fed’s reaction function should also support a
repricing of vol higher, especially since neither FX, nor front-end rates volatility look
stretched by historical standards.

However, expressing a view on long-end nominal rates is harder, and implications for
rates vol are less clear. USD 5y5y breakevens are consistent with the Fed’s definition of
price stability for the first time in more than a year. In Europe, the sell-off in rates (both
Bunds and BTPS) is tightening monetary conditions at a time when the ECB should do
more, not less. Finally, the Bo)’s yield curve control should provide an anchor for JGBs.

Consequently we focus on the following three trades:

11. Buying USS100mn 2y1y payer, struck at 2.50% (ATM+69bp)
12. Buying a EURUSD 3m 1.05 put, partly financed with a 150bp-wide 3m30y strangle

13. We recommend buying a 6m USDCNH 7.60 call

US rates to converge to the dots: attractive in vol

The view on long-end rates is complicated by the significant repricing of breakevens,
the likelihood of the ECB doing more, and the Bo) defending its JGB yield target. We do,
however, see room for a further increase in risk premia in the belly of the US curve. We
believe that the market will ultimately view the Fed dots as a floor, rather than a cap.
Supply pressures will weigh on the belly of the curve, rather than the long-end. This
makes the cheapness of the upper left corner of the vol surface attractive.

As we look for a repricing of Fed expectations, to levels more consistent with the dot
plot, we recommend buying US$100mn 2y1y payer, struck at 2.50% (25-delta), i.e.,
ATM +69bp. The cost is US$165K, equivalent to 17bp of yield. We target a PNL of
USS300K.

Bankof America
28 Global Rates, FX & EM 2017 Year Ahead | 16 November 2016 Merrill Lynch

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014758
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HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028375
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021314.txt,"to connect people in a religious service.
Although joint participation in any event
(such as sports or theatre) may have
some of the same effect as discussed by
Giin Semin, the content of language and
the intent of the messages in religious
practice is often focused on developing
and strengthening social and spiritual
connections.

Everyone knows someone who
moved to another country, or to another
part of their own country where speech
patterns differ. After a period of time, in
the context of novel speech patterns,
some people adopt the speech patterns
around them. This kind of linguistic
convergence is well documented and is
moderated by social factors such as the
desire to be accepted or the attempt to be
persuasive.’ When people talk together,
one person’s speech can impact the way
another person talks in order to promote
social connection. Indeed, the same kind
of behavioral convergence is found over
the course of conversations for other
kinds of non-linguistic actions as well.”

Information, impact, and
understanding

How does language bind us
together and compel us to action,
thought, and feeling? When we talk,
sound vibration is transmitted from
mouth to ears. Facial expressions and
manual gestures punctuate, illustrate,
and illuminate our speech. These
acoustic and visual signals travel over
space and time to the eyes and ears of
the audience. The impact of such
communication is true action at a
distance.

This notion of language as action
at a distance is relatively well accepted
in the scientific study of language. But
in research on language and
communication by psycholinguists and

Page | 68

linguists, the emphasis is on the
information contained within an
utterance and the structure and form by
which this information is presented.
Research questions often focus on the
variety of ways the same message can be
framed and how listeners interpret such
messages. But little of this work
addresses the impact of the message
itself.

The standard view of language
processing is that we hear the sounds of
speech (acoustic patterns) that we
translate mentally into words. The
meanings of these words are determined
and then the meanings combined
(through our knowledge of sentence
structure) to result in sentence meaning.
Given that a sentence typically occurs in
a context of other sentences (e.g., a
sermon) or in response to other speech
(e.g., a conversation), this context is then
used to frame and reinterpret the
sentence meaning.

Metaphor, irony, sarcasm, and
other figures are generally thought of as
being understood later in this process
although in Gilpin’s chapter the
immediate power of these to affect us is
quite clear. Emotion and attitudes are
thought of as not understood until after
the linguistic message has been
determined. The impact of language on
attitudes through persuasion is viewed
by cognitive psychology and linguistics
as occurring after the message has been
understood. However, this does raise the
question about whether a “message” (to
be understood) is simply the linguistic
properties of a sentence or the impact of
the linguistic form on an audience.

A very different view of
language might come from considering
vocal communications that often have a
direct impact on an audience.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021314
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029198.txt,"Direktor
DAI

Tel:
vr
Email: is
www.dai-heidelberg.de

Am 26.08.2018 um 22:04 schrieb Lawrence Krauss {a :

Hi.. update.. noam cannot do anything anyway.. nor UK that week.. So, I have been able confirm I can get the
ticket for the discounted amount of 4500 Euros.. Are you game with my proposal? I have until end of Sept to
buy out the old ticket before they cancel it.

Lawrence

Lawrence M. Krauss

Professor

School of Earth & Space Exploration and Physics Department
Arizona State University, P.O. Box 871404, Tempe, AZ 85287-1404

Research Office | Assistant
| twitter.com/Ikrauss1 | www.lawrencemkrauss.com

On Aug 17, 2018, at 9:34 AM, Lawrence Krauss <> wrote:

Well it depends on UK.. if they can’t do it, then alas, it would be the whole thing.. I could check for a
discount ticket of course.. and maybe even economy class... There is also a small chance that I might do the
event in UK with Noam Chomsky, and I am wondering whether, if I could convince him to join me ina
dialogue at your place whether that might change the dynamics of the event for you, and free up some more
money perhaps..

Lawrence

Lawrence M. Krauss
Professor

School of Earth & Space Exploration and Physics Department
Arizona State University, P.O. Box 871404, Tempe, AZ 85287-1404

Research Office: NE Assistant
| twitter.com/Ikrauss1 | www.lawrencemkrauss.com

On Aug 17, 2018, at 9:18 AM, Jakob K6llhofer (> wrote:

Hi Lawrence
your mail meets me on the way out to a week abroad.

| need my financial colleague to decide. So, | shall be
back at the end of this month.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029198
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014311.txt,"° 60
©
19% 50 10%
40
14% 30 5%
9% 20
os 0%
0 af a
SExrLE= -
cS Sb2b ts
SS8288 10%
n?eSesaz 1980 1984 1988 1992 1996 2000 2004 2008 2012 2016

® Largest 4-day % changes in 10yr UST yields since 1962
@ Change measured in bps (nght)

Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research. Based on daily data since 1962.

—— 4-day return of a 30yr UST futures investment
ee 14-Nov-16

Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research

Amanda Ens

Director

Bank of America Merrill Lynch
Merrill Lynch, Pierce, Fenner & Smith Incorporated
One Bryant Park, 5th Floor, New York, NY 10036

The power of global connections™

Bankof America
Merrill Lynch

This message, and any attachments, is for the intended recipient(s) only, may contain information that is
privileged, confidential and/or proprietary and subject to important terms and conditions available at
http://www. bankofamerica.com/emaildisclaimer. If you are not the intended recipient, please delete this
message.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014311
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019433.txt,"“Datapalooza.” Here’s the reference:

“New college ratings will help students compare the value offered by different colleges,” the fact sheet said. “The
Department of Education will enlist entrepreneurs and technology leaders with a ‘Datapalooza’ to catalyze new private-
sector tools, services, and apps to help students evaluate and select colleges. The effort will be complemented by earnings
information by college that will be released for the first time on [the] administration’s College Scorecard this fall.”

Whatis a datapalooza? Apparently, itis a festival of, or related to, data. The White House and the Education Department
hosted such an event Oct. 9. Students and parents are arguably awash in data now, much of it conflicting and confusing.
Some would say more is better.

Few would argue that better data would be best of all for the consumer.
The yen for better data is shared not just by Obama but also by some colleges. Start with graduation rates.

Now, the federal government measures how many students graduate within four years or six years of starting college. But it
only measures that for students who are first-timers, who are enrolled full-time and who don’t transfer from one institution to
another, omitting a huge share of the college population. Millions of students are part-timers. Community colleges with
excellent records of getting students into prestigious four-year schools are not rewarded for their efforts if those students fail
to pick up an associate’s degree before they transfer. Nor are four-year colleges that give transfer students or former
dropouts a second chance and help them get a bachelor’s degree.

The Association of Public and Land-grant Universities, which represents schools such as the University of Maryland, is
spearheading an effort to improve this flawed metric, using not only federal data but also information from the nonprofit
National Student Clearinghouse to track degree completion for students who move from one school to another.

One question Education Secretary Arne Duncan will face, as he confers with colleges to create a ratings system within the
next two years, is what kind of graduation rate the government will use. Another is what kind of data the government will
report on income of college graduates.

All we know about the federal rating metrics at this point are rough sketches from the fact sheet, highlighting these potential
factors: “access, such as percentage of students receiving Pell grants; affordability, such as average tuition, scholarships,
and loan debt; and outcomes, such as graduation and transfer rates, graduate earnings, and advanced degrees of college
graduates.”

The plan envisions that ratings will be tied to student aid formulas by 2018, if Congress agrees. Thatis a big if. It’s also a year
after Obama’s term ends.

There is nothing in the plan that would force states to give more funding to public higher education, one of the key cost
drivers in tuition. The president recognized the issue, touting a proposal that he has made before — a “Race to the Top”
incentive fund of $1 billion for higher education. This fund would aim to spur state reforms and reward states that maintain
strong higher education funding, much as an identically named fund for K-12 education did in 2009 and 2010. Butitis
unlikely to win congressional approval.

Obama’s plan highlights innovation. The president gave a major shout-out to a movement to award degrees based not on
how much time students spend in class but on how well they master their material, citing an experiment under way at
Southern New Hampshire University and one that is about to launch at the University of Wisconsin.

“So the idea would be if you’re learning the material faster, you can finish faster, which means you pay less and you save
money,” Obama said Thursday in a speech at the University at Buffalo. This notion is indeed revolutionary in academia
because most degrees are awarded based on the concept of a credit hour — which is a rough measure of the time a student
spends doing work in and for a course.

Obama also underscored the online learning movement, which has gained steam in recent years, saying that it holds out the

promise of reducing costs. Carnegie Mellon, Arizona State and Georgia Tech universities won coveted presidential
mentions in the speech. So did the University of Maryland, in the fact sheet. Fans of massive open online courses, or

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019433
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012760.txt,"Punishment in humans is emblematically promiscuous. We castigate others whenever they
violate a social norm, in both competitive and cooperative situations, targeting kin and non-kin.
Punishment is doled out by the individual directly harmed and also by third party onlookers. We use both
physical and non-physical means to discipline cheaters, including ostracism. Punishment’s landscape is
vast.

The idea I develop here, building on the work of scholars in economics, psychology, and
anthropology, is that our species alone circumvented the costs of punishment as an incidental
consequence of promiscuity, including an intimate coupling between the systems of aggression and
reward. As several brain imaging studies reveal, when we either anticipate or actually punish another, or
even witness punishment as a mere bystander, our reward circuitry delivers a honey hit. Delivering just
deserts, or watching them delivered, is like eating dessert. We absorb the costs of punishment by feeling
good about ratting out the scourges, banishing them from society, and sometimes from life itself.
Ironically, as the economist Samuel Bowles has suggested based on mathematical models and a synthesis
of the historical record, punishment can strengthen solidarity and cooperation within the group, while
simultaneously enhancing antagonism and prejudice toward those outside the inner sanctum. Ironically,
the psychology that benefited cooperation among like-minded others may also have functioned to destroy
those who have different beliefs and values.

The emergence of promiscuous punishment was a momentous event in human history, a
celebration of exquisite brain evolution and adaptive design. But this achievement carried a hidden cost, a
debt that we continue to pay: A mind capable of feeling good about punishing in the name of virtue is a
mind capable of doing bad to feel good. It is a mind that finds real or simulated violence entertaining and
seeks ways to satisfy this interest. It is a mind that enjoys watching others suffer while singing O
Schadenfreude. It is a mind that is capable of feeling good about killing others who are perceived as
parasitic on society. It is a mind that can override the anticipated costs of killing by fueling a taste for
killing.

Desire, denial, aggression and reward are each associated with specific psychological processes,
distinct evolutionary histories, and specific adaptive problems. When processed by a promiscuous brain,
these systems connect in ways that are both beneficial to human welfare and deeply deleterious.

How? Evil occurs when individuals and societies allow desire for personal gain to combine with
the denial of others’ moral worth to justify the use of excessive harms. Everyone has desires, resources
they want and experiences they seek. Our desires motivate us into action, often to fulfill personal needs or
to help others. We all desire good health, fulfilling relationships, and knowledge to explain the world.
Some also desire great wealth and power, each culture weighing in on its signature vision of what counts:

money, land, livestock, wives, and subordinates. The desire system motivates action in the service of

Hauser Prologue. Evilution 14

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012760
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020259.txt,"107

phone for fear of being tracked by an intelligence service. When she travelled, she bought
“burner” phones locally and disposed of them before any calls could be traced back to her. A
precaution she took that June was not to meet Snowden face-to-face out of concern about the
surveillance of American intelligence in Hong Kong. Instead, for her first 13 days in Hong Kong,
she worked behind the scenes, through intermediaries. Her task was not only to arrange his
escape route but also to create diversions to camouflage his real destination. Under Assange’s
tutelage, she had made deceptive ploys an integral parts of her trade craft. “We were working
very hard to lay as many false trails as possible,” she later told an interviewer in Berlin. According
to Assange, she booked decoy flights for Snowden to Being, China and New Delhi, India. She
also used Snowden’s credit card numbers to pay for the flight to India, She knew that since the
card was blocked, there was a high probability that it would come to the attention of US
intelligence. In all, according to Harrison, she booked no fewer than dozen such decoy tickets to
confuse Snowden’s pursuers in US and British intelligence. The only actual tickets she bought for
Snowden, according to an Aeroflot official, was a one-way ticket to Moscow. She paid for it at
the last minute. She also bought a ticket for self on the same flight leaving on June 23, 2013.

The source of the money for the Assange-Harrison operation was unclear. Subsequently,
Harrison said she was setting up secret bank accounts to help organize escape, but in Hong Kong
in 2013, Assange says she was using “Wikileaks’ resources.” Harrison said the “Wikileaks team”
helped fund Snowden’s flight to Russia from Hong Kong, as well as her own flight there. But
Wikileaks in June 2013 was not an organization with spare cash. Assange had forfeited his own
bail by fleeing the embassy of Ecuador, offending many of his financial supporters in Britain. He
also all but exhausted his bank account. Aside from money that dribbled in from Poitras’ five-
month old Freedom of the Press Foundation, the only visible source of funds for Wikileaks was
the previously-mentioned payments Assange received from RT Television. British intelligence
officers who reportedly subsequently examined Wikileaks’ bank finances in London found no
transfers to the “Wikileaks team” in Hong Kong.

While Harrison was organizing Snowden’s escape, she remained in the deep background.
Meanwhile, mounting pressure was brought on the Hong Kong government to take action by the
U.S. On June 16th, the U.S. government informed the Hong Kong authorities that it had filed a
criminal complaint against Snowden and would be seeking his extradition. Since Hong Kong
had a vigorously enforced extradition agreement with the United States, the Hong Kong authority
would be expected by the US to take Snowden into custody. But Hong Kong was not entirely
independent in national security issues. China had the final say in any extradition decision. In
fact, China had explicitly been given the right of vetoing any extraditions for any reason in the
formal 1999 agreement between Hong Kong and the U.S. Since its President had just met with
President Obama in California, China also had an interest in avoiding embarrassing public
demonstrations on behalf of Snowden. After he had held his press event, it wanted him out of
Hong Kong. According to a well-placed official in Hong Kong, it told the Hong Kong Authority

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020259
"
TEXT-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033312.txt,"From: Richard Kahn 
Sent: 4/20/2018 5:52:34 PM 
To: jeffrey E. [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Importance: High 
is this a sign trump will escape muller investigation unharmed.. 
https://www.cnbc.com/2018/04/20/democratic-party-files-suit-alleging-russia-the-trump-campaign-and-
wikileaks-conspired-to-disrupt-the-2016-election-report.html 
Richard Kahn 
HBRK Associates Inc. 
575 Lexington Avenue 4th Floor 
New York, NY 10022 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 033312 
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030422.txt,"3s 2fe 2s 24s fs fs 24s ois 2fe 2s fe fs 2s 24s ois 2fe of oye 2fs 2 24s ois 24s ois fe fs 2s ofc ois 2fe of 2fe ofs of 2c ois 2fe fs fe 2s of ofc ois ofc ois 2fe ois fe 2s ois 2c ok oie ois 2s 2k ois 2 ok

The information contained in this communication 1s
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of

Jeffrey Epstein

Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030422
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012953.txt,"3.2 Some Patternist Principles 37

e What learning processes are utilized for recognizing patterns?
e What mechanisms are used to give the system the ability to introspect (so that it can
recognize patterns in itself)?

Now, these same sorts of questions could be asked if one substituted the word “pattern” with
other words like “knowledge” or “information”. However, we have found that asking these ques-
tions in the context of pattern leads to more productive answers, avoiding unproductive byways
and also tying in very nicely with the details of various existing formalisms and algorithms for
knowledge representation and learning.

Among the many kinds of patterns in intelligent systems, semiotic patterns are particularly
interesting ones. Peirce decomposed these into three categories:

® iconic patterns, which are patterns of contextually important internal similarity between
two entities (e.g. an iconic pattern binds a picture of a person to that person)

e indexical patterns, which are patterns of spatiotemporal co-occurrence (e.g. an indexical
pattern binds a wedding dress and a wedding)

e symbolic patterns, which are patterns indicating that two entities are often involved in
the same relationships (e.g. a symbolic pattern between the number “5” (the symbol) and
various sets of 5 objects (the entities that the symbol is taken to represent))

Of course, some patterns may span more than one of these semiotic categories; and there
are also some patterns that don’t fall neatly into any of these categories. But the semiotic
patterns are particularly important ones; and symbolic patterns have played an especially large
role in the history of AI, because of the radically different approaches different researchers have
taken to handling them in their AI systems. Mathematical logic and related formalisms provide
sophisticated mechanisms for combining and relating symbolic patterns (“symbols”), and some
AI approaches have focused heavily on these, sometimes more so than on the identification of
symbolic patterns in experience or the use of them to achieve practical goals. We will look fairly
carefully at these differences in Chapter 4.

Pursuing the patternist philosophy in detail leads to a variety of particular hypotheses and
conclusions about the nature of mind. Following from the view of intelligence in terms of
achieving complex goals in complex environments, comes a view in which the dynamics of
a cognitive system are understood to be governed by two main forces:

e selforganization, via which system dynamics cause existing system patterns to give rise to
new ones

e goal-oriented behavior, which will be defined more rigorously in Chapter 7, but basically
amounts to a system interacting with its environment in a way that appears like an attempt
to maximize some reasonably simple function

Self-organized and goal-oriented behavior must be understood as cooperative aspects. If an
agent is asked to build a surprising structure out of blocks and does so, this is goal-oriented.
But the agent’s ability to carry out this goal-oriented task will be greater if it has previously
played around with blocks a lot in an unstructured, spontaneous way. And the “nudge toward
creativity” given to it by asking it to build a surprising blocks structure may cause it to explore
some novel patterns, which then feed into its future unstructured blocks play.

Based on these concepts, as argued in detail in [Goe06al, several primary dynamical principles
may be posited, including:

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012953
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029173.txt,"But in another view it is precisely because Mueller, a former
Marine, is so by the book and Semper Fi that he finds Trump's behavior
to be personally offensive, and, on its face, corrupt. ""Bob Mueller is all
about limits and rules. Donald Trump has none and acknowledges
none.""

It may yet be even a more profound clash then that, the executive
branch at war with itself—the Justice Department against the White
House.

Indeed, it is a war strategy, in the view of some legal observers.
Such an indictment would be litigated to the hilt. It would force both the
substantive issues of obstruction and abuse of power and the meta
issues of Presidential immunity—the hot button issues of the
President's claims to being above the law—into open court for a long
and painful review and dissection that might shadow the November
election.

Legal experts believe that the Mueller team might well prevail in
lower courts with a less likely, but not at all certain outcome, in the
Supreme Court.

“Might such an expansive claim win, yes. Should it win, no. But
everyone knows the reality: weak president's lose cases, strong
president's win them.""

Were the case to reach the Supreme Court after the November
election, it might well be the results of that election that help seal the
President's fate not just in Congress but also in the courts.

MORE TK

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029173
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031375.txt,"~— Program ( Tentative ) ®

NOBEL CHARITABLE TRUST

Day 1: Morning: Press,/Afternoon: Public Day 2: Public Day Day 3: Public Day
— Ex. Hall | Sp. Stage — Ex. Hall | Sp. Stage |Int.Conf.R a Ex. Hall | Sp. Stage |Int. Conf. R

Opening Ceremony
Selection process by Judges and
visitors all day

Experiment
Show

Selection process by Judges and
visitors all |\day

: 2 Exhibition

Exhibition

Closing

, nounce/Awa
Forum @) Ceremon
Finalists

Reception Party
(Reception Hall)

This program is tentative and may change.

16
HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031375
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024853.txt,"COWEN

COLLABORATIVE INSIGHTS February 25, 2019

Figure 53 Mary’s Provides A Range Of Topicals, Including Muscle Freeze

2

Figure 54 Curaleaf Hemp Lotion Priced On The Premium Side

as

MEDICINALS~

MUSCLY
{ FREEZE
ELITE CBD

CHIGIEGE

HEMP

LOTION

LEMONGRASS

cute,

EMONGRAS
HEMP ESS“

Topical Lotion with CBD | 300mg | NET W

lal Lotion with CBD | 300mg | NET WT. 402

Source: Company Report

Figure 55 Highline Positioned Within Mainstream

Source: Company Website

Figure 56 Reliva’s Pain Cream Retails For $19.99

PREMIUM CBD

CREAM

150mg °!

Highline

ingredients:
Organic Sui
Coco-Giuec
Gum, Apric
(Aloe Vera)
Acid, Natun

CBD

PAIN CREAM

RELIEF

0% THC

2 oz (60 mi)

Source: Company Website

COWEN.COM

Source: Company Website

37

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024853
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020787.txt,"HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020787
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012255.txt,"TAB 5

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012255
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025595.txt,"> >>> How are things?

i Bb

> >>> Just to let you know. We were able to keep the Leon Black money, but the $25K from your
foundation is getting bounced by MIT back to ASU.

> Sb

> >>> Sorry...

> Sb

>>>>- Joi

tos Bees

> >>> please note

> >>> The information contained in this communication 1s

> >>> confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may

> >>> constitute inside information, and is intended only for
> >>> the use of the addressee. It is the property of

> >>> JEE

> >>> Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this

> >>> communication or any part thereof 1s strictly prohibited
> >>> and may be unlawful. If you have received this

> >>> communication in error, please notify us immediately by
> >>> return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com , and
> >>> destroy this communication and all copies thereof,

> >>> including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved
SS

>>>

>>>

>>> --

>>> please note

>>> The information contained in this communication is
>>> confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
>>> constitute inside information, and is intended only for
>>> the use of the addressee. It is the property of

>>> JEE

>>> Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this

>>> communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
>>> and may be unlawful. If you have received this

>>> communication in error, please notify us immediately by
>>> return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com , and
>>> destroy this communication and all copies thereof,

>>> including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved
Bes Be

Bes Be

Bes Be

Bos Be a

>> please note

>> The information contained in this communication is

>> confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may

>> constitute inside information, and is intended only for

>> the use of the addressee. It is the property of

>> JEE

>> Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this

>> communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
>> and may be unlawful. If you have received this

>> communication in error, please notify us immediately by

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025595
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027913.txt,"ambitious. We intended to bug the communications line running east from
Banias, the Syrians’ base in the north of the Golan, toward Quneitra, their main
headquarters. That meant taking a longer route, beginning with a climb onto a
plateau about 200 feet high and crossing the Banias River toward the Syrian
base.

We had nearly three weeks for our final preparations. After two years of
sayeret training, I was confident that, physically, we would be up to the task.
But even without the obvious jitters emanating from the kirva, I could not help
but be aware of the possibility, and the cost, of failure. Every evening, I would
stake out time to go through everything that might conceivably go wrong. Years
later, when I went to do my graduate studies at Stanford, I was exposed to
words of wisdom from a non-kibbutznik — Benjamin Franklin — which probably
best summed up what drove my planning for the sayeret’s first operation, and
the others that would follow. “Failing to prepare,” he wrote, “is to preparing for
failure.”

Running into Syrian soldiers was, of course, top of the list of potential
pitfalls. But land mines were also a danger. I got a map of the area from military
intelligence which, in theory at least, showed the location of mines all along the
edge of the Golan. But it had been compiled over a period of nearly two decades
on the basis of information from shepherds, smugglers and the occasional Arab
agent. Whenever they reported seeing the telltale combination of fencing and
yellow danger triangles, the place was marked. Once it was marked, no one in
intelligence headquarters dared erase it. The result was that the map now
showed an almost unbroken stretch of mines. And within the amount of time
that we had to get ready, there was no way of knowing which of the minefields
was still there.

The timing was chosen by the cycle of the moon. We wanted to cross into
Syria in as near to total darkness as possible. That meant the final days of
September. Unlike Tubul, who had been commanding the team from the
moment they had joined the sayeret, I’d been working with them for only a
couple of months. My deputy for the operation, Avi Telem, was also a
newcomer. But he was smart, steady and he had served in the Golani Brigade,
so he knew the terrain along the border.

Avraham could not hide his own nervousness as the operation drew nearer.
A week before we were due to set off, he asked whether we were planning a
further, full-scale exercise. When I said the final run-through was set for the
following night, in the Negev, he told me he wanted Meir Har-Zion to attend.

65
HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027913
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021499.txt,"at

(Rev. 06-04-2007) 6 a . ©

FEDERAL BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION

Precedence: ROUTINE Date: 11/07/2007
To: Miami Attn: Third Party Draft”
From: Miami

PB-2, PBCRA

Contact: SA b6

b7C

Approved By:
Drafted By:
Case ID #: 31E-MM-108062

Title: JEFFREY EPSTEIN;

WSTA - CHILD PROSTITUTION

Synopsis: To request funds for expenses associated to the above
captioned case.

Enclosure(s): Enclosed for the Miami Third Party Draft is an
original bill from American Express dated October 10, 2007 and
the associated FD-794.

Details: SAL —C ] requests Third Party Draft provide
; b3
a i
that provided pertinent information on the bic

individuals of interest in the ongoing federal investigation.

This expense incurred due to labor and the extensive time spent
in the reproduction of records.

| BIE- HH-/0%062-/32

~ HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021499
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017902.txt,"IN RE TERRORIST ATTACKS ON SEPTEMBER 11, 2001

837

Cite as 349 F.Supp.2d 765 (S.D.N.Y. 2005)

this Court has personal jurisdiction over
SBG they are entitled the opportunity to
develop these claims. SBG’s motions to
dismiss the Ashton and Burnett complaints
for failure to state a claim are therefore
denied without prejudice.

7. SAAR Network

[101] The Federal Plaintiffs’ allega-
tions against the SAAR Network are out-
lined in Part II.C.9. The Court’s analysis
of the SAAR Network’s arguments in fa-
vor of 12(b)(6) dismissal depend on a pred-
icate finding of which entities are subject
to this Court’s personal jurisdiction and
which entities—and under what circum-
stances—transferred money to terror
fronts. Accordingly, the SAAR Network’s
motion to dismiss is denied without preju-
dice. It may be renewed upon completion
of personal jurisdiction discovery.

8. Adel A.J. Batterjee

[102] The Burnett Plaintiffs’ allega-
tions against Mr. Batterjee are outlined in
Part II.C.10. For substantially the same
reasons the Court found it had personal
jurisdiction over Mr. Batterjee, it denies
his motion to dismiss for failure to state a
claim. The allegations against him and his
designation as a terrorist are sufficient to
permit the inference that he provided sup-
port to al Qaeda directly or through Al
Shamal Islamic Bank, BIF, or WAMY.
Burnett Complaint 1975-76, 183-84, 196,
199, 230; Exec. Order 13224.

IV. Conclusion and Order

For the reasons explained above, Prince
Sultan’s motions to dismiss the Burnett,
Ashton, Tremsky, Salvo, Barrera, and
Federal Insurance complaints for lack of
subject matter and personal jurisdiction
are granted. Prince Turki’s motions to
dismiss the Burnett, Ashton, Tremsky,
Salvo, Barrera, and Federal Insurance

complaints for lack of subject matter and
personal jurisdiction are granted. The
Kingdom of Saudi Arabia’s motion to dis-
miss the Federal Insurance and Vigilant
Insurance complaints for lack of subject
matter jurisdiction are granted. Prince
Mohamed’s motions to dismiss the Ashton
and Federal Insurance complaints for lack
of personal jurisdiction are granted. Mo-
hammad Abdullah Aljomaih’s motion to
dismiss the Burnett complaint for lack of
personal jurisdiction is granted. Sheikh
Hamad al Husani’s motion to dismiss the
Burnett complaint for lack of personal ju-
risdiction is granted. Abdulrahman bin
Mahfouz’s motion to dismiss the Burnett
complaint for lack of personal jurisdiction
is granted. Tariq, Omar, and Bakr Binla-
din’s motion to dismiss the Burnett com-
plaint for lack of personal jurisdiction is
granted. Al Rajhi Bank’s motion to dis-
miss the Burnett complaint for failure to
state a claim is granted. Saudi American
Bank’s motions to dismiss the Burnett and
Ashton complaints for failure to state a
claim are granted. Arab Bank’s motions
to dismiss the Burnett and Federal Insur-
ance complaints for failure to state a claim
are granted. Al Baraka and Saleh Abdul-
lah Kamel’s motions to dismiss the Burnett
and Ashton complaints for failure to state
a claim are granted. NCB’s motions to
dismiss the Burnett and Ashton complaints
for lack of subject matter and personal
jurisdiction are denied without prejudice.
The Burnett and Ashton negligence claims
against NCB are dismissed for failure to
state a claim. The Saudi Binladin Group’s
motions to dismiss the Burnett and Ashton
complaints for lack of personal jurisdiction
and failure to state a claim are denied
without prejudice, but the TVPA and neg-
ligence claims against SBG are dismissed.
The SAAR Network’s motion to dismiss
the Federal complaint for lack of personal
jurisdiction and failure to state a claim is
denied without prejudice. T he RICO,

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017902
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031413.txt,"From: Jeffrey Epstein [jeevacation@gmail.com]

Sent: 7/1/2011 8:26:40 AM
To: ee
Subject: Re:

This girl fled the country with an outstanding arrest warrant. the da after she accused others. said in writing that
she had no credibility, she was never 15 years, old working for me, her story made it seem like she first
worked for trump at that age and was met by ghislaine maxwell. total horseshit,, the daily mail paid her
money,, they admitted it, with the statement that it took money to coax out the truth.. Yes she was on my plane,
and yes she had her picture taken with Andrew,, as many of my employees have. I have never misled you , this
girl is a total liar, they authorities should check her austrailain immigration form, you could talk to

dershowitz. I will ask if they will cooperate-Prince people

On Fri, Jul 1, 2011 at 4:03 AM, <i wrote:

I might be interested in that story. Would Andrew's people cooperate?
Sent from my BlackBerry® wireless device

From: Jeffrey Epstein <jeevacation@gmail.com>
Date: Fri, 1 Jul 2011 04:01:12 -0400

To: Landon Thomas iii
Subject:

now that strauss kan girl will be shown to be a total liar. maybe your paper should jump on and show that
s allegations re andrew are the same,, she also accused numnerous people of having sex with her,,
dersh, ehud etc. not one newpaper had the balls to question her credibility

De eee eee ee ee ee a

The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of

Jeffrey Epstein

Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

BS DIS 24S IS DIS BIC DIS BIS DIR 2S IC DIS IC 24S BIS DIS 5S 2k DIS IC 24S BIC DIS 2S 2k DIS IC 24S BIS DIR 2S 2k DIS iC DIC BIC 2IC SIS DiC DIC 2g OIC IC DIS 5IC DI DIS 2k 24K iS 2IC IC 2k DIS 2k 2IC ok 2k ic

The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031413
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022190.txt,"From: jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com>

Sent: Friday, January 9, 2015 7:00 PM
Subject: Re: we'll see
Importance: High

It was a first draft

On Friday, January 9, 2015, i wrote:

Yes, let's do it. | like most of it. Would like less personal attacks and more reasons why allegations are ridiculous..

Love the fact checking story. Just a few days ago, | toyed with the idea of posting a photo of me doing a preflight inspection and saying | wished other
professions would have that requirement before putting innocent people's lives at risk.

From: jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com>
To:

ee
Sent: Friday, January 9, 2015 1:44 PM
Subject: Re: we'll see
| only met Jeffrey Epstein, after | was adult. ( over 18). | was never, ever, his ""sex slave ""
. obviously a lurid chauvenistic categorization. which in my opinion could only have been
made by some loser of a repressed male reporter. He was always kind , funny and generous to
me . These fantasy fabrications made by a delusional thief. ( charged with stealing from the burger
place and which she worked, though she claimed to paid thousands of dollars in cash and held at
the beck and call of the genious tycoon. ) . Her story telling had it been done while sleeping would
have been called dreaming, if awake, hallucinaitons but to the English press they are referred to as
allegations . She claimed in the minutest of detail , her dinner with President Clinton on the
Caribean Island, How he arrived . ( by black heli). where he sat. ,(on jeffreys left.) a21st century
tale of power , sex, money. The fact is that this story is total make believe , fabricated on purpose
to gain tabloid attention ,and easily refuted by readily availalble travel records of a former
president. . it defies belief that any person would take seriously such a preposterous story. little
different than her telling her father that she met the queen, whoops- he believed her though her
mother at the relevant time complained that she must have been engaging in satan worship and
asked that she be put her in a drug home. cmon. | am currenty a professional pilot with a spotless
record. | have a checklist that | follow before every flight to verify that things are what they are
supposed to be , checking her story which the presss has refused to do would serve the public well.
In this case human error is merely a euphmisn for hijacking the truth ,

On Fri, Jan 9, 2015 at 2:10 PM, i wrote:

Apparently...

They are now asking how my parents bought a building in town...implying it was all the money they got for selling me :)
Getting ugly..

From: jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com>
To: le

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022190
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011984.txt,"IMpressive cuniculum vitae. verifying his ttemendous accomplishments in bolh
the fashion and modeling industries.

Il, EUIGH FICA N Y AB
THE ARTS

Under the Miscellaneous anc Technical immigration and Nationality
Amendments of 1991, pelitions for classification as an Alien of Extraordinary
Ability in the Arts must be supporled by evidence of “dislinction"". According to 8
CFR §214.2(0) (3) (i). “dislinction” means a high level of achievemeni in the field
of arts as evidenced by a degree of skill and recognition subsloniiaily above
that ordinarily encountered to the extent thal a person described as prominent
is renowned, leading, or well-known in the fields of arts, This evidence may
consist of proof thai the alien musi be recognized as being prominent in his field
of endeavor as demonsirated by the folowing according to & CFR
§214.2{0)}(3} {iv}:

A. Evidence that the alien has been nominated for or has been the recipient
of significant! national or Inlernational awards or prizes In the pariicular fleld such
as an Academy Aword, an Emmy, a Grammy, or a Director's Gulld Award, or

B. At least three of the following forms of documentation:

(1) Evidence thal the allen has performed, and will perform, services as a
lead or starring participant In productions or events, which have a
distinguished reputation as evidenced by critical reviews, advertisements,
publicity releases, publications contracts, or endorsements;

(2) Evidence that the alten has achieved national or Infernational
recognition for achievements evidenced by eriiical reviews or ofher
published materials by of about the Individual In major newspapers, trade
journals, magazines, or other publications:

{3} Evidence that the alten has performed, and will perform, In a lead,
staring, of critical role for organizations and establishments that have a
distinguished repuiction evidenced by articles In newspapers, bade
journals, publications, or testimonials:

(4) Evidence thai the alien has a record of major commercial or critically
acclaimed successes os evidenced by such Indicators as litle, rating,
standing In the held, box office recelpts, mation picture or television
ratings, and other occupational achievements reported In trade Journals,

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011984
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029615.txt,"please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
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HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029615
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IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030344.txt,"Saini Forwarded message ----------

From: David Peg

Date: 29 January 2015 at 16:49
Subject: Re: Media Enquiry - The Guardian - Re: Jeffrey Epstein

To: Jeffrey@jeffreyepstein.org

Dear Mr Epstein,

| write further to an email sent to you earlier this month, concerning an article we are preparing for
publication in which you may be mentioned.

We have not received a response from you. If you wish to respond, please do so as soon as possible and no
later than 18:00 on Monday 2nd February 2015.

For your convenience, please see the original letter below,.

Yours faithfully,

David Pegg
The Guardian
Kings Place
90 York Way
London

N1 9GU

On 5 January 2015 at 11:14, David Pegg le wrote:

Swiss Accounts Survey
Dear Mr Epstein,

We are writing because a US media organisation, in concert with ourselves at the Guardian newspaper in
London, is currently conducting a detailed survey of Swiss bank accounts, past and present.

It is not illegal to have Swiss accounts. But as you may know, it is a topic of considerable public debate, and
several governments have been investigating the owners of such accounts.

There are a number of ways such accounts and also offshore trusts have been used to avoid inheritance tax,
UK domestic tax, or tax imposed by other countries. Such accounts have also been used to launder money.

We have seen records held in the US identifying you among those who have held accounts. These accounts
contained assets of up to USD 3.5m, and include:

HSBC (Suisse) SA
FAMILY INTEREST L.P.
22079

BESSIE

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030344
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022184.txt,"Fittay Ricw

° Do you feel you were treated fairly by the criminal jus-
tice system?
¢ What effect did your conviction have on your business?
* Do you believe that you’ve done psychological harm to
the women—especially the underage girls—you've
been involved with?
e Are you still in touch with Ghislaine Maxwell?
EPILOGUE | e Are a in touch with Prince Andrew?
. ¢ You've spent time with Bill Clinton as well as Donald
Trump. How would you characterize the two men?
° Several people have described you as a very loyal friend.
Is that a fair characterization?

n Malloy, and I began work on ° I’ve heard that Leslie Wexner removed all photographs
d to interview Jeffrey Epstein ' of you from his home. Given how close you once were,
, into the eyes of the man we'd have you reconciled or tried to repair the relationship?
cd to sit for an interview. Many ¢ Did the thirteen months you spent in jail change you in
speak with us on the condition | any way?
of them still liked Epstein and Pa e After your stay in prison, have you continued to seek
loyal friend he was— although, 3 : the company of very underage women?
atal flaw. = * You were ordered to undergo psychological treatment
terview, these are the questions Z | as part of your sentence. Are you under treatment
today?

* Do you regard yourself as having a sex addiction, and,
‘le felony count of soliciting : if so, have you been treated for it?
Jo you believe in your heart 4 ° What is your greatest regret?

¢ What do you look for in a woman?

York Post, “Tm not a sexual 7M * Last question. How well do you sleep at night?
It’s the difference between a
ho steals a bagel.” Do you

ay?

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022184
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029680.txt,"From: Jeffrey Epstein [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Sent: 1/27/2013 4:15:30 AM 
To: Mohamed Waheed Hassan 
Subject: Re: 
it is a scam.. what they will' tell you is the only thing they want is a vehicle and a bank acct and that you have 
no risk in setting it up. if the money doesn't come in , you lose nothing„ afterwards howver they use all the 
info you provide to try to defraud other people, saying, see , the govt of the maldives is our client and for only 
250 k , we can get you a piece of the action. there is a treasury fraud site , at the us treasury web page, . very 
similar deals. 
On Sat, Jan 26, 2013 at 10:49 PM, Mohamed Waheed Hassan wrote: 
Jeffrey, 
Need your advice. 
My finance minister is telling me that he has an anonymous funds manager who is willing to deposit 4 billion 
dollars in Maldives and that they are willing to lend a percentage of that in exchange for government 
promissory notes. The 4 billion would be deposited in the Central Bank. But they want us to set up a special 
purpose vehicle, a construction company fully owned by the government to receive the loan. Such a company 
can only be set up under a presidential decree. 
I am also told that the funds manager would be charging Maldives upfront a certain percentage of the amount 
lent. 
I don't feel I have enough information on this. I don't know who is this funds manager. They always want the 
finance minister to meet them in Bangkok or some place outside. Why would anyone want to deposit such a 
large amount here when we don't have a credit rating and public debt is so high. I feel very uncomfortable 
about this. 
What do you think I should do. I am very uncomfortable. In addition to the finance minister, a leading 
politician and leader of the coalition parliamentary group is behind it. He could be my leading contender for 
presidency. 
Does this sound all ridiculous to you. I have a strange feeling about this whole thing. 
Best regards 
Waheed 
Sent from President's iPad 
On Jan 18, 2013, at 5:06 PM, Jeffrey Epstein <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
as chairman of the council of europe , he is really mr human rights, Im sure that if he can be of help, he will 
On Fri, Jan 18, 2013 at 5:27 AM > wrote: 
I remember meeting Jagland at your place when I came with Sultan. 
Sent from Windows Mail 
From: Jeffrey Epstein 
Sent: 18 January, 2013 2:40 AM 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 029680 
To: Mohamed Waheed Hassan 
Subject: Re: 
also be advised that thorbjorn jagland is a great friend. 
On Thu, Jan 17, 2013 at 3:26 PM, Mohamed Waheed Hassan <.> wrote: 
Hi, 
Would be great if Lisa could visit us. She sounds like the right person to help us get organized. 
Maldives just got elected Vice President of International Renewable Energy Agency. We are also Vice Chair 
of the UN Human Rights Council. Not too bad considering we had so much bad coverage this year 
internationally. 
Best regards, 
Waheed 
Sent from President's iPad 
On Jan 17, 2013, at 7:01 PM, Jeffrey Epstein <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
my friend in sweden, lisa svensson, would be perfect as your right hand orgainzing your team„ she has 
diplomaitc experieince and is currently amabssador to the oceans for sweden 
On Thu, Jan 10, 2013 at 11:00 AM, Mohammed Waheed Hassan ___________________________ wrote: 
Hi, 
The campaign team is starting to come together. We are continuing discussions with Jim and tomorrow 
we will meet him face to face on skype. We will brief him on the situation here so that he will be able to 
advice us more effectively. Already he has sent some very useful suggestions and we are working on them. 
Getting the right people to head various aspects on the campaign is difficult here but we should be able to 
pull the team together shortly. 
We will need some more help from Ian and Rory because we are still weak on international 
communication. Some old negative stuff keeps coming up in the Guardian newspaper in England. But most 
of the international media is not paying much attention to Maldives right now. 
I have asked Rory to help find a full time communications guy to stay here for about a year to work with 
me. He doesn't have to be an expert, just a good graduate student would do. Some really positive stuff is 
also happening now and we need the world to know about them. 
World Energy Forum and CGI guys are here. I am meeting Clinton people in a few minutes. 
I have some funding now but will ask all friends to help raise more later when things start happening in full 
swing. Election is now scheduled to early September. 
Hope all is well and look forward to seeing you here in the not too distant future. 
Warm regards, 
Waheed 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 029681 
On Jan 9, 2013, at 6:03 PM, Jeffrey Epstein wrote: 
how is it shaping up? what are the biggest hurdles. 
*********************************************************** 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
Jeffrey Epstein 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
--
*********************************************************** 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
Jeffrey Epstein 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
*********************************************************** 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 029682 
Jeffrey Epstein 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
--
*********************************************************** 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
Jeffrey Epstein 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
--
*********************************************************** 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
Jeffrey Epstein 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 029683 
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011990.txt,"upon his meeting the eligibility requirements under the Immigration and
Naturalization Act 101(aj{15){O}(i) and 8 CFR 214,2(0). Mr. Brunel's successful
career proves that he is a promineni, leading. and well-known person in the field
of arts. Mr. Brunel's extraordinary ability in the field of arls, in which he wil
continue io work in the United Siales, has been demonstrated by sustained
national and intemational acclaim. Based on ihe foregoing, we respecituily
requesi your kind consideration and favorable determination of this petition, in
order to accord Mr. Brunel the classification as an Allen of Extraordinary Ability in
Art Direction and Talent Coordination. Again, kindly note that the beneficiary,
Mr. Jean Lue Brunel, has held O-1 status in the past.

Wherelore, for the above-siated reasons, we respectfully request your
favorable adjudication of the O-1 nonimmigrant visa petition suomitied by MC2
Models Miami, LLC on behalf of Mr. Brunel. If you should have any questions or

require any additional documentation, Please do nol hesilate to confact our
office.

Thank you very much for your kind alfention regarding ihis matier,

Truly Yours,

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011990
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029601.txt,"=)
N
—
Go
oo

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

Elisa New

Powell M. Cabot Professor of American Literature
Director, Poetry in America

Harvard University

148 Barker Center

12 Quincy Street

Cambridge, MA

02138

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029601
"
TEXT-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033460.txt,"From: Jeffrey Epstein [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Sent: 1/7/2010 10:54:22 PM 
To: 
Subject: Re: Great seeing you 
Brian Baker jpm 
use my name 
On Wed, Jan 6, 2010 at 5:38 AM, Jeffrey Epstein <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
jack , aweekend when he could bring a friend would be appreciated 
On Tue, Jan 5, 2010 at 8:27 PM, wrote: 
have.him.call.me.or.better.eme.his.no.and.ill.set.sometgng.up.with.gerry.and.i...good.trip.to.ny.and.isle...joel 
Sent from my Verizon Wireless mobile phone 
------Original Message------ 
From: Jeffrey Epstein <jeevacation@gmail.com> 
To: 
Date: Tue, Jan 5, 8:03 PM -0500 
Subject: Re: Great seeing you 
joel„ jack goldberger is my local attny, i would love him to play the 
trump course.. jerry you.. i will pick up all costs. thanks„ 
On Tue, Jan 5, 2010 at 1:40 PM, <_________________> wrote: 
> Let me know when you are coming back to Palm Beach so I can take you for 
> golf at Trump. Also coordinate with Andy re: his trip here from 
> California. 
> Jeffrey mentioned to me you are looking to pick up an interest in a Hawker 
> 800 XP. I recently exchanged my fractional interest for a jet pass card but 
> I may know some other people who might want to sell their interests at a 
> bargain price. Also, Jeffrey's and my friend, Benny Shabtai is looking to 
> partner with someone to pick up a plane in today's depressed market, but he 
> is looking for someone to pick up a 50% interest. 
> Look forward to hearing from you. 
> Joel 
> ----Original Message----- 
> From: Steve Hanson ‹> 
> To: 
> Sent: Tue, Jan 5, 2010 8:47 am 
> Subject: Great seeing you 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 033460 
> 1/5/10 
> Joel, 
> It was great seeing you. Hope to see you on my next trip which is every 
> other week. Let me know when Andrew Lucasi is coming to town. 
> Stephen Hanson 
> Confidentiality Notice: This e-mail transmission and any file or previous 
> e-mail attached to it is intended to be viewed only by the party to which it 
> is addressed and may contain valuable business information that is 
> confidential and/or otherwise protected from disclosure under applicable 
> law. If you are not the intended recipient you are hereby notified that any 
> review, disclosure, dissemination or use of any of the information contained 
> in or attached to this transmission is STRICTLY PROHIBITED. Thank you for 
> your cooperation. 
*********************************************************** 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
Jeffrey Epstein 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. 
*********************************************************** 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
Jeffrey Epstein 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 033461 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. 
--
*********************************************************** 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
Jeffrey Epstein 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 033462 
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026088.txt,"please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026088
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030350.txt,"From: paul krassner

Sent: 3/25/2017 12:41:05 AM
To: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com]
Subject: Re: FYI

Importance: — High

On Mar 24, 2017, at 2:57 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:

good, how are you?

Well, I just sent this email to Brockman:

Hey John,

I’ve been working on an article for the Village Voice but it seems to be
evolving into a relatively short book — 3 segments:
TRUMP THE REPUBLICAN ELEPHANT
A Funny Thing Happened On the Way to the Inauguration
Lies, Jokes, Fake News, and Alternative Facts
I Was a Dishonest Journalist Between Breitbart and Bannon

[ Will Durst has agreed to write an intro. ]

Please let me know if you’d like to consider the possibility of representing
this.

AS ever,

paul

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030350
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011748.txt,"ceremony with both the Interior Minister and the Prime Minister present. The
first was in Ofakim, near where I’d worked in the fields with Yigal Garber in
the 1950s. Shortly after we arrived, a group of protestors started shouting at
Rabin. Manyac, they yelled, “maniac”. Boged: traitor. At the second event, near
Haifa, busloads of protestors from right-wing religious schools shouted abuse at
Rabin when he rose to speak.

As the Knesset vote on Oslo II approached, the hatred reached new levels.
The day before, thousands of protesters packed into Jerusalem’s Zion Square.
Some shouted “Death to Rabin!” Others burned pictures of him, or passed out
photos of him dressed in an Arab keffityeh, or even a Nazi uniform. Bibi had
publicly declared that opposition to the agreement must remain within the
bounds of the law. Yet as he addressed the baying mob from a hotel balcony, he
uttered not a single word of reproach. In fact, he called Rabin’s government
“illegitimate”, because it relied in part on the votes of Israeli Arab Knesset
members.

The day of the vote, the mob descended on the Knesset. Rabin had called a
government meeting beforehand. When I got there, the crowd was so large that
I was taken in through a special security entrance away from the front of the
building. But the Housing Minister, Binyamin Ben-Eliezer, arrived late and
tried to drive through the main gate. Protestors pounded furiously on his car and
tried to break the windows. Our meeting had already begun when he arrived. He
had spent nearly as long as I had in the army, but he was shaken. Interrupting
Rabin, he banged his fist on the table. “I’ve been on battlefields,” he said. “I’ve
been shot at. I know how to read a situation. I saw their faces. It’s insane! It is
beyond anything rational, this kind of hatred.” Pounding the table again, he
shouted: “I warn you. It will end with a murder! It will end with a murder!”
Rabin motioned for calm. He, too, was concerned by the rhetorical violence,
even more so now that it was becoming physical violence. But as he would tell
an interviewer a few weeks later, he simply didn’t believe that “a Jew will kill a
Jew.” Nor, at that point, did I.

After the Knesset vote, which passed by a margin of 61 to 59, plans got
underway for a rally in defense of the peace process, and against the tide of
hatred on the right. It was the idea of two people: Shlomo Lahat, a Likud mayor
of Tel Aviv who now backed Oslo, and a French Jewish businessman named
Jean Frydman, a friend of Shimon Peres whom I had got to know and like. But
in several of the early planning discussions in which I was involved, Rabin was
against the rally, which was to be held in the huge Kings of Israel Square in the

2/7
HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011748
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029858.txt,"From: 
Sent: 
To: 
Subject: 
Attachments: 
Dave Hope 
8/20/2012 4:35:38 PM 
Warren Eisenstein 
dave hope 
Skm2d35412082008380.pdf 
-----Forwarded Message 
From: ""Hope, Dou "" 
To: Dave Hope 
Sent: Monday, August 20, 2012 8:42 AM 
Subject: Small World 
Dave, 
Talk about a small world. I got on the airplane Saturday night and opened up the Palm Beach newspaper and 
here's what I found (see attached). Remember ""Bear"", Warren's friend from NY. Well, he is a Billionaire 
(Literally and really) and always seems to be in the news in South Florida. He competes with Trump on big 
property deals and seems to be quite the womanizer. The only problem is he goes after some of the young ones 
sometimes and must not check there ID's. 
Oh well, I thought you might get a kick out of this article. What a small world. 
Take good care!! 
Doug 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 029858 
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020793.txt,"HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020793
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024847.txt,"COWEN
COLLABORATIVE INSIGHTS February 25, 2019

Along with tinctures, capsules represent one of the more mature form factors within
CBD. Mary’s looks to be squarely positioned as the most premium brand across all
companies analyzed, in particular for their Elite capsule line, which offers 150 mgs of
CBD and retails for $90. For context, the closest price paint to Mary’s comes from
Sagely Naturals at $0.17 per mg. Brands look to be very competitively priced in terms of
value, with seven of the brands coming in at $0.10 or below.

2

Figure 37 Capsules Competitively Priced On Value

CBD Capsules by Price Segment
$0.75 $0.60
$0.60 $0.43
$045
2030 $0.17 $014 $042 $012 $012 $012 $012 $0.11 $0.10 $0.09 $0.09 ¢907 $0.05 $0.05 $0.05
$0.00

Sagely Naturals
Hemp Bombs
Green Roads

CV Sciences
Premium Jane
Pure Kana

Lord Jones
Canna Hemp
Try The CBD
Curaleaf Hemp
Green Mountain

Mary's Nutritionals

4
S
£
J
a=]
a
=
a
>
io
i}
=

$0.46) | $0.46)

Source: Company Websites and Cowen and Company
Note: Reflects price per mg of CBD; For companies with multiple SKUs, we used a straight line average

Utilizing our proprietary consumer survey, CBD capsule use looks to over-index with
males, which shows over a 10 pt delta relative to women. In addition, on a relative basis
to other form factors, CBD capsule use is more popular with younger, lower-income
consumers, which perhaps explains the notable competition seen within the value
segment.

Figure 38 Capsule CBD Use Over-Indexes To Males And Skews Younger And Lower Income

CBD Capsule Use
24.7%

30.0% 27.7%

23.2%

25.0% 22.1% 22.2% 21.8%

16.7%

20.0%

16.9%
14.8%

15.0%

10.0%

5.0%

0.0%
Total Male Female 18-34 35-54 55+ <S$50K S50K-S100K >$ 100K

Gender Age Income

Source: Cowen Survey, N=~2500, January 2019)

COWEN.COM 31

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024847
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012241.txt,"we’

-_~

10

11

13
14

15

21

22

23

MP:

Well, that’s...

| | I just knew.

MP:

Well, this is why. What's happening is that | was made aware of this situation...

Fon my school?

MP:

MP:

MP:

I'm not gonna Say, okay? | was made aware of this situation. And they look at it
like you were taken advantage of. Not that you did anything wrong, okay? Even
though you went there willingly. Even though you went there willingly, you were
still taken advantage of. Okay? Because you were pul into a pasition that you
felt you had no choice. Once you were there, before when you were telling me
about how Jeff told you to take off your clothes? You took your pointer and you
said he was really stern and you banged your leg, you put the pointer on your leg
when you said that. How did you feel when he told you to fake your clothes off?
1 don't know. I didn’t know what else to do because | was the only person up
there and he’s like 45 years old and he has like big muscles, because, | don't
know, but I'm pretty sure 45 years ald and big muscles, body builder.

Okay.

So | just felt intimidated because he’s guy, first of all, and ’'m a girl and | know
that JI was all the way downstairs with the lady and what was [boing to
do to help me ali the way upstairs so | just did it.

Okay. Now, there's one way I’m a little confused at because you said that, and
I'm using your words okay, that he whacked off twice. You said before that he

whacked off twice. When did he do thar?

P| In between giving him a massage, like when | was giving him a massage, he was

Page 30 of 43

05147

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012241
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030719.txt,"From: Mark L. Epstein

Sent: 3/21/2018 2:54:13 PM
To: ‘jeffrey E.' [jeevacation@gmail.com]
Subject: RE: hey

Importance: — High
I’d rather be in Donni Dee’s shoes.

From: jeffrey E. [mailto:jeevacation@gmail.com]
Sent: Wednesday, March 21, 2018 10:43 AM

Subject: Re: hey
you mean DONNI TEE

On Wed, Mar 21, 2018 at 9:54 AM, Mark L. Epstein EE wrote:

You and your boy Donnie can make a remake of the movie Get Hard.

Sent via tin can and string.

On Mar 21, 2018, at 09:37, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:

and i thought- I had tsuris

On Wed, Mar 21, 2018 at 4:32 AM, Mark L. Epstein I wrote:

Ask him if Putin has the photos of Trump blowing Bubba?

From: jeffrey E. [mailto:jeevacation@gmail.com]
Sent: Monday, March 19, 2018 2:15 PM

To:
Subject: Re: hey

All good. Bannon with me

On Mon, Mar 19, 2018 at 1:49 PM Mark L. Epstein EE r0tc:

How are you doing?
A while back you mentioned that you were prediabetic. Has anything changed with that?

What is your boy Donald up to now?

please note

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030719
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025581.txt,"Morgan Stanley | RESEARCH

Valuation and Risks

NORTH AMERICA INSIGHT ~~

Alternative Asset Managers: We value the stocks using a sum of the parts valuation and discounted cash flow as well
as price/earnings and price/cash earnings multiples. Our DCF (COE of 12+15%, free cash flow = distributable earnings and
terminal growth rate = 4%) captures the long-term value of the business model, while the sum of the parts captures some
of the shorter-term volatility. For our SOTP, we use 2019 *Core® FRE and apply a 18x-21x multiple; apply 12x multiple on
BDC income share; use NPV to estimate future carry and apply discount rate to represent volatile nature of carry; 10%

haircut on accrued carry; 10% haircut on B/S assets.

APO.N

Apollo Global Management: We value APO using a sum-of-the-
parts, supported by a DCF, and back into an implied target multiple
on next 3 years DE, and ENI. Our price target implies a 11.5x multiple
on 2019 EPS, reflecting a 25% premium to historical valuation of 9.2x
that's warranted due accelerating growth in and mix shift toward
sticky fee related earnings for which investors ascribe a higher mul-
tiple, and APO is entering their harvesting stage that will see port-
folio monetizations accelerate driving stronger cash earnings
generation. Upside risks: Better FPAUM growth, capital deployment
accelerates, better returns. Downside risks: Declining valuations
reduce cash earnings (fewer exits or lower multiples); slower deploy-
ment; Funds V, Vland VIland ANRP remain in escrow, pressuring near

term cash earnings.

ARES.N

Ares: We value ARES using a sum-of-the-parts, supported by a DCF,
and back into an implied target multiple on next 3 years DE, and ENI.
Our PT represents a 10.8x PE multiple, slightly above the 3 year
average of 9.3x on improving cash earnings trajectory. Upside risk
includes better asset gathering, stronger investment performance
and faster monetization of portfolio investments. Downside risk that
strong AUM baked into our model over the next several years will not
materialize. ARCC concentration risk (a BDC which contributes 40%
of mgmt fees / 29% of revenue), and harvesting delays if there's an

extended financial & capital markets pullback.

BX.N

Blackstone: We value BX using a sum-of-the-parts, supported by a
DCF, and back into an implied target multiple on next 3 years DE and
ENI. Our PT represents a 12.6x PE multiple, above the 3 year average
of 9.4x on expectations for accelerated growth in fee-related earn-
ings growth, cash earnings growth and fundraising. Upside risks:

Stronger investment performance, faster monetization of portfolio

companies, better asset growth through new initiatives. Downside
risks: Weakness in public markets and commercial real estate mar-
kets pressure investment performance. Harvesting delaysD An
extended pull-back in financial and capital markets that delays har-
vesting of investments and dampens returns which lower cash earn-

ings.

cG.O

Carlyle: We value CG using a blended sum-of-the-parts, supported
by a DCF, and back into an implied target multiple on next 3 years DE
and ENI. Our PT implies a 13.5x multiple on 2019 EPS, reflecting a 55%
premium to historical valuation of 8.8x given resolution of legacy
issues and accelerating fee related earnings and asset gathering
momentum that will support the multiple. We expect less volatile
financial performance across all segments in our forward Look, vs.
greater volatility in historicals driven legacy challenges. Upside risks
include: Better investment performance, strong asset gathering and
faster monetization of portfolio companies. Downside risks include
an extended pull-back in financial and capital mkts that delays har-
vesting of investments and dampens returns which lower cash earn-

ings, and poor investment performance.

KKR.N

KKR: We value KKR using a 1.3x multiple on 2019 estimated book
value and back into an implied target multiple on next 3 years DE and
ENI. Our price target is also supported by a sum-of-the-parts valua-
tion. Our PT implies a 8.2x multiple on 2019 EPS, reflecting a 9% pre-
mium to historical valuation of 7.5x given improving fee related
earnings trajectory. Upside risks include better investment perform-
ance, compounding book value growth and faster asset gathering
from newer initiatives. Downside risks include an extended pull-back
in financial and capital markets that delays harvesting of investments
and dampens returns which lower cash earnings and impairs signifi-

cant investments held on balance.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025581
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027907.txt,"the go-ahead. Still, he was convinced that if we could demonstrate a toughness,
commitment and competence which offered an obvious addition to Israel’s
intelligence capability, even they would recognize the folly of not using it.

He made every one of us feel a part of making this possible. I was one of ten
new recruits, bringing the size of the sayeret to twenty. We were almost all
teenagers. In fact, the oldest of our officers was 21. Most of the men were
Sephardi Jews. For a unit like ours, with the aim of undertaking secret missions
in Arab countries, Avraham believed that a background in Arabic culture and
language was an important asset. I was the sayeret’s only lock-picker. But all of
us had been recruited in the much same way that I was. It was how the top
Palmach units had been formed, and the way Sharon assembled Unit 101:
friends recommending friends, in my case, my old yeled chutz schoolmate from
the kibbutz.

We trained in the whole range of commando skills. We used not only Uzis,
but Soviet-made Kalashnikovs and Gurionov machine guns. We worked with
detonators and explosives. We staged raids on Israeli airfields. We conducted
exercises using rubber dinghies to practice attacking from the sea. But mostly
we walked. For hundreds of miles, almost always at night the length and breadth
of the country. We would study a map of each area, committing every town or
village, hilltop or dry creek bed, to memory before we set off. I can still
remember what Meir Har-Zion told us: to be truly prepared, you needed to
spend “an hour for an hour” — an equal time mastering the lay of the land to the
amount you’d need to carry out an operation. It was a gruelling regime —
designed to push us to the very limits of endurance. On one series of exercises,
we were limited to a single canteen of water as we trekked deep into the Negev
Desert. It was gruelling, designed to push us to the very limits of endurance. I
remember the first time Errol set eyes on me after I joined the unit. He turned to
Avraham, laughed, and said: “Are we taking high school kids now?” But before
long, I was a “high school kid” no longer.

Meir Har-Zion rarely took a direct part in our exercises. On his final
Company A mission, a month before the 1956 war, he had been shot in his
throat and arm. A medic saved his life by performing a tracheotomy. But his
speech was affected, and he still had almost no use of his right arm. Errol,
Micha Kapusta and Yitzhak Gibli were more actively involved with us. They
were there not only to help train us, but to instill a commando aftitude, a spirit
of confidence bordering on bravado.

59
HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027907
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031407.txt,"From: Lilly Sanchez

Sent: 3/5/2019 11:51:43 PM
To: J [jeevacation@gmail.com]
Subject: Re: Herald

Importance: — High

Lilly Ann Sanchez
The LS Law Firm

On Mar 5, 2019, at 5:22 PM, J <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:

On Tue, Mar 5, 2019 at 6:08 PM Lilly Sanchez BY wrote:

Miami U.S. Attorney’s Office recuses itself from Jeffrey Epstein case

Play Video

DurationA 3:51
AG nominee Barr pledges to look into handling of Epstein case

Sen. Ben Sasse questioned attorney general nominee William Barr about the Jeffrey Epstein case on January
15, 2019, getting the nominee to commit to having the Department of Justice look into the handling of that
case if confirmed. C-SPAN Meta Viers

BY JULIE K. BROWN

jbrown@miamiherald.com

OO 0000

Just days before a Friday deadline, the Justice Department has reassigned the Jeffrey Epstein victims’ rights
case to the U.S. Attorney’s Office in Atlanta, the attorneys representing Epstein’s victims’ attorneys said

Tuesday.

Miami federal prosecutors, in letter to attorneys for the victims’s lawyers on Monday, said they had recused

themselves from the case, according to Brad Edwards and Jack Scarola, representing Epstein’s victims.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031407
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017916.txt,"In re Terrorist Attacks on September 11, 2001, 392 F.Supp.2d 539 (2005)

10 A.L.R. Fed. 2d 789

Saudi-based charities that were sponsors of al Qaida’s
operations, including ITRO, MWL, WAMY, BIF, SHC,
SJRC, and al Haramain. (Federal Compl. Jf 442-43.)

31 The Federal Plaintiffs seek leave to supplement the
record against Prince Salman and Prince Naif with an
article that appeared in Rus al Yusef, an Egyptian
publication, in August 1998. The unidentified author
writes that Islamic aid organizations located in
Afghanistan, Bosnia, Somalia, and Tajikistan provided
funds and cover to terrorists. (See Federal Mot. to
Supplement Record on Prince Naif and Prince Salman,
Ex. 2, at 2.) Donors to these unidentified organizations
“probably ha[d] no idea where their charity money ha[d]
gone.” (d.) Prince Naif reportedly responded that “if
charity money is going to illegitimate targets, it must stop
immediately.” (/d.) From this submission, the Plaintiffs
argue that the Princes knew their charitable donations
were going to terrorists.

The submission is problematic for a variety of reasons
and will not be accepted. First, Plaintiffs do not provide
an explanation as why they were only able to obtain and
translate the article on the eve of oral argument—well
after the motions were fully submitted. Second, the article
and *551 its translation have not been authenticated.
More pointedly, however, it simply does not say that the
Princes were put on notice regarding specific charities and
that they continued to contribute to those charities with
the intent that their donations would assist al Qaeda. The
Federal Plaintiffs’ motion to supplement the record
against Prince Salman and Prince Naif is denied.

B. Defendants’ Status as Foreign States for FSIA
Purposes
41 The FSIA provides the following definition of “foreign
state”:

(a) A “foreign state” ... includes a political subdivision
of a foreign state or an agency or instrumentality of a
foreign state as defined in subsection (b).

(b) An “agency or instrumentality of a foreign state”
means any entity—

(1) which is a separate legal person, corporate or
otherwise, and

(2) which is an organ of a foreign state or political

subdivision thereof, or a majority of whose shares or
other ownership interest is owned by a foreign state

WESTLAW

or political subdivision thereof, and

(3) which is neither a citizen of a State of the United
States ... nor created under the laws of any third
country.

28 U.S.C. § 1603. Further, “immunity under the FSIA
extends also to agents of a foreign state acting in their
official capacities [because] [i]t is generally recognized
that a suit against an individual acting in his official
capacity is the practical equivalent of a suit against the
sovereign directly.” Bryks v. Canadian Broad. Corp., 906
F.Supp. 204, 210 (S.D.N.Y.1995) (internal quotations
omitted); see also Terrorist Attacks I, 349 F.Supp.2d at
788-89 (finding Princes Sultan and Turki were foreign
states for FSIA purposes to the extent Plaintiffs alleged
liability for actions taken in their official capacities).

1. SHC

(51 SHC contends that it is an organ, agency, or
instrumentality of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and acts
on behalf of the Kingdom to fund a range of humanitarian
relief efforts to Bosnia, Egypt, and Somalia. (See
generally Al-Roshood Decl., at Huffman Decl. Ex. A.) In
support of its position as a foreign state, SHC submits the
affidavits of Dr. Al-Nafissa, a Saudi Arabian lawyer and
a Minister of State on the Council of Ministers in the
Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, and Mr. Al-Roshood, who has
been the Director of the Executive Office of SHC since its
inception. The Court notes it is “required to give ‘great
weight’ to any extrinsic submissions made by the foreign
defendants regarding the scope of their official
responsibilities.” Leutwyler v. Office of Her Majesty
Queen Rania Al-Abdullah, 184 F.Supp.2d 277, 287
(S.D.N.Y.2001).

King Faud authorized Dr. Al—Nafissa to make his
declaration concerning SHC. (Al-Nafissa Decl. | 2, at
Huffman Decl. Ex. C.) Dr. Al—Nafissa attests that SHC is
“an arm of the Saudi Arabian government [and that its
actions] are in keeping with the foreign and domestic
governmental policies of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia.”
(Id. § 3.) SHC was formed by Decision of the President of
the Council of Ministers in 1993. (Al-Roshood Decl. § 6.)
In the same Decision, the Council of Ministers appointed
Prince Salman as President of SHC. Ud. § 7.) As
President of SHC, Prince Salman is the head of SHC’s
Executive Committee and Supreme Commission,
members of which Prince Salman appoints. (/d.) SHC is
staffed by civil servant employees of the Kingdom of
Saudi Arabia. (/d. J 10.)

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017916
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031361.txt,"== Purpose of the Convention

NOBEL CHARITABLE TRUST

Nobel Charitable Trust Earth Environment Convention (tentative)

Hosting Awards and the Convention

BNCT will host the awards and convention.

Hosting the convention is not NCT’s ultimate objective. Rather, NCT strives to promote excellent energy
efficient products and the development of renewable, alternative and sustainable energy resources through the
convention and to financially support corporations and individual(s) aiming to develop such products.

Right to Carry the Accreditation Mark

= Awarded products will have the right to carry the NCT accreditation mark (NCT No.1234).

# Awarded products will enjoy high status and recognition as a product accredited by the prestigious Nobel
Charitable Trust, giving it a significant advantage in expanding its market.

Participants (Exhibitors)

=Corporations from all over the world supporting NCT’s cause and activities and are either members or support
members can become exhibitors.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031361
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025904.txt,"From: Joi Ito 
Sent: 2/16/2016 7:23:58 PM 
To: jeffrey E. [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Subject: Re: Jeffrey Epstein 
Importance: High 
Good. Was worried you getting deposed about Trump or something. :-) 
Sent from my iPhone 
On Feb 16, 2016, at 11:16, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
Good not bad 
On Tuesday, 16 February 2016, Joi Ito <____________________> wrote: 
Sent from my iPhone 
Begin forwarded message: 
From: Lesley Groff < > 
Date: February 16, 2016 at 11:07:17 PST 
To: Joichi Ito <Mil> 
Cc: ""Joichi (Joi) Ito"" 
Subject: Jeffrey Epstein 
Joi, I am so very sorry but Jeffrey is canceling his trip to Vancouver! It is very sudden and he is sorry, but he 
is flying to Washington, DC now. 
I am sure he will be in touch with you... 
Please accept our apologies.. 
Lesley 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 025904 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 025905 
"
TEXT-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033306.txt,"From: Richard Kahn 
Sent: 7/21/2016 12:00:41 PM 
To: Jeffrey Epstein [jeevacation@gmail.com] 
Subject: Peter Thiel's Embrace of Trump Has Silicon Valley Squirming - NYTimes.com 
Importance: High 
http://mobile.nytimes.com/2016/07/21/technology/peter-thiels-embrace-of-trump-has-silicon-valley-
squirming.html?referer=http://www.drudgereport.com/ 
Sent from my iPhone 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 033306 
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030436.txt,"John Humphrys is the Radio 4 Today programme presenter, whose forensic and sometimes
aggressive interviews with figures in authority inspire love and loathing in equal measure. The
Observer's television critic once wrote that if he ever found himself sitting next to Humphrys at a
dinner party he would probably drive a fork through his hand. The Tory politician Jonathan
Aitken accused him of ‘poisoning the well of democratic debate’, a comment which prompted an
outburst of support for Humphrys, with the Daily Mail describing him as ‘one of the most brilliant

journalists in the country’.

This autumn, as Humphrys steps down after 32 years at Today and publishes a long-awaited
memoir, he comes to the Intelligence Squared stage to give an exclusive, behind-the-scenes

account of his extraordinary career.

Turning the tables on Humphrys and pitching the questions will be his Today colleague Justin
Webb. Humphrys will recount the momentous episodes of his career, such as his interview with
BBC correspondent Andrew Gilligan in 2003. Gilligan claimed that the government had
deliberately ‘sexed up’ the dossier on the threat posed by Saddam Hussein in order to justify
the Iraq War. A chain of events ensued, including the suicide of the dossier’s source, Dr David
Kelly, severe damage to Tony Blair's reputation and the Hutton and Chilcot inquiries into the
war. And then there was the time Humphrys helped to get his own boss fired. His tough
interview with the BBC Director General George Entwistle, days after the BBC had made false
child abuse allegations against Lord McAlpine, lead to Entwistle’s resignation after a mere 53

days in the job.
Join us on October 9 and hear Humphrys’ previously untold stories about politicians, celebrities

and the BBC, and give his trenchant views on the role of the media in politics and the health of

our political system.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030436
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012947.txt,"2.5 Integrative and Synergetic Approaches to Artificial General Intelligence 31

1. choosing an overall cognitive architecture that possesses adequate richness and flexi-
bility for the task of achieving childlike cognition.

2. Choosing appropriate AI algorithms and data structures to fulfill each of the func-
tions identified in the cognitive architecture (e.g. visual perception, audition, episodic mem-
ory, language generation, analogy...)

3. Ensuring that these algorithms and structures, within the chosen cognitive architecture,
are able to cooperate in such a way as to provide appropriate coordinated, synergetic
intelligent behavior (a critical aspect since childlike cognition is an integrated functional
response to the world, rather than a loosely coupled collection of capabilities.)

4. Embedding one’s system in an environment that provides sufficiently rich stimuli and
interactions to enable the system to use this cooperation to ongoingly, creatively develop
an intelligent internal world-model and self-model.

We argue that CogPrime
provides a viable way to address these challenges.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012947
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029167.txt,"ultimately pursue its plan to indict the President. But, according toa
source involved in the legal strategy, the plan is ""more advanced"" than it
was when the indictment was drafted in April. The investigation
continues and new evidence or other factors might push both
prosecutors and the grand jury in another direction. Just passing its first
anniversary, the Mueller investigation has conducted itself with
remarkable secrecy. Descriptions of the proposed indictment provide
one of the few insights into its strategy and its sense of the political peril
in front of it.

It may be noteworthy that there appears now not to be plan for an
indictment related to collusion, although, legal experts say, that could
come later.

The White House view is that without the underlying collusion
charge, Mueller will be presenting a weak and politically-motivated
case. The Mueller view seems to be that the obstruction charges go to
the heart of exposing how Trump has abused his power and turned the
White House into a corrupt fiefdom.

The President's scheme to obstruct the FBI's investigation into
connections between the Trump campaign and Russian efforts to
undermine the U.S. election, according to the Mueller indictment, began
on the 7th day of the Trump administration. Three days prior to this, on
January 24, National Security Advisor, Michael Flynn, lied to the FBI
about his contacts with the Russian Ambassador, Sergey Kislyak. These
were contacts, directed by an unnamed but ranking member of the
Presidential Transition team.

That unnamed person, in the view of several lawyers who
discussed the case with me, is very likely Trump himself, and might
imply that Trump encouraged Flynn to lie to the FBI, promising to
protect him—using his influence or pardon powers.

On January 27th, seven days after Donald Trump's inauguration,
the President had the one-on-one dinner with FBI Director James
Comey—recounted in Comey’s congressional testimony and in his
recent book, ""A Higher Loyalty""—at which the President asked Comey if
he ""wanted to stay on as FBI Director."" The President then requested a
loyalty pledge in an effort, according to Comey's testimony before the
Senate Select Committee on Intelligence, to ""create some sort of
patronage relationship""—a characterization the indictment accepts.

Flynn resigned on February 13. The next day, the President

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029167
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013481.txt,"Page 1

IN THE CIRCUIT COURT OF THE FIFTEENTH JUDICIAL
CIRCUIT IN AND FOR PALM BEACH COUNTY, FLORIDA
CASE NO. 50 2009CA040800XXXXMB AG
- Complex Litigation, Fla.R.Civ.Pro. 1201
JEFFREY EPSTEIN, EXAMINATION DIRECT CROSS REDIRECT
Plaintiff,
“yee VOLUME I OF I BRADLEY J. EDWARDS, ESQUIRE

SCOTT ROTHSTEN, individually, BY MR. CRITTON 5
BRADLEY J. EDWARDS,
individually, and L.M, individually,

Defendants. EXHIBITS

VIDEOTAPED DEPOSITION OF BRADLEY J. EDWARDS, ESQUIR

EXHIBIT DESCRIPTION PAGE

Tuesday, March 23, 20010
10:00 - 5:07 p.m. PLAINTIFF'S EX. 1 ALFREDO RODRIGUEZ 211
CRIMINAL COMPLAINT
2139 Palm Beach Lakes; Boulevard PLAINTIFF'S EX. 2 COMPLAINT 239
West Palm Beach, Florida 33401 PLAINTIFF'S EX. 3 JULY 22, 2009 276
FACSMILE ;

Reported By:

Cynthia Hopkins, RPR, FPR.
Notary Public, State of Florida
Prose Court Reporting

Job No.: 1333

APPEARANCES:
On behalf of the Plaintiff:
ROBERT D. CRITTON, JR., ESQUIRE
BURMAN, CRITTON, LUTTIER & COLEMAN, LLP
303 Banyan Boulevard
Suite 400
West Palm Beach, Florida 33401
Phone: 561.842.2820

PROCEEDINGS

Deposition taken before Cynthia Hopkins,
Registered Professional Reporter and Florida
Professional Reporter, and Notary Public in and for
the State of Florida at Large, in the above cause.

and
JACK. ALAN GOLDBERGER, ESQUIRE
ATTERBURY, GOLDBERGER & WEISS, P.A.
250 Australian Avenue South
Suite 1400
West Palm Beach, Florida 33401-5012
Phone: 561.659.8300

THE VIDEOGRAPHER: We are now on video
record. This is Media Number One in the
videotaped deposition of Bradley Edwards in the
matter of Jeffrey Epstein versus Scott
Rothstein, Bradley J. Edwards, and L.M.

Today is Tuesday, March 23rd, 2010 at

10:00 a.m. We're here in the law offices

of Searcy, Denney, Scarola, Barnhart &
cpm poor rnaiaa Geiss Shipley, 2139 Palm Beach Lakes Boulevard,
On behalf of the Defendant: iL. West Palm Beach, Florida.
ACK SCAROLA, ESQUIRE ‘
eae pee ‘AROLA, ; My name is Joe Kozak. Iam the
BARNHART & SHIPLEY, P.A. videographer. The court reporter is Cindy
2139 Palm Beach Lakes Boulevard “ ‘
West Palm Beach, Florida 33409 Hopkins from Prose, Prose Court Reporting
Phone: 561.686.6300 Agency.
aa hOPRESENTE Will counsel please introduce
Jeffrey Epstein yourselves, and then the court reporter
eaters hese io will swear in the witnesses.
Tose KEpornn: ervices
poms MR. CRITTON: Bob Critton on behalf of the

1 (Pages 1 to 4)
(561) 832-7500 PROSE COURT REPORTING AGENCY, INC. (561) 832-7506

[06 5

PR

ary
t

and

On behalf of the Plaintiff:
-ALAN M. DERSHOWITZ, ESQUIRE
HARVARD LAW SCHOOL
Hauser 520

pay
f

HOoOtFwnNhbrF Ow DIAN B® WNE

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013481
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031349.txt,"www.telegraph.co.uk >... » North America » USA

The Daily Telegraph

Mar 5, 2011 - The Duke of York's billionaire paedophile friend kept a secret journal, described as “The Holy
Grail” by lawyers, which listed his alleged ...

BS Df 24S ES DIS ik 24S BIS DIS 2S ik DIS iC 24S BIS DIS 5S 2k DIS ik 24S BIC DIS DIC 2g DIS ik 34S BIS DIS 2S DC DIC IC DIC IS 2fS SIC 2 DIC 2k OIC IS DIR 2S 2 DIS 2k OIC IC 2IC Ie 2k DIC of 2Ie ik 2k ic

The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of

Jeffrey Epstein

Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031349
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027091.txt,"3) WE ALREADY HAVE OTHER COMMODITIES: FALSE
AIGHD Research on the Female Condom in Mozambique (2017)

The increase in female condom use was not accompanied by an
off-setting decrease in ever or current use of alternative methods.
If anything, current use of male condoms and other modern

contraceptives increased slightly in the treatment group. Female
condoms thus seemed to complement the existing choice set of

regular contraceptives

South Africa National Female Condom Program Evaluation (2017)

Of the current FC users 73,4% reported using condoms in general
more often than before they started using the female condom.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027091
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017080.txt,"Jon Hilsenrath
Gopichand P. Hinduja
Prakash P. Hinduja
Leslie Hinton

Eric Hippeau

Priya Hiranandani-
Vandrevala

Naomi Hirose

Susan Hockfield
Mark Hoffman
Reid Hoffman
André S. Hoffmann
Karl Hofmann
Joseph M. Hogan
Paul R. Hogan

Tom Hogan

Alec Hogg
Harry Hohmeister

Sir John Holmes
Stefan von Holtzbrinck

Jan Hommen
Hong Ki-Joon

Hong Shen
René Hooft Graafland

John L. Hopkins
Yoshito Hori

Tsutomu Horiuchi

Robert D. Hormats

Douglas H. Horswill
John Hourican

Lloyd Walter Howell Jr
W. Lee Howell

Rumen Hranov M. Sc.
Hsu Ta-Lin

George Hu

Ken Hu

Hu Shuli

Philippe Huber
lan Hudson

Arianna Huffington
Peter van Hillen

Géran Hultin

Glenn H. Hutchins
William N. Hutton
David lakobachvili

Herminia Ibarra

Riswinandi Idris

Chief Economic Correspondent
Chairman

Chairman, Europe

Chief Executive Officer

Special Partner and Adviser
Founder and Co-Chairman

Managing Director; International
Affairs, Real Estate, Acquisition &
Management Dept.

President

President, CNBC

Executive Chairman and Founder
Chairman

President and Chief Executive Officer

Chief Executive Officer

Chairman and Founder

Executive Vice-President, Enterprise
Sales, Marketing and Strategy
Editor-in-Chief

Chief Executive Officer

Director
President and Chief Executive Officer

Chief Executive Officer
President and Chief Executive Officer

Bureau Chief, China

Member of the Executive Board and
Chief Financial Officer

Group Executive

Chairman and Chief Executive
Officer, Globis Group; President and
Dean, Globis University; Managing
Partner, Globis Capital Partners
Chief Financial Officer and Senior
Managing Director

US Undersecretary of State for
Economic, Energy and Agricultural
Affairs

Senior Vice-President, Sustainability
and External Affairs

Chief Executive Officer, Global
Banking and Markets

Executive Vice-President

Managing Director, Head of
Programming and Global Agenda
Councils, World Economic Forum
Chairman

Chairman

Executive Vice-President, Marketing
and Alliances

Board Member and Executive Vice-
President

Editor-in-Chief

Co-Chief Executive Officer
President, Europe, Middle East and
Africa

Co-Founder and Editor-in-Chief
Chief Executive Officer

Chairman and Chief Executive Officer
Founder and Co-Chief Executive
Columnist

Chairman of the Board of Directors

The Cora Chaired Professor of
Leadership and Learning and
Professor of Organizational
Behaviour

Deputy President Director

World Economic Forum Annual Meeting 2011

The Wall Street Journal
Hinduja Automotive Ltd
Hinduja Group of Companies
Dow Jones & Company Inc.
Softbank Capital

Hirco Group

Tokyo Electric Power
Company (TEPCO)

Massachusetts Institute of
Technology (MIT)

NBC Universal Inc.
LinkedIn Corporation
Massellaz SA

Population Services
International (PSI)

ABB Ltd

Home Instead Inc
Hewlett-Packard Company

Moneyweb Holdings

Swiss International Air Lines
Ltd

The Ditchley Foundation
Verlagsgruppe Georg von
Holtzbrinck GmbH

ING Group

Hanwha Chemical
Corporation

Dow Jones Newswires

Heineken International

Fluor Corporation
GLOBIS Corporation

Mori Building Company
Limited

Teck Resources Limited
Royal Bank of Scotland

Booz Allen Hamilton Inc.

Finman AG
H&Q Asia Pacific
Salesforce.com

Huawei Technologies Co.
Ltd
Caixin Media

Kentaro Ltd

DuPont De Nemours
International SA
Huffington Post
Georgsmarienhttte Holding
GmbH

Caden Corporation
Silver Lake

The Guardian
Wimm-Bill-Dann Foods
OJSC

INSEAD

PT Bank Mandiri (Persero)

USA

United Kingdom
Switzerland
USA

USA

India

Japan

USA

USA
USA
Switzerland
USA

Switzerland
USA
USA

South Africa
Switzerland

United Kingdom
Germany

Netherlands
Republic of Korea

People's Republic of
China
Netherlands

USA
Japan

Japan

Canada
United Kingdom

USA

Switzerland
USA
USA

People's Republic of
China

People's Republic of
China

United Kingdom
Switzerland

USA
Germany

United Kingdom
USA

United Kingdom
Russian Federation

France

Indonesia

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017080
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014957.txt,"TED2017: The future you

https://ted2017.ted.com/program

4/20/17, 12:07 PM

LARL VUUL UL LD POLL, LALUALLL OUULULU Lo UaLULA Go d PUY OIMIAL, UUL aL We Agu UL SU, IU UCKLUUU LU PUL UL LLUdIe LUM, Le Leacaoe UL
his fifth album, Frontera, caught the attention of Brazilian director Walter Salles, who tapped him to write the closing song for the 2004
film Motorcycle Diaries. Titled ""Al Otro Lado del Rio"" (The Other Side of the River), the song won Drexler an Academy Award for Best
Original Song and propelled him into the international spotlight.

Over the course of his 25-year career, Jorge Drexler has produced 12 albums, received 15 Latin Grammy nomination (with two wins in
2014 Record of the Year and Best Singer-Songwriter Album), four US Grammy nominations, 5 ASCAP Latin Awards, and one Academy
Award. He has also collaborated with musicians from Shakira to Mercedes Sosa to Neneh Cherry and Jovanotti.

jorgedrexler.com @drexlerjorge

Jorge Ramos
Journalist, news anchor

Jorge Ramos is a journalist and a news anchor. His work covers the issues that affect the 55 million Latinos in the United States and
immigrants all over the world.

Jorge Ramos immigrated to the United States from Mexico City, on a student visa at the age of 24. What started as a street beat for a local
Spanish-language broadcast in Los Angeles in the 1980s has evolved into a career of remarkable distinction and credibility. Today, Ramos
co-anchors Univision's flagship Spanish-language broadcast, “Noticiero Univision,” writes a nationally syndicated column, hosts the
Sunday Morning show ""Al Punto” and now, the English language program, ""America with Jorge Ramos."" He is the winner of eight Emmys
and the author of eleven books, including Zake a Stand: Lessons from Rebels, 2016; A Country for All: An Immigrant Manifesto; and Dying
to Cross: The Worst Immigrant Tragedy in American History.

In the absence of political representation in the United States, Jorge Ramos gives a face and voice to the millions of Latinos and
immigrants living in the United States. He uses his platform to promote open borders and immigrants' rights and demands accountability
from the world leaders he interviews. Nearly 1.9 million viewers tune into his program each night, and in 2015, Time named him one of
""The World's 100 Most Influential People.""

jorgeramos.com @jorgeramosnews

Isabel Behncke Izquierdo
Primatologist

Isabel Behncke Izquierdo studies the social behavior of primates and the birth of human cultures.

TED Fellow Isabel Behncke Izquierdo writes: I was born and raised in Chile, and was educated in animal behaviour and evolutionary
anthropology in Cambridge and Oxford. For my PhD work, I study the social behaviour (and play behaviour in particular) of wild bonobos
in DR Congo.

Bonobos are, together with chimpanzees, our living closest relatives; however we know very little about them -- mostly through captive
work. In Wamba, a most remote jungle location, I have observed unique aspects of bonobo lives (from imaginary play and laughter to
inter-group encounters to accidents and death) that challenge and illuminate our understanding of human evolution. I aim to link the play of
adult bonobos to insights on human laughter, joy, creativity and our capacity for wonder and exploration.

Tomas Saraceno
Artist

Tomas Saraceno is an artist who invites us to consider the impossible, like spiders that play music or cities in the sky.

Tomas Saraceno’s soaring artworks inspire human dreams and point to a world free of our earth-bound afflictions, whether by suspending
its viewers in webs high above gallery floors or by casting solar-powered baloons adrift in the stratosphere -- or turning spiders into music-
makers.

Part art project and science experiment, his latest work Aerocene bypasses the museum in favor of an unprecedented airborne journey.
Using only the heat of the sun and wind for its locomotion, Aerocene not only shattered solar-powered flight records but also invites others

to hack its open-source, interactive design and model its flight behavior.

tomassaraceno.com @tomassaraceno

Ingrid Betancourt
Writer, peace advocate

Ingrid Betancourt was a presidential candidate in Colombia in 2002 when she was kidnapped by guerilla rebels. After six years in captivity
and a high-profile rescue, she now writes about what she learned about fear, forgiveness and the divine.

In 2002, the Colombian rural guerilla movement known as the FARC (Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia) kidnapped Ingrid
Betancourt in the middle of her presidential campaign. For the next six years, Betancourt was held hostage in jungle prison camps where
she was ravaged by malaria, fleas, hunger, and human cruelty until her high-profile rescue by the Colombian government in 2008.

But Betancourt's captivity did not diminish her sensitivity to the world. Since her release, the would-be president has become a memoirist
and fiction writer. Her first book, Even Silence Has Its End, which lyrically recounts her six years in the impenetrable jungle, was
published in 2010. In 2016, she published a second work -- this time of fiction -- called The Blue Line, about the disappearances in
Argentina during the Dirty War from 1976 to 1983.

Betancourt has received multiple international awards for her commitment to democratic values, freedom and tolerance, including the
French National Order of the Légion d’Honneur, the Spanish Prince of Asturias Prize of Concord, and the Italian Prize Grinzane Cavour.

Page 7 of 21

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014957
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015491.txt,"BIOLOGY

MEDICINE

Their Giant Steps to a Cure

Battling arareformofmuscular dystrophy,
afamily finds anactivistleader, and hope

BY JUDE ISABELLA

N 2007, AT HER high school graduation in Ques-
| nel, British Columbia, Ivana Topic stood at the top

of the auditorium stairs, her long gown skimming
~~ the floor, her dark brown hair spilling over her
shoulders. She had on ridiculously high heels. As she
eased down the stairs, very slowly, she hung on to her
date. She was afraid her knees would collapse, as her
muscles were weak for her age.

From the audience, Ivana’s mother, Marijana,
watched her daughter’s every step, silently panicking
and breaking into a sweat. She knew Ivana could eas-
ily tumble down the stairs and break a limb. The year
before, Ivana had been diagnosed with muscular dys-
trophy, an mcurable genetic disease characterized by
progressive weakening of the muscles. Antonia, Ivana’s
younger sister by five years, was later diagnosed with
the same disease.

Around the time of Ivana’s graduation, the Top-
ics, an unassuming family originally from Croatia, had
begun adjusting their lives as best they could, inquiring

about ramps everywhere they went, avoiding walking
in snow and sleet. For years, Ivana and Antonia had
been subjected to endless medical tests. In 2010, they
learned they had a rare form of muscular dystrophy,
calpainopathy, which affects about 1 in 200,000 peo-
ple. The diagnosis meant both would likely be bound to
wheelchairs while they were still young women.

Today, Ivana is 24. In May, she graduated from col-
lege with a bachelor’s degree in finance and general
business. She still walks up stairs in her house; her
bedroom 1s upstairs. “I’m definitely a fighter, and will
try and walk for as long as I can,” she says. “When I
notice I’m falling a lot, when I need help a lot, I will
go ina chair.”

Muscular dystrophy treatment 1s limited to only pal-
liattve medications and therapies. Ivana herself prac-
tices yoga. While researchers worldwide are working
on lasting cures for muscular dystrophy (funded in part
by the famous Jerry Lewis Telethons), rare forms like
calpainopathy are “orphans,” with only a fraction of

ILLUSTRATIONS BY ELLEN WEINSTEIN

31

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015491
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020265.txt,"113

Snowden himself came to realize that those assisting him, including Assange and Harrison,
were taking serious risks. “Anyone in a three-mile radius [of me] is going to get hammered,” he
later explained to a reported from Vogue. (After finally leaving Snowden in Moscow on
November 3, 2013, Harrison moved to Berlin, where she set up an organization to provide, as she
termed it, “an underground railroad” for other fugitives who have provided documents exposing
government secrets.)

Snowden meanwhile received sanctuary in Russia. His public statements in Hong Kong that
he was willing to go prison so that others could live freely in a democratic society were, as it
turned out, mere rhetoric. Instead of risking prison, he had successfully escaped to a country in
which he would be treated as a hero for defying the US government. He had not sacrificed
himself, he had transformed himself. He had risen from being a lowly technician in Hawaii whose
talents went largely unrecognized, to the status of an international media star in Moscow. In his
new messianic role, he could make Internet appearances via Skype to prestigious gathering such
as the TED conference where he would be roundly applauded as an Internet hero. He could be
beamed into dozens of ACLU meetings where he would be celebrated as a defender of American
liberty. He could describe to sympathetic audiences in Germany, Norway and France the
unfairness of the American legal system, asserting that it was denting him a “far trial.” He could
now make front page news by granting interview to the New York Times, Washington Post,
Nation and other elite newspapers. He could join Poitras and Greenwald on the Board of
Directors of the Freedom of the Press Foundation. He could be the subject of both an Oscar-
winning documentary, the hero of the 2016 Hollywood movie “Snowden.” directed by Oliver
Stone and a consultant to the 2015 season of the television series “Homeland.” He could also be
nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize in 2014. His could also attract over one-half million
followers to his tweets on Twitter in 2015. “For me, in terms of personal satisfaction, the
mission’s already accomplished. I already won,” he informed the Washington Post in his first live
interview in Moscow. It was a mission that involved a very high stakes enterprise: taking
America’s state secrets abroad.

How he managed to succeed in this extraordinary undertaking is another story and one which
may not lend itself to an innocent explanation. Whistle-blowers do not ordinarily steal military
secrets. Nor do they flee to the territory of America’s principle adversaries. A fugitive, especially
one lacking a Russian visa, does not wind up in Moscow by pure accident. A Russian President,
especially one with the KGB background of Putin, does not lightly give his personal sanction to a
high-profile exfiltration from Hong Kong without weighing the gain that might proceed from it.
Part of that calculus would be that the defector had taken possession of a great number of
classified documents from the inner sanctum of the NSA. To be sure, the practical value of this
stolen archive would require a lengthily evaluation by its intelligence services. Finally, a defector
who put himself in the palm of the hand of the FSB in Moscow would be expected to cooperate
with it. Even if such a defector did not carry these files with him to Moscow, intelligence services
have the means to recover digital files, even if after they are erased from a computer or if they are

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020265
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011006.txt,"implying

output
productivity rate = “os = constant, (4.7a)
capital

assuming again that acceleration is nonzero.

This shows how to find the position of capital in the sequence led by output, and
how to test between free growth and thrift theories. The market-valued capital
denominator in (4.7) and (4.7a), and the consumption numerator in (4.7), can be
taken directly from national accounts data collected at the Piketty-Zucman website.
The output numerator in (4.7a) can be constructed as consumption plus current
change in market-valued capital. By (4.7), free growth theory (Mill’s idea) predicts a
roughly constant consumption/capital ratio, even in accelerations and decelerations
and reversals. Then capital acceleration would lag alongside consumption
acceleration while output led alone. Thrift theory makes the opposite prediction ofa
roughly constant output/capital ratio, so that output and capital would lead
together while consumption lagged alone. There is no need to measure and test both
indexes, as either is defined as one less the other. My charts and tables track the free

growth index. They confirm free growth theory in all countries and periods.

Defining Free Growth and Thrift

(4.2) through (4.7a) defined the free growth and thrift indexes, but not free growth
or thrift themselves as flows. Since I will use those terms often, I’d better clear that

up now. Define

free acceleration = productivity gain = gaininrateofreturn, and

thrift acceleration = thrift gain = drop in cash flow rate,

so that those sets of terms become interchangeable. Then (4.5a) can be put as

Chapter 4 Mill’s Idea 1/11/16 15

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011006
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016198.txt,"Case 1:19-cv-03377-LAP Document 36-4 Filed 07/03/19

PAUL G. CASSELL
Ronald N. Boyce Presidential! Professor of Criminal Law

THE UNIVERSITY OF UTAH and University Distinguished Professor of Law
S.J. QUINNEY Telephone: 801-585-5202
- | COLLEGE OF LAW cassellp@Jaw.utah.cdu
November 6, 2017
The Florida Bar

651 E. Jefferson St.
Tallahassee, FL 32399

Re: Bar Complaint By Mr. Dershawitz

Dear Florida Bar:

1. I have been advised of assertions made by Mr. Dershowitz to the Florida Bar
concerning attorneys David Boies and Sigrid McCawley. I provide this affidavit at the request
of counsel for Mr. Boies and Ms. McCawley in order to provide the Florida Bar with information
that I have regarding the accuracy or inaccuracy of those assertions.

Spt tet eeagy ee rp aweanae oar a SED,

Civil Cases Against Epstein and Connections with Mr. Dershowitz

12, While the CVRA case was proceeding, Mr. Edwards and | also represented several
of Epstein’s victims in civil cases against Epstein. During those civil cases, Mr. Epstein was
deposed about others who might have been involved in his sexual abuse of minor girls. Several
civil attomeys asked Epstein about Mr. Dershowitz, and Epstein invoked his Fifth Amendment
rights rather than answer questions about Dershowitz. Efforts were made to depose Dershowitz
on his connections, but they were unsuccessful,

13. It was known at the time that Dershowitz had not only served as Epstein’s legal
counsel, but was also an extremely close personal friend of Epstein. Household employees of
Epstein also placed Dershowitz inside the Epstcin mansion during time periods when Epstein
was involved in sexually abusing minor girls. For example, houschold employee Juan Alessi
testified under oath that one of the famous visitors who came to (he Epstein mansion was “a very
famous lawyer that I’m sure you know, Alan Dershowitz.” (Alessi Depo., at 73:22-25.)
According to Alessi's sworn testimony, Dershowitz came to the mansion “pretty often . . . at
least four or five times a year” and would stay “two [or] three days.” (73:22-25). Alessi also
testified that Ms. Virginia Roberts Giuffre came to the house when Dershowitz was there.
(73:18-20) Alessi answered “yes” when asked whether Dershowitz “had massages sometimes
when he was there,” (74:1-4). Alessi explained that “[a] massage was like a treat for
everybody.” (/d.)

14. Similar testimony was provided by another household employee, who worked for
Epstein at a different time period -- Alfredo Rodriguez. According to Rodriguez, Dershowitz
was at Epstcin’s mansion when underage girls were there to give massages. (Rodriguez Depo. at
78:13-25, 279:9-280:2). According to Rodriguez, Dershowitz stayed at the house in his role as
Epstein’s friend, as opposed to being his lawyer. (ld. at 279:5-8; 385:1-6).

15. Dershowitz was present alone, without his family, at the home of Jeffery Epstein in
the presence of young girls. (Jd. at 199:12-13, 279:9-12, 426:16-25, 427:1). Rodriguez testified
that when the underage girls would come over, Dershowitz would drink wine and read books on
the couch. (/d. at 426:16-25; 427:1.)

16. Ultimately Epstein choose to settle his civil suits with Jane Doe |, Jane Doe 2, and
Ms. Virginia Roberts Giuffre. However, Epstein did not settle the CVRA case, and Mr. Edwards
and I have continued to attempt to secure factual evidence that would demonstrate that the plea
decisions made by the Government were improper or improperly influenced.

5 See, &g, Vicky Ward, The Talented Mr. Epstein, in Vanity Fair (Jan. 2005) (quoting Dershowitz as
stating “I’m on my 2(th book. . .. The only person outside of my immediate family that | send drafts to is
Jeffrey.”); see also Ray Gustini, Vanity Fair Reminds Us When Jeffrey Epstein Wasn't a Creep, in The
Wire (June 21, 2011) (quoting Dershowitz as stating that even if Epstein went bankrupt, “I would be as
interested in him as a friend if we had hamburgers on the boardwalk in Coney Island and talked about his
ideas."").

Page 2 of 6

(Excerpts)

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016198
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018922.txt,"(Rev, 01-31-2003)

FEDERAL BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION

Precedence: ROUTINE Date: 08/01/2006

To: Mia

mi Attn: IMA/PB2

From: Miami

PB2/PBCRA
Contact: SA

Approved By:

Drafted
Case ID

Title:

Synopsis

Details:
to assis

++

By:
#: 31LE-MM-108062 (Pending)

JEFFREY EPSTEIN;

WSTA - CHILD PROSTITUTION
: To request the opening of sub-files in captioned case.

It is requested that the following sub-files be opened
t in document management in captioned case.

SUB - SBP to capture subpoena, request.

SUB - FF to capture forfeiture related materials.

2YE- MH -log06 -@

b7C

HOUSE OVERSIGHT 018922
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032126.txt,"Some people do yoga on vacation; others go for the occasional run. This week we're thinking a little more... adventurously,
from active escapes at Travaasa Hana in Maui to racecar driving in Baja and hiking Moab with the experts at Austin-Lehman
Adventures. And after all that action, chill out with stays at the new Dream South Beach, the gorgeous Pavilions Phuket and

other luxe resorts worldwide. (Image: The Pavilions Phuket - on sale Fri, July 31.)

Sales this week

Starting Tuesday at Noon BST
Dream South Beach

Travaasa Hana - Hawaii
Esencia Estate - Riviera Maya

Starting Wednesday at 8pm BST

Starting Tuesday at 8pm BST Starting Wednesday at Noon BST
AVIA Hotel - Long Beach, CA Last-Minute London and NYC
Hotel Las Palmas - Mexico

Starting Thursday at Noon BST Starting Thursday at 8pm BST

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032126
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019382.txt,"Attorney: Police gave media ‘distorted view’

bm EPSTEIN fom 1B

They did that Monday via Gold-
berger and a Los Angeles publicist
for Miami criminal defense attorney
_ Roy Black, who also has represented

Epstein in the case.

“We just think there has been a
distorted view of this case in the me-
dia presented by the Palm Beach po-
lice,” Goldberger said.

Reiter has consistently declined
to comment on the case and did not
respond to a request for comment
Monday.

The implication that State Attor-
ney Barry Krischer was easy on Ep-
stein by presenting the case to a
grand jury rather than filing charges

directly against him is wrong, Gold-
berger said.

The Palm Beach Police Depart
ment was “happy and ecstatic” that
the panel was going to review the
evidence. “I think what happened is
they weren't happy with the result.
They decided to use the press to
embarrass Mr. Epstein.”

But records show that Reiter
wrote Krischer on May 1 — well be-
fore the case went to the grand jury —
suggesting that Krischer “consider if
good and sufficient reason exists to
require your disqualification from the
prosecution of these cases.”

Rather than flat-out decline to
charge Epstein, Krischer referred
the case to the grand fury to “ap-

pease” the chief, Goldberger said.

A state attorney’s spokesman
would say only that the office refers
cases to the grand jury when there
are issues with the viability of the
evidence or witnesses’ credibility.

Both the state attorney and the
grand jury concluded there was not
sufficient evidence that Epstein had
sex with minors, according to Gold-
berger. “It was just a childish perfor-
mance by the Palm Beach Police
Department,” Goldberger said.

The defense attorney said one of
the alleged victims who claimed she
was a minor was in fact over the age
of 18. Another alleged victim who
was subpoenaed to testify to the
grand jury failed to do so. Epstein’s

Epstein investigation

Read a ietter from Paim Beach Police
Chief Michael Reiter to State Attorney
Barry Krischer on the Epstein probe.
PalmBeachPost.com

accusers, he added, have histories of
drug abuse and thefts. “These wom-
en are liars. We've established that.”

But why would they all invent
their stories about meeting Epstein
for sexual massages?

“I don't have an answer as to what
was the motivation for these women
to come forward and make these al-
legations,” Goldberger said.

© lany_keller@pbpost.com

Sd

03956-95

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019382
"
TEXT-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032756.txt,"From: Weingarten, Reid 
Sent: 3/25/2018 1:50:02 PM 
To: jeffrey E. [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Subject: Re: 
Importance: High 
Love the guy...(you were deadass right) 
Sent from my BlackBerry 10 smartphone. 
From: Jeffrey E. 
Sent: Saturday, March 24, 2018 5:24 PM 
To: Weingarten, Reid 
Subject: Re: 
Steve is coming to meet you breakfast 
On Sat, Mar 24, 2018 at 5:14 PM Weingarten, Reid wrote: 
How about Monday morning? Easier for me...how did today go? 
Sent from my BlackBerry 10 smartphone. 
From: Jeffrey E. 
Sent: Saturday, March 24, 2018 11:48 AM 
To: Weingarten, Reid 
Subject: Re: 
i have to leave at 830 for the airpot thats why sorry 
On Sat, Mar 24, 2018 at 11:33 AM, Weingarten, Reid________________________________________livrote: 
Jesus....see you at 730...will be eager to hear about your day today.... 
Sent from my BlackBerry 10 smartphone. 
From: Jeffrey E. 
Sent: Saturday, March 24, 2018 8:25 AM 
To: Weingarten, Reid 
Subject: Re: 
either 73 am or 10 pm 
On Sat, Mar 24, 2018 at 11:19 AM, Weingarten, Reid wrote: 
Flying in from vancouver now...about to board...what works best for you tomorrow? 
Sent from my BlackBerry 10 smartphone. 
From: Jeffrey E. 
Sent: Saturday, March 24, 2018 8:15 AM 
To: Weingarten, Reid 
Subject: Re: 
Tonight or tomnight 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 032756 
On Sat, Mar 24, 2018 at 11:10 AM Weingarten, Reid 
Later possible? Need my beauty sleep 
Sent from my BlackBerry 10 smartphone. 
From: Jeffrey E. 
Sent: Saturday, March 24, 2018 8:06 AM 
To: Weingarten, Reid 
Subject: Re: 
yes 730? 
wrote: 
On Sat, Mar 24, 2018 at 11:02 AM, Weingarten, Reid_______________________________wrote: 
Am I seeing you tomorrow morning? 
Sent from my BlackBerry 10 smartphone. 
From: Jeffrey E. 
Sent: Saturday, March 24, 2018 3:39 AM 
To: Weingarten, Reid 
Subject: 
https://www.thedailybeast.com/how-close-is-donald-trump-to-a-psychiatric-breakdown?ref=home 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 032757 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
please note 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 032758 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 032759 
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030378.txt,"| write further to an email sent to you earlier this month, concerning an article we are preparing for
publication in which you may be mentioned.

We have not received a response from you. If you wish to respond, please do so as soon as possible and no
later than 18:00 on Monday 2nd February 2015.

For your convenience, please see the original letter below,.

Yours faithfully,

David Pegg
The Guardian
Kings Place
90 York Way
London

N1 9GU

On 5 January 2015 at 11:14, David Pegg (ii wrote:

Swiss Accounts Survey
Dear Mr Epstein,

We are writing because a US media organisation, in concert with ourselves at the Guardian newspaper in
London, is currently conducting a detailed survey of Swiss bank accounts, past and present.

It is not illegal to have Swiss accounts. But as you may know, it is a topic of considerable public debate, and
several governments have been investigating the owners of such accounts.

There are a number of ways such accounts and also offshore trusts have been used to avoid inheritance tax,
UK domestic tax, or tax imposed by other countries. Such accounts have also been used to launder money.

We have seen records held in the US identifying you among those who have held accounts. These accounts
contained assets of up to USD 3.5m, and include:

HSBC (Suisse) SA

FAMILY INTEREST L.P.

22079

BESSIE

JEFFREY EPSTEIN

1) You may therefore have been a person evading or avoiding tax, or laundering money.

We will be particularly concerned with these questions:

2) Why you had Swiss accounts.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030378
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028537.txt,"So, they have said, they negotiated a deal, allowing Epstein to plead guilty in Palm Beach
County Circuit Court to one count of soliciting a minor for prostitution and another charge
of soliciting prostitution. In exchange, federal prosecutors agreed to close their investigation.
They have said they had no idea Epstein would only serve 13 months of an 18-month
sentence in a vacant wing of the county stockade — a cell he was allowed to leave 16 hours
a day, six days a week.

While voicing dismay at his lax punishment, prosecutors have pointed out that the plea deal
required Epstein to pay the roughly 30 young women who filed civil lawsuits against him.
Further, they said his guilty pleas force him to register as a sex offender for the rest of his
life, potentially protecting other girls from abuse in the future.

However, over the years, they have never suggested that Epstein provided them any
information in return.

Like Edwards, two people close to the long-closed federal investigation said they were
flummoxed by the sentence in the FBI’s memo that was written in September 2008, roughly
two months after Epstein pleaded guilty in state court.

“T have never, ever heard of Jeffrey Epstein cooperating in any sense of the word,” said one
official, who requested anonymity because of the top role the person played in the
investigation. “I am stumped. It’s totally out of left field.”

Another individual with ties to the case voiced similar views. Epstein may have been
required to talk to FBI agents but it’s unlikely he offered anything that would incriminate
others, said the person, who declined to be identified because of ongoing efforts to help
Epstein’s victims challenge the plea deal. “I don’t think he ever told the truth,” the person
said.

A lawsuit Edwards filed against the federal government, claiming prosecutors violated the
Victims Rights Act by not notifying Epstein’s victims of the pending plea deal, is still
pending in U.S. District Court. Also, awaiting trial in Palm Beach County Circuit Court is a
malicious prosecution lawsuit Edwards filed against Epstein. Edwards claims the billionaire
filed a frivolous lawsuit to punish Edwards for representing a handful of Epstein’s young
victims.

West Palm Beach attorney Jack Goldberger, who was on Epstein’s potent defense team, said
he was “unable to respond” to questions about the FBI’s memo. Other prominent lawyers
who represented Epstein, including New York lawyer Jay Lefkowitz and retired Harvard law
professor Alan Dershowitz, didn’t respond to requests for comment.

The one line was part of a brief missive dated Sept. 18, 2008, closing the case: “On 9/11/08,
case agent advised writer that Epstein is currently being prosecuted by the State of Florida
and is complying with all conditions of his plea with the State of Florida. Epstein has also
provided information to the FBI as agreed upon. Case agent advised that no federal

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028537
"
TEXT-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033448.txt,"From: Larry Summers 
Sent: 3/17/2019 8:35:34 PM 
To: J [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Subject: Re: Call from New Yorker. 
Importance: High 
Home Boston. Will try to call 
Sent from my iPhone 
Please direct all scheduling inquiries to my office at: 
Follow me on twitter glhsummers 
www.larrysummers.com 
On Mar 17, 2019, at 4:21 PM, J <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
where are you? 
On Sun, Mar 17, 2019 at 2:16 PM Larry Summers < 
I hear you. 
Sent from my iPhone 
Please direct all scheduling inquiries to my office at:________________ 
Follow me on twitter glhsummers 
www.larrysummers.com 
On Mar 17, 2019, at 12:26 PM, J <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
last i looked ( sic), you do not have ovaries. 
On Sun, Mar 17, 2019 at 12:24 PM Larry Summers < 
That is true. 
Interesting. I take a serious note from someone as a deed not words. 
Sent from my iPhone 
Please direct all scheduling inquiries to my office at: 
Follow me on twitter glhsummers 
www.larrysummers.com 
On Mar 17, 2019, at 12:17 PM, J <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
you can be both thoughtful and face to face 
> wrote: 
> wrote: 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 033448 
On Sun, Mar 17, 2019 at 11:48 AM Larry Summers > wrote: 
?.. 
Sent from my iPad 
Please direct all scheduling inquiries to my office at: 
Follow me on twitter glhsummers 
www.larrysummers.com 
On Mar 17, 2019, at 9:49 AM, J <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
coming from you -- not mutually exclusive 
On Sun, Mar 17, 2019 at 9:45 AM Larry Summers <___________________________> wrote: 
Hmmm. 
I think sometimes written communication shows seriousness of thought but see your point 
Sent from my iPad 
Please direct all scheduling inquiries to my office at: 
Follow me on twitter glhsummers 
www.larrysummers.com 
On Mar 17, 2019, at 9:11 AM, J <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
this is only the first quarter of the game. if you call a time out, its on the field and done with dignity, you 
cant retreat into the locker room and send a note to the opposing side. in the next quarter she will 
appreciate whatever you've said with respect and founded on strength. you care very much for this 
person. you might want to demonstrate that. a note does the very opposite. its like trump firing 
comey. :) 
On Sun, Mar 17, 2019 at 9:01 AM Larry Summers < > wrote: 
It was latter. Why bad form. Supposed to be face to face? 
Sent from my iPad 
Please direct all scheduling inquiries to my office at: 
Follow me on twitter glhsummers 
www.larrysummers.com 
On Mar 17, 2019, at 8:54 AM, J <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
unclear if you meant you ve written notes to yourself re exit or a note you were thinking of sending 
- BAD FORM if latter. you both have still not agreed the rules of the game. so difficult to play . you 
have laid out - this is what i want. . but actually, how it would work, and what her freedoms are. could 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 033449 
be . yours.. are essential to the plan. I think much of this is your uncertainty and not hers. sorry. and 
yours is infectious 
On Sun, Mar 17, 2019 at 8:48 AM Larry Summers <___________________________> wrote: 
Ok. Best to make reversible errors 
I've written note for exit strategy 1. Not going to send for few days. 
Going to treat it all as a game till I maybe see her in Beijing and out of character ignore and look past her 
bad behavior. 
Best to stop obsessing. 
Sent from my iPad 
Please direct all scheduling inquiries to my office at: 
Follow me on twitter glhsummers 
www.larrysummers.com 
On Mar 17, 2019, at 8:42 AM, J <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
COM 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
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destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
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Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 033450 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
please note 
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confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
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destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
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Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 033451 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
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Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
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communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
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HOUSE OVERSIGHT 033452 
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011760.txt,"/ BARAK / 3

I’d met President Clinton briefly once before, when he received Syrian chief-of-
staff Hikmat Shehabi and me after our Blair House talks in 1994. But the Sharm
conference provided my first opportunity to spend time with him face-to-face.
When Peres and our delegation were about to leave, a Clinton aide approached and
said the President had asked whether I'd like to join him on the flight back to
Israel. Though as surprised as I was by the invitation, Shimon nodded at me to
signal it was okay, so I headed off for Air Force One. I spent most of the brief
flight talking to the President in the office space carved into the middle of the
plane. I would later discover that he quite often tried to engage with foreign
leaders’ colleagues or advisers on overseas trips, and not limit himself to summit
negotiations. It was part of his voracious appetite for information or insights which
he believed were essential to get a rounded understanding of the complexities of
the issues he was trying to address. Still, it was an extraordinarily fascinating 20
minutes. I got my first real look at Clinton’s natural gift for person-to-person
politics, as well as his mastery of both the detail and nuance of Israel’s
predicament, and of the wider conflict in the Middle East. Looking straight at me,
almost never breaking eye contact, he encouraged me to feel I had something of
value and importance to share with him. In fact, he created the impression that I
was the first sentient, intelligent human being he’d ever met. He made no grand
policy statements. Mostly, he asked me questions: what were the prospects of
Arafat reining in Hamas and Islamic Jihad? How were our relations going with
King Hussein? What was my view of the chances of concluding a peace with
Hafez al-Assad, despite his boycott of Sharm al-Sheikh? If Shimon did go on to
win the election, what new diplomatic opportunities could he as president, and we,
exploit in the search for peace? And, finally, what if Bibi won? I dare say this first
meeting was more memorable for me than for the president. But it would turn out
to provide a foundation for our joint efforts, in a few years’ time, to resolve the
very issues we’d talked about on Air Force One.

Though the summit restored a small opinion poll lead for Peres, that merely
reinforced Haim Ramon’s soccer-game strategy. I was more convinced than ever it
was wrong. Haim still wanted to ignore Bibi, but I pointed out that for at least one

289
HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011760
"
IMAGES-012-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033080.txt,"and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033080
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030731.txt,"From: Steve Bannon xx

Sent: 7/20/2018 10:16:04 AM
To: jeevacation@gmail.com
Subject: ‘You Are Either With Trump or You Are Against Him,’ Says Bannon, as Putin Mayhem Tests President’s Grip on GOP

Importance: — High

https: //ww. thedai lybeast. com/you-are-ei ther-with-trump-or-you-are-against-him-says-bannon-as-putin-
mayhem-tests-presidents-grip-on-gop?ref=home

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030731
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012269.txt,"Page 14

1 Q. And I would assume based on what you've

been telling me, that Mr. Epstein never threatened you in
any way?

A. No.

5 Q. In fact, I think you described him as being

a nice guy, right?

7 A. He was a nice guy. I mean I'm not going to

sit here and actually defend him, because I know he was

wrong for some parts maybe in his case, but as far as I

go, it was -- he was not threatening me. He didn't make

me do anything that I didn't want to do. I said no if I
didn't want to do something and --

13 Q. So clearly, you were not afraid when you

were there or anything like that?

A. No.

16 Q. All vight. And Mr. Epstein didn't offer

you drugs of any kind?

A. No,

19 Q. Okay. He didn't offer you any alcohol?

20 A. Nothing.

Qt Q. And I think you told me already -- but

let's make sure we're clear on the record, -- you went to
Mr. Epstein's house one time and one time only, correct?

A. Correct.

And that's the only time that you've ever

a LOE RBA AE RSET AV VTE TONS IULOT? 2 ET EY ONESIES LEST ST ICT. TY aT PESTS SEAVER eV OPEN TTT

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012269
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024194.txt,"Eye on the Market | October 22, 2012 J.P Morgan

The most important energy developments of 2012: how countries are planning for Independence Day

First, a few updates:

e It looks like sub-2.5% global GDP growth is showing up in the weak outlook provided by some bell-weather cyclical
companies that reported so far (AMD, APD, BHI, CAT, ETFC, GE, GOOG, IBM, MCD, MSFT, PH). We’re about to see
how resilient an equity market is when one of its key selling points is how expensive bonds are. The recent pick-up in
leading indicators suggests that earnings expectations may stabilize early in the new year.

e September US retail sales were strong and US housing data continue to improve, although as noted last week, the degree of
housing’s contribution to growth remains the big question. There will be economic headwinds next year even if the fiscal
cliff is negotiated down. See October 9"" EoTM for the full Monty on the fiscal cliff mechanics.

e We modeled the President’s tax proposals on various demographics of high net worth taxpayers’. The results: increases in
effective tax rates (as % of adjusted gross income) from 4% to 12%, depending on income, investible assets, stock-bond
ownership, state of domicile, etc. It’s unlikely to be enacted as scripted unless there’s a Democratic sweep, but its contours
probably indicate where HNW taxation is eventually heading. We don’t have enough info to analyze Romney’s tax plan in
comparable detail. On the latter, the Tax Policy Center released a study indicating that capping itemized deductions at $25k
for all taxpayers only offsets 32% of the estimated revenue loss from a 20% reduction in income tax rates.

e Production, capital spending and export data from China show improvement from the weak pace over the summer, although
details reveal a continued decline in manufacturing growth offset by rising gov’t infrastructure spending. China ran a 600
billion RMB budget surplus through September, and targets an 800 bn RMB budget deficit this year. I wouldn’t argue that
all that gov’t spending is going to have a huge productivity benefit, but it should keep things moving. Chinese earnings
growth and business climate surveys remain weak, an unsurprising consequence of excess industrial capacity.

e Jn Europe, financial markets continue to rally in the Periphery. Five -year Spanish credit spreads have fallen below 3%
from over 6% last July, and without the ECB firing a single shot (e.g. buying any bonds). The economic data is still bad (a
collapse in auto sales similar to 2009), but now it’s just “run-of-the-mill” terrible instead of “look-out-for-that-bank/country-
it’s-about-to-default” terrible. What is impossible to assess: the ability of Southern Europe to withstand rising social and
political pressures of massive unemployment. Also: watch out for France, where there is a large, growing economic gap vs.
Germany, and where its President is resisting German demands for centralized budgetary supervision.

Our annual energy discussion with Vaclav
Every year, I sit down with Vaclav Smil from the University of Manitoba to discuss “the year in energy”. Vaclav is one of the

world’s foremost experts on energy issues, and has written over 30 books and 300 papers on the subject. In this note, we walk
through what Vaclav identified as the 5 notable energy developments of 2012”: energy independence initiatives in the US,
Europe and Japan; geopolitical implications of rising Chinese oil demand; and another rough year for the electric car.

The political backdrop in the Middle East, European concerns about natural gas dependence on Russia, and lingering concerns
about nuclear power after Fukushima are factors driving countries to seek greater energy independence. In the US, prospects for
energy independence rely mostly on domestically produced oil and natural gas, while in Europe and Japan, they rely on rising
renewable energy targets. What’s remarkable is the official sector confidence in Germany and Japan that the transition cost to
renewables will be manageable. One indicative data point: the cost of building connections between offshore wind farms and
the electricity grid (excluding the cost of the wind turbine itself) can be greater than the cost of building an entire brand new
natural gas plant. As always, a renewable energy discussion involves facts, figures, emotion and a large dose of the unknown.

The outcome will have important consequences for growth, the cost and availability of electricity and the global balance of
payments. These developments argue for greater growth and productivity potential in the US, although energy costs are just one
part of the larger economic and profits equation. Even among US manufacturing companies, energy generally represents only
5% of total expenses, and is dwarfed by labor costs.

Michael Cembalest
J.P. Morgan Asset Management

' Proposed changes affecting U.S. high net worth taxpayers: increased tax rates on ordinary income, dividends and realized capital gains;
increased Medicare taxes on earned and unearned income; rising limitations on itemized deductions (state & local taxes, mortgage interest
and charitable deductions); partial inclusion of municipal income, 401k contributions and employer-paid health benefits in taxable income.

* Other items we could have discussed: continued growth of global hydropower, politics around the Keystone XL pipeline, the apparent end
of Exxon’s collaboration with Craig Venter to develop fuels from genetically modified algae, and the EU’s decision to deemphasize crop-
based biofuels due to concerns about greater carbon emissions than the diesel they replace, and high food prices.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024194
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020963.txt,"...Aim to Answer Questions Like These About USA Inc.

Productivity / Operations

How does USA Inc. measure performance and progress — are tools in place to measure success / failure?

Should USA Inc. empower an independent / 3rd party auditor with expertise in government operations
around the world AND corporate turnarounds to conduct a broad-ranging audit of USA Inc.’s operations to
measure efficiency and productivity of each business lines?

Does USA Inc. have tight management and financial controls?

What is the best way to measure and improve individual program performance? Can Congress, the
administration and the agencies agree on common metrics?

Are there operations that should be centralized (like procurement, human resources, employee payroll and
benefits) and decentralized?

Are there operations that USA Inc. can outsource to local private companies to improve efficiency and
reduce costs?

Where should USA Inc. increase and or decrease investment?
Is USA Inc. investing for the future in a responsible way?

Should USA Inc. drive public / private partnership in infrastructure investment with collective ‘skin in the
game?’

Is the organization leveraging technology to improve productivity and connect with customers and suppliers?
How can USA Inc. improve business process related to time, cost and quality?
Does USA Inc. own assets it doesn't need that it can sell at attractive prices?

USA Inc. | What Might a Turnaround Expert Consider? 243

Source: KPCB and Alvarez & Marsal Public Sector Services, LLC.
(@)E) www.kpcb.com

Three Principles for a USA Inc. ‘Turnaround’

from Louis Gerstner

Do not impose “across-the-board” cost reductions

- This is a simple and tempting remedy for an organization in fiscal trouble. But it is almost always
unproductive. A truly effective organization needs incremental investments in programs that drive
innovation and higher productivity. Moreover, across-the-board cuts are almost guaranteed to reduce
morale, promote short-sighted choices, and encourage accounting gimmicks that send people looking for

loopholes instead of creative solutions.

Focus on programs, not costs

- The greatest productivity gains come from asking questions such as: What things are we doing now that
we do not need as much in the future? Can we eliminate them? Reduce their size? Provide them in a

totally restructured fashion?

Allow no exceptions

- To drive a truly effective restructuring program, everything must be on the table. There can be no sacred
cows—no part of the organization that is exempt from scrutiny. Every unit of the organization may not

face a cut, but every unit needs to be rethought.

KP Source: Louis V. Gerstner Jr. “Don’t Just Cut Government, Reinvent It,” Opinion in The Wall Street Journal, 2/1/2011.
(@E) www.kpcb.com

USA Inc. | What Might a Turnaround Expert Consider? 244

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020963
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023823.txt,"Knowledge-Based Education vs. Process-Based Education 77

half the students answered correctly that that came from the
Declaration of Independence. Another question said, “Imagine
that you landed in Philadelphia in the summer of 1776. Describe
an important event that is happening there.” Nearly half

the students couldn’t answer the question correctly that the
Declaration of Independence was being signed.

Politicians never seem to get it about education. What history do
students “need to know”? None, actually, unless they plan on being
historians, or maybe senators. Now I realize this is a radical point of
view, but history is not something anyone needs to know.

Why not?

Because knowing what happened in Philadelphia in 1776 does
not in fact make you a better citizen, no matter what Alexander says.
Random historical “facts” do not make one a critical thinker about
history nor do they promote clear thinking about current political
issues. Such “facts” are almost always used by politicians to justify
whatever it is they already believe. Understanding how human events
typically flow is, in fact, quite valuable, but that has more to do with
understanding human nature and prior circumstances than it does
with memorizing facts that politicians deem important to know. A
good citizen would be one who carefully considered the issues when
voting. That would mean being able to diagnose problems and evalu-
ate proposed solutions. But that would produce a citizenry that could
ask hard questions of politicians, which is probably not what these
politicians are aiming for.

In 1776 we had a bunch of politicians who, if the present set are
any example, surely were voting for their own special interests. The
fact that we, as a country, feel the need to make them into folk heroes
does not make it one bit more likely they were any better or worse
than the current people who govern us. What Alexander is really ar-
guing for is more indoctrination—more informing students what to
think instead of teaching them how to think.

It would be nice if one simply could point a finger and say it is all
the politicians’ fault. They really don’t want people to think all that
clearly. But politicians are only part of the problem.

Recently, a report was issued about the teaching of mathematics,
stating:

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023823
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030725.txt,"From: David Stern

Sent: 7/12/2018 11:02:32 AM
To: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com]
Subject: Re:

Importance: — High

I am finding out what the plan is in Moscow - send me her number.I will fly from Moscow to Spain (not
London)

Let’s discuss DB. Seeing Chairman today in Munich...

On 12 Jul 2018, at 12:53, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:

ill ask, hes pretty swamped. . if there is any help you can give co in russia id appreciate it. . dont
know parties. ride tolondon . shesa futbol nut. . deutsch bank getting interesting soon.

On Thu, Jul 12, 2018 at 6:51 AM, David Stern wrote:
Have I been trained by you to fly commercial ?? What do you think ??

I am in London tomorrow and can have Tea with Bannon - but I guess he’s got better things to do....

On 12 Jul 2018, at 12:44, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:

my assistant also going. you guys are nuts. . are you flying comercial? bannon and trump in
london. fun

On Thu, Jul 12, 2018 at 5:35 AM, David Stern {qq wrote:

On my way to Munich
Weekend going to Russia to World Cup Final.

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030725
"
IMAGES-012-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033094.txt,"From: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com]
Sent: 6/6/2018 10:29:46 PM

To: Weingarten, Reid [as

trump looking for attny, considering rifkin

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033094
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024180.txt,"04.00 PM- 04.45 PM:

06.15 PM:

07.00 PM:

08.00 PM — 11:00 PM:

Tuesday, 25 September 2012

7:00 AM — 7:30 AM:

07.30 AM:

08.00 AM — 08.50 AM:

09.00 AM:

01.15 PM:

03.00 PM- 03.35 PM:

04.00 PM:

04.45 PM- 05.15 PM:

06.00 PM — 07.30 PM:

fo) Helmsley Hotel

UNDP Administrator.
fe) Location: bilateral booth at the UN.(Walking distance)
fo) President+ Foreign Minister + Environment Minister + AG

+ Ambassador Rasheed + PR
Depart Hotel to President Obama’s Reception

President Obama’s Reception
o Location: Starlight Roof, The Waldorf Astoria Hotel, 301
Park Avenue, New York
o President + First Lady

Private Dinner
° Helmsley Hotel

Breakfast with Maldivian Delegates
° Helmsley Hotel

Depart from Hotel to UNHQ (Walking distance)

Welcoming reception hosted by the Secretary-General
° Location: Indonesian Lounge, UNHQ
° President + First Lady

Opening of the General Assembly
° Location: UNHQ
° President+ Foreign Minister + Environment Minister + AG
+ State Minister+ PR

Luncheon in honour of Heads of State hosted by the Secretary

-General
fo) Location: Visitors Lobby, UNHO
° President

Executive Director of UN-Women, Ms. Bachelet.

° Location: 220 East, 42"" Street, 19"""" Floor.
fe) President+ State Minister + Environment Minister + AG+
Nee

Tea Reception hosted by Mrs. Ban Soon-taek for spouses.

° Location: SG’s Residence, 3 Sutton Place and 57"" Street.
° First Lady
UNICEF Executive Director, Anthony Lake
fe) Location: UNICEF Building, 13"" Floor
° President+ Foreign Minister + State Minister + Ambassador

Rasheed + PR +Aliny

Reception hosted by Prime Minister of Australia
° Location: Ambassador’s Riverview, UN Headquarters

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024180
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022931.txt,"Date: Wednesday, April 22 2015 07:34 PM 
Subject: Fwd: ATTORNEY- CLIENT PRIVILEGE 
From: jeffrey E. <jeevacation@grnail.corn> 
To: Alan Dershowitz • >; 
Privileged - Redacted 
----------Forwarded message---------- 
From: Martin Weinberg < 
Date: Wed, Apr 22, 2015 at 3:03 PM 
Subject: ATTORNEY- CLIENT PRIVILEGE 
To: Jeffrey Epstein <jeevacation@gmail.com >, Kathy Ruemmler < 
Cc: Martin Weinberg < 
As just received. 
Martin G. Weinberg, Esq. 
20 Park Plaza, Suite 1000 
Boston, MA 02116 
cell 
This Electronic Message contains 
information from the Law Office of 
Martin G. Weinberg, P.C., 
and may be privileged. The 
information is intended for the 
use of the addressee only. If you 
are not the addressee, please note 
that any disclosure, copying, 
distribution, or use of the 
contents of this message is 
prohibited. 
> 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 022931 
--- On Wed, 4/22/15, Hill, James E. < wrote: 
From: Hill, James E. <__________________________ 
Subject: FW: inquiry from ABC News re Jeffrey Epstein 
To:'_____________________ 
Date: Wednesday, April 22, 2015, 1:57 PM 
#yiv0232406113 
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HOUSE OVERSIGHT 022932 
> that we have not yet made determinations about what will or 
> will not be included in our broadcast, here are the bullet 
> points of the principal allegations Ms._________________ 
> raised in the ABC interview regarding Mr. Epstein. I'm 
> available on cell if you wish to discuss. 
> We'd ask for your response as soon as possible — best if 
> by close of business Friday. Thanks And I'm 
> always available to talk to you if you wish to communicate 
> with us. • 
> She says in summer of 1999 when she was 
> 15 - Ghislaine Maxwell approached and asked her if she was 
> interested in a job as a masseuse. 
> She says she was later (that same day) 
> driven by her father to Epstein's Palm Beach residence, 
> where she massaged Epstein with Maxwell's guidance, and 
> then she says she was made to have sex, to include 
> intercourse, with Epstein. At conclusion she says she 
> was paid $200 and driven home by a butler. • 
> She says she quit her job and went to 
> work for Epstein within a couple of weeks of the first 
> encounter 
> She says Epstein always knew how old 
> she was and says specifically that she, Epstein and Maxwell 
> celebrated 's 16th b-day together 
> She says Epstein paid her for the 
> encounters and for her apartment and car 
> She says she would be expected to have 
> sexual relations with Epstein up to several times a 
> day. 
> She says there was an uncountable 
> number of other girls in similar situation to her, some as 
> young as 12. 
> She says she was given money by Epstein 
> to go out and recruit other young girls for him. • 
> She says that while she was free to 
> come and go — she felt like she was under his control and 
> she didn't want to disappoint Epstein. • 
> She says Epstein required her, and paid 
> her, to have sex with many of his friends. • 
> She says these people included 
> politicians, royalty, educators. 
> She says she had sex -or sexual 
> activities - with Prince Andrew on three occasions — at 
> the instruction of Epstein • 
> She says Epstein paid her $15,000 after 
> the 1st of the three alleged encounters with 
> Prince Andrew. 
> She says that Epstein showed her a 
> video room in his NY home which had monitors showing cameras 
> in many locations in the home. 
> She suggests Epstein made videos of 
> underage girls with other people for purposes of potential 
> blackmail • 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 022933 
> She says that Epstein liked her to 
> dress up in outfits, including bondage and schoolgirl 
> outfits. 
> She says she met Bill Clinton on 
> Epstein's island in the USVI. She does not specify a 
> date but says she is 100% sure it was Clinton and it was on 
> the island. She says she ate dinner with Epstein and 
> Clinton but alleges nothing further regarding Clinton. • 
> She says one person — who she 
> wouldn't name — that Epstein loaned her out to — 
> physically assaulted and raped her. She says this 
> happened on Epstein's island, and that she had been sent 
> by Epstein — alone -to meet this person. She says she 
> screamed but no one came to her aid. She says she feared 
> for her life. She says she told Epstein about the 
> alleged beating and rape afterwards and she said he didn't 
> care; 
> She says Epstein and Maxwell asked her 
> to have a child for them and to sign a document signing away 
> the rights to the child in the event that she and Epstein 
> had a falling out. She says she refused this 
> request. • 
> She says Epstein has a sick problem, is 
> a pedophile, a dangerous man who should not be walking 
> free -----Original 
> Message----- 
> From: Martin Weinberg 
> [mailto 
> Sent: Wednesday, 
> April 22, 2015 1:44 PM 
> To: Hill, James E. 
> Cc: Martin Weinberg 
> Subject: 
> Re: inquiry from ABC News re Jeffrey Epstein James, just confirming 
> that you are sending me the bulletpoints from the interview 
> you are asking about, thanksMartyMartin G. Weinberg, 
> Esq. 20 Park Plaza, Suite ________________________________ 
> 1000 Boston, MA 02116 cell 
This Electronic Message 
> contains information from the Law 
> Office of Martin G. Weinberg, P.C., 
> and may be privileged. The 
> information is intended 
> for the use of the addressee only. 
> If you are not the addressee, 
> please note 
> that any 
> disclosure, copying, distribution, or use of 
> the contents of this message 
> is prohibited. -------------------------------------------- 
> James E._______________________ 
> wrote: Subject: inquiry from ABC 
> News re Jeffrey Epstein To: 
On Tue, 4/21/15, Hill, 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 022934 
>' 
> 
Date: Tuesday, April 21, 
• 
, • 
36 PM 
> Greetings. 
> This is James Hill 
> of ABC News. I write to you regarding Jeffrey Epstein — and 
> your representation of him in the CVRA case in which he 
> is an intervener. ABC News has recently conducted an on-camera 
> interview with (formerly known as Jane 
> Doe #3), portions of which are very likely to be airing on 
> Good Morning America and other ABC programs this week. We would like to offer you an opportunity 
> to respond to the allegations she has raised about Mt 
> Epstein. Can you tell me who among you I should be in contact 
> with? Should you wish to make a statement or respond in 
> any other manner - I will need it by close-of-business 
> Wednesday. Thanks kindly,James Hill James 
> HillABC News Producer190 N. State St.Chicago IL  
> 6060 cell cell 
> (ofc) 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com , and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 022935 
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020977.txt,"Restructure Medicare & Medicaid: Variables in Restructuring Medicare &

Medicaid to Reduce Material Impact on USA Inc.’s Expenses

Mathematical Illustrations* Slide 273-274
1) Medicare benefits — reduce them by 53% (or cap them)? or

2) Medicare tax rate — increase it by 4 percentage points?

Policy Options Slide 275-328

1) Combination of mathematical illustrations — reduce benefits and/or increase
taxes? and/or

2) Isolate and address the drivers of medical cost inflation? and
3) Improve efficiency / productivity of healthcare system? and
4) Reduce services for some Medicaid beneficiaries? and

5) Consider / implement CBO’s 26 policy options that could reduce annual
budget deficit by up to 38%?** and/or

6) Consider / Implement National Commission on Fiscal Responsibility and
Reform’s medium- and long-term policy options***

Note: *Each mathematical illustration would bring Medicare Part A into long-term (75-year) actuarial balance. There is no mathematical illustration for

Medicaid or Medicare Part B & D as there’s no ‘dedicated’ funding.

“See: CBO, “Budget Options, Volume 1: Health Care,” 12/2008.

KP ***See: National Commission on Fiscal Responsibility and Reform, “Co-Chairs’ Proposal,” 11/10/10.
www.kpcb.com USA Inc. | What Might a Turnaround Expert Consider? 271

Restructure Medicare & Medicaid: Mathematical Illustrations*

Mathematical Illustrations*
1) Medicare benefits — reduce / cap them?
or

2) Medicare tax rate — increase it?

Note: *For mathematical illustrations, we simply calculate how big a revenue increase AND / OR expense decrease each major entitlement program needs
to reach financial break-even. These calculations are merely mechanical illustrations and are not meant to portray realistic solutions.

KP
www.kpcb.com USA Inc. | What Might a Turnaround Expert Consider? 272

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020977
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023837.txt,"New Curricula for a New Way of Teaching 97

a while to build these SCCs and they are quite expensive to build, but
they cost less than building a new school, so the money could easily
be made available.

Let’s look at the health sciences curriculum we built.

The year in health sciences comprises nine “rotations,” each last-
ing 3 to 4 full-time weeks on average, in which students experience
what it is like to solve the kinds of problems real professionals solve
in various specialized fields related to biology and healthcare. These
experiences are set in realistic stories in which the students play a
leading role. The rotations are conducted consecutively. Students pri-
marily work on assigned projects in teams, although each rotation has
independent tasks as well. Each of the rotations was created with the
assistance of an expert in each of the respective specialties.

One goal of the curriculum is for students to discover that prac-
ticing science is fun and relevant to real-world problems. They also
should develop a sense of what it would be like to work as a practitio-
ner in the various health sciences fields, so they can decide whether
they might someday like a career in healthcare or biology. Of course,
the real goal is to enable practice in the 12 cognitive processes. Let’s
see how that happens.

The rotations in the year in health sciences are:

1. Internal Medicine—Students diagnose and develop a treatment
plan for a fictional patient who has a major illness and
ultimately requires an organ transplant as a part of his
treatment. Students also make judgments about ethical issues
related to transplants, following a principled approach to
ethical reasoning.

2, Nutrition Advisor—Students coach fictional nutritional
advisors on their management of teenage clients’ nutritional
concerns and issues. During the process they also develop
nutritional plans for themselves and for a peer.

3. Super Worm—Students work for a fictional philanthropic
billionaire who asks them to invent ways of modifying the
common earthworm so it can more efficiently improve soil to
better supply the world with food.

4. Sports Medic—Students diagnose and develop treatment plans
for patients who have sports-related injuries. In the process
students produce in-depth reports on additional issues related
to sports medicine.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023837
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027849.txt,"﻿Night Flight
They say that you can read a person’s feelings on his face. But if so, either
I’m a very good actor – the opposite of what anyone who has worked closely
with me would tell you – or the journalists clustered in front of me weren’t very
good face-readers. They said that I looked defeated. Distressed. Depressed.
Yet as I delivered my brief final statement outside an olive-green cabin at
Camp David, the American presidential retreat in the forested Catoctin hills
north of Washington, I felt none of those things.
Yes, I was disappointed. I realised that what had happened over the last 14
days, or more crucially what had not happened, was bound to have serious
consequences, both for me personally, as Prime Minister of Israel, and for my
country.
But I had been a politician, at that point, for all of five years. By far most of
my life, I had spent in uniform. As a teenager, small and slight and not even
shaving yet, I was one of the founding core of a unit called Sayeret Matkal,
Israel’s equivalent of America’s Delta Force, or Britain’s SAS. It may be that
the way I thought and acted, the way I dealt with danger or with crises, came
from someplace inside me. Even as a young kid, I was always quiet, serious,
contemplative. But my 13 years as a part of Israel’s main special-forces unit,
especially once I became its commander, etched those qualities more deeply.
And they added new ones: a sense that you could never plan a mission too
carefully or prepare too assiduously; an understanding that what you thought,
and certainly what you said, mattered a lot less than what you did. And above
all the realisation that, when one of our nighttime commando operations was
over, whether it had succeeded or failed, you had to take a step back. Evaluate
things accurately, coolly, without illusions. Then, in the light of how the
situation had changed, you had to decide how best to move forward.
That approach, to the occasional frustration of the politicians and diplomats
working alongside me during this critical stage of Israel’s history, had guided
me from the moment I became Prime Minister. In my very first discussions with
President Clinton a year earlier – a long weekend, beginning at the White House
and moving on to Camp David – I had mapped out at great length, in great
detail, every one of the steps I knew we would have to take to confront the
central issue facing Israel: the need for peace.
1
In choosing to return, now, to Camp David for two weeks of summit talks, I
knew the risks. Of all the moments of truth in my life – and in the life of my
country – few, if any, would carry higher stakes. Success would mean not just
one more stutter-step away from our century-long conflict with the Palestinians.
It would signal a real, final peace: in treaty-speak, end of conflict. Whatever the
complexities of putting an agreement into practice, given all the suffering and
bloodshed endured by both sides, we would have crossed a point of no return.
There would be two states, for two peoples.
And if we failed? I knew, if only from months of increasingly stark
intelligence reports, that an explosion of Palestinian violence – not just with
stones or bottles this time, but with guns and explosives – would be only a
matter of time.
I knew something else as well. This would be a moment of truth not just for
me. Or for Bill Clinton, a man who understood our conflict more deeply, and
was more determined to help us end it, than any other president before him. It
was a moment of truth for the leader of the Palestinians, Yasir Arafat.
The Oslo Accords of 1993, groundbreaking though they were, had created a
peace process, not peace. Over the past few years, that process had been
lurching from crisis to crisis. Political support for negotiations was fraying. And
yet the core issues of our conflict had not been resolved. In fact, they had hardly
been talked about. The reason for this was no secret. For both sides, these
questions lay at the heart of everything we’d been saying for years, to the world
and to ourselves, about the roots of the conflict and the minimum terms we
could accept in order to end it. At issue were rival claims on security, final
borders, Israeli settlements, Palestinian refugees, and the future of ancient city
of Jerusalem. None of these could be resolved without painful, and politically
perilous, compromises.
Entering the summit, despite the pressures ahead, I was confident that I, with
my team of aides and negotiators, would do our part to make such a final peace
agreement possible. Nor did I doubt that President Clinton, whom I had come to
view not just as a diplomatic partner but a friend, would rise to the occasion.
But as for Arafat? There was simply no way of knowing.
That was why I had pressed President Clinton so hard to convene the
summit. That was why, despite the misgivings of some of his closest advisers,
he had taken the plunge. We both knew that the so-called “final-status issues” –
2
the substance of any real peace – could not simply be put off forever.
Untangling them was getting harder, not easier. And we realised that only in an
environment like Camp David – a “pressure cooker” was how I described it to
Clinton, and to US Secretary of State Madeleine Albright – would we ever
discover whether a peace deal could in fact be done.
Now, we knew.
* * *
Israel’s equivalent of Air Force One, perhaps in a nod to our country’s
pioneering early years, was an almost prehistoric Boeing 707. It was waiting on
the runway at Andrews Air Force Base outside Washington to ferry me and the
rest of our negotiating team back home.
It contained a low-rent equivalent of the American version’s presidential
cabin, and a few 1960s-vintage first-class seats, but consisted mostly of two
long lines of coach seats, three abreast, separated by an almost tightrope-narrow
aisle. I dare say I was alone in finding an odd sense of comfort in boarding the
plane. This museum piece of an aircraft was part of my past. It was the same
model of 707 for which I, with a couple of other young soldiers and engineers,
had come up with what we dubbed the “submarine door” system outside the
cockpit – to protect El Al pilots from future attacks after one of its planes had
been hijacked to Algiers in the summer of 1968. It was also the same kind of
plane – a Sabena flight, hijacked to Tel Aviv’s Ben-Gurion Airport – which I
stormed, before sunrise, four years later with a force of nearly two dozen
Matkal commandos. The shooting was over within 90 seconds. One of my men
– a junior officer named Bibi Netanyahu – was wounded. By one of our own
bullets. But we managed to kill two of the heavily armed hijackers, capture the
others, and free all 90 passengers unharmed.
Still, even I had to accept, it was no fun to fly on.
As we banked eastward after takeoff and headed out over the Atlantic, the
mood on board was sober. Huddling with the inner core of my negotiating team
– my policy co-ordinator Gilad Sher, security aide Danny Yatom and Foreign
Minister Shlomo Ben-Ami – I could see that the way the summit ended had hit
them hard. It was probably true, as all three often reminded me, that the greatest
pressure fell on me. I was the one who ultimately decided what we could, or
3
should, offer in search of a true peace with the Palestinians. I was the one who
would be blamed by the inevitable critics, whether for going too far or not far
enough, or simply for the fact the deal had eluded us. I knew the drill: the same
thing had happened when I had come tantalizingly close to finalizing a peace
deal with Syria’s then-dying dictator, Hafez al-Assad, a few months earlier. Yet
these three dedicated men – Gili, who was by training a lawyer; Shlomo, an
academic; and Danny, a former Mossad chief – had just been through dozens of
hours of intricately detailed talks with each of Arafat’s top negotiators at Camp
David, not to mention the dozens of other meetings before we had even got
there. Now they had to accept that, even with the lid of the pressure cooker
bolted down tight, we had fallen short of getting the peace agreement which
each of us knew had been within touching distance.
I don’t think that even they could be described as depressed. On our side,
after all, we knew we had given ground on every issue we possibly could,
without facing full-scale political rebellion at home. We had proposed an Israeli
pullout from nearly all of the West Bank and Gaza. A support mechanism for
helping compensate tens of thousands of Palestinian refugees from the serial
Arab-Israeli conflicts of the past half-century. And most painfully and
controversially – my rivals and critics back home were already accusing me of
“treachery” – we had agreed to let President Clinton present a proposal for the
Palestinians to get sovereignty over the Arab neighbourhoods of Jerusalem as
well as “custodial sovereignty” over the Haram al-Sharif, the mosque complex
perched above the Western Wall, the holiest site in Judaism.
But precisely because we had been ready to offer so much, only for Arafat to
reject it all, even as a basis for talks on a final deal, I could sense how gutted my
key negotiators were feeling.
Still, I’m sure none of them was surprised when my own old operational
instincts kicked in. In my statement to journalists, I had been careful to say that
Arafat was not ready at this time to make the historic compromises needed for
peace. But before parting with President Clinton and Secretary Albright, I’d
been more forthright. It was clear, without my saying so, that the chances of our
getting a peace agreement on Clinton’s watch were now pretty much over. He
had barely five months left in office. Yet my deeper fear was that with Arafat
having brushed aside an offer that went far further than any other Israeli had
proposed – far further than the Americans, themselves, had expected from Israel
– the prospects for peace would be set back for years. Perhaps, I said, for two
decades.
4
The challenge now, I told my exhausted team, was to make sure we were
prepared for this new reality. Part of the spadework was already in place. Much
as I’d hoped that Arafat and I could turn a new page in Middle East history, I
had directed our army chief-of-staff, nine months before the summit, to draw up
contingency plans for the likelihood of an unprecedentedly deadly eruption of
Palestinian violence if we were to fail.
Now, I felt we had to go even further, and to prepare a proactive alternative
to the negotiated deal we’d been unable to secure. I proposed considering a
unilateral Israeli pullout from the West Bank and Gaza. The territorial terms
would, necessarily, be less far-reaching than the proposal Arafat had rejected.
But I felt we should still withdraw from the great majority of the land we had
captured in 1967, still leaving the Palestinians an area which the outside world
would recognize as wholly sufficient for them to establish a viable, successful
state.
And crucially, this would finally give Israel, our country, a delineated, final
border with the territory captured in the Six-Day War.
Gili, clearly uneasy about accepting the idea that the chances for a negotiated
peace were definitively gone, left to try to get some sleep on the long flight
ahead. Danny and Shlomo Ben-Ami as well. Within an hour or so, the plane
was full of irregularly slumped bodies, the silence broken only by the drone of
the 707’s engines and the occasional sound of snoring.
I sat, wide awake, in one of the seats at the front.
My sleeping habits were another inheritance from Sayeret Matkal. During
those years, nearly everything of significance which I did had happened after
sundown. The commando operations were, of course, set for darkness whenever
possible. The element of surprise could mean the difference between success
and failure, indeed life and death. But all of my planning, all my thinking,
tended to happen at night as well. The quiet, and the lack of distractions, helped
to discipline my mind. I found that it helped to free my mind as well, sometimes
only to discover that it went off in unexpected directions.
It did so now. Perhaps even I was still reluctant to accept that Camp David
meant that the opportunity for a transformative deal with Arafat was finished.
Yet whatever the reason, I began thinking back to the first time that my path and
his had crossed. It was in the spring of 1968, nearly a year after Israel had
defeated the armies of our three main Arab enemies – Egypt, Syria and Jordan.
Israeli forces were advancing on a Jordanian town called Karameh, across the
5
Jordan River from the West Bank, from which a fledgling group called Fatah,
under the command of Arafat, had been staging a series of raids. In one of their
most recent attacks, they’d planted land mines, one of which destroyed an
Israeli schoolbus, killing the driver and one of the teachers and injuring nearly a
dozen children. The so-called Battle of Karameh was our single most significant
operation since the 1967 war. In pure military terms, it succeeded. But at a
price: more than two dozen Israeli soldiers dead. It also had a major political
impact. It caused shock among many Israelis, still wrapped in a sense of
invincibility from the Six-Day War, as well as a feeling in the Arab world,
actively encouraged by Arafat and his comrades, that compared to the great
armies Israel had defeated in 1967, Fatah had at least shown fight. Fatah had
drawn blood.
I had just turned 26 years old. I was finishing my studies in math, physics
and economics at the Hebrew University in Jerusalem, and had joined my
Sayeret Matkal comrades the night before the assault. It was a huge operation:
ten battalions, including crack infantry units. Our own role was relatively minor.
We were to seal the southern entrance to the town. But it proved a tough slog
just to get there. Our vehicles got bogged down in mud. By the time we arrived,
Fatah fighters, although many were in civilian clothes so we couldn’t be sure,
were racing past us in the other direction. One of them, we were later told, was
Yasir Arafat. On a motorcycle.
It would be nearly three decades before the two of us actually met – shortly
after the assassination of my longtime comrade and friend Yitzhak Rabin, when
I had become Foreign Minister under Shimon Peres. But in the intervening
years, Arafat was rarely off of my radar. By the early 1970s, he and his fighters
had been expelled by King Hussein’s army from Jordan and were re-based in
Lebanon. Arafat was becoming a significant figure on the Arab and world
political stage, and an increasingly uncomfortable thorn in Israel’s side. I was
head of Sayeret Matkal by then. Over a period of months, I drew up a carefully
constructed plan – a raid by helicopter into a Fatah-dominated area in
southeastern Lebanon, during one of Arafat’s intermittent, morale-boosting
visits from Beirut – to assassinate him. My immediate superior, the army’s head
of operations, was all for our doing it. But the chief of military intelligence said
no. Arafat, he insisted when we met to discuss the plan, was no longer the lean,
mean fighter we had encountered in Karameh. “He’s fat. He’s a politician. He is
not a target.”
6
A decade later, the idea would suddenly resurface. In my first meeting, as a
newly promoted Major General, with our then Defence Minister Ariel Sharon,
Sharon turned to me and the army’s Chief of Staff, Rafael Eitan, and said: “Tell
me. Why the hell is Arafat still alive?” He looked first at Raful, then at me, and
added: “When I was 20 years younger than you are, I never waited for someone
like Ben-Gurion or Dayan to ask me to plan an operation. I would plan it! Then
I’d take it to them and say, you’re the politicians, you decide, but if you say yes,
we’ll do it.” I smiled, telling him that I’d done exactly that, a decade earlier,
only to have one of his mates in the top brass say no. Sharon now said yes. But
the plan was overtaken: by his ill-fated plan to launch a full-scale invasion of
Lebanon in 1982, targeting not just Arafat, but with the aim of crushing the
PLO militarily once and for all.
I finally met Arafat face-to-face at the end of 1995. Although the Oslo peace
process had dramatically changed things, it was clear that the real prize – real
peace – was still far away. We were in Barcelona, for a Euro-Mediterranean
meeting under the auspices of King Juan Carlos, aimed at trying to re-invigorate
negotiations. The ceremonial centrepiece of the event was a dinner at one of the
royal palaces, and it was arranged for me and Arafat to meet for a few minutes
beforehand. I arrived first. I found myself in a breathtakingly opulent, but
otherwise empty, room. Empty, that is, except for a dark-brown Steinway piano.
From childhood, I have loved music. And while I am never likely to threaten the
career of anyone in the New York Philharmonic, I have, over the years,
developed some ability, and drawn huge enjoyment, as a classical pianist. I
pulled back the red-velvet bench and began to play. With my back to the
doorway, I was unaware that Arafat had arrived, and that he was soon standing
only a few feet away, watching as I played one of my favourite pieces, a Chopin
waltz. My old commando antennae must have been blunted. I may not have
become “fat”. But, undeniably, I was now a politician.
When I finally realised Arafat was behind me, I turned, embarrassed, stood
up, and grasped his hand. “It’s a real pleasure to meet you,” I said. “I must say I
have spent many years watching you – by other means.” He smiled. We stood
talking for about 10 minutes. My hope was to establish simple, human contact;
to signal respect; to begin to create the conditions not to try to kill Arafat, but to
make peace with him. “We carry a great responsibility,” I said. “Both of our
peoples have paid a heavy price, and the time has come to find a way to solve
this.”
7
I sensed, at the time, at least the start of some connection. I suspected that
Arafat viewed me, as he had Rabin before me, as a “fellow fighter”. But if so, I
now wondered whether that might have been part of the problem in his ever
truly understanding my mission at Camp David. My motivations. Or my mind.
Even in Israel, my reputation as a soldier has sometimes been as much a
burden as an advantage. A whole body of stories has followed me from my 36
years in uniform – a career which, after Sayeret Matkal, led me up the military
ladder until I was head of operations, intelligence, and eventually of the entire
army as Chief of Staff. By the time I left the military, I was the single most
decorated soldier in our country’s history. Some of the stories were actually
true: that when we burst onto the hijacked Sabena airliner, for instance, we were
dressed as a maintenance crew; or that, in leading an assassination raid in Beirut
against the PLO group that had murdered Israeli athletes at the 1972 Munich
Olympics, I was disguised as a woman. Not the most attractive young lady,
perhaps, though I did, painfully, pluck my eyelashes, and, with the help of four
pairs of standard-issue Israeli Army socks, develop quite a comely bosom. I
rejected the idea of wearing a long dress, in favour of stylishly flared trousers. I
was going on a commando operation, after all, not a prom date. But I did wear
heels. So yes, a woman, of sorts.
Yet some of the stories were just plain myth. I had given up counting the
times I’d heard about my alleged prowess in recording the fastest-ever time on
the most gruelling of the Israeli army’s obstacle courses. In fact, I was a lot
more like Goldie Hawn in Private Benjamin.
The main misunderstanding, however, went deeper. The assumption
appeared to be that my military achievements, especially in Sayeret Matkal,
were down to a mix of brute force and raw courage. Courage, of course, was a
requirement: the willingness to take risks, if the rewards for success, or the costs
of inaction, were great enough. Few of the operations I fought in or commanded
were without the real danger of not coming back alive. But whatever success I’d
had as a soldier, particularly in Matkal, was not only, nor even mainly, about
biceps. It was about brains. The ability to make decisions. To withstand the
pressure of often having to make the most crucial decisions within a matter of
seconds. It was, above all, about thinking and analyzing – and always, always,
looking and planning ahead.
And as our plane droned onward towards Israel, I knew that I would now
need all of those qualities more than ever.
8
* * *
This book is only in part the story of my life – a life that, from my
beginnings as a kibbutz boy in pre-state Palestine, has been intimately entwined
with the infancy and adolescence and, now, the increasingly troubled middle
age of the State of Israel.
Still less is it only a record of its, or my, achievements, although they are
inevitably a part of the story.
In setting out to write it, I was also determined to document, from the inside,
the critical setbacks as well. Mistakes. Misjudgements. Missed opportunities.
And the lessons that we can, and must, be prepared to learn from them.
No less so than I when I was planning a hijack rescue or a cross-border
commando operation in Sayeret Matkal, I remain convinced that Israel’s
security, Israel’s very identity, can be safeguarded only by evaluating
dispassionately the situation in our country and the world. And by looking
ahead.
Even when I was a soldier, I never stopped thinking this way, especially
when, first as military intelligence chief and especially as Chief of Staff, I knew,
in detail, every one of the security threats that faced Israel and was part of
discussions and decisions to try to confront them. I still vividly remember as
Chief of Staff, every Friday before the arrival of the Jewish Sabbath, sitting
with Rabin, who was then Israel’s Defence Minister. Our offices were along the
same hallway of the kirya, the ministry’s headquarters in the heart of Tel Aviv.
Rabin had a very low table in his office, with two chairs. We would sit across
from each other, each with a ready supply of coffee and Yitzhak smoking an
apparently endless supply of cigarettes, and we would just talk. Politics.
Strategy. Israel. The PLO. The surrounding Arab states. And the wider world.
Many years before I became Prime Minister, I gave a lecture at a memorial
meeting for an Israeli academic. Not many people were there. I doubt even they
remember it. But I do, because what I said has, sadly, become more prophetic
than even I could have imagined. I talked about the imperative for peace as part
of Israel’s security. There was a “window,” I said. We were militarily strong. In
regional terms, we were a superpower. But politically, resolving the conflict
with our Arab enemies would almost certainly become more difficult with time.
9
Iraq, perhaps Iran and other Middle Eastern states, might get nuclear weapons.
A violent form of fundamentalist Islam could, over time, erode existing Arab
and Muslim states, threatening Israel of course, but also the stability of our
neighbourhood and of the world. In those circumstances, even if an Israeli
government was strong enough, wise enough, forward-looking enough to
pursue avenues for negotiated peace with its immediate neighbours, getting the
popular support required would be all but impossible.
The window is still there. But it is only barely open.
I fear that I was right, as well, in predicting that our failure to secure a final
peace agreement with the Palestinians at Camp David might set back
peacemaking not just for a few months, but for many years. I have persisted in
trying, very hard, to make that particular prediction prove wrong. That was why,
despite intense pressure from my own political allies not to do so, I decided to
return to government in 2007 as Defence Minister. I remained in that role for
six years: mostly in the current, right-wing Likud government of my onetime
Sayeret Matkal charge, Bibi Netanyahu.
Much of what I say in this book about war and peace, security and Israel’s
future challenges, will make uncomfortable reading for Bibi. But very little of it
will surprise him, or his own Likud rivals further to the right, like Foreign
Minister Avigdor Lieberman and the Economy Minister, Naftali Bennett. I have
said almost all of it to them behind closed doors in the past few years, more than
once. When I finally decided to leave the political arena last year, it was largely
because I realized that they were guided by other imperatives. In the case of
Bibi, the most gifted politician with whom I’ve worked except for Clinton, the
priority was to stay in power. For Avigdor and Naftali, it was to supplant Bibi,
when the opportunity was ripe, as Likud leader and as Prime Minister. And
much too often – as with their hugely ill-advised recent proposal to amend
Israel’s basic law to define it explicitly as a Jewish state, and deny “national
rights” to non-Jews – the three of them have ended up competing for party
political points rather than weighing the serious future implications for the
country.
Peacemaking, as I discovered first-hand, requires taking risks. Statesmanship
requires risks. Politics, especially if defined simply as staying in power, is
almost always about the avoidance of risk.
10
The problem for Israel, no matter who or what party is in government, is that
there are risks everywhere one looks, and they show every sign of getting more,
not less, serious.
The “Arab Spring” has morphed into an Islamic winter. National frontiers
that were put in place by British and French diplomats after the fall of the
Ottoman Empire are vanishing. Centuries-old conflicts between tribes and rival
religious communities have reignited. The old Cold War system of nations has
given way to a world without a single geopolitical centre of gravity. Perhaps
most seriously, Iran seems determined to get nuclear weapons, and, in my view,
may succeed in doing so.
Where Israel is concerned, relations with our indisputably most important
ally, the United States, are more strained than at any time in decades.
Diplomatic ties with Europe, our single largest trading partner, have been
growing steadily worse. And the only real certainty is that anyone who tells you
that they know absolutely where things are heading next is lying. Just ask Hosni
Mubarak, who, despite having nearly half-a-million soldiers and security
operatives at his disposal, was utterly blindsided, and very soon toppled and
imprisoned, by an uprising that began with a sudden show of popular anger in
Cairo’s Tahrir Square.
Internally as well, Israel faces dangers. Chief among them is the alarming
erosion of the standards of civil discourse, amid the increasingly shrill, often
hateful, divisions between left and right, secular and religious, rich and poor
and, most seriously of all, Jews and Arabs. While we remain economically
successful, the fruits of our wealth are being ever more unevenly shared, and the
prospects for continued growth constrained by the lack of any visible prospect
of long-term peace.
Bibi Netanyahu, of course, knows all of this. Indeed, he has repeatedly
spoken of the multiple threats Israel faces, not only in somber terms, but at
times almost apocalyptically.
That works, politically. Politicians, not just in Israel but everywhere, know
that it is a lot easier to win elections on fear than on hope.
Yet my own prescription – learned, as this book recounts, from years on the
battlefield, then reinforced by my years in government – is that Israel must
resist being guided by either of those alternatives. Not fear, certainly. But
neither by simple, untempered hope. Though the stakes have become much
higher since my night flight back from Camp David nearly 15 years ago, our
11
need remains what I tried to impress on my negotiators then: realism. A
meticulously informed, utterly unvarnished, understanding of the threats we
face, of each altered situation after every success or a failure, and an ability to
set aside the background noise and political pressures and chart a way forward.
So what is that way? It begins with the mindset. On more than one occasion
in the past few years, after Prime Minister Netanyahu had warned our country
of a nuclear Iran or the spread of Al Qaeda-style hatred and violence, as if
prophesying the coming of Armageddon, I would say to him: “Stop talking like
that. You’re not delivering a sermon in a synagogue. You’re Prime Minister.”
Having been privileged to live my own life along with the entire modern history
of our country, I went further. Zionism, the founding architecture of Israel, was
rooted in finding a way to supplant not just the life, but the way of thinking,
which hard-pressed Jewish communities had internalised over centuries in the
diaspora: in Hebrew, the galut. We would instead take control of our own
destiny, building and developing and securing our own country.
Now, I told Bibi, he was back in the mindset of the galut. Yes, al-Qaeda, and
more recently Islamic State, were real dangers. The prospect of a nuclear Iran
was even more so. “But the implication of the way you speak, not just to Barack
Obama or David Cameron, but to Israelis, is that these are existential threats.
What do you imagine? That if, God forbid, we wake up and Iran is a nuclear
power, we’ll pack up and go back to the shtetls of Europe?”
Of course not. Israel, as my public life has taught me more than most,
remains strong militarily. We are, still, fully capable of turning back any of the
undeniable threats on our doorstep. Keeping that strength, developing it and
modernizng it, are obviously critically important. But as Israel’s founding Prime
Minister, David Ben-Gurion, used to say, the success of Zionism, and of the
Israeli state, required two things: strength and “righteousness.” He didn’t mean
the word in purely religious terms. He meant that Israel, if it were to retain
international backing and internal cohesion, must be guided by a core of moral
assumptions as well.
That, in itself, would be reason enough to pursue every possible opportunity
for “end of conflict” with our neighbours. And, at home, to protect and reinforce
our commitment to Israel as both a Jewish and a democratic state. But
Israel’s simple self-interest – its hope for prosperity, social cohesion, and
growth in future – makes this nothing short of imperative.
12
Bibi is right about one thing. The negotiating challenges have become more
difficult since Arafat’s refusal of our offer at Camp David. Arafat is no longer
alive. Palestinian politics have become ever more fragmented and messy, not
least as a result of the Hamas takeover of Gaza.
But Churchill once said that the difference between a pessimist and an
optimist was that the pessimist always saw difficulties in every opportunity. The
optimist saw opportunities in the difficulties.
I, of all people, do not look at such opportunities without hard-headed
analysis, even a dose of scepticism. But the opportunities are undeniably there,
and never has Israel risked paying a higher price for failing to see and at least to
try to act on them.
The first port of call should still be the Palestinians. I have repeatedly asked
Bibi, and the right-wing rivals that seem often to loom large in his political
calculations: “If you’re so sure you don’t have a negotiating partner in the
Palestinians, who not at least try? Seriously. What do you have to lose?”
But beyond this, there is a whole range of relatively moderate countries –
and, as Sunni states, strongly anti-Iranian countries – which share with Israel a
real, practical interest in putting in place a new political arrangement in the
Middle East. So does the United States, Russia, even China. Each, in their own
ways, is threatened by a terror threat that will require international action, and
many years, finally to defeat.
A Saudi “peace plan”, for instance, has been on the table for years. Formally
endorsed by the Arab League, it proposes a swap: Israeli withdrawal for full and
final peace and Arab recognition. Successive Israeli governments have
dismissed it out of hand, arguing that the withdrawal which the Saudi proposal
demanded – every inch of territory, back to the borders before the Six-Day War
– would be not only politically unacceptable, but practically impossible.
In the final days of the Camp David summit, as our failure was becoming
inescapably clear, a disheartened Bill Clinton said to me that he could
understand, just about, why Yasir Arafat had not accepted the unprecedentedly
far-reaching proposals I had presented. But what he couldn’t grasp was how the
Palestinian leader could say no even to accepting them as a basis for the hard,
further work which we all knew a final peace agreement would entail. Wasn’t
Arafat capable of looking beyond the political risks, of understanding the
greater risks of inaction. Of seeing the rewards? Of looking ahead?
13
My fear – not just on issues like the Saudi peace plan, but in charting our
place in a dramatically changed world, and safeguarding our twin Jewish and
democratic identities at home, pairing our physical strength with an equally
strong moral centre – is that we Israelis are now in danger of jettisoning the
example of David Ben-Gurion. For Yasir Arafat’s.
14
Chapter One
I am an Israeli, but also a Palestinian. I was born in February 1942 in Britishruled
Palestine on a fledgling kibbutz: a cluster of wood-and-tarpaper huts amid
a few orange groves and vegetable fields and chicken coops. It was just across
the road from an Arab village named Wadi Khawaret, which disappeared, with
the establishment of the State of Israel, when I was six years old.
As Prime Minister half-a-century later, during my stubborn yet ultimately
fruitless drive to secure a final peace treaty with Yasir Arafat, there were media
suggestions that my childhood years gave me a personal understanding of the
pasts of both our peoples, Jews and Arabs, in the land which each of us saw as
our own. But that is in some ways misleading. Yes, I did know first-hand that
we were not alone in our ancestral homeland. At no point in my childhood was I
ever taught to hate the Arabs. I never did, even when, in my years defending the
security of Israel, I had to fight, and defeat, them. But my conviction that they,
too, needed the opportunity to establish a state came only later, after my many
years in uniform, and especially when, as deputy chief-of-staff under Yitzhak
Rabin, we were faced with the explosion of violence in the West Bank and Gaza
that became known as the first intifada. And while my determination as Prime
Minister to find a negotiated resolution to our conflict was in part based on a
recognition of the Palestinian Arabs’ national aspirations, the main impulse was
my belief that such a compromise was profoundly in the interest of Israel: the
Jewish state whose birth I witnessed, whose existence I had spent decades
defending on the battlefield and which I was ultimately elected to lead.
Zionism, the political platform for the establishment of a Jewish state,
emerged in the late 1800s in response to a brutal reality. And that, too, was a
part of my own family’s story. Most of the world’s Jews, who lived in the
Russian empire and Poland, were trapped at the time in a vise of poverty,
powerlessness and anti-Semitic violence. Even in the democracies of Western
Europe, Jews were not necessarily secure. Theodor Herzl, a thoroughly
assimilated Jew in Vienna, published the foundation text of Zionism in 1896. It
was called Der Judenstaat. “Jews have sincerely tried everywhere to merge
with the national communities in which we live, seeking only to preserve the
faith of our fathers,” he wrote. “In vain are we loyal patriots, sometimes superloyal.
In vain do we make the same sacrifices of life and property as our fellow
citizens… In our native lands where we have lived for centuries, we are still
decried as aliens.” Zionism’s answer was the establishment of a state of our
15
own, in which we could achieve the self-determination and security denied to us
elsewhere.
During the 1890s and the early years of the new century, more than a million
Jews fled Eastern Europe, but mostly for America. It was only in the 1920s and
1930s that significant numbers arrived in Palestine. Then, within a few years,
Hitler rose to power in Germany. The Jews of Europe faced not just
discrimination or pogroms. They were systematically, industrially, murdered.
From 1939 until early 1942 when I was born, nearly two million Jews were
killed. Six million would die by the end of the war. Almost the whole world,
including the United States, rejected pleas to provide a haven for those who
might have been saved. Even after Hitler was defeated, the British shut the
doors of Palestine to those who had somehow survived.
* * *
I was three when the Holocaust ended, and it was three years later that Israel
was established in May 1948, and neighboring Arab states sent in their armies
to try to snuff the state out in its infancy. It would, again, be some years before I
fully realized that this first Arab-Israeli war was the start of an essential tension
in my country’s life, and my own: between the Jewish ethical ideals at the core
of Zionism and the reality of our having to fight, and sometimes even kill, in
order to secure, establish and safeguard our state. Yet even as a small child, I
was keenly aware of the historic events swirling around me.
Mishmar Hasharon, the hamlet north of Tel Aviv where I spent the first 17
years of my life, was one of the early kibbutzim. These collective farming
settlements had their roots in Herzl’s view that an avant-garde of “pioneers”
would need to settle a homeland that was still economically undeveloped, and
where even farming was difficult. Members of Jewish youth groups from
Eastern Europe, among them my mother, provided most of the pioneers,
drawing inspiration not just from Zionism but by the still untainted collectivist
ideals represented by the triumph of Communism over the czars in Russia.
It is hard for people who didn’t live through that time to understand the
mindset of the kibbutzniks. They had higher aspirations than simply planting the
seeds of a future state. They wanted to be part of transforming what it meant to
be a Jew. The act of first taming, and then farming, the soil of Palestine was not
16
just an economic imperative. It was seen as deeply symbolic, signifying Jews
finally taking control of their own destiny. It was a message that took on an
even greater power and poignancy after the mass murder of the Jews of Europe
during the Holocaust.
Even for many Israelis nowadays, the all-consuming collectivism of life on
an early kibbutz, and the physical challenges, are hard to imagine. Among the
few dozen families in Mishmar Hasharon when I was born, there was no private
property. Everything was communally owned and allocated. Every penny – or
Israeli pound – earned from what we produced went into a communal kitty,
from which each one of the 150-or-so families in Mishmar Hasharon when I
was a child got a small weekly allowance. By “small”, I mean tiny. For my
parents and others, even the idea of an ice cream cone for their children was a
matter of keen financial planning. More often, they would save each weekly
pittance with the aim of pooling them at birthday time, where they might stretch
to the price of a picture book, or a small toy.
Decisions on any issue of importance were taken at the aseifa, the weekly
meeting of kibbutz members held on Saturday nights in our dining hall. The
agenda would be tacked up on the wall the day before, and the session would
usually focus on one issue, ranging from major items like the kibbutz’s finances
to the question, for instance, of whether our small platoon of delivery drivers
should be given pocket money to buy a sandwich or a coffee on their days
outside the kibbutz or be limited to wrapping up bits of the modest fare on offer
at breakfast time. That debate ended in a classic compromise: a bit of money,
but very little, so as to avoid violating the egalitarian ethos of the kibbutz.
But perhaps the aspect of life on the kibbutz most difficult for outsiders to
understand, especially nowadays, is that we children were raised collectively.
We lived in dormitories, organized by age-group and overseen by a caregiver:
in Hebrew, a metapelet, usually a woman in her 20s or 30s. For a few hours
each afternoon and on the Jewish Sabbath, we were with our parents. But
otherwise, we lived and learned in a world consisting almost entirely of other
children.
Everything around us was geared towards making us feel like a band of
brothers and sisters, and as part of the guiding spirit of the kibbutz. Until our
teenage years, we weren’t even graded in school. And though we didn’t actually
study how to till the land, some of my fondest early memories are of our
“children’s farm” – the vegetables we grew, the cows we milked, the hens and
chickens that gave us our first experience of how life was created. And the
17
aroma always wafting from the stone ovens in the bakery at the heart of the
kibbutz, where we could see the bare-chested young men producing loaf after
loaf of bread, not just for Mishmar Hasharon but villages and towns for miles
around us.
Until our teenage years, we lived in narrow, oblong homes, four of us to a
room, unfurnished except for our beds, under which we placed our pair of shoes
or sandals. At one end of the corridor was a set of shelves where we collected a
clean set of underwear, pants and socks each week. At the other end were the
toilets – at that point, the only indoor toilets on the kibbutz, with real toiletseats,
rather than just holes in the ground. All of us showered together until the
age of twelve. I can’t think of a single one of us who went on to marry someone
from our own age-group in the kibbutz. It would have seemed almost
incestuous.
Mishmar Hasharon and other kibbutzim have long since abandoned the
practice of collective child-rearing. Some in my generation look back on the
way we were raised not only with regret, but pain: a sense of parental absence,
abandonment or neglect. My own memories, and those of most of the children I
grew up with, are more positive. The irony is that we probably spent more
waking time with our parents than town or city children whose mothers and
fathers worked nine-to-five jobs. The difference came at bedtime, or during the
night. If you woke up unsettled, or ill, the only immediate prospect of comfort
was from the metapeled, or another of the kibbutz grown-ups who might be on
overnight duty. Still, my childhood memories are overwhelmingly of feeling
happy, safe, protected. I do remember waking up once, late on a stormy winter
night when I was nine, in the grips of a terrible fever. I’d begun to hallucinate. I
got to my feet and, without the thought of looking anywhere else for help, made
my wobbly way through the rain to my parents’ room and fell into their bed.
They hugged me. They dabbed my forehead with water. The next morning, my
father wrapped me in a blanket and took me back to the children’s home.
To the extent that I was aware my childhood was different, I was given to
understand it was special, that we were the beating heart of a Jewish state about
to be born. I once asked my mother why other children got to live in their own
apartments in places like Tel Aviv. “They are ironim,” she said. City-dwellers.
Her tone made it clear they were to be viewed as a slightly lesser species.
* * *
18
Though both my parents were part of the pioneer generation, my mother,
unlike my father, actually arrived as a pioneer, part of a Jewish youth group
from Poland that came directly to the kibbutz. In addition to being more
naturally outgoing than my father, she came to see Mishmar Hasharon has her
extended family and spent every one of her one hundred years there.
Esther Godin, as the then was, grew up in Warsaw. Born in 1913, she was
the oldest of the six children of Samuel and Rachel Godin. Poland at the time
was home to the largest Jewish community in the world, more than 3 million by
the time of the Holocaust. While the Jews of Poland had a long history, the
Godins did not. Before the First World War, my mother’s parents made their
way from Smolensk in Russia to Warsaw, which was also under czarist rule.
When the war was over, the Bolshevik Revolution had toppled the czars. Poland
became independent, under the nationalist general Josef Pilsuldski. The Godins
had a decision to make: either return to now-Communist Russia or stay in the
new Polish state, though without citizenship because they had not been born
there. No doubt finding comfort, community and a sense of safety amid the
hundreds of thousands of Jews in the Polish capital, they chose Pilsuldski over
Lenin. They lived in what would become the Warsaw Ghetto, on Nalewski
Street, where Samuel Godin eked out a living as a bookbinder.
My mother came to Zionism as a teenager, and it was easy to understand
why she, like so many of the other young Jews around her, was drawn to it. She
saw how hard her parents were struggling economically, on the refugee fringes
of a Jewish community itself precariously placed in a newly assertive Poland.
She saw no future for herself there. Though she attended a normal state-run high
school, she and her closest friends joined a Zionist youth group called Gordonia,
which had been founded in Poland barely a decade earlier. She started studying
Hebrew. Each summer, from the age of 13, she and her Gordonia friends would
spend deep in the Carpathian Mountains. They worked for local Polish
landowners, learning the rudiments of how to farm and the rigors of simple
physical labor. Late into the evening, they would learn not just about agriculture
but Jewish history, the land of Palestine, and how they hoped to put both their
new-found skills and the Zionist ideals into practice.
She had just turned 22 when she set off for Mishmar Hasharon with 60 other
Gordonia pioneers in the summer of 1935. It took them nearly a week to get
there. They travelled by train south through Poland, passing not far from the
little town of Oświęcim which would later become infamous as the site of the
Auschwitz concentration camp. Then, on through Hungary and across Romania
19
to the grand old Black Sea port of Constanța, and by ship through the
Bosphorus, past Istanbul, and on to Haifa on the Palestinian coast, from where
they were taken by truck to their bunk-bed rooms in one of a dozen prefab
structures on the recently established kibbutz. Though the water came from a
well, and it lacked even the basic creature comforts of the cramped Godin
apartment in Warsaw, that, to my mother, was just part of the challenge, and the
dream, she’d embraced and had come to define her. I know that she felt, on
arriving in the kibbutz, that only now was her life truly beginning.
It was a feeling that never left her. Yet it was always clouded by the memory
of the family she left behind. When the Second World War began in September
1939, the Germans, and then the Soviets, invaded, overran and divided Poland.
Two of my mother’s three sisters fled to Moscow. Her teenage brother Avraham
went underground, joining the anti-Nazi partisans. All three would survive the
war. Yet in the autumn of 1940, the rest of her family found themselves inside
the Warsaw Ghetto with the city’s other 400,000 Jews. My mother’s parents
died there, along with her 13-year-old brother Itzik and her little sister Henya,
who was only 11.
When my mother arrived in the kibbutz, her Gordonia friends assumed she
would marry a young man named Ya’akov Margalit, the leader of their group
back in Warsaw. But the budding romance fell victim to the Zionist cause. As
she was embarking on her new life, he was frequently back in Poland training
and arranging papers for further groups of pioneers. He continued to write her
long, heartfelt letters. But the letters had to be brought from the central post
office in Tel Aviv, and the kibbutznik who fetched the mail was a quiet,
dimunitive 25-year-old named Yisrael Mendel Brog – my father. Known as
Srulik, his Yiddish nickname, he had come to Palestine five years earlier. He
was an ordinary kibbutz worker. He drove a tractor.
My father’s initial impulse in coming to Palestine was more personal than
political. He was born, in 1910, in the Jewish shtetl of Pushelat in Lithuania,
near the larger Jewish town of Ponovezh, a major seat of rabbinic learning and
teaching. His own father, though the only member of the Pushelat community
with rabbinical training, made his living as the village pharmacist. Many of the
roughly 10,000 Jews who lived there had left for America in the great exodus
from Russian and Polish lands at the end of the 19 th century. By the time my
father was born, the community had shrunk to only about 1,000. When he was
two years old, a fire broke out, destroying dozens of homes, as well as the
shtetl’s only synagogue. Donations soon arrived from the US, and my paternal
20
grandfather was put in charge of holding the money until rebuilding plans were
worked out. The problem was that word spread quickly about the rebuilding
fund. On the night of September 16, 1912, two burglars burst into my
grandfather’s home and stole the money. They beat him and my grandmother to
death with an axle wrenched loose from a nearby carriage. Their four-year-old
son Meir – my father’s older brother – suffered a deep wound from where the
attackers drove the metal shaft into his head. He carried a golf-ball-sized
indentation in his forehead for the rest of his life. My father had burrowed into a
corner, and the attackers didn’t see him.
The two orphaned boys were raised by their paternal grandmother, Itzila. Yet
any return to normalcy they may have experienced was cut short by the
outbreak of the First World War, forcing her to flee with them by train ahead of
the advancing German army. They ended up some 1,500 miles south, in the
Crimean city of Simferopol. Initially under czarist rule, then the Bolsheviks and
from late 1917 until the end of the war under the Germans, they had to deal with
cold, damp and a chronic shortage of food. My Uncle Meir quickly learned how
to survive. He later told me that he would run after German supply carriages
and collect the odd potato that fell off the back. Realizing that the German
soldiers had been wrenched from their own families by the war, he began taking
my father with him on weekends to the neighborhood near their barracks, where
the soldiers would sometimes give them cookies, or even a loaf of bread. Yet
they were deprived of the basic ingredients of a healthy childhood: nutritious
food and a warm, dry room in which to sleep. By the time Itzila brought them
back to settle in Ponovezh at the end of the war, my father was diagnosed with
the bone-development disease, rickets, caused by the lack of Vitamin D in their
diet.
In another way, however, my father was the more fortunate of the boys. The
lost schooling of those wartime years came at a less formative time for him than
for his brother. Meir never fully made up the lost ground in school. My father
simply began his Jewish primary education, cheder, a couple of years later than
usual. He thrived there. Still, when it was time for him to enter secondary
education, he decided against going on with his religious education. Meir was
preparing to leave for Palestine, so my father enrolled in the Hebrew-language,
Zionist high school. When he graduated, one of the many Brog relatives who
were by now living in the United States, his Uncle Jacob, tried to persuade him
to come to Pittsburgh for university studies. But with Meir signing on as his
sponsor with the British Mandate authorities, he left for Palestine shortly before
21
his twentieth birthday. Jacob did still insist on helping financially, which
allowed my father to enroll at the Hebrew University in Jerusalem.
He did well in his studies – literature, history and philosophy – but
abandoned them after two years. His explanation for not staying on, when I
asked him years later, was that with the accelerating activity of the Zionist
pioneers, it felt wrong to him to spend his days going to lectures, reading books
and writing essays. I am sure that he also felt isolated and alone, with Meir, the
only link to his life before Palestine, working in Haifa on the coast, four or five
hours by bus from Jerusalem. When he began looking for a way to become part
of the changes going on around him, Mishmar Hasharon didn’t yet exist. Its
founding core – a dozen Russian Jewish pioneers – was still working on
argicultural settlements near Herzliya, north of Tel Aviv, until they found a
place to start their kibbutz. But they had been joined by several young men and
women who, though a year or two older than my father, had been with him at
the Hebrew High School in Ponovezh. He decided to join them.
Late in 1932, the Jewish National Fund, supported financially by leading
Jewish figures in western Europe and the US, bought 2,000 acres from an Arab
landowner near Wadi Khawaret. The area was set aside for three Jewish
settlements: a moshav called Kfar Haim, where the land was divided into family
plots, and two kibbutzim. One was called Ma’abarot. Next to it was Mishmar
Hasharon. My father was among the seventy youngsters who set off in three
trucks with everything they figured they would need to turn the hard, scrubby
hill into a kibbutz. They built the core from pre-fab kits: wooden huts to sleep in
and a slightly larger one for the dining hall. They dug a well and ordered a
pump from Tel Aviv, at first for drinking and washing, but soon allowing them
to begin a vegetable garden, a dairy with a dozen cows, a chicken coop with a
few hundred hens, and to plant a first orange grove and a small vineyard.
Still, by the time my mother arrived three years later, there were not enough
citrus trees, vines, cattle and chickens to occupy a membership which now
numbered more than 200. Along with some of the others, my father worked
outside the kibbutz, earning a regular paycheck to help support the collective.
On his way back, he would stop at the post office in Tel Aviv to pick up letters
and packages for the rest of the kibbutz – including Ya’akov Margalit’s love
letters to my mother. That was how my parents’ friendship began, how a
friendly hello led to shared conversation at the end of my father’s working day,
and how, a few years later, my mother decided to spurn her Gordonia suitor in
favor of Srulik Brog, the postman. It was not until 1939 that they moved in
22
together. They didn’t bother getting married until the summer of 1941. Perhaps
because this was less than nine months before I was born, my mother always
remained vague when asked their exact wedding date.
My parents were an unlikely pair. My mother – bright, lively and energetic –
was a doer, who believed passionately in the grand social experiment of kibbutz
life. Having helped her mother raise her siblings in Warsaw, and with a natural
affinity from children, she became the main authority on issues related to
childbirth and early childcare. She actively partook in the kibbutz’s planning
and politics, and reveled in its social life. My father was more detached both
politically and socially. He was more contemplative, less assertive, less selfconfident.
Though he agreed broadly with the founding principles of the
kibbutz, and wanted to play his role in making it a success, I could see, as I
grew older, that he was often impatient at what he saw as its intellectual
insularity and its ideological rigidities.
Though it didn’t strike me at the time, he was not a large man. As a result of
his childhood illness, he never grew to more than five-foot-four. Still, he was a
powerful presence, stocky and strong from his work on the kibbutz. He had a
deep, resonant voice and wise-looking, blue-gray eyes. It was only through
Uncle Meir that by the time I was born, he had moved on from driving a tractor
to a more influential role on the kibbutz. Meir worked for the Palestine Electric
Company and when Mishmar Hasharon installed its own electricity system, the
PEC was in charge of the work. Meir trained my father and put him forward as
the kibbutz contact for maintaining and repairing the equipment. He was well
suited for the work. He was a natural tinkerer, a problem-solver. He was good
with his hands, and his natural caution was an additional asset as the kibbutz got
to grips with the potential, and the potential dangers, of electric power. Once the
system was installed, he became responsible for managing any aspect of the
settlement that involved electricity: water pumps, the irrigation system, the
communal laundry and our bakery.
My parents were courteous and polite with each other, but they never
showed any physical affection in our presence. None of the adults did. This was
part of an unspoken kibbutz code. Not only for kibbutzniks, but for all the early
Zionists, outward displays of emotion were seen as a kind of selfishness that
risked undermining communal cohesion, tenacity and strength. Because I’d
known no other way, this did not strike me as odd. Besides, I was a quiet,
contemplative, bookish and self-contained child. Only in later years did I come to
see the lasting effect on me. It was be a long time before I became comfortable
23
showing my feelings, beyond my immediate family and a few close friends.
When I was in the army, this wasn’t an issue. Self-control, especially in highpressure
situations, was a highly valued asset. But in politics, I think that it did for a
considerable time inhibit my ability to connect with the public, or at least with
the news media that played such a critical intermediary role. And it caused me
to be seen not just as reserved or aloof, but sometimes as cold, or arrogant.
I did get much that I value from my parents. From my mother, her
boundless energy, activism, her attention to detail, and her focus on causes
larger than herself – her belief that politics mattered. Also her love for art and
literature. When I would come home from the children’s dormitory to my
parents’ room – just nine feet by ten, with a wooden trundle bed to save space
during the day – there was always a novel or a book of verse sharing the small
table with my parents’ most single prized possession: their kibbutz-issue radio.
As a child, however, I spent much more time with my father. He was my
guide, my protector and role model. Like my mother, he never mentioned the
trials which they and their families endured before arriving in Palestine. Nor did
they ever speak to me in any detail about the Holocaust. No one on the kibbutz
did. It was as if the memories were scabs they dared not pick at. Also, it
seemed, because they were determined to avoid somehow passing on these
remembered sadnesses to their sons and daughters. Still, when I was ten or
eleven, my father did – once, inadvertently – open a window on his childhood.
Every Saturday morning, we would listen to a classical music concert on my
parents’ radio. One day, as the beautiful melodies of Tchaikovsky’s violin
concerto in D came through the radio, I was struck by the almost trancelike look
that came over my father’s face. He seemed to be in another, faraway, place.
When the music ended, he turned and told me about the first time he’d heard it.
It was on the train ride into Crimean exile with Itzila and Meir in the early days
of the First World War. The train took five days to reach the Crimea and
sometimes halted for hours at a time. Every evening, a man at the far end of
their carriage would take out his violin and play the second movement of the
Tchaikovsky concerto.
I have heard the piece in concert halls many times since. When the orchestra
begins the second movement – with the violin notes climbing higher, trembling
ever so subtly – it sends a shiver down my spine. I can’t help thinking of the
railway car in which my then four-year-old father and other Jews from
Ponovezh escaped the Great War of 1914. And of other trains, in another war 25
years later, carrying Jews not to safety but to death camps.
24
Listening to the concert program in my parents’ room was something I
always looked forward to. It was my father who encouraged me, when I was
eight, to begin learning to play the piano. I took lessons once a week all during
my childhood along with several other of the kibbutz children. When we got old
enough, we took turns playing a short piece – the secular, kibbutz equivalent of
an opening prayer – at the Friday-night meal in the dining hall. I have always
cherished being able to play. Sitting down at the piano and immersing myself in
Tchaikovsky, Beethoven, Schubert or Mozart never ceases to bring me a sense
of calm, freedom and, especially nowadays, when I have finally worked to
master a particularly intricate piece, a feeling of pure joy.
* * *
As a young child, I spent most of my waking hours in the company of my
several dozen kibbutz “siblings” in the children’s home, the dining hall, or
running through the open spaces in the center of the kibbutz with our metapelet.
She would often take us through the orange groves in the afternoon, and
sometimes across the main road to the Arab village.
Wadi Khawaret consisted of a few dozen concrete homes built back from a
main street bordered by shops and storehouses. She would buy us sweets in the
little grocery store. The man behind the counter had a kindly, weathered face
and a dark moustache. Dressed in a gray galabiya and a keffiyeh, he smiled
when we came in. There was always a group of Palestinian women, in fulllength
robes, seated on stoops outside breastfeeding their babies. We saw cattle,
bulls, even the odd buffalo, being led to or from the fields. I sensed no hostility,
and certainly no hatred, toward us in the village. The people seemed warm, and
benignly indifferent to the dozen Jewish toddlers and their metapelet. My own
attitude to Wadi Khawaret was of benign curiosity. I did not imagine that within
a couple of years we would be on opposite sides of a war. I enjoyed these visits,
as I enjoyed every part of my early childhood. Each age-group on the kibbutz
was given a name. Ours was called dror. It was the Hebrew word for
“freedom”.
But dror was also the name of one of the Jewish youth movements in the
Warsaw Ghetto, heroes in their doomed uprising against the Nazis. Little by
little, from about the age of five, I became more aware of the suffering the Jews
had so recently endured in the lands my parents had left behind, the growing
25
tension around us and the sense that something momentous was about to happen
as the prospect of a state got closer.
The memories remain with me to this day, like a series of snapshots. It was
on a spring morning in 1947 that I got my first real sense that the Jewish state
was something which would have be fought for, and that youngsters not all that
much older than me would have a critical role to play. I got a close-up look at
the elite of the Zionist militias, the Palmach. It numbered something like 6,000,
from a pre-state force totaling around 40,000. The Palmachniks were highly
motivated, young political activists. They had no fixed base. Each platoon,
almost all of them teenagers, spent five or six months at a time on various
kibbutzim. For the first two weeks of each month, they would earn their keep by
working in the fields. They spent the other weeks training. I had just turned five
when I watched three dozen Palmach boys and girls, in their T-shirts and short
khaki pants, rappel confidently down the side of one of our few concrete
buildings. The building was only 25 or 30 feet high, but it looked like a
skyscraper from my perch on the grass in front, and the feat of the young
Palmachniks seemed to me nothing short of heroic.
A few months later, on a Saturday afternoon in November 1947, I crowded
into my parents’ room as the Haganah radio station crackled out its account of a
United Nations debate on the future of Palestine. The session was the outcome
of a long train of events starting with Britain’s acknowledgement that its
mandate to rule over Palestine was unsustainable. The British had proposed a
series of arrangements to accommodate both Arab and Jewish aspirations. Now,
the UN was meeting to consider the idea of splitting Palestine into two new
states, one Arab and the other Jewish.
Since the partition was based on existing areas of Arab and Jewish
settlement, the proposed Jewish state looked like a boomerang, with a long,
very narrow center strip along the Mediterranean, broadening slightly into the
Galilee in the north and the arid coastline in the south. Jerusalem, the site of the
ancient Jewish temple, was not part of it. It was to be placed under international
rule. By no means all Zionist leaders were happy with partition. Many, on both
the political right and the left, wanted a Jewish state in all of Palestine, with
Jerusalem as its centerpiece. But Ben-Gurion and the pragmatic mainstream
argued that UN endorsement of a Jewish state – no matter what its borders, even
with a new Palestinian Arab state alongside it – would represent a historic
achievement. The proceedings went on for hours. At sundown, we had to return
to the children’s home. But we were woken before dawn. The vote for partition
26
– for the Jewish state Herzl had first dreamed of 50 years before – had been
won. A huge bonfire blazed in front of the bakery. All around us the grown-ups
were singing and dancing in celebration.
On the Arab side, there was no rejoicing. Every one of the Arab delegations
at the UN voted against partition, rejecting a Jewish state even if it was created
along with a Palestinian Arab one. Violence erupted the next day. An attack on
a bus near Lydda, near the road up to Jerusalem, left six Jews dead. Similar
attacks occurred around the country. Shooting broke out in mixed Arab-and-
Jewish towns and cities: Jaffa on the southern edge of Tel Aviv. Safed, Tiberias
and Haifa in the north, and in Jerusalem.
I followed all this with curiosity and trepidation through my halting attempts
to read Davar le Yeladim, the weekly children’s edition of the Labour Zionist
newspaper Davar. We children felt an additional connection with what was
going on. One of our Dror housemates, a boy named Giora Ros, had left the
year before when his father took a job in Jerusalem. As the battle for the city
raged through the end of 1947 and into 1948, its besieged Jewish residents
fought for their lives. We sent our friend packages of clothing and food, which
we saved up by eating only half of an egg at breakfast and smaller portions at
dinner.
The mood darkened further at the end of January 1948, four months before the
British departed. A cluster of settlements known as Gush Etzion, south of
Jerusalem near the hills of Bethlehem, also came under siege. Around midnight
on January 15, a unit of Haganah youngsters set off on foot to try to break
through. They became known as “The 35”. Marching through the night from
Jerusalem, they had made it only within a couple of miles of Gush Etzion when
they were surrounded and attacked by local Arabs. By late afternoon, all of
them were dead. When the British authorities recovered their bodies, they found
that the enemy had not simply killed them. All of the bodies had been battered
and broken. Rumors spread that in some cases, the dead men’s genitals had
been cut off and shoved into their mouths. Since I was still a few weeks short of
my sixth birthday, I was spared that particular detail. But not the sense of horror
over what had happened, nor the central message: the lengths and depths to
which the Arabs of Palestine seemed ready to go in their fight against us.
“Hit’alelu bagufot!” was the only slightly sanitized account we children were
given. “They mutilated the corpses!”
Even after the partition vote, statehood was not a given. In the weeks before
the British left, two senior Americans –the ambassador to the UN and Secretary
27
of State George C. Marshall – recommended abandoning or at least delaying the
declaration of an Israeli state. Yet Ben-Gurion feared that any delay risked the
end of any early hope of statehood. After he managed to secure a one-vote
majority in his de facto cabinet, the state was declared on May 14, 1948.
And hours later, the armies of five Arab states crossed into Palestine.
28
Chapter Two
The 1948 war and the decade that followed remain vivid in my mind not just
for the obvious reason: they secured the survival of the infant state of Israel and
saw it into a more assured and independent young adulthood. It was also the
time when I grew from a young child –introspective and contemplative, aware
of how quickly my mind seemed to grasp numbers and geometric shapes and
musical notes, but also small for my age and awkward at the sports we’d play
on the dusty field at the far edge of the kibbutz – into a sense of my own place
in the family and community and the country around me. I did, along the way,
become arguably the most effective left defensive back on our kibbutz soccer
team. But that was not because I suddenly discovered a buried talent for the
game. Physically, I was like my father. I had natural hand coordination which
made delicate tasks come easily – one reason I would soon discover a pastime
that lent itself to acts of kibbutz mischief bordering on juvenile delinquency.
But when it came to larger muscles, I was hapless, if not hopeless. My prowess
as a soccer defenseman was because no opposing player in his right mind, once
I’d inadvertently cut his knees from under him when aiming for the ball, felt it
was worth coming anywhere close to me.
But when the war broke out in earnest in the spring of 1948, my focus, like
that of all Israelis, was on the fighting, which even the youngest of us knew
would determine whether the state would survive at all. Day after day, my
father helped me to chart each major advance and setback on a little map.
Dozens of kibbutzim around the country were in the line of fire. Some had soon
fallen, while others were barely managing to hang on. Just five miles inland
from us, an Israeli settlement came under attack by an Iraqi force in the nearby
Arab village of Qaqun.
But inside Mishmar Hasharon, I had the almost surreal feeling that this great
historical drama was something happening everywhere else but on our kibbutz.
If it hadn’t been for the radio, or the newsreels which we saw in weekly movie
nights in the dining hall, and the little map on which I traced its course with my
father, I would barely have known a war was going on. One Arab army did get
near to us: the Iraqis, in Qaqun. If they had advanced a few miles further, they
could have overrun Mishmar Hasharon, reached the coast and cut the new
Jewish state in half. I can still remember the rumble of what sounded like
thunder one morning in June 1948, as the Alexandronis, one of the twelve
brigades in the new Israeli army, launched their decisive attack on the Iraqis.
29
“No reason to be afraid,” our metapelet kept telling me. That only made me
more scared. Yet within a few hours, everything was quiet again, and never
again did the shellfire get near to us. A few weeks later, I heard the only gunfire
inside the kibbutz itself. It came from the top of our water tower. The man on
guard duty thought he saw movement on the road outside. But it turned out to
be nothing.
It wasn’t until well into 1949 that formal agreements were signed and
“armistice line” borders drawn with the Arab states. By the measure that
mattered most – survival – Israel had won and the Arab attackers had lost.
Jordan did end up in control of the West Bank, as well as the eastern half of a
divided city of Jerusalem, including the walled Old City and the site of the
ancient Jewish temple. The new Israel remained, at least geographically,
vulnerable. It was just 11 miles wide around Tel Aviv and even narrower,
barely half that, near Mishmar Hasharon. Egyptian-held Gaza was seven miles
from the southern Israeli city of Ashkelon and just 40 from the outskirts of Tel
Aviv.
Israel did secure control of the entire Galilee, up to the pre-war borders with
Lebanon and Syria, and of the Negev Desert in the south. The territory of our
new state was about a third larger than the area proposed under the UN partition
plan rejected by the Arabs. Yet the victory came at a heavy price: more than
6,000 dead, one per cent of the Jewish population of Palestine at the time. It was
as if America had lost two million in the Vietnam War. One-third of the Israeli
dead were Holocaust survivors.
The Arabs paid a heavy price too, and not just the roughly 7,000 people who
lost their lives. Nearly 700,000 Palestinian Arabs had fled – or, in some cases,
been forced to flee – towns and villages in what was now Israel. The full extent
and circumstances of the Arabs’ flight became known to us at Mishmar
Hasharon only later. But it did not take long to notice the change around us.
Wadi Khawaret was physically still there, but all of the villagers were gone. As
far as I could discover, none had been killed. They left with a first wave of
refugees in April 1948, and eventually ended up near Tulkarem on the West
Bank. After the war, the Israeli government divided up their farmland among
nearby kibbutzim including Mishmar Hasharon.
The absence of our former neighbors in Wadi Khawaret seemed to me at the
time simply a part of the war. From the moment the violence started, I
understood there would be suffering on both sides. When we sent our care
packages to Giora Ros in Jerusalem, I remember trying to imagine what “living
30
under siege” would feel like, and what would happen to Giora if it succeeded.
Especially after the murder and the mutilation of The 35, I assumed the war
would come down to a simple calculus. If there was going to be an Israel – if
there was going to be a Mishmar Hasharon – we had to win and the Arabs had
to lose. At first, even the fact our kibbutz had been given a share of the land of
Wadi Khawaret seemed just another product of the war. After all, Ben-Gurion
had accepted the plan for two states. The Arabs had said no, deciding to attack
us instead. Someone had to farm the land. Why not us?
* * *
Yet events after the war did lead me to begin to ask myself questions of
basic fairness, and whether we were being faithful to some of the high-sounding
ideals I heard spoken about with such pride on the kibbutz. The Palestinians
were not the only refugees. More than 600,000 Jews fled into Israel from Arab
countries where they had lived for generations. More than 100,000 arrived from
Iraq, and several hundred thousand from Morocco, Tunisia and Algeria in north
Africa. Immediately after the war, about 50,000 were airlifted out of Yemen,
where they had endured violent attacks ever since the UN partition vote.
The reality that greeted the Yemenis in Israel was more complex. Most were
initially settled in tented transit camps. I’m not sure how several dozen Yemeni
families made their way to Wadi Khawaret, but it made sense for them to move
into the village’s vacant homes. It was empty except for several deserted
buildings which we and other kibbutzim began using for storage and, later, for
our transport co-operative. Yet a few nights after the Yemenis moved in, a
posse of young men, including some from Mishmar Hasharon, descended on
them and, armed with clubs and wooden staves, drove them away.
I was shocked. I’d seen the photos in Davar le Yeladim celebrating the
airlift, with the Yemenis kissing the airport tarmac in relief, gratitude and joy at
finding refuge in the new Israeli state. Now, for the “crime” of moving into a
row of empty buildings in search of a decent place to live, they’d been beaten
up and chased away. By us. I realized Wadi Khawaret no longer belonged to the
Arabs. But, surely, our kibbutz had no more right to the buildings than Jews
who had fled from Yemen and needed them a lot more than we did. For days, I
tried to discover who had joined the vigilante attack. Though everyone seemed
to know what had happened, no one talked about it. In the dining hall, I ran my
31
eyes over all the boys in their late teens and early 20s. I was sure that after
something like this there had to be some sign of who had done it. But they
looked the same as before, eating and talking as if nothing had happened.
The Yemenis also needed jobs. This led to a challenge for Mishmar
Hasharon. The core of the kibbutz ethos was that we would live from our own
labor. Yet Ben-Gurion insisted we and other kibbutzim provide work for the
Yemenis and other new arrivals from the Arab states. We began hiring Yemeni
workers when I was about ten, the age when we kids started working for an
hour or so each day in the fields. We worked alongside several dozen Yemeni
women who lived a few miles north in a maabarah, a transit settlement which
later evolved into a village called Elyakhin. Each morning, the Yemenis arrived
in a bus, and they left at the end of their day’s work.
I don’t know whether I expected to feel a Gordonian sense of joy at the
redemptive value of physical labor when I began working in the fields. Our first
assignment was to plant long rows of flower bulbs – gladioli – spaced at
intervals of four inches or so. But as I joined the other children and the Yemeni
women, what I felt was more mundane. Heat. Fatigue. Boredom. To make the
time pass, I thought of it as a competition. Each of us began together, planting
the bulbs in furrows stretching to the end of the field. The point was obviously
to do it right. But I found it interesting to see who finished first, and how much
longer it took the rest of us.
The same worker always led the way. She was a Yemeni in her early thirties.
Her name was Baddura. Short and stocky, with dark curly hair, she was nearly
always smiling, whether we were planting bulbs, sowing seeds or picking
oranges and grapefruit and lemons, potatoes or peppers and tomatoes. When I
remarked to her how much better and faster she was than the rest of us, she
laughed. Still years away from growing into my adult body, I looked more like a
eight- or a nine-year-old. She took me under her wing. The next day, we were
picking tomatoes. “Do the row next to mine,” she said. Watching the almost
balletic grace with which she moved made it easier. I decided it was like
mastering a new piece on the piano. The secret was to achieve a kind of
unthinking fluidity, by focusing on the passage one or two ahead of the one you
were playing. Physically, Baddura was far stronger than me. Before long,
however, I was finishing my sowing or reaping a good ten yards ahead of the
other kids, and not too far behind her.
Though the Yemenis worked in our fields, they were not members of the
kibbutz. They were paid a day-rate. Though they were by far the most
32
productive workers, they got no share of what we produced or possessed. A few
years later, I raised this at one of the separate aseifa meetings held by young
people on the kibbutz, only to be told we’d never wanted to employ outsiders in
the first place. It was only because of Ben-Gurion that we felt unable to refuse.
I’m sure that was true, but it seemed to me an incomplete answer, and an
evasion. It struck me as an exercise in finding a verbal rationale for a situation
that was obviously unjust.
It was an accidental glance up from picking carrots which focused in my
mind the sense of unfairness I felt. We were working on a tract of about seven
acres of rich, dark soil where we grew carrots, tomatoes and potatoes and
eggplants. I think I was 11 or 12. We had assembled in the early afternoon near
the kibbutz garage. We piled on to a flatbed trailer, a dozen kids and a dozen
Yemeni women. We were towed by a tractor driven by a man named Yankele.
He was in his mid-40s. Like my father, he was one of the original group at
Mishmar Hasharon. Before the Yemenis came, he had worked planting and
harvesting. Now, he was responsible for “managing” the Yemenis, and us kids
as well, during our fieldwork. He paced among us every half-hour or so to make
sure the work was going smoothly. Though the area was ankle-deep in mud
during in the winter, it was hot and dusty in the summer. I’d been working for
an hour or so, crouching alongside Baddura, when I looked up. On the edge of
the field, under the shade of a clump of banana trees, I saw Yankele. He had a
set of keys on a metal chain. He was twirling them around his finger, first one
way, then the other, as his eyes tracked us and our Yemeni co-workers. Like a
kibbutznik-turned-plantation-owner.
* * *
As a February baby, I was the youngest in our age group. In the tiny world of
the kibbutz, there were not enough children to organize separate school classes
for each year. When I started school, I was five-and-a-half. Most of the others
were six. A few had already turned seven. Maybe it was this age pressure, or
maybe something inside me, but from the outset, I had a thirst for knowledge. I
was aware early on that some of the schoolwork came easily, almost
automatically to me: numbers and math and reasoning most of all. I also began
reading books, even if I could not fully understand them. By the time I was
eight or nine, I was burying myself in volumes of the children’s encyclopedia at
33
the kibbutz library, trying to untangle the mysteries of airplanes and
automobiles, or the creation of worldly wonders, from the Hanging Gardens of
Babylon to the Empire State Building and the Golden Gate Bridge.
At first, I got many of the answers from my father. On Saturdays, we would
walk around the kibbutz as I plied him with questions. In many ways, he always
lacked self-confidence. I remember decades later, after he had passed away,
asking my mother how come they had spent their entire lives on the kibbutz and
never moved away. She replied: “What would your father have done outside?”
But he had a quick mind and, despite having left Hebrew University early, had
secured enough credits to get his degree – one of a handful of men on the
kibbutz to have done so. He delighted in acquiring, and sharing, knowedge.
How come the moon wasn’t always round, I remember asking him in one of
our first educational strolls. How did anyone know that the sabertooth tigers I’d
seen in the encyclopedia actually existed? And where were they now? There
was not a single question he did not try to help me answer. When I was nine or
ten, he took me to see the first water pump on the kibbutz. I watched as he
disassembled the casing, then the power unit, which had a big screw-like
element in the middle. I wanted to know how it worked, how it was designed.
How it was made. A few months later, he took me to the factory near Tel Aviv
where the pumps were manufactured.
I was an introverted child, not so much shy as self-contained, contemplative,
at times dreamy. Our metapelet from when I was three until age eight was
named Bina. She was the mother of twins a year younger than me. She was
more handsome than beautiful, with wavy dark hair. But she was full of
warmth. She was especially kind to me, which was no doubt one reason I felt
the effects of my collective upbringing less dramatically than some other
kibbutz children. When we were both much older, she used tell a story about my
slightly ethereal approach to life when I was in her charge. One winter
afternoon when I was four, she took our group on to the gentle rise on the
northern edge of the kibbutz, which at that time of year was full of wildflowers.
When she got there, she realized I had gone missing. Retracing her steps, she
found me standing in front of a rock in the middle of the dirt path. “Ehud,” she
said, “why didn’t you come with us?” I apparently replied: “I’m thinking: which
side of the rock should I go around?”
Still, important though Bina was as a presence in my life, it was the
influence of another figure – another youngster – who mattered more and for
longer. His name was Yigal Garber. In first grade, every child got a mentor.
34
Yigal was mine. Solidly built and self-confident, with a knowing smile, he
would go on to become one of the most respected members of the kibbutz.
Though I was the only child he mentored, he was also in charge of our class’s
extracurricular educational program. It began when I was ten, and Yigal was
sixteen. It was a mix of ideological training – the kibbutz equivalent of what my
mother had done with her Gordonia friends in Poland – and a scouting course.
One evening a week, he would spend several hours with us. He began by
reading us a story or a poem. One which I remember with particular clarity
involved a slave who had a nail driven into his ear in hopes of remaining in his
master’s service forever. He had become enslaved not only in body, but in
mind. Another night, Yigal read us an account of a Palmach unit stranded on a
hill they had taken, with anti-personnel mines all around them. The readings
were gripping and they were always an entry-point for a discussion: how did we
understand the story? What would we do if faced with a similar choice?
When that part was over, he walked us into the fields outside the kibbutz.
The only sound we heard was the occasional screech of a jackal. Sometimes, he
would split us into twos and have each pair set off from a far edge of the field
and find our way back. Yigal stationed himself at the center. We would have to
sneak up and see which of us could get closest without his seeing or hearing us
approach. In his last year with us before leaving for his army service, he gave
each of us a narrow wooden stick and began drilling us in the teenage
introduction to martial arts. But I was less interested in that part of the training
than the scouting exercises. Not only was I the youngest in our group, and the
smallest, except for a couple of the girls. Notwithstanding my accidental
prowess on the soccer field, I lacked the strength and coordination to hold my
own in most physical contests at the time.
* * *
Yet then, shortly after I turned thirteen, I overheard a conversation between a
couple of older kids in the dining hall. They said there was this guy in Gan
Shmuel, a kibbutz to the north of us, who had an “amazing” ability. Using a
strip of steel shaped to work like a key, he could open locks – even chunky Yale
padlocks, the gold standard in those days – in less than a minute.
35
I was intrigued by the mechanical puzzle and managed to locate two slightly
rusted locks. One was a Yale, the other an Israeli-made lookalike called a
Nabob. One evening after dinner, I searched the ground around the kibbutz
garage for shards of metal that looked like they might fit into the key slot, and
spent the next half-hour or so propped against a tree, trying and failing to coax
either lock to open. I realized I would need to discover how the locks worked.
But how to get inside to see?
Saturday afternoons in Mishmar Hasharon were a quiet time, like the old
Jewish neighborhoods and shtetls back in Europe but minus the religious
trappings. The next day, I waited until mid-afternoon and walked past the
bakery towards the garage. Its roll-down, corrugated door was locked. So was
the structure next to it, where the blacksmith and metalwork shop were. But
attached to the blacksmith’s was a hut where our scrap metal was dumped. I
doubted it would be locked, and it wasn’t. Pausing to let my eyes get used to the
dark, I made my way into the metalwork area. I crossed to the cabinet where the
tools were kept. I took out a steel jigsaw used for cutting through metal and,
hiding it under my shirt, made my way out again.
Fortunately, the saw was up to the task of cutting into the softer alloy that
made up the body of the locks. Once I’d cut inside them, I saw they shared the
same basic construction. There was a series of springs and shafts which, in
response to the indentations of a key, aligned in such a way to allow the lock to
open. I sneaked back into the metalwork shop five or six times. By trial and
error, I managed to shape one of jigsaw blades into a pick tool that seemed like
it should do the job. For days, I manipulated it into each of the padlocks. I knew
I had the principle right, but I still couldn’t get it to work. Blisters formed on my
thumb and fingers. Then, finally, the Yale sprung open! With each successive
try I got better at knowing how to put the blade in, when and where to rotate it
and how much pressure to apply. After fashioning a half-dozen other tools, each
slightly different in width and shape, I reached a point where I could get the
mechanism to work on my first try. Other locks – doors, trunks, closets – were
even easier after I made picks for them as well.
I couldn’t resist sharing my newly acquired skill with a couple of the boys in
my class, and word gradually spread. There was a handful of slightly older boys
who we referred to as the “rogues”. They weren’t delinquents. They were free
spirits, bridling at the uniform expectations and rules of kibbutz life. Over the
next few years, as co-conspirators more than close friends, I found myself
drawn to two of them. Ido and Moshe were 18 months older than me. Though
36
Ido was just a few inches over five feet, he was strong and athletic, a star even
on the basketball court. Moshe was taller, if a bit overweight. He was nowhere
near as strong as Ido, but still stronger than me, and had a streetwise intelligence
and a sardonic sense of humor. Both had tested the patience of our teachers to
breaking point. Ido had been sent off to a vocational school in Netanya. Moshe
was moved to Mikveh Israel, a school which focused mostly on agriculture. On
Friday evenings and Saturdays in the kibbutz, however, they filled their time
with a variety of minor misdeeds. My role – the cement in our budding
partnership – was as designated lock-picker.
Our first caper targeted the concrete security building near the dining hall. It
contained the kibbutz’s store of weapons, with a metal door secured by a
padlock. Late one Friday night, with Ido and Moshe as lookouts, I crouched in
front of the lock and took out my tools. In less than a minute, I had it open. We
darted into the storeroom. There were about 80 rifles, along with a few machine
guns, on racks along the walls. Ido took a rifle from the furthest end of the rack
and wrapped it in a blanket. Moshe pocketed a box of ammunition. As the
others hurried back to our dormitory, I closed the lock, making sure it was in the
same position I’d found it, and joined them. The next afternoon, we stole away
through the moshav of Kfar Hayim into a field on the far side. We test-fired the
rifle until sunset, when we returned to the kibbutz and replaced it in the armory.
It felt like the perfect crime: foolproof, since no one was likely to notice
anything. Essentially harmless. And repeatable, as we confirmed by returning
on Friday nights every month or two.
This modest pre-adolescent rebellion never extended to doubting the national
mission of Israel. Growing up on a kibbutz in a country younger even than we
were, we all felt a part of its brief history, and its future. That was especially
true after my kibbutz mentor, Yigal, left for his military service and joined one
of the Israeli army’s elite units.
The 1948 war had been won. But it had not brought peace. Palestinian
irregulars, fedayeen operating from Jordan and the Gaza Strip, mounted hit-andrun
raids. In armed ambushes or by planting mines, they killed dozens of Israeli
civilians and injured hundreds more. The country was in no mood for another
war. The newly created Israeli armed forces – known as Tzahal, a Hebrew
acronym for the Israeli Defense Force – also seemed to have lost the cutting
edge, or perhaps the desperate motivation, of the pre-state militias. At first, Ben-
Gurion relied on young recruits in the new army’s infantry brigades to counter
the fedayeen attacks. Nearly 90 reprisal operations were launched in 1952 and
37
early 1953. Nearly all ended with the soldiers failing to reach their target or
taking casualties. Sometimes both.
By mid-1953, the army decided to set up Israel’s first dedicated commando
force. It was called Unit 101. It was led by a 25-year-old named Ariel Sharon,
who had been a platoon commander in 1948. With Ben-Gurion and especially
his army chief-of-staff, Moshe Dayan, determined to hit back hard at the
fedayeen attacks, Sharon took a few dozen hand-picked soldiers and began
mounting a different kind of retaliatory attacks. The largest, in October 1953,
was in response to the murder of a woman and her two children in their home in
central Israel. It was against the West Bank village of Qibya. Sharon and his
commandos surrounded and attacked the village, destroying homes and other
buildings – and killing at least 40 villagers sheltering inside them. Israel
immediately came under international condemnation, accused of allowing its
troops to unleash a massacre. Unit 101 was disbanded. It lasted just half a year.
But that was not because of Qibya. While realizing the importance of avoiding
civilian casualties, Dayan remained convinced that only units like 101 offered
any realistic hope of taking the fight to the fedayeen. He made Unit 101 the core
of a larger commando force merged into Battalion 890 of the paratroopers’
brigade, and he put Sharon in overall command.
It was this force that Yigal Garber joined. He became part of its elite
commando team, Company A and took part in a series of attacks on the West
Bank and in Gaza. While avoiding a repeat of Qibya, they inflicted heavy
casualties on Jordanian and Egyptian army and police units, and also suffered
casualties of their own. Battalion 890 was based just a couple of miles from
Mishmar Hasharon and Yigal returned to the kibbutz every few weeks. He
never talked about the commando operations. But every time there was a report
of Israelis killed in a fedayeen attack, I knew there would be a retaliation raid,
with my Yigal almost certainly involved and, I hoped, returning unscathed.
He did. And in 1956, two years into his military service, he was part of
Israel’s second full-scale war. For a while, the reprisal attacks seemed to be
working. The fedayeen attacks decreased. But that didn’t last, especially in the
south along the border with Gaza. Egypt’s pro-Western monarchy had been
toppled in a coup organized by a group of army officers led by a stridently pan-
Arabist – and anti-Israeli – lieutenant colonel named Gamal Abdel Nasser.
Egypt began providing not just tacit support for the fedayeen in Gaza, but
arming and training them and helping organize cross-border attacks. Then, in
38
the summer of 1956, Nasser nationalized the Suez Canal, which had been
owned by the British and French.
Ben-Gurion was emboldened to go war by the fact that both Britain and
France wanted to retake the canal. Under an agreement reached beforehand,
Israel was to begin the hostilities, after which the British and French would
enter under the guise of separating Israeli and Egyptian forces. Ben-Gurion’s
hope was to end the threat of fedayeen strikes, at least in the south, by taking
control both of Gaza and the enormous natural buffer afforded by the Sinai
Desert. Militarily, it went to plan. On October 29, 1956, Yigal and other
paratroopers from Battalion 890 were dropped deep into the Sinai. They landed
near the entrance to the Mitla Pass, a sinuous route between two lines of craggy
hills 25 miles from the canal. British and French air strikes began three days
later. Nasser pulled most of his forces back across the canal. By early
November, Israel was in control of Gaza and the whole of the Sinai.
Politically, however, Ben-Gurion and his European partners had
catastrophically miscalculated. Britain and France were fading imperial powers.
The balance of power after the Second World War rested with America and the
Soviet Union. Both were furious over the obviously pre-arranged seizure of
Sinai, Gaza and the canal. It took a while for the message to sink in. In a speech
to the Knesset after the conquest was complete, Ben-Gurion declared the post-
1948 armistice null and void, and said Israel would never again allow “foreign
forces” to control the territory it had captured.
A few days later, however, he had no choice but to deliver a different
message in a radio address to the country. He had at least managed to secure a
concession with the help of the Americans. The Sinai and Gaza would be placed
under supervision of a UN force. He also got a US assurance of Israel’s right of
passage through the Straits of Tiran to the Red Sea, and an agreement that if the
Egyptians blocked Israeli shipping we would have the right to respond. But he
announced that we would be leaving every inch of territory taken in the war. By
early 1957, we did so. The one lasting gain came in Gaza. On their way out,
Israeli troops destroyed the fedayeen’s military installations, and cross-border
attacks from the south ceased.
Unlike in 1948, the Sinai War touched me directly. I never felt Israel’s
existence was in danger. The fighting was brief and far away. But Mishmar
Hasharon had a small role in the war plan. Ben-Gurion and Dayan were
concerned that the co-ordinated attack might lead to a wider war, with the
possibility that Egyptian warplanes might get involved as they had in 1948.
39
Among the precautions they took was to base several hundred reservists from
the Alexandroni Brigade in a defensive position near the Mediterranean: the
eucalyptus grove at the top end of our kibbutz, where the cover was so dense
they were all but invisible from the air.
We kids seized on the chance to talk to the reservists. I can’t remember
whether it was Ido or Moshe who noticed an area at the back of their
encampment, on the other side of the kibbutz cemetery, where neatly stacked
boxes of munitions were being kept. But we spent the next several afternoons
on reconnaissance. A soldier was always on guard. But there were times the
area was unwatched, either when one guard handed over to the next, or on their
cigarette breaks.
We struck the following Friday. Nowadays, the cemetery consists of a halfdozen
rows of headstones. Walking through it, as I still do at least once each
year, is like revisiting my past. Almost all the grown-ups I remember from my
childhood now rest there, including my parents. My father died in 2002, at the
age of 92. My mother passed away only a few years ago, a few weeks after her
100 th birthday. But in 1956, the cemetery was tiny. The chances of anyone being
there at midnight on a Friday were close to zero. Crouching in the shadow of the
headstones, we could see the guard. We waited until he left for his break. Each
of us took a wooden box and one of the slightly larger metal boxes. Inside, we
found a treasure trove: thousands of bullets for all kinds of weapons. The metal
cases held heavier firepower: grenades and mortars. We returned those. We
were mischievous, but not crazy. Yet each of us now had a crate full of
ammunition, even including belts for machine guns.
* * *
My experience at school began to change in my early teenage years as well.
Shortly before my fourteen birthday, our age group was sent to a school outside
Mishmar Hasharon. The kibbutz had decided that since there were only a
dozen-or-so children in each class, it wasn’t economically viable to provide a
quality education. They sent us to the regional high school.
It was several hundred yards down the road in the direction of Tel Aviv. It
was far more rigorous. I was no longer the only kid in my class who liked to
read or could do math problems in his head. It was there I first got truly
40
interested in science. When I came across concepts I couldn’t understand, our
teachers always seemed able to answer my questions or help me find the
answers myself. I liked the school enormously. I might well have gone on to
finish my secondary education there. I probably should have. But the next year,
the kibbutz brought us back again.
One of the considerations was financial. Like many kibbutzim, Mishmar
Hasharon concluded that in order to make its school more economically
sustainable it would take in a number of “outside children” – yeldei chutz –
from towns and settlements around Israel. Yet this latest policy change was also
triggered a debate over the kind of education kibbutzim should provide. Should
a kibbutz school offer a curriculum tailored to passing the bagrut, the
matriculation exam, and going on to university? Or should it limit itself to a
fairly basic education geared to developing the talents needed for a productive
life on the kibbutz? In a series of heated debates in the dining hall, almost all of
Mishmar Hasharon supported the model of a basic, kibbutz-oriented education.
My father was the leading voice among the dissenters, and though it seemed
obvious he was fighting an uphill battle, I remember feeling a sense of pride at
watching him – and an echo in my own impulse to reach my own judgment
about issues and to act on it as I was growing older. Not only was he opposed to
the new policy. He was aghast. In the only time I can recall his speaking out at
one of the weekly kibbutz meetings, he asked how Mishmar Hasharon could
take upon itself the right to constrain an individual child’s life potential. “We
are Jews!” he said. “We are people who have left our impact on history through
our scholars, not our peasants. I can’t understand how we, who came here to
open a new chapter in the history of our people, can choose to keep our sons
and daughters from studying. We should encourage them to study!” He
accepted that the interests of the kibbutz mattered. But what kind of “model
society” would we be creating if we chose to “doom our own children to
ignorance, and cut them off from the great forward momentum of history in
Israel and the whole world?”
Especially in a kibbutz, however, the majority ruled. In this case, it was
nearly unanimous, my mother included. I could see she felt torn, whether
because she agreed with my father or because she realized how deeply he felt.
But she accepted the decision. For her, that was what was meant by being part
of the larger kibbutz family. Still, my father didn’t give up. He couldn’t change
the kibbutz’s ruling. But he tried to get me to stay at the regional high school. A
couple of years earlier, examiners had fanned out across Israel to administer its
41
first aptitude tests. I finished among the top two dozen results in the country.
“How can you throw your gifts away? For what,” he asked me. “If you leave
that school, and give up on going to university, it will be like betraying
yourself.” At one point, he walked me out to the patch of hard-packed soil
where we parked the tractors and farm machinery. “What do you want to do
with your life,” he asked. “Do you want to be a farmer?”
I thought about it before answering. “I don’t know what will happen in the
future,” I said. “But if you ask me now, I would say I want to drive one of the
kibbutz trucks.”
I could see the shock and disappointment in his eyes. But it was the truth. I
did imagine that at some point I might want to make a life outside the kibbutz.
But I’d never lived anywhere else. If I was going to remain a part of it, I could
think of no better way than to join our little corps of drivers. Though they lived
on the kibbutz, they spent most of their time delivering or picking up goods in
places like Tel Aviv, Holon or Ashkelon. As the US Marines might have put it,
I guess I figured I’d join the truck-drivers and see the world.
The deeper reason I said no to my father, as I am sure he suspected, was that
I felt a need to take control of my own life. That was simply a part of growing
up, a process which probably happened more quickly for 1950s kibbutz children
than for town or city kids. We loved and respected our parents. But we were
living with other teenagers. We weren’t just residents of the kibbutz. We were
part of the economic collective, working in the fields or orchards, the garage
and the metal shop. This bred a sense of independence. I listened to my father’s
arguments. But this was a decision about my future. I felt I had to make it for
myself. I cared about my education. But I’d reached a stage where my life
outside the classroom, and my circle of friends, mattered more. I am sure that
the same impulse drove me in my continuing freelance forays into lockpicking
and petty larceny with Ido and Moshe.
So I returned to the kibbutz school. The level of teaching was nowhere near
the regional school’s. But we did begin studying new subjects like economics
and politics. There were two other welcome surprises as well. The first was the
arrival of a new history teacher. Knowledgable, enthusiastic and eloquent, he
had a rare gift for igniting excitement in his students. We studied the French
Revolution. He brought it to life with insights into Montesquieu, Rousseau and
John Locke, Louis XVI and Mary Antoinette, Robespierre and Napoleon. He
traced the dynamics that led to the revolution, and the way its ideals descended
into the bloodshed and terror that followed. He presented history as a human
42
process that raised as many questions as it answered, as something we could
learn from.
The second high-point was a couple named David and Leah Zimmerman.
Though Mishmar Hasharon, like other kibbutzim, was secular, they introduced
us to the Talmud, the ancient compendium of rabbinic discussion and debate on
the meaning of passages from the Bible. We focused on two tractates, Baba
Kama and Baba Metziah, in which the rabbis drew on verses from Exodus to
argue out a system of rules for resolving civil disputes. It was the Talmud of
torts. The intricacy and the depth of the rabbinical debate fascinated me.
* * *
Yigal returned from the army a few months after the 1956 war, when, like
other teenagers, I was about to enter a pre-military program known as Gadna.
There were several options kids could choose. One was linked to the air force,
another to the navy. But most of us joined the reconnaissance and scouting
group, Gadna Sayerim. It involved studying topography and navigation, as well
as field exercises that were a lot like the ones Yigal had put us through a few
years earlier. At year’s end, we took part in a national exercise. It was called, a
bit grandiosely, Miyam el Yam: from sea to sea. We had to find our way from
the Mediterranean, near Haifa, across northern Israel to a lake which was a sea
only in name, the Sea of Galilee. It lasted three days. We were placed in teams
of four. We were each given a topographical map and a compass, with
landmarks marked along the way which we had to find and draw in a notebook
to prove we’d been there.
A couple of hours in, we faced our first challenge. We were making our way
along a shepherds’ trail, with brush and bramble on either side, when the path
split in two. We had to decide which fork to take. The map didn’t help. Each
inch covered the equivalent of a mile-and-a-half. The key was to be able to
match it with what we were seeing around us. To use points we could identify
from the map – Haifa and the sea in the receding distance, and a taller hill to our
northeast – and then figure out which path was more likely to take us in the
right direction. I knew this mix of calculation and imagination was something I
enjoyed. But it was more than that. Each of us had had the same preparation for
the exercise. As my trek-mates turned to me for this first decision, and then on
43
each successive stage as we crossed the Galilee, I realized that it was also
something that I was naturally good at.
Still, the closest thing to real military activity remained my excurions with
Ido and Moshe. Our ammunition trunks were stowed under our beds. But the
final piece of our arsenal fell into place in May 1958. For the tenth anniversary
of Israel, there was a national exhibition celebrating the achievements of the
state. I paid a first visit on my own. I was curious to see what was on show. But
as I walked through, I couldn’t help noticing the lack of security. Two days
later, I returned with Ido and Moshe. There was a stand devoted to the Israeli
military industry. We already had a supply of ammunition for an Uzi
submachine gun, courtesy of our raid on the Alexandroni Brigade. Now, when
the guy in charge of the stand was chatting with other visitors, we came away
with an Uzi.
It was then the trouble began. Along with Ido, Moshe and the other older
boys, I now lived in a larger dormitory under the cursory gaze of an older
metapelet. She was doing routine cleaning when she decided to dust around the
boxes under our beds. She’d never given them much thought. But when she
tried to move one of them, she was amazed by its weight. She got one her sonsin-law
to help. I think the box he pried open first was Moshe’s. But within a few
minutes he’d opened Ido’s and mine as well. Inside each were hundreds of
bullets and the machine-gun belts. Inside mine was our prized Uzi. It would not
exactly have taken the KGB to work out the rest. The kibbutz leaders ordered an
inquiry. Ido was summoned first, and attempted a brief show of defiance.
“What’s the big deal,” he asked. “It’s just stuff we collected. Why should you
care?” But separately questioning Moshe, then Ido again, the inquisitors worked
out every detail. The fact that the ammunition had come from the Alexandroni
Brigade, the reservists sent to defend us, was bad enough. But the Uzi had been
stolen from the National Exhibition. That was even worse. It was left to the core
of young men in their late 20s and 30s to figure out how to punish us. Everyone
agreed we could not be reported to the police. That would risk a scandal for the
kibbutz. They decided to beat some sense into the offenders, in front of all the
rest of the teenagers in the dormitory.
I wasn’t there. One afternoon each week, I now boarded a bus into Tel Aviv
for my piano lesson. But when I returned after sundown, I sensed immediately
something was wrong. Yigal was waiting at the bus stop outside the kibbutz. He
told me that what I had done was terrible. Not just because it involved weapons,
but because it was a breach of trust. Did you really steal ammunition from the
44
army, he asked, his voice rising. And from the National Exhibition? I didn’t
bother denying it. I suppose I felt lucky they hadn’t found out about our raids on
the kibbutz armory. He did not administer my beating. That came a few weeks
later from one of the kibbutz elders. He simply took me by the shoulders and
shouted: “You must never do this again.”
It was worse for my parents. At first, they believed I was an innocent party.
They were convinced I couldn’t have got involved in something like this
without being dragged in by the others. My father even asked me whether the
reason I’d been “drafted” by Ido and Moshe was because I was small, and able
to squeeze through tight spaces in windows and doors. As it happened, that did
sometimes come in handy. But I told them, no, I was not an unlucky bystander.
I was as much a part of it as the others. My father was angrier than I had ever
seen him. My mother, faced with what must have seemed like a betrayal of
every one of her Zionist principles, told me that if the kibbutz had decided to
report us to the police, she would not have objected.
Their mood lifted slightly when I began my final year of high school in
September 1958. After two years back in the kibbutz school, our age-group was
sent out again in another shift in policy. This one was in response to signs of
growing support in Mishmar Hasharon and other kibbutzim for the argument
my father had made against the quality of education we were offering. In order
to go at least some way toward meeting that objection, Mishmar Hasharon was
banding together with two dozen other kibbutzim and sending all 12 th -graders to
one of two outside high schools. The first, called Beit Berl, was a Labor Zionist
institution focusing on the humanities. In addition to a few of the less academic
boys, most of the girls were sent there. The rest of us went to a place called
Rupin. It was a few hundred yards past the regional high school. It specialized
in agriculturally related scientific research.
A few of the teachers were enormously gifted, and they were in the areas
that most interested me: math, physics and biology. Yet the rest of the
curriculum was almost numbingly uninspiring. I did not miss a single math or
science class. But otherwise, I began setting my own schedule. Some days, I
would sleep late, or not go at all. When I did go, I’d often show up without
having done the homework. Neither Ido nor Moshe was with me at Rupin. They
were starting their military service. But I assembled a new band of mischiefmakers,
and it was not hard to entice them to go AWOL.
I was warned several times by the school administrator. He said he could not
accommodate a student who seemed oblivious to, or dismissive of, the rules. He
45
was especially upset because my attitude seemed to be infecting others. A few
months into the school year, he told the leaders of Mishmar Hasharon, and then
my parents, that I would have to leave. My father was especially upset. A
couple of years earlier, he’d had visions of my staying on in the regional high
school and going to university. Now, I’d been unable to hold my own in Rupin.
Still, both he and my mother were relieved when Mishmar Hasharon and the
school worked out a compromise which did not end my studies altogether. The
expulsion stood, but I was allowed to continue attending math and science
classes.
For my mother, the blow was softened by the fact I began working almost
full-time on the kibbutz, alongside Yigal, driving a tractor. I woke up early and
accompanied him into the fields of wheat, barley or rye. We also made a series
of trips 130 miles south into the Negev to a moshav called Patish. It had been
set up by newly arrived Moroccan Jews. Since they didn’t have the equipment
or know-how to cultivate all their fields, they were renting out some of the land.
Mishmar Hasharon had contracted to farm a parcel of 450 acres.
For ten days at a time, Yigal and I would place a tractor on the back of a
pickup and head to Patish. We worked from four in the morning until sundown.
After work, we ate at a tiny family-run restaurant a few miles away in Ofakim, a
so-called “development town” populated by Moroccan Jews who had been
moved there as soon as they arrived in Israel. Far from regretting not being in
school, I drew satisfaction, and pride, from knowing that I was functioning as an
independent adult. But it also gave me time to think. My whole life had been
circumscribed by the struggle to create and secure the state. But I again found
myself pondering issues of basic fairness in our young country, and the
challenge of reconciling our words and principles with our deeds amid the
difficult realities of building the state.
Back on the kibbutz, it was the example of the kindly and hard-working
Baddura which had caused me to question how we were treating the Jews who
had arrived from Yemen. In the Negev, I met members of the even larger postwar
influx from Morocco. One image struck me above all. It was from the place
Yigal and I ate dinner. Ofakim was a development town that had yet to develop.
It had no visible means of support, and there was no sign the government was
doing much to remedy that or integrate the new immigrants economically and
socially. The “restaurant” was a side business a family had set up in the dining
room of their tiny home. The sixth or seventh time we went there, I was startled
by sudden movement a couple of feet away from where we were sitting.
46
Looking more closely, I saw a wooden box, the kind we used in Mishmar
Hasharon to crate oranges. It was filled with hay. At first, I thought the stirring
inside was a family pet. Then, I saw it was a baby. I said nothing until we had
left. “Was that really a child?” I asked Yigal. “A baby?” He replied, with a tinge
of sadness but also a look that seemed to convey surprise at my naivety: “Yes.
They don’t have room for him.”
* * *
My evolving feelings about the Arabs, the other people with dreams of what
they still saw as Palestine, would become more complex as my childhood drew
to an end. As mentioned, I barely registered the fate of the absent villagers of
Wadi Khawaret.
And yet as I got older – in my teens – I came to understand why the
Palestinians were fighting us. Before the 1956 war, Dayan gave a brief speech
that had a powerful impact on me. It was a eulogy, but it was for someone
Dayan didn’t know personally. His intended audience was the rest of the
country. He spoke in Nahal Oz, a kibbutz on the border with Gaza often
targeted by fedayeen. In April 1956, a group of Arabs crossed from Gaza and
began cutting down the wheat in Nahal Oz’s fields. The kibbutz security officer,
a 21-year-old named Roi Rotberg, rode out on horseback to chase them away.
The intruders opened fire as soon as he got close. They beat him, shot him dead
and took the body back over the armistice line. The corpse was returned,
mutilated, after an Israeli protest through the UN.
With Israeli newspapers full of agonized accounts of what had happened,
Dayan’s message was that we should not blame the Arabs for Roi Rotberg’s
death. We should look at ourselves, and the neighborhood in which we lived.
“Why should we talk about their burning hatred for us?” he asked. “For eight
years, they have been sitting in the refugee camps of Gaza, while before their
eyes we have been transforming the lands and the villages where they and their
fathers dwelt.” Of course, they hated us and the state we were building. Rotberg
had allowed his “yearning for peace to deafen his ears, and he did not hear the
voice of murder waiting in ambush.” Dayan said the danger was that other
Israelis had become similarly naive. “How did we shut our eyes, and refuse to
see, in all its brutality, the destiny of our generation?” A generation which was
47
settling the land but which, “without the steel helmet and the barrel of the gun,
will not succeed in planting a tree or building a home.”
Still, if I was part of a generation that understood the need for military
preparedness, strength and a readiness to fight if we were to survive in the
Middle East, the 1956 war also brought home to me the need to consider how
we fought. This meant grappling with a contradiction wired into Zionism from
the start: the need to take up arms to defend our state, while recognizing the
Jewish moral code that was its foundation. When the Israeli armed forces were
established in 1948, Tzahal’s doctrine included the principle of tohar haneshek
– “purity of arms” – and an explicit requirement for our soldiers to use the
minimum necessary force and do all they could to avoid civilian casualties.
Putting “purity of arms” into practice was always going to be hard. All arms
kill. In all wars, civilians die. But that did not make the principle, or the need to
be aware of it in combat, any less important.
Even if the soldier called on the make that judgment was someone who had
mentored me from the time I was six, and whose military prowess I had come to
respect. Even if it was Yigal Garber. His parachute jump on the first day of the
1956 war went smoothly. But the battle for control of the Mitla Pass turned out
to be the most deadly of the war. It was also unnecessary. Under Israel’s prewar
choreography with the British and French, the very fact of our landing near
the Mitla Pass was to be the trigger for an Anglo-French attack. In fact, Arik
Sharon, the commander of Battalion 890, received orders from Tel Aviv not to
take the pass. Only grudgingly, did they let him send in a reconnaissance force
to establish whether it was safe to cross.
The reconnaissance company walked into a trap. Machine-gun and mortar
fire rained down from Egyptian troops dug into the caves and other natural
defensive positions above the pass. It took hours to extricate the stranded men.
Yigal’s unit fought its way in from the eastern side of the pass. A small group
from the reconnaissance force managed to get a foothold on the western side.
Almost 250 Egyptians were killed. But 38 Israeli paratroopers also died, the
largest single toll in any battle since 1948. Battered and bitter, the surviving
men from the reconnaissance force parachuted into the southernmost part of the
Sinai, near Et-Tur on the Red Sea. Yigal and the others headed overground to
join up with them. By the time they got there, Egyptian resistance had all but
ended. Yigal’s company had a brief exchange of fire with several dozen holdouts
in the Egyptian force. The Egyptians surrendered. And then, apparently,
Yigal and his fellow paratroopers shot all of them dead.
48
At least those were the rumors after the war. I asked friends what they were
hearing. I asked some of the older men on the kibbutz, my father included. All
of them responded with a slightly different version of events. But I knew what I
wasn’t hearing. No one of them told me it was a lie. When I asked Yigal, he
averted my glance, and then changed the subject. I knew it was true, at least
broadly.
I realized that, before it happened, Yigal and the others had seen dozens of
friends gunned down in an Egyptian ambush in the Mitla Pass. But I didn’t need
a lesson tohar haneshek to know that the killing of captured Egyptian soldiers
should not have happened. Or that it was plainly, simply wrong.
When Yigal and I made our final trip to Patish in 1959, I knew it would be
pointless to ask him about it. Whatever he said wouldn’t change anything. I still
respected his courage and his fighting spirit, and the part he’d played in
defending Israel. I appreciated what he’d done for me as I grew up. But what
mattered now wasn’t what Yigal had done. It was what I would do, and how I
would live my life.
Especially since I, too, was about to begin my army service.
49
Chapter Three
I reported for induction on the second Sunday of November 1959, three
months short of my eighteenth birthday. Military service was a near-universal
rite of passage for Israeli teenagers. For children of the kibbutz, it held even
greater significance. Now that we had a country, the kibbutzniks’ role as the
avant-garde in taming and farming the land had ceased to be relevant. But the
sense of mission we’d been raised with – what we were led to believe set us
apart from the mere “city-dwellers” – drove us to aspire, maybe even assume,
we would leave an imprint in other spheres of the new state’s life. I doubt it’s an
accident that nearly every one of the boys with whom I grew up in Mishmar
Hasharon went on to become an officer during his time in the military.
Judging from my own first few weeks in uniform, however, there was every
reason to believe I would end up as an unfortunate, undistinguished exception.
This was not due to lack of ambition. In fact, I thought at first of joining the
air force. But a question on the application form asked whether I ever suffered
from any breathing discomfort. Like almost everyone on the kibbutz, I did get a
bit clogged up when the weather turned cold and damp. So I naively answered
yes, ending any chance of training as a pilot. My fallback choice was a tank
unit. But when I joined the hundreds of other draftees at the processing center
near Tel Aviv, about a hundred of us were shunted, by alphabetical lottery, into
training for armored personnel carriers instead. Known as battle taxis, the APCs
which Israel had at the time were lumbering, World War Two-vintage
halftracks.
Our training battalion was based, alongside the country’s main armored
brigade, in a huge, hillside army camp outside Beersheva in the Negev. I knew
that our tironut – basic training – would be tough. That was the whole point.
But we endured a seemingly endless array of inspections, under the watchful
eye of a corporal who meted out punishments for the tiniest scuff on a boot, a
belt, or a rifle. The rest of the time was spent in physical training, which I found
especially hard, at least at the beginning. I still weighed barely 130 pounds, and
by no means all, or even most, of it was muscle. My military career, such as it
was, looked very likely to involve spending my required couple of years baking
inside an APC in the Negev before moving on to something more useful, and
certainly more fulfilling, with the rest of my life.
50
But a series of accidents, in Israel’s life and in mine, would soon point me in
a dramatically different direction. The first became known as the Rotem Crisis,
and it delivered a jolting reminder of Israel’s vulnerability to a surprise attack
from neighboring Arab states. Militarily, we were far stronger than in 1948. But
we were still a young country, at an early stage in our economic development.
Our defense strategy rested on a recognition we could not afford to sustain a
large standing army, relying instead on a pool of trained reservists. The problem
was that a full call-up of the reserves would require something like 48 hours.
That meant some form of early warning was critical.
Rotem erupted in February 1960, about halfway through my tironut, and
began almost farcically. The Chief of Military Intelligence, Chaim Herzog, was
at a diplomatic receiption in Tel Aviv when he began chatting with a guest he
knew well: the head of the local CIA station. What, the American asked, did he
make of the fact that Egypt had moved its two main armored divisions into the
Sinai, toward the border with Israel? Herzog came up with a suitably woolly
reply, about how it was obviously a situation which bore watching. But the truth
was that neither he nor anyone else in Israel had any idea about the Egyptian
mobilization. He left the party as soon as he could, to tell Dayan and Ben-
Gurion. When a reconnaissance flight the next day confirmed that dozens of
battle-ready tanks had been rolled forward toward the Suez Canal, Ben-Gurion
and the generals scrambled for a response.
They did not want a war. Ben-Gurion was particularly worried that in
responding to Nasser’s buildup, he might inadvertently escalate things further.
He vetoed the idea of a full mobilization. But he did order a more limited callup,
of about 7,000 reservists. He placed the air force on alert. He directed the
four brigades responsible for the defense of southern Israel, including our
armored brigade near Beersheva, to move within a few miles of the border –
and gave us the additional role of sending several overnight munitions convoys
to equip the hastily assembled border force.
The first sign I saw that anything extraordinary was going on was the sudden
movement of tanks and APCs inside our camp. At first, no one told us raw
recruits anything. We were left to look on, and stay out of the way. But with our
operational units preparing to move forward, the problem was that there seemed
no one else with the expertise, experience and local knowledge to lead the
supply columns. So our training battalion was summoned before the platoon
commander. “Any volunteers,” he asked. When none of us raised a hand, he
said: “Come on. One of you must have grown up around here. That means the
51
first 25 miles will be familiar territory.” He left unspoken the obvious
postscript: the need to negotiate the final five to ten miles, through open desert,
and to find the right area, on our side of a border that wasn’t even marked.
“Can’t any of you,” he barked, “lead a convoy of a few dozen trucks?”
I’m not sure what possessed me. But I thought to myself: yes, I probably
can. I had been scouting and navigating in one way or another since those first
evenings with Yigal in the kibbutz orchards. I’d trained with Gadna Sayerim.
And while I’d never lived in the south, the farm settlement of Patish, where I’d
worked along with Yigal after getting kicked out of high school, was not far
from the route the conveys would have to take.
So I raised my hand.
“Can you lead a convoy?” he asked.
“Yes, sir,” I said. “Of course, I’ll need a map. And a compass.”
“Why do you think you’re qualified?” he prodded. I’d been in Gadna
Sayerim, I said. I was good with maps. “Okay,” he replied, and he sent me,
along with two of the company’s junior officers, to the battalion commander.
Someone must have phoned ahead, because he was clearly expecting us.
Still, I could see the surprise in his eyes when he looked at me: only just
eighteen, but looking closer to 15, my uniform sagging on my slender frame. He
gazedat the officers, then back at me, then at the officers again, as if trying to
figure out whether he was about to approve something utterly crazy. But he had
little choice. Three convoys had to be dispatched within the next couple of
hours. So far, with me, he had a sum total of one guy to lead them. “Fine,” he
said, and waved us out.
The column consisted of eight huge, American-made six-wheelers, each
packed with ten tons of munitions and other supplies. I was in the lead truck.
The driver was a reservist in his mid-30s. So were most of the men in the rest of
the transport trucks, one driver and one soldier in each. A staff sergeant, in the
second vehicle, was in theoretical command. But, surreal though it felt, I was
actually in charge, since I was the only person who might, conceivably, get us
to the right place.
The platoon commander was right. The first part, on paved roads, was fairly
easy. But just before sunset, we reached open desert, the beginning of more than
three hours of picking and weaving, calibrating and recalibrating, our way
across a wide expanse on sand and occasional scrub bushes that, every mile or
52
so, would suddenly give way to a windswept series of dunes and wadis. The
map and compass helped. But I soon realized that it was almost impossible to
get an accurate reading from inside the truck. Every few minutes, I waved the
convoy to stop, got out, and walked fifty or sixty yards into the sand and clumps
of acacia trees and calibrated our progress from there. My fallback was the
stars. From them, I could at least make sure we were headed in broadly the right
direction. But the need to navigate around the dunes meant we were never
moving in a perfectly straight line. The miles ticking by on the truck’s odometer
couldn’t tell me exactly how far we’d travelled. A couple of times, I realized we
were wandering off line – not by a much, but enough to risk leaving us either a
mile or two south of where we were supposed to go or, worse, on the Egyptian
side of an unmarked desert frontier that, especially at night, would look pretty
much the same on either side.
Finally, a few hours before dawn, I brought the convoy to a halt. I climbed
out, walked back to the staff sergeant and told him, with more confidence than I
felt: “We’re here.” I had no way of knowing for sure. But I felt we were
generally in the right place. Before we’d set off, I was briefed by the officer in
charge of one of the operational APC battalions. He had been to the area before,
on training exercises. Because of the emergency call-up, he was too senior to
lead a supply convoy. But he told me that once we got there, we should stop and
wait. He would follow our tracks the next morning and link up with us. An hour
after sunrise, we saw his jeep bobbing over the sand towards us. He pulled to a
stop, shook hands with the staff sergeant, and then he turned to me.
“Unbelievable,” he said. “We’re where we need to be.”
Our role in the grand scheme of things, and certainly mine, was hardly
decisive. But the rest of the border mobilization also went to plan. That, along
with some frantic diplomatic activity and a healthy common sense on all sides,
ensured that a new war with Egypt was averted – at least for a further halfdozen
years, until 1967. By then, the lesson of Rotem would be learned: our
need to find a realiable way to tap into the battle plans of the hostile Arab states
around us. And through another wholly unexpected turn of events starting just a
few weeks after the Rotem Crisis, I would turn out to play a personal role in
making that happen.
* * *
53
Under army regulations, training recruits got a five-day leave every few
months during tironut. My first one came a bit later than usual, due to Rotem.
But in April 1960, shortly before the Passover holiday, I headed back to
Mishmar Hasharon. Despite my minor triumph of desert navigation, I still had
every reason to believe I’d be spending the next couple of years in an APC unit
in the Negev, and can’t pretend I was looking forward to it. Still, the idea of
returning home in my army uniform, at least a bit stronger and bulkier than
before, did give me a sense of pride.
It was on my third day back, when I was in the dining hall with a half-dozen
schoolmates-turned-soldiers, that Avraham Ramon sat down and joined us. He
was a yeled chutz, one of the “boys from outside” who had joined our class
when we were taken out of the regional high school. He, too, was now in the
army. As we were finishing lunch, he asked me: “How’s tironut?”
“Tough,” I said. “Boring.”
Smiling, he said: “How would you feel about joining a sayeret?”
The question took me by surprise. In Hebrew, sayeret meant “reconnaissance
unit”. It was the name given to special units that carried out missions behind
enemy lines, or under particularly exacting conditions. In the early 1960s, there
were only two of note. One was Sayeret Golani, attached to the Golani Brigade
near the northern border. The truly elite one was Sayeret Tzanhanim, the
paratroopers’ sayeret. It had been built from Company A of Battalion 890,
where Yigal had served in the 1950s.
“Which sayeret?” I asked.
“It’s called Sayeret Matkal,” he replied.
I’d never heard of it. When I asked what it did, he said: “I’m not allowed to
say. But are you interested?” The air of mystery made it seem only more
enticing. And no matter what it did, it had to be a step up from what lay ahead
of me in the Negev. “Yeah. Sure,” I replied.
I heard nothing further in the days after I got back to Beersheva. But at the
end of the month, I was ordered to report to a small hut in an army base near Tel
Aviv. It belonged to Maka Esser, the personnel department of military
intelligence. I was greeted by two men in their late 20s. One of them, shorter
even than me, introduced himself as Sami Nachmias. The other was tall and
slim and said in a surprisingly quiet voice: “I’m Shmil Ben-Zvi.” They were
two names which I, like most Israeli teenagers at the time, knew well. Ben-Zvi
54
had been an officer in Arik Sharon’s original Unit 101, and Nachmias was one
of the earliest recruits to Company A. They shook my hand and motioned me
into a Jeep. As we drove out of the base, they peppered me with questions about
almost anything except the army: the kibbutz, school, sports. Then, Ben-Zvi
pulled the Jeep to the side of the road, turned around to face me and asked: “Is it
true you can pick locks?”
Yes, I said. “Do you want me to show you?” He said that wouldn’t be
necessary.
“Is it true you can navigate? Read maps?” Nachmias asked. I said yes.
They drove me back to the base in silence. “OK,” Nachmias said. “You’ll
probably hear from us.”
I didn’t. But as basic training was winding down, I got a further order: to
report to an address in Tzahala, a neighborhood in north Tel Aviv where a lot of
military officers lived. It was a small house with a metal gate outside. I was met
at the door by a man about 30 in shorts and a T-shirt who introduced himself as
Avraham Arnan. He led me inside. He unfurled a map of Jerusalem and the
surrounding hills. He pointed to a spot on the southwest of the city. He drew a
wide, curving line through the hills to a second point. “You know how to read a
map?” he asked. When I nodded, he said: “I want you to describe to me – just as
if you were walking on this line – exactly what you see, as you make your way
to the place I marked.” I used the elevation lines on the map as a guide, and the
positioning of the hills and woodland and villages on the map, and began
describing how each stage would look. When I was finished, his only response
was the hint of a smile. When he spoke, it wasn’t about the map. It was, again,
about picking locks. “How did you learn?” he asked. I explained how I’d cut
into the locks, figured out how they worked and made a set of tools to open
them. “Thank you,” he said. “You can return to your unit.”
Though he hadn’t said so, I got a feeling this was the Sayeret Matkal
equivalent of a final job interview. When I got back to Beersheva, I dug around
as discreetly as possible for details about Avraham Arnan. I learned he had
served in 1948 in the hills around Jerusalem, so he would have known first-hand
the terrain he asked me to describe. That, I guessed, explained the half-smile.
But I was entering my last week of tironut. I still had no idea whether I’d be
spending the next couple of years inside an APC – or in a sayeret whose
function was a mystery, beyond the fact it seemed less interested in whether my
boots were shined than whether I could pick a lock.
55
The day before the end of basic training, I was told to return to Maka Esser.
A Jeep was waiting. A soldier was at the wheel. He mumbled hello and drove
me to a sprawling military base about 15 minutes away, not too far from the
international airport in Lod. It was built by the British in the Second World War
for the RAF. After 1948, the main part had been converted into Israel’s officertraining
school. But at the far end, set back from a criss-cross of runways, was a
pair of domed concrete shelters which had been used by the British for
munitions storage. Five tents. Two field toilets. And a single-story brick
structure with a tin roof. It contained offices for Avraham Arnan, a couple of
other officers and a secretary, a kitchenette and a room for storing weapons.
This was the home of Sayeret Matkal, although the first thing I was told was
that no one, outside a handful of senior officers in military headquarters, knew
we existed.
* * *
The heart and soul of Sayeret Matkal was Avraham Arnan. Even from my
brief first encounter with him in his living room in Tzahala, I was struck by his
physical presence, with almost movie-star looks and a face made even more
intriguing by the fact he had different-colored eyes, one brown and one a
piercing green. But what really set him apart, as I got to know him and come
under his spell in the sayeret, was his playful, almost bohemian disregard for the
normal strictures and structures, rules and regulations, of the armed forces.
What mattered to him was what actually needed to get done, and how best to
accomplish it despite all the bureaucratic obstacles, and he made me and his
other teenage recruits feel we were equal partners with him in getting there.
Years later, he confided that if his life had not led him into the military, he
would have probably chosen something in the arts or culture, maybe directing
films. But he had volunteered for the Haganah at age 17, a year before the 1948
war. As the losses mounted in Jerusalem, he found himself in the Palmach’s
crack Harel Brigade, under the command of a future Israeli chief-of-staff, Dado
Elazar.
His vision for Sayeret Matkal became Israel’s answer to the dangers
identified by Rotem. But it had its origins in his experiences in the years after
1948, when he joined a military intelligence group running a loose network of
Arab agents across Israel’s northern border. They provided occasional bits of
56
information. But in talking with his wartime friends, he realized this kind of
low-level intelligence could never address the real need for Israel: to ensure we
had early warning if Syria or Lebanon, Jordan or Egypt, were preparing to go to
war against us.
He began toying with the idea of training a small force of Israeli soldiers to
go on cross-border intelligence missions. The initial response from the kirya –
military headquarters in Tel Aviv – was so frustrating that anyone else would
have given up. None of the generals saw any reason to believe his scheme
would work. But the real obstacle was their continuing trauma over what had
happened the last time Israeli soldiers crossed the border on an intelligence
mission. It had happened in 1954, and it ended in a failure even more serious
than Rotem. The target was the Golan Heights, inside Syria. The special
technology unit attached to military intelligence had developed a bugging
device designed to be placed on a telephone pole on the Golan. The task of
installing it was given to the most decorated, and respected, commando unit in
the army: Company A in Sharon’s paratroop battalion, led by its commander,
Meir Har-Zion.
On a spring night in 1954, Har-Zion led his team onto the Golan. They
rigged the bugging unit to the telephone pole, buried the bulky transmitter and
made their way back. And it worked. Israeli intelligence could listen in to
military communications on the Heights. The hitch as that the batteries had to
be replaced every few weeks. Several more times, Meir and his men sneaked
back into Syria to keep the bug working. But as commander of Company A,
Meir was a key part of Israel’s anti-fedayeen operations. The last thing Moshe
Dayan wanted to risk was seeing him captured while trying to replace a few
batteries. So he shifted the task to a regular unit from the Golani Brigade.
In December 1954, a handover mission was organized. Three men from
Company A, including one of Meir’s sergeants, joined three from the Golani
Brigade. But they didn’t even hold a joint exercise before setting off. There was
also a lack of clarity about who was in charge. Though the Golani commander
was nominally the senior officer, only the Company A men had any first-hand
experience of this kind of mission. A half-mile onto the Heights, they were
intercepted by a Syrian soldiers. If this had been a Company A operation, the
response would have been automatic. They would have wheeled, opened fire
and attacked. But when the Syrians ordered the Golanis to drop their weapons,
one of them did, and the Company A men followed suit. They were all taken to
Damascus, held in solitary confinement, beaten and tortured.
57
One of the captured Golani soldiers was a 19-year-old named Uri Ilan, the
son of a member of the Israeli Knesset whom Ben-Gurion and the whole of the
government knew well. The soldiers’ captivity dragged on until they were
finally returned to Israel in March 1956. By then, however, Uri Ilan had hanged
himself. He managed to hide a note into his uniform. It was found when the
body was being prepared for burial. It read: Lo bagadeti. Nekamah. “I did not
betray anything. Revenge.”
Ever since the Uri Ilan mission, there had been a de facto ban on crossborder
intelligence operations by Israeli soldiers. Ben-Gurion and his military
commanders knew, of course, the importance of getting early warning of an
enemy attack. But they decided the price of possible failure was simply too
high.
Sayeret Matkal was born three years later. Avraham was still part of the unit
running low-level agents in Syria and Lebanon, but his commander reluctantly
agreed to allow him to set up his new intelligence group. His initial
“headquarters” was a sparsely furnished Tel Aviv apartment. The first people he
brought in were veterans of the Palmach’s Arab Platoon, pre-state fighters who
trained themselves to pass as Arabs and gather intelligence, or stage raids,
behind enemy lines. Next, he invited friends who had served in Unit 101 and
Company A. Finally, he enlisted a core of them to help train recruits to his new
sayeret. He hoped the involvement of these commando veterans would also give
the unit credibility inside the kirya. One of them, Micha Kapusta, had been part
of 101, as had Itzhak Gibli, who had been a teenage Palmachnik in 1948. A
third was another Company A officer named Aharon Eshel, known as Errol, in
part for his undeniably Errol Flynn-like swagger, but also an acronym of his
Hebrew name. But the crowing addition to the group had the distinction of
having led the last successful Israeli bugging mission on the Golan, in addition
to being the most respected commando in Israel, a man who Dayan would later
call the country’s greatest soldier. It was Meir Har-Zion himself.
* * *
I was part of the second group of recruits to Sayeret Matkal, in the early
summer of 1960. The unit had been given its own base barely a year earlier. Bu
it had yet to carry out a single mission, and there was no sign of that happening.
Avraham couldn’t be sure when, or if, the generals in the kirya might give him
58
the go-ahead. Still, he was convinced that if we could demonstrate a toughness,
commitment and competence which offered an obvious addition to Israel’s
intelligence capability, even they would recognize the folly of not using it.
He made every one of us feel a part of making this possible. I was one of ten
new recruits, bringing the size of the sayeret to twenty. We were almost all
teenagers. In fact, the oldest of our officers was 21. Most of the men were
Sephardi Jews. For a unit like ours, with the aim of undertaking secret missions
in Arab countries, Avraham believed that a background in Arabic culture and
language was an important asset. I was the sayeret’s only lock-picker. But all of
us had been recruited in the much same way that I was. It was how the top
Palmach units had been formed, and the way Sharon assembled Unit 101:
friends recommending friends, in my case, my old yeled chutz schoolmate from
the kibbutz.
We trained in the whole range of commando skills. We used not only Uzis,
but Soviet-made Kalashnikovs and Gurionov machine guns. We worked with
detonators and explosives. We staged raids on Israeli airfields. We conducted
exercises using rubber dinghies to practice attacking from the sea. But mostly
we walked. For hundreds of miles, almost always at night the length and breadth
of the country. We would study a map of each area, committing every town or
village, hilltop or dry creek bed, to memory before we set off. I can still
remember what Meir Har-Zion told us: to be truly prepared, you needed to
spend “an hour for an hour” – an equal time mastering the lay of the land to the
amount you’d need to carry out an operation. It was a gruelling regime –
designed to push us to the very limits of endurance. On one series of exercises,
we were limited to a single canteen of water as we trekked deep into the Negev
Desert. It was gruelling, designed to push us to the very limits of endurance. I
remember the first time Errol set eyes on me after I joined the unit. He turned to
Avraham, laughed, and said: “Are we taking high school kids now?” But before
long, I was a “high school kid” no longer.
Meir Har-Zion rarely took a direct part in our exercises. On his final
Company A mission, a month before the 1956 war, he had been shot in his
throat and arm. A medic saved his life by performing a tracheotomy. But his
speech was affected, and he still had almost no use of his right arm. Errol,
Micha Kapusta and Yitzhak Gibli were more actively involved with us. They
were there not only to help train us, but to instill a commando attitude, a spirit
of confidence bordering on bravado.
59
Kapusta was our guide on our punishing five-day treks through the Negev.
Though Avraham would see us off at the start, he stayed back at the base. In a
couple of the exercises, we relied on carrier pigeons to keep in touch with the
base, until Kapusta began killing them for dinner. Once, on a searingly hot
desert afternoon, hours from the nearest hospital, he spotted a poisonous snake.
He used pieces of wood to pry its head up from the sand, grabbed its neck and
strangled it.
We also studied some Arabic, though most of the Sephardi recruits already
spoke the language. My tutor was a Cairo-born Jew named Amin. In part
because he enjoyed mathematics and played the violin, we hit it off
immediately. He was also deaf in one ear. Languages have never been my forte.
Even in Hebrew, I have a slight lisp. That made mastering Arabic even harder.
Still, Amin would frequently compliment me on my accent, at which point the
others in the class would point out that I was lucky he was hard of hearing.
A year in, we were given a classroom briefing on what to do if we fell into
enemy hands. The gist was to tell them only our name, rank and serial number.
But we had a special session with Gibli, who told us about what captivity was
really like. He had been shot and wounded during a retaliation operation in 1954
and was captured by the Jordanians. Until his release, he was kept in solitary
confinement and tortured. The details of his imprisonment, the beatings and the
cigarette burns, were lurid. Partly because we were developing a bit of
commando self-confidence – but mostly to hide the discomfort of wondering
how each of us would react to being in enemy hands – we heckled him over an
account that seemed to get more heroic with each retelling. He wisely ignored
us. He told us that survival would be down not just to physical strength. It
required strength of mind, the kind of subtlety required to give your captors
something to keep them at bay and to establish some form of human bond, to
but withhold anything of genuine value.
A few weeks later, the whole sayeret held a four-day exercise in the Galilee.
On the second night, at about four in the morning, we shook off our backpacks
and settled in for a few hours’ sleep. The first thing I heard was shouting in
Arabic. I saw a guy hovering over me, his face covered. He handcuffed me,
pulled a burlap sack over my head, yanked me to me feet and led me off. We
were piled into the back of a truck. From the whispered comments around me, I
assumed all twenty of us had been taken. We drove for nearly four hours.
Twice, I got an slap across the face, more painful because of the burlap. I kept
60
telling myself this had to be part of our training. If it was for real, we’d have
been more badly beaten, or killed. Still, I couldn’t be completely sure.
The truck lurched to a stop. We were led into a building, down a hallway and
into a large room. The walls were bare except for a series of iron rings. Our
captors tore the sacks from our heads for a few moments, and tied our wrists to
the manacles. For the first six or seven hours we were kept together, arms
shackled and raised. Then they took us away one by one. I was the last to be led
out. I was taken to a room so small there was not even space for a cot. It wasn’t
until the last shaft of light disappeared from the slit-like window near the top of
wall that the first interrogator showed up. He unlocked the door, entered and
unfolded a metal chair. He wanted answers: what unit was I from, what did our
unit do, who were our commanders, what were our orders, and what was our
designated role in the event of war.
I told him my name, rank and serial number. After each question, I repeated
them, or shook my head in silence. “You will answer, sooner or later,” he
shouted in heavily Arabic-accented Hebrew, hitting me across the face. “All of
you will.” For four days and nights, other interrogators shouted out the same
questions. I was slapped dozens of times. Punched in the stomach. One of the
captors uncuffed me and bent my arm behind my back, wrenching it upward.
Though I was determined not to cry out, I grunted in pain. Over and over, I told
myself: “This is not for real. They can hurt me. But they have limits. They can
twist my arm. They can hurt me. But there’s no way they can break my arm.”
I was not allowed to sleep. I was never left alone for more than a half-hour.
If I was crouching on the stone floor, I would be yanked to my feet and punched
or slapped. Twice a day, I was taken from my cell to a primitive toilet and given
a minute to relieve myself. There were only two changes to the routine. On a
few occasions, five or six of us were brought back into the large room and told
we wouldn’t be let go until we had given them more of what they wanted – the
implication being that some of us had already talked. And once or twice, the
interrogators sent in a good cop. “I can help you,” he told me. “But you have to
give me something.”
But when it was over, none of us had talked. We didn’t fool ourselves into
thinking that meant we could hold up in genuine captivity. There, they could
break your arm. They could burn your chest with cigarettes, rip out a fingernail
or a tooth. They could kill you. The main value had been to give us some sense
of what we might face. We might still be afraid, but at least it would no longer
be fear of the unknown.
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Challenging though our training was, I found every bit of it enthralling and,
with each new test passed, somehow empowering and exhilirating. This was all
the more remarkable because we had still yet to carry out a single operation. If
anyone other than Avraham had been in charge, I think the unit might have
unraveled. The fact that it didn’t was mostly due to of the ethos he created, the
feeling that we were a special breed with a critically important common
purpose, and that sooner or later we would be called on to do special things.
When we were in uniform, it was camouflage dress. When we were on the base,
we mostly wore sandals and shorts. We called each other by our first names,
even the officers.
In its first few years, the sayeret sometimes felt less like an army unit than a
college fraternity. Every spring, we organized a feast in a cavernous hangar on
the edge of our compound. It was called Chag ha Pri, the Feast of the Fruit. For
days ahead of the event, we would mount night raids on kibbutzim, “liberating”
crates of every kind of fruit imaginable, and chicken and lamb if we got lucky.
The only rule was that none of us would steal from our own kibbutzim. Among
the guests at the Feast of the Fruit was an unsuspecting selection of senior
officers whom Avraham knew. A few of them got into the spirit, like Dado
Elazar, his Palmach commander from 1948. The Palmach had held similar
foodfests, with delicacies grabbed from nearby kibbutzim. Dado was by this
time commander of Israel’s armored corps. Since our sayeret was always short
of gasoline for our exercises, he would divert surplus supplies to us. But other
guests were less impressed with the pyramids of oranges and avocados and
mangoes and watermelons. I could almost hear a voice screaming inside them:
these are Israeli soldiers. They’re stealing this stuff.
* * *
It was not until the autumn of 1961, nearly eighteen months after I arrived,
that it seemed we might actually be given a real mission. This was largely due
to a change at the top of the military. For much of the 1950s, when Dayan was
chief-of-staff, his right-hand-man was a Haganah veteran named Meir Amit. In
1961, the term of Dayan’s successor as chief of staff, Haim Laskov, was coming
to an end and Amit was in the mix to get the top job. He was already Head of
Operations. In practical terms, that made him the number-two man in the armed
forces. But the job went to Tzvi Tzur, Laskov’s deputy. Amit decided to accept
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the post of Head of Military Intelligence. He knew the importance of
intelligence, and the potential cost of Israel being taken by surprise in a future
war, having been part of the top military leadership during Rotem. He was
energetic, bright, and exuded an infectious sense of self-confidence and
authority. He also had clout at headquarters. If he decided the time had come to
revive cross-border intelligence operations, there was every chance it would
happen.
Still, it was an agonizingly slow process. By the time my period of military
service was drawing to an end, it hadn’t happened. I did not seriously think of
leaving. Though my two years in Sayeret Matkal had been the most physically
demanding of my life, they were also the most fulfilling. I did not want to
forfeit the chance of being part of its finally becoming an operational unit. So I
committed to at least a few more years in the military. I joined my closest friend
among the recruits, Uri Zakay, for six months in officers’ school as we waited,
or hoped, for approval to actually use the skills and qualities we had acquired in
the sayeret.
And in the summer of 1962, shortly after I returned to the unit from officers’
school as a second-lieutenant, the green light finally came.
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Chapter Four
At first, it was only “approval in principle”. It’s impossible to overstate the
trepidation with which Israel’s military brass, and Ben-Gurion himself,
approached the decision finally to send Sayeret Matkal into action. It was not
just the fact that we were a unit uttterly untested in the field. The stakes in the
mission we were contemplating were enormous. For the first time since Uri
Ilan’s deseperate act of suicide in a Damascus jail cell, Israeli soldiers would be
crossing into Arab territory on an intelligence mission. Amid continuing
tensions with the increasingly militant rulers of Egypt and Syria, there seemed
little doubt that at some stage we would again have to fight to defend our
security, perhaps even our existence as a state. The Rotem debacle had
highlighted the danger of a surprise attack, potentially leaving us in a scramble
to call up reserve units as Syrian or Egyptian tanks advanced on our borders.
But the memory of Uri Ilan remained a haunting reminder of the risks of failure.
My role, again, came down partly to accident. The man initially chosen to
lead the operation was someone I’d liked from my first days in the sayeret.
Ya’akov Tal, known as Tubul, was a year older than me. He came from Tiberias
in the north of Israel. As a teenager, he’d worked for extra pocket money
alongside shepherds in the hills above the Sea of Galilee, picking up a nearfluent
command of Arabic. He was self-confident without a trace of arrogance,
with a natural talent for connecting with his soldiers. In my case, there was a
further bond: a shared fascination with math and sciences.
But Tubul had applied to the leading technology institute in Israel, the
Technion near Haifa. As he began training his four-man team to cross onto
Syria’s Golan Heights, he received word that he’d been accepted. The academic
year wouldn’t begin until September, and it had been assumed at first that the
operation would happen before then. But even though Meir Amit was pressing
the rest of the military brass for a final go-ahead, it still hadn’t arrived by early
August. Avraham decided he needed a fall-back plan. He called Tubul and me
into his office. He said he wanted me to join the team’s training as Tubul’s
deputy, and to be ready to step in as commander if that proved necessary. When
we next heard from Amit, a week later, it became clear the mission would not
happen in time for Tubul to lead it.
We would be setting out from the northeast corner of Israel, a patch of
parkland near a kibbutz called Dan, only a mile or so from where Uri Ilan’s
group had begun its mission. This time, however, the target was more
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ambitious. We intended to bug the communications line running east from
Banias, the Syrians’ base in the north of the Golan, toward Quneitra, their main
headquarters. That meant taking a longer route, beginning with a climb onto a
plateau about 200 feet high and crossing the Banias River toward the Syrian
base.
We had nearly three weeks for our final preparations. After two years of
sayeret training, I was confident that, physically, we would be up to the task.
But even without the obvious jitters emanating from the kirya, I could not help
but be aware of the possibility, and the cost, of failure. Every evening, I would
stake out time to go through everything that might conceivably go wrong. Years
later, when I went to do my graduate studies at Stanford, I was exposed to
words of wisdom from a non-kibbutznik – Benjamin Franklin – which probably
best summed up what drove my planning for the sayeret’s first operation, and
the others that would follow. “Failing to prepare,” he wrote, “is to preparing for
failure.”
Running into Syrian soldiers was, of course, top of the list of potential
pitfalls. But land mines were also a danger. I got a map of the area from military
intelligence which, in theory at least, showed the location of mines all along the
edge of the Golan. But it had been compiled over a period of nearly two decades
on the basis of information from shepherds, smugglers and the occasional Arab
agent. Whenever they reported seeing the telltale combination of fencing and
yellow danger triangles, the place was marked. Once it was marked, no one in
intelligence headquarters dared erase it. The result was that the map now
showed an almost unbroken stretch of mines. And within the amount of time
that we had to get ready, there was no way of knowing which of the minefields
was still there.
The timing was chosen by the cycle of the moon. We wanted to cross into
Syria in as near to total darkness as possible. That meant the final days of
September. Unlike Tubul, who had been commanding the team from the
moment they had joined the sayeret, I’d been working with them for only a
couple of months. My deputy for the operation, Avi Telem, was also a
newcomer. But he was smart, steady and he had served in the Golani Brigade,
so he knew the terrain along the border.
Avraham could not hide his own nervousness as the operation drew nearer.
A week before we were due to set off, he asked whether we were planning a
further, full-scale exercise. When I said the final run-through was set for the
following night, in the Negev, he told me he wanted Meir Har-Zion to attend.
65
During the exercise, Meir said nothing at all. I couldn’t help wondering
whether, despite our nearly daily exercises, and my nightly stock-taking, I’d
somehow missed an obvious detail in our planning. When we got back to the
sayeret base, Avraham was waiting for us. “Well?” he asked Meir. “They don’t
need me,” he said. “They know what they’re doing.” It was not just a source of
reassurance for me, but a huge relief for Avraham.
The team I’d inherited from Tubul included three gifted soldiers with
different backgrounds, and different skills. Motti Nagar was born in Cairo. He
was short but solidly built, smart, level-headed and almost always smiling. Kuti
Sharabi grew up in a Yemeni family in an impoverished neighborhood in Tel
Aviv. He had a self-deprecating sense of humor, a quick mind and sometimes
even quicker tongue, but an extraordinary ability to focus on the task at hand.
The third member was a kibbutznik. His name was Moshe Elimelech. We called
him Moshiko. Utterly self-contained, a man who spoke only when absolutely
necessary, he also brought two different qualities to the mission. One was going
to be indispensable: an almost squirrel-like ability to climb trees. Or telephone
poles. The other, of which I was a bit more leery, was a total, deeply irrational,
absence of fear.
Though none of us needed a further reminder of the weight being attached to
our mission, the night before we headed north, Avraham got a call from the
chief-of- staff’s office. Tzvi Tzur wanted to see me the next morning for a
personal briefing. I tried to get Avraham to say no. I pointed out that if we
didn’t get going by ten o’clock at the latest, we’d risk throwing everything off
schedule. But “no” was not an option. After some further back-and-forth, it was
agreed that I would meet the commander of Israel’s armed forces at nine the
next morning at a gas station north of Tel Aviv and join him for the 20-minute
drive along the coastal road to a speaking engagement he had in Netanya.
I saw Avraham again before I set off. “We are beginning an extremely
critical 24 hours for our unit, the intelligence corps, in fact for the armed forces
as a whole,” he told me. “I don’t know what might happen. No one does. Just
remember two things. First, out there, in the field, you are the ramatkal” – the
chief of staff. He told me that only I and my team could judge and respond to
what we encountered once the operation started. “And second, this mission has
to be accomplished.”
I left see the real ramatkal. Before we began the drive to Netanya, he asked
me to unfold the map I’d brought with me and talk him through, step by step,
how we planned to get onto the Golan, plant the bugging device, and get back
66
again. The more I talked, however, the more I sensed that the details weren’t
what General Tzur really wanted to know. I think what he actually wanted to
gauge was whether I felt confident. He wanted to reassure himself he wasn’t
taking any more than the obvious risks in sending us, in Uri Ilan’s footsteps,
back into Syria. Fortunately, he didn’t ask whether I was sure we’d succeed. If
he had, I would have said, yes, we were prepared. But there was no way we
could be certain. Still, he must have got what he wanted. When we reached the
edge of Netanya, he shook my hand, wished me luck and went on his way.
The rest of the team was waiting at the crossroads for me to join them. Two
teams, in fact: mine, with whom I’d be crossing into Syria in less than 10 hours’
time, and our hillutz, or back-up. A hillutz was always a part of sayeret
operations. The back-up group would stay on the Israeli side of the border. If we
got into trouble, they’d come in after us.
Even after my briefing for the chief of staff, we had one last stop to make on
the way north. It was at the headquarters of the army’s northern command. It
was in a Tegart fortress, one of dozens built by the British around the country,
with watchtowers on each corner of the outer walls. The northern commander
was an equally forbidding figure. Avraham Yoffe had served in the British
artillery in the Second World War and the Golani Brigade in 1948. He used to
joke with other officers that while they looked like a bunch of kids, he was the
only one with the true bearing of a general.
He must have been busy when we arrived, because we ended up hanging
around in the courtyard for nearly 20 minutes. Just as I was beginning to worry
that the timetable for what really mattered – our climb up onto the Golan – was
being put at risk, I noticed that off to the side was a beautifully polished jeep. I
assumed it belonged to General Yoffe, who was known to be an avid hunter and
would later become the head of Israel’s National Parks Authority. It had a
padlocked metal grill on the back which held two jerrycans of gasoline. Yori
Cohen, the commander of the back-up team, and I spotted the fuel containers at
the same time. We couldn’t help smiling. Yes, we were about to embark on an
operation which, assuming we didn’t fail, would finally give Israel real-time
intelligence from across our border for the first time since the 1950s. But we
were still Sayeret Matkal, still chronically short of gasoline for our field
exercises. And I still hadn’t forgotten how to pick a lock. As Yori stood guard, I
broke into the grill and removed the jerrycans, one for each of us, and closed it
again. Then, after briefing the general, we headed to our setting-off point. Yoffe
himself left to join Avraham Arnan and Meir Amit’s intelligence deputy,
67
Ahraleh Yariv, in the command post for our mission, atop a hill on the Israeli
side of the northern border.
The sun set at around seven, but we waited for darkness. It was nearly eight
when we set out. Twenty minutes later, we crossed the border. I led the way,
with Motti Nagar, Moshiko, Kuti Sharabi and, finally, Avi Telem behind. We
carried the bugging equipment and our tools in our backpacks. Avi and I had a
pair of binoculars. Mine were bulkier, but offered a slightly better view in the
darkness. Each of us had an Uzi and a pair of grenades. All our planning had
been aimed at getting on to the Golan, installing the bug and getting out again. If
all went well, no one would even know we’d been there. But we had practiced
what to do if things went wrong. If challenged or ambushed by a Syrian patrol,
we would operate by old Company A rules. We would open fire.
The climb onto the plateau wasn’t too tough, not nearly as hard as our
sayeret training treks. When we reached the top, there was no obvious sign of
any Syrians. Still, we had to move slowly. Even with my binoculars, I could see
barely 30 yards into the moonless night, and I had to scan the route ahead, back
and forth, to make sure there were none of the fences or warning signs to keep
the Syrians’ own soldiers, or unsuspecting shepherds, from a minefield. Soon,
however, we found an obviously well-used footpath which I figured was very
likely to be safe.
When we had walked a few minutes, we found ourselves going through a
tangle of bushes and reeds, some of them up to two feet high, still dry and
crackly from the summer. Aside from the risk of tripping, I knew the noise we
were making might attract attention. I told the rest of the team to hang back 20
yards behind me. I moved forward to make sure the route was clear before
signaling them to follow. I had been slightly nervous on the climb up, not so
much because I expected trouble but because there was no way of knowing
what to expect. Much as I tried to put the concerns of the generals from my
mind, I also knew that this was no ordinary mission. But almost immediately,
the nerves had gone, and I was now focused only on getting us through the next
minute, the next 20 or 30 yards of the Golan.
But as soon as we’d made it across the plateau, we ran into trouble. We
needed to cross the Banias River. On our map, I’d picked out what looked to be
a shallow ford. But the water was much higher than we expected. After
spending 30 minutes scouting the bank for 150 yards in either direction, we
settled on what seemed to be the shallowest part. Yet we hadn’t anticipated the
need to cross a river in full flow. Worse, we’d never trained to do it. Not had we
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brought any special equipment. Unless we could figure out a way to cross – and
quickly – we would be putting the timetable for the whole operation at risk.
The only remotely useful tool I could find was two 25-foot lengths of
parachute wire. We spliced them together. I took the lead end and waded in. I
sunk up to above my chest, but managed to get across. With Avi Telem on the
other bank holding his end of the wire, the others used it to help them cross, so
they stayed a bit drier. They also kept the intercept equipment dry. Finally, Avi
followed. But both he and I were now soaking wet. We were also behind
schedule. We had covered less than half of the three-mile route to the telephone
pole. Even if we did manage to install the bugging device, the delay meant we
might be spotted on our way back to Israel. We were under strict orders to turn
back by 1:15 in the morning even if that meant not getting the intercept in place.
And it was already past midnight.
We began climbing into the heart of the Heights, planning to go around the
southern edge of the Syrian base at Banias. The vegetation was sparser but we
still ran the risk of making noise from the stones and larger shards of rock as we
weaved our way up. Within 10 minutes, I could see the vague outline of the
army camp: several large buildings for several hundred Syrian troops, ringed by
trenches with security outposts and a barbed-wire fence on the perimeter.
For a half-hour or so, we moved forward in a kind of rubber-band formation.
I would advance as quietly as I could, listen for signs of Syrian troops, scan the
area ahead with my binoculars and wave the others to follow. But as I prepared
to move forward again, I suddenly felt a tug on my shoulder. It was Moshiko,
and the very fact of his speaking was proof of his alarm. “Ehud,”we’ve got to
go faster,” he said. “We won’t get there in time.” I said I understood. But I told
him to wait for the others to catch up and stay behind with them as I scouted the
way ahead. Still, by the time the outer fence of the base came into view, the
others had picked up their pace. They were only 15 feet behind me.
It was then I heard the sound of movement. I motioned the others down. At
first, I thought it was a wild animal. But then I noticed, 20 feet in front of us and
a bit off to our right on a slight rise, a group of three Syrian soldiers. They were
lying on rocky scrubland 40 yards outside the fence. One was tossing and
turning. Another was snoring. I maneuvered my Uzi into firing position just in
case. We waited for a minute. Then two. But it seemed clear they really were
sleeping.
69
Then, from directly behind me, came another sound: the hiss of Avi’s bulky
two-way radio. I was worried we’d end up waking the Syrians. But just as I was
figuring out how to make sure we got past them before that happened, Avi drew
up beside me.
“Ehud,” he whispered. “It’s 1:15. The command post ordered us to turn
back.”
“Turn off the radio,” I said, my hand on his elbow, reassuringly I hoped, as I
led him and the others back a full 100 feet from the Syrians. We took a wider
route around the camp. We moved much more quickly on the final mile to the
road that led toward Quneitra. We were now well clear of the camp, and I felt it
was unlikely we’d run into a patrol. I was also confident we’d have an easier
return trip. I knew what had held us up on the way in: finding a path on the
plateau clear of mines, figuring out how to cross the river, and the general
unfamiliarity of the terrain. None of those applied now. I felt we could get the
bugging job done and still be back before dawn. As we got nearer the road, Avi
asked me a couple of more times whether he should turn the radio back on.
“No,” I kept telling him. “It’s OK. I’ll tell you when.”
It was about two in the morning when we reached the road. We found a
telephone pole set back on the edge of a field. Moshiko hoisted himself onto
Kuti Sharabi’s shoulders, clambered up the pole and installed the bugging
device. The entire operation took him less than 10 minutes. We moved more
quickly on the way back. By around 3:30, we had crossed the river. “You can
turn on the radio now,” I told Avi, who was obviously relieved. He handed it to
me. Using our agreed code words, I reported our location, and added the phrase
for “mission accomplished.”
When we began our final descent, it was starting to get light. I assumed we
were near enough to the border to make it unlikely we’d be shot at. Still, there
was a danger we’d be spotted by a patrol, so I was relieved when we reached the
mound of boulders, more than ten feet high, that served as a tank barrier outside
Kibbutz Dan. When we stepped behind it, I saw that not only Avraham, but
Meir Amit as well, were waiting. The Head of Military Intelligence said
nothing. He didn’t have to. He just shook my hand, beaming. Avraham grabbed
each of us, one by one, in a bear hug.
Then, drawing me aside, Avraham said that I had only narrowly missed
landing in deep trouble. I assumed my transgression was shutting off the radio
and disobeying the order to return. That was just part of the problem, however.
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Despite General Yoffe’s angry protests in the command post, Avraham had told
him what he’d told me back at the base: that once an operation like this was
underway, only the commander on the spot could make life-or-death decisions.
I was “the ramatkal in the field.” But Yoffe had also discovered that his
jerrycans of gasoline were missing. He insisted that if and when I returned
safely from the Golan, I be handed over to the military police.
I don’t know what I would have told the general if he’d asked me directly
whether I broke into his jeep. But in the mix of celebration and relief that the
Syrian operation had succeeded, I got away with what amounted to a pleabargain.
I promised both Meir Amit and Avraham – at least one of whom
believed me – that it would not happen again.
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Chapter Five
Almost no one in Israel knew what we had done. But the next morning, a
package arrived at the Sayeret Matkal base from one of the few people who did.
We opened it in Avraham’s office. It was a nearly full carton of champagne:
real, French champagne, since it would be years before Israel’s embryonic wine
industry produced anything similar. Inside was a note from the chief of staff.
“For the success of the operation,” General Tzur had written. “Minus two
bottles… to teach Ehud Brog not to shut off his field radio.”
I assumed that his reprimand was tongue-in-cheek, for the same reason I’d
escaped being locked up on General Yoffe’s orders as a gasoline thief. Had we
been captured on the Golan, the very future of the sayeret as an operational
intelligence unit would have been put at risk. Tzur, and Ben-Gurion as well,
would have faced a reopening of all the old wounds from the Uri Ilan mission.
But not only had we managed to get in and out of Syria in one piece. We had
taken at least a first step toward erasing the blind spot in our intelligence
capabilities shown up so dramatically by Rotem. A few days later, I received a
letter from the chief of staff informing me that I was to receive my first tzalash,
or operational decoration, in recognition of “a mission which contributed to the
security of the state of Israel.”
My own feelings were more mixed. I was proud of what I, and my team, had
accomplished. On a personal level, too, I felt I’d reached an important landmark
on my unlikely journey from the winter morning when I’d arrived as physically
frail, awkward kibbutz teenager at APC boot camp in the Negev; through my
years of sayeret training under the strict, sometimes sardonic, but always
supportive gaze of Israel’s most storied commandos; to, now, having begun to
make a real contribution to Avraham’s vision of a new kind of Israeli military
unit. But while Avraham, General Tzur and our other military and intelligence
chiefs celebrated our mission, I felt not so much triumph as relief. I didn’t kid
myself: I knew that the operation could just as easily have gone wrong. In fact,
it very nearly did, through errors or omissions I had made. I made that point, in
general terms, when we joined Avraham and the rest of the sayeret in a formal
debriefing. But that very night, just as I had in the days before we set off, I
wrote down in detail some of the oversights I knew I’d have to correct if we
were to succeed in further missions.
Why hadn’t I chosen a route that took us further away from the Syrian base
at Banias? How had I let us arrive so unprepared, untrained and unequipped for
72
crossing the swollen river? Why hadn’t I taken the time to check the current
several miles downriver inside Israel? And couldn’t we have moved more
quickly on the way in, even with the delay in crossing the river?
I was aware of, and grateful for, the confidence Avraham had shown in me.
He had taken a chance in choosing me to lead the sayeret’s first, critical
operation. He must surely have had doubts about whether I could handle the
task. Years later, I asked him about it. He told me that he’d been relying on
intuition. Yes, he realized I’d had no experience of a real cross-border mission.
But that was true of everyone else in the unit as well. He was convinced that the
tools needed for success were self-confidence, attention to detail and an ability to
think and act in response to what happened on the ground – all qualities which
he was confident that I possessed.
Now that we had provided Israel access to communications in the north of
the Golan, there was a demand for us to do the same in other parts of the
Heights. I was involved in nearly all of the missions we were asked to undertake
in the months that followed, either as commander of the main force or the
hillutz. I was also soon training a new team of recruits for future operations. But
perhaps the most important sign of Avraham’s confidence was to involve me in
early efforts to broaden Sayeret Matkal’s experience and reach beyond pure
intelligence missions – to create a true special forces unit that could fight as
well.
Early in 1963, we hosted a visit to the unit by Colonel Albert Merglen, a
veteran of France’s colonial wars in Indochina and Algeria, and commander of
the airborne commando force known as the 11 th Demi-brigade Parchutistes de
Choc. As the colonel looked on, I led a sayeret team on a live-fire raid in a
training area not far from Lod Airport. We attacked a position protected by
trenches and concrete barriers and stormed a two-story building. Eager to
impress Mergelen, Avraham even insisted on our wearing French-style berets in
place of helmets. I assume it was the attack more than the berets that did the
trick. But a couple of months later, Merglen proposed a series of exchanges. The
first would involve an officer from Sayeret Matkal officer spending eight weeks
on a counter-guerrilla commanders’ course in the parachutistes’ training
headquarters.
Avraham picked me to go. The French base was in a 17th-century fortress
near Mont Louis, in the Pyrenees along the Spanish border. I’d never been
outside Israel, at least legally. I had no passport. I didn’t own a suit or a tie. But
within days, I was kitted and fitted. I boarded an El Al flight to Paris and, on a
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storm-tossed Caravelle, flew to Perpignan in southeastern France. There were
eighteen “shock parachutists” on the course. I had just turned twenty-one. Not
only were most of them at least a decade older. They were the epitome of
toughness. The guy who taught us how to set booby-traps had parachuted
behind German lines in the Second World War. All of the men had fought in
Indochina and Algeria. One had operated behind Vietminh lines, surviving for a
year-and-a-half on nuts, berries, tree bark and snakes. With the benefit of my
sayeret training, I was at least their equal in fitness. I had also not spent years
consuming prodigious amounts of alcohol and smoking Gitanes. But I’d never
experienced anything nearly as demanding as some of the training we were put
through.
With backpacks crammed with Alpine military gear and lead weights as
well, we hiked on to the peaks overlooking the fortress. They were covered with
snow and ice from about 6,500 feet upward. We trudged for hours, shifting to
snowshoes with cleats for the ice. We were taught how to dig caves in the snow
and to use ice axes to keep from tumbling down the steeper inclines. We scaled
cliff faces, without safety cables or nets. Our training inside the fortress always
included a break for lunch. Since the parachutistes de choc were, after all,
French, it was a Paris-restaurant-standard meal with copious quantities of wine.
I didn’t drink at the time, but could hardly abstain altogether. The first exercise
after lunch was pistol marksmanship. The instructors kept well clear when it
was my turn.
Yet however impressed, even at times awestruck, I was by the toughness of
the French commandos, and the obvious closeness they had built during
combat, I began to sense a darker side in them as well. They didn’t talk much.
Even if they had, my few words of French would not have been much help in
deciphering what made them tick. But every few nights, I would accompany
them when they walked into the small village down the road for a movie, or a
few drinks, and the locals would literally cross the street to avoid us. Later, I
discovered that every one of my French comrades had been involved in the
OAS, the far-right anti-De Gaulle opposition in the French army in the late
1950s. In Algeria, they had mounted free-lance attacks on the insurgents, and on
civilians as well. Though Algeria had been granted independence the year
before, these men were unreconciled to it. In fact, a few months after my time in
Mont Louis, the Demi-brigade was dismantled, when several of its top officers
were found to be involved in an assassination plot against President De Gaulle.
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After my return in June 1963, Avraham asked me to share my experiences
with the other sayeret officers. I began with the positives. I singled out the sense
of self-confidence, allied with individual strength and teamwork, that the French
commandos had developed from exposure to almost incredible extremes of
danger. I believed that their success depended not on eliminating risk. We all
knew that was impossible. It was about professionalism developed over a period
of years by men who had served together in the toughest of circumstances. But I
also mentioned their darker side, which seemed to me a reminder of the danger
of the misapplication of the very qualities which made them a formidable
military force. “The ethos of a unit like theirs, and like ours, is essential to
making us strong,” I said. “But what I saw in France was an entire ecosystem
that these guys had created, extremely patriotic in their own minds, reinforced
by one another. But dangerous for society as a whole.”
* * *
It would be nearly a decade before Sayeret Matkal became not just a military
intelligence unit, but a fighting force, and I would turn out to have a central role
in making that happen. But there was an almost equally daunting challenge we
were called on to tackle first – a critical one, if Israel was going to be truly
prepared in the case of a further war. For while our bugging missions on the
Golan had reduced our vulnerability to a surprise attack in the north, the real
challenge of Rotem had yet to be addressed. It was Egypt – with its hundreds of
battle tanks, and hundreds of thousands of men under arms – that was by far our
most powerful Arab enemy. President Nasser wasted no opportunity to flaunt
his determination to fight, defeat and ultimately erase the state of Israel. But we
still had no reliable, real-time intelligence on his forces.
Fixing that, if such an operation was even possible, would make our bugging
operations on the Golan look like mere boy-scout missions. We could not
simply walk into Egypt with our backpacks, find a telephone pole on one of the
few roads crossing the vast expanse of desert, and attach a bugging device. The
idea was to tap into the main military communications cable in the Sinai. That
meant using a vastly more powerful, and far bulkier, intercept apparatus,
weighing more than half a ton. Even getting it into Egypt would be a problem.
We certainly couldn’t carry it our backpacks, or tow it across the sand. Even if
we figured a way to get it there, we would still have to dig up the Egyptian
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cable, install the machinery, cover our tracks and get back into Israel again
undetected. Even if we managed to avoid getting captured, without completely
camouflaging what we’d done, the Egyptians would discover what we had
done, almost certainly tipping off Syria as well to our bugging operations on the
Golan Heights.
The difficulties with a Sinai operation weren’t just theoretical. Almost a year
before leading the first mission on the Golan, I’d actually been involved in
preliminary planning, and fairly detailed training, for such a mission in the
Sinai. We’d ended up abandoning the idea as obviously unworkable.
But Meir Amit, not just our unit’s overall commander in the kirya but Chief
of Operations during Rotem, recognized that getting intelligence access to
Egypt was central to Israeli security. He was intent on reviving the plan to tap
into Nasser’s communications in the Sinai. So was Avraham Arnan. He enlisted
the backing of an old friend, Uri Yarom, who was now commander of the Israeli
Air Force and was eager to put our fleet of recently acquired Sikorsky S-58
helicopters to operational use. When Avraham called me in to tell me what he
had in mind, he began by saying it would be “by far the greatest challenge
we’ve contemplated” – typically disarming candor, but also a challenge which
I’m pretty sure he knew would only increase my determination to at least try.
The flight in would be difficult enough. Israel had never before tried such a
heliborne mission. But he told me that wasn’t my problem. “That will be Uri’s
job.” The really testing part would be to carry out an mission, at night, deep
inside Egypt, cover our tracks and get out again in one piece. “Still, I’m sure
that we can succeed,” he said. “And I want you and your team to do it.”
Even now, more than half-a-century later, some of the details of how we
planned to tap into the Egyptians’ communications remain classified. But once
I’d chosen my team of sayeret soldiers for the mission, we trained for nearly
nine months. We drafted in geologists to identify areas of the Negev similar to
the terrain we’d find in the Sinai. We developed a series of methods to prevent
Egyptian soldiers or scouts from discovering that we’d been there – assuming,
of course, we managed to get in, attach the intercept, and return safely. It was a
relentless process of trial… and error.
One of the many reasons we’d abandoned the plan a couple of years earlier
was that, in a nighttime exercise to see whether we could avoid detection by
Israel’s own crack desert scouts, we’d failed utterly. Now, after many weeks of
training in the Negev, we did, finally, succeed – in a test running for four
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straight nights which replicated, as nearly as we could, what we intended to do
across the border in the Sinai. It was as if we’d never been there at all.
Yet there were the errors, setbacks and frustrations as well. Many months
into our planning, we conducted a series of run-throughs in which we simulated
attaching the intercept to Israel’s telephone network in the south, not far from
the camp where I’d done my tironut. Though it all seemed to go as planned, the
next morning in rained heavily. Within hours, the phone company was getting
reports from all around southern Israel of phones malfunctioning. Even
allowing for the fact it rained less in the Sinai, we had to address the risk. I went
to see the people in Meir Amit’s technology unit, and they began developing a
waterproofing system for the equipment.
The main problem with the equipment, however, was its sheer weight. The
helicopter could get us, and it, into Egypt. But we couldn’t fly directly to the
cable site in the Sinai. We might just as well tell the Egyptians we were on our
way. At around 1,100 pounds, it was much too heavy for us to carry. And if we
were going to go ahead with the mission, time was running short. A date for the
operation had been set by the kirya: February 1964. I was not alone in believing
that, unless we cracked the problem of getting the equipment to the cable site,
the operation was impossible.
The solution came from a staff officer in military intelligence. Meir Amit
visited our base once a month to hear how the preparations were going. With the
date getting closer, he brought along his entire staff. When I raised my concern
about the weight problem, a colonel from his personnel section said: “Why not
build a lightweight rickshaw, small enough to get in the door of the helicopter,
but which can carry all or most of the equipment once you’re on the ground?”
Within days, they had a prototype, made of airline-standard tubing and designed
to be pulled by two men. We held an exercise in the Negev. But it was almost
impossible for two men to pull through the sand. It also left deep zig-zag
imprints in the sand, which would surely raise the suspicions of the Egyptians.
But prototype number-two was a four-wheel, chrome alloy cart. The
technology experts had made the axles telescopic, so the vehicle would get
through the door of the chopper but could be expanded to the width of an
Egyptian army Jeep. They had borrowed nose wheels from a training jet. To
complete their oeuvre, they glued on real tire tread from one of the Egyptian
Jeeps we had captured in the 1956 war.
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We were as ready as we were ever going to be. We got the final go-ahead
from in mid-February. Our backpacks were crammed full with the whole array
of equipment we’d designed, commandeered or purchased for the mission –
including a metal detector we got from a hobby shop in Pennsylvania. All the
cargo except our personal gear, our weapons and our communications
equipment was loaded onto the cart. A command post was set up in a few
wooden huts on Mount Keren in the Negev, complete with special antennas to
receive the intercept transmissions if we succeeded. Not since the first Golan
operation had the attention of the kirya been so keen, or the stakes so high. In
addition to Meir Amit, and of course Avraham, also flying down to Mount
Keren would be General Tzur’s successor as armed forces chief of staff – a
gruff Palmach veteran whom I’d met very briefly at the end of my officer’s
course but who I would come to know well, and work closely with, in the years
ahead: Yitzhak Rabin.
* * *
The helicopter lifted off at about six-thirty at night. Compared to special
operations nowadays, the mission still had a somewhat improvised feel about it.
Certainly, that was true of the equipment we were ferrying in, and the tools
we’d devised to make sure we could get it installed and working. But the men in
my team were soldiers I’d trained from the day they arrived in the sayeret.
Achihud Madar was unfailingly surefooted, whether finding his way alone at
night on unfamiliar ground or in a firefight inside a building. He also had
natural dexterity. He and another of the soldiers who was also gifted with his
hands, Nissim Jou’ari, would be performing the most technically delicate part of
the operation on the cable. The third member was Oded Rabinovitch. Tall, thin
and quiet, he was absolutely reliable in whatever part of an operation he was
given to execute. And as my deputy commander, I’d chosen a sayeret officer
named Kobi Meron, who’d been with me on a number of Golan missions. Over
six feet tall, he was probably the strongest man in the unit, quick-thinking and
utterly unflappable.
When we landed, we telescoped out the axles on the cart. The roar of the
departing chopper was replaced by silence. Under the soft light of hundreds of
stars, I led the way deeper into the desert. It took nearly an hour to reach the
road leading to the cable site. Though traffic was light, I posted Oded and
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Nissim as lookouts. Kobi and I began digging a trench. The top layer of sand
was easy to remove. But then, just a few inches down, our shovels struck
something hard. Maybe it was a sheet of rock. Maybe sand packed tight over the
millennia. But it resisted all our attempts to break through.
We had to find a way to get far enough beneath the surface to install the
equipment. I called back Oded and Nissim from lookout duty. All four of us
attacked the subsoil with every tool in our backpacks that could conceivably
help. It took nearly three hours in all. But we finally managed to carve out a
trench that seemed as if it might just do the job. It wasn’t as deep or as wide as
we’d planned. But we were approaching a point where we would have to give
up. We couldn’t risk any more time digging, and still leave time to attach the
intercept unit, cover our tracks and make the rendezvous with the helicopter to
take us back into Israel.
Achihud and Nissim cramped themselves into the hole and got to work, like
surgeons in an operating theater, silent except for the faint hum of the intercept
equipment. Within a little less than an hour, they’d finished the main part of the
work. During our training exercises, we’d factored in a fall-back plan, a way of
ensuring we got the unit installed but without additional equipment to extend its
battery life. Since we were still behind schedule, I was tempted to stop while we
were ahead. But having come this far, and knowing the potential risks of a
further mission to refresh the power unit and replace the batteries, I told them to
keep going, and also to take the extra few minutes needed to make sure the
equipment was functioning.
We had to be out of Egypt by first light, and we were now left with more
than an hour’s less time than we had reckoned on to make it back to the
rendezvous point. There was another problem, too, which I at first sensed more
than saw. A bank of fog was closing in. It had come in patches at first, but was
getting denser. We had the same radio we had taken on to the Golan. We’d
worked out codewords for each part of the operation but otherwise agreed to
break silence only if absolutely necessary. Now, I had no choice. If the fog
continued to thicken, it would block any chance of the helicopter getting in. I
radioed the command post and said as calmly as I could: “The milk is coming.”
It wasn’t elegant. But “milk” was our codeword for fog. The chopper would
now try to bring us out within 30 minutes.
Moving more quickly now that the cart was nearly empty, we made our way
eastward. As conditions worsened, I radioed again with a short series of
numbers: directions for a new pickup point. Even that seemed like it might not
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work. The fog now enveloped us completely. I brought the team to a stop. I
stayed with the cart while the other four outlined a landing area with kerosene
flares in the hope that the pilot would see us. It was another five minutes when
we heard the thump of chopper blades. Though we couldn’t see more than a few
feet, I suddenly saw the outline of the landing gear and then the underbelly. But
the helicopter did not seem in control. It was drifting towards where I was
standing with the cart. It was just seconds away from hitting me when its nose
wrenched upward. It landed with a judder a dozen yards away. Later, I learned
the navigator had realized the craft was drifting and, just before impact, shouted
a warning to the pilot.
We piled in, secured the cart and took off. Within a minute, the murky
blanket of fog was below us. As we swooped back into Israel, I could see the
first pink of sunrise. By the time we touched down at Tel Nof air force base,
southeast of Tel Aviv, the command post in the Negev was receiving the first
intercepts.
A few days later, one of the sayeret soldiers gave me a first-hand insight into
the mood in the command post in the final stages of the operation. Avsha
Horan’s role had been to act as security guard for the top brass in Mount Keren.
He occasionally took a peek inside. He described to me the atmosphere when I
radioed my “milk is coming” message: solemn faces, hushed conversations
between Avraham and Meir Amit. And off to the side, the recently elevated
chief-of-staff, Rabin, chain-smoking and biting his nails. Finally, the audible
sighs of relief when the pilot radioed in with his final message from the
chopper: “Out of the fog. Heading home.”
* * *
With the rest of the team, I was invited to see Yitzhak Rabin ten days later.
We were being given a further tzalash. This was the first time I’d met him since
leaving officers’ school two years earlier, when, with a few terse words, the
then-deputy chief of staff congratulated me and several other cadets who
graduated with top honors. I had felt a bit overwhelmed in his presence. Now, I
was struck by how shy he seemed. He greeted each of us with a tentative
handshake, and seemed uncomfortable in making eye contact. Yet once he
began asking me about the Sinai operation itself, it was as if he was
transformed. He was hungry for every detail, anxious to know the way we’d had
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to adapt on the ground. And obviously pleased that we’d found a way to make
the operation work.
The Sinai mission marked a transition not just for me, but for others in
Sayeret Matkal as well. Avraham Aranan finally left the unit he’d imagined,
created and built. He became the head of the technology unit in military
intelligence. His deputy, Dovik Tamari, succeeded him, serving the first in what
would become two-year stints for each of his successors as the sayeret’s
commander. I, too, was given a wider role. Though I was still just a young
lieutenant, and too junior for the job, Dovik made me his de facto deputy, with
responsibility for operational oversight of our missions. I returned to the Sinai a
year later, not in that capacity but because of my on-the-ground experience, to
accompany a sayeret team which installed an intercept on a second Egyptian
communications cable.
Though the tzalash was gratifying, what gave me more satisfaction, and
pride, was the importance of the Sinai operations themselves. I was confident
that if we did have to go to war again, the equipment we installed, along with
the bugs on the Golan, would give us an essential edge. But in truth, I didn’t
actually believe there would be another war. Sure, the threat was still there.
Egypt, in particular, still seemed determined to find a way to hobble, and if
possible eliminate, Israel. But especially since the 1956 war, the fedayeen
attacks, and cross-border skirmishes, had been subsiding. Not long after the
second Sinai intercept mission, I was chatting with other officers on the sayeret
base and remember turning to one of them and saying I was sure that by the
time I was married and had a teenage child, we’d be able to take a skiing
holiday in Lebanon. We didn’t have peace yet. That might take time. But I felt
that things were getting more normal.
I began thinking what that would mean not just for Sayeret Matkal or Israel,
but for my own future. By the autumn of 1964, I’d reached a decision: to end
my active service in the unit that had been central to my life since leaving the
kibbutz. Dovik did persuade me to delay, for nearly a year. But at the end of the
summer of 1965, I left Sayeret Matkal. In fact, I left the army altogether. I went
to study mathematics and physics at Hebrew University in Jerusalem. I would
remain involved in the sayeret as a reservist. But I couldn’t see devoting my
adult life to military service in a country which, fortunately, seemed on a
trajectory toward peace. I had spent five years in an extraordinary unit. It had
been more fascinating and fulfilling than I could have dreamed of when I’d
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finished my tironut. Now I looked forward to pursuing a different path with
equal eagerness and energy.
There was also something else which colored my thinking. For the first time
in my life, I had fallen in love.
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Chapter Six
The French have an expression for love at first sight: coup de foudre. A
thunderbolt. That was how it felt when I’d set eyes on nineteen-year-old Nili
Sonkin in mid-February 1963.
It was my first visit to the kirya in Tel Aviv. I’d been told to report to the
administrative section, to register my formal change of status from a mere
draftee to a staff officer, something I’d managed to overlook amid the demands
of our first sayeret operations on the Golan. Since I didn’t know which office to
go to, I asked a girl sitting at a desk near the entrance. She looked up with a
wide smile. When she directed me to the second floor, it wasn’t just her voice
that struck me: multi-timbered, almost like a musical composition. It was her
eyes. Bright, radiant, green. Full of playful, unapologetic self-confidence.
In the weeks that followed, I invented a series of excuses to return to the
kirya. I introduced myself to her, with as much composure as I could muster,
and on each further visit chatted to her a bit more. I told her about growing up in
Mishmar Hasharon, about math and music, about Israel, and how, as a soldier in
the past few years, I’d walked almost every inch of the land – in short, about
everything except our still-secret sayeret and our nighttime forays across the
border. She, too, opened up about her home and her family and her friends.
Though there was another girl I’d been going out with – the younger sister of
my old kibbutz co-conspirator, Moshe – she was more a friend than a girlfriend.
I’d never before felt anything like the connection I sensed with Nili, nor
anything like the race in my heartbeat as I set out to see her.
I also found myself gripped by an unexpected, and unfamiliar, lack of selfassurance.
I was now 22, three years older than Nili. I had the inbred confidence
of a kibbutznik, the quiet sense of specialness which, at least for another decade
or so, would give the children of the kibbutzim a disproportionate place in
Israel’s government and army, media and the arts. The same confidence which
had convinced me as a raw recruit back in boot camp that I could lead a supply
convoy to the edge of the Sinai. Since then, I’d begun to make a mark in Sayeret
Matkal as well, leading its first clandestine operation and receiving a citation
from the chief-of-staff. Yet with Nili, I couldn’t help feeling unmoored, totally
out of my depth. She was part of a different Israel. She was a Tel Avivit, born
and raised in the largest and brashest city in our young state, a place which was
everything the kibbutz was not. She had graduated from Alliance, a high school
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in north Tel Aviv set up with French backing and an accent on French language
and culture. Unlike the girls on the kibbutz – proud of their plain, utilitarian
clothes and sensible shoes – she wore make-up and perfume and, when she was
out of uniform, bright print dresses. She never tried to make me feel out of place. Still,
it was sometimes hard not to wonder whether she saw me as a country bumpkin – a
nice, interesting, bright county bumpkin, perhaps, but still an interloper or a curiosity in
her world.
It wasn’t until April, the day before I was due to leave for the French commando
fortress in Mont Louis, that I plucked up the courage to ask her out. I needn’t have
worried. She smiled. In fact, she proposed that since I was about to leave the country,
she should be the one doing the asking. She invited me to dinner that evening at
the apartment she shared with her parents and younger sister, about a half-mile
from the kirya, a few blocks back from the Mediterranean. Dinner was less
awkward than I feared, but I still felt nervous, until the dishes were cleared and
Nili and I went out to chat on the apartment balcony and, just before I left, to
share a first kiss.
We wrote each other almost every day while I was away in France. Once I
got back, we met whenever I wasn’t preparing for a sayeret operation. This was
the first girl I’d known whom I could talk to, and listen to, on almost any
subject with a feeling that it was natural and somehow meant to be. But in the
second half of 1963, I was working almost non-stop on preparing for a sayeret
operation. I still saw Nili when I could, sometimes at her apartment, but also
occasionally going out to a movie, a meal or a concert in Tel Aviv. Yet what I
most wanted was an acknowledgment that we were not just dating: a
commitment that we intended the relationship to last. I didn’t say this to Nili.
Years later, she would say this was down to pride. In fact, I was afraid she
would say no. And in the periods when we were apart, I couldn’t help asking
myself why she hadn’t raised the question of a deeper commitment.
Even more frustrating, by the time I entered Hebrew University in
September 1965, our relationship was again being conducted by mail. After her
military service, she took a two-year posting at our embassy in Paris. I could
understand the attraction, not just because of her taste for all things French. She
was working with the Mossad to help Moroccan Jews skirt an official
emigration ban and get to Israel. Still, it meant that charting our future together,
if we had one, was going to have to wait.
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* * *
The intellectual experience at university everything I hoped. The challenge
was finding a way to juggle my studies with my military reserve duty. In other
units, most reservists could schedule their one month per year when classes
weren’t in session. To be of use to Sayeret Matkal, I’d have to report when I
was most needed, and four weeks was unlikely to be enough. Near the end of
my first term, from late 1965 into the new year, I was called to participate in our
latest mission into the Sinai. The next winter, and through early 1967, I was
called up for another mission and was away for nearly two months.
That operation was prompted by the fact the Egyptians had begun laying a
new communications cable, parallel to the one where we’d put our intercepts.
With the diggers getting closer to where I’d led the first Sinai mission, the
kirya was worried that they might unearth the apparatus we’d installed. In
theory, at least, we’d planned for that. The bugging unit which we buried
included a booby-trap explosive device. Still, nearly four years on, we couldn’t
be absolutely sure it would work. So the decision was taken to send the sayeret
back on a further night crossing into the Sinai, defuse the explosives, and bring
the whole thing back to Israel. Since I was the one who’d installed it, I was
given the job of removing it.
The officer in overall command of the mission was Nechemia Cohen. He
was a good friend, and one of the finest officers in the unit. Before I left for
university, I’d mentored him so that he could take over my role as the effective
number-two officer in the sayeret, in charge of all our core operational
activities. He, too, was now about to leave, though not to for university. He was
becoming deputy commander of a paratroop company, under another former
Sayeret Matkal, named Yechiel Amsalem.
I was meant to defuse the booby-trap remotely: with a 12-foot-long metal
tool designed by the technology unit. I was fairly confident I’d manage. But
when Chief-of-Staff Rabin heard about the operation, he summoned me, along
with Eliezer Gonn, the scientist working with us on the plan to defuse the
booby-trap. Rabin was with a half-dozen other officers when we arrived. Gonn
had brought along a mock-up of the explosive device, which he proceeded to
place on Rabin’s office table. But as I took out the extension tool and started to
explain how I was going to defuse the device, Rabin turned to Gonn and asked:
“Could it blow up spontaneously?”
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“Yes, it could,” he said.
“What?” Rabin barked.
Gonn replied matter-of-factly: “It is a physical device. It obeys the laws of
physics. When, for instance, there’s a thunderstorm in Turkey, a flash of
lightning could discharge at precisely the frequency needed, or one of its lower
harmonies, with enough energy to activate the fuse in the detonator.”
I was far junior to everyone else in the room. But as a physics student, I was
probably the only one who could fully follow the argument he was making.
Looking at Rabin’s expression, it was clear that he was about to cancel the
operation on the spot. “Excuse me, sir,” I said. “Could I ask Doctor Gonn
another question?”
I pointed at an unopened bottle of orange soda on Rabin’s desk. “Tell me,” I
asked the physicist, “is it possible that the fluid in that bottle is spontaneously
leaking through the glass even as I’m speaking?”
“Sure,” Gonn said. “It might take years before even a fraction of a centimeter
of the soda goes missing. But glass is like a ‘frozen’ liquid, and liquid water, or
the molecules, are seeping into, and through, the more viscous ‘liquid’ of the
glass. It’s just physics.”
Rabin looked at me, then at Gonn. But he had clearly got the message. “The
operation is confirmed,” he said, in the deep, gravelly voice I would become
much more familiar with in the years ahead. “Good luck.”
The device didn’t explode, but I couldn’t defuse it either. I did manage to get
the remote metal tool locked on the bolt on the booby trap. But it wouldn’t
budge – even when I waved back Nechamia and the others and took out an
ordinary wrench. Though this was the first of my sayeret missions that ended in
failure, that wasn’t what worried me as we boarded our helicopter back into
Israel a couple of hours before dawn. It was the real possibility that the
Egyptians would inadvertently discover that we’d been intercepting their
communications. Dovik Tamari, as sayeret commander, was especially upset.
This was one of the last operations during his period in command of the unit. He
was about to hand over to a veteran paratroop officer, Uzi Yairi.
Yet our aborted Sinai mission turned out not to matter. What saved our
eavesdropping network was the very thing which I was confident would not
happen when I left for university: another Arab-Israeli war.
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* * *
Tension began building in the north in the spring of 1967, initially set off by
Syrian efforts to divert water from the upper reaches of the Jordan River, an
important water source for Israel was well. In a series of exchanges, Syrian
troops on the Golan fired on Israeli tractors in the demilitarized zone below, and
began shelling our argicultural settlements in the Galilee, while we responded
with tank fire and then air power, scrambling our jets and shooting down six
Syrian MiG-21s.
The first indication that we might be headed toward war came as I returned
to university for the spring term, and trouble began brewing in the south. Ben-
Gurion had by now retired as prime minister. His successor was the undeniably
thoughtful, if far less charismatic, Levi Eshkol. During Israel’s Independence
Day parade on May 15, he received word that Egypt had moved thousands of
troops into the Sinai, nearer to the border with Israel. Then, with the Soviets
warned Nasser of what they said were Israeli plans for a preemptive strike
against Syria, he went further expelling the United Nations force put in place
after the 1956 war. On May 23, he closed the Straits of Tiran, Israel’s trading
gateway to the Red Sea and the source of virtually all our oil imports.
I was told to report to Sayeret Matkal the following day, as part of the first
group of reservists called up. When I reached the base, Uzi Yairi, who was now
in charge of the unit, organized us into four teams. He put me in command of
one of them. We were told to prepare ourselves to helicopter into the Sinai,
attack a series of Egyptian air bases and put the runways out of commission. My
team’s target was the base at Gebel Libni, not far from where I’d placed, and
recently failed to defuse, our first intelligence intercept.
With each passing day, war looked more likely, and there was no confidence
we would win without a costly struggle. In 1948, Arab attacks had killed about
170 people in Tel Aviv. Now, word got out that a park in the center of the city
had been set aside to allow for the burial of as many as 5,000. With Israel’s
military commanders pressing Eshkol to take the initiative and launch a
preemptive strike, he delivered a radio address at the end of May, intended to
reassure the country the situation was under control. But due to last-minute,
handwritten changes to his typescript, he faltered while reading it. He sounded
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anything but under control. Within days, he bowed to political pressure and
brought back Moshe Dayan, now a member of the Knesset, as Defense Minister.
I still vividly remember a visitor to the sayeret the day after Eshkol’s
address. Colonel Eli Zeira was head of the “collection department” of the
intelligence corps, the rough equivalent of America’s National Security Agency.
Formally, Sayeret Matkal was part of his department. He called together all the
officers. He said that there had so far been three periods in the Zionist project.
The first was from the early settlements in Palestine at the end of the 19th
century until the establishment of Israel in 1948. The second, from 1948 until
the 1956 War. The third from 1956 until now. Then he said: “There will soon be
a war. Three Arab countries will take part. Within a week, we will defeat all of
them. And a new chapter in the history of Zionism will begin.”
The Six-Day War began on June 5, 1967. As Eli Zeira so confidently
predicted, not just Egypt and Syria, but Jordan, too, joined forces against us.
And it was indeed all over within a week. The final outcome – Israel’s victory –
was sealed by noon on the first day, with wave after wave of pre-emptive
bombing sorties destroying the entire air force of all three Arab countries. But
the fighting which followed was brutal in places: especially around Jerusalem,
but also in the south at the outset of the war, and later on the Golan Heights.
The first effect back in Israel of our air force attacks was to make our sayeret
helicopter missions into the Sinai suddenly superfluous. In fact, it left the entire
unit at loose ends – especially veterans or reservists like me who had been part
of our nearly decade-long development into Israel’s sole, dedicated cross-border
infiltration force. At this point, we were still just an intelligence unit, not an
elite commando force like Britain’s SAS, Avraham Aranan’s ultimate vision for
the sayeret. The aim of our bugging missions into Syria and Egypt was not to
fight. It was to get in and get out, unseen and undetected. But we were not only
equipped to fight if necessary. From the unit’s earliest days under the sway of
Meir Har-Zion, Kapusta and Gibli and Errol and the other grizzled vets from
Unit 101 and Company A, we had been steeped in the spirit of commandos. Our
training was the most rigorous in the Israeli armed forces, involving not just a
punishing endurance régime but learning to assemble and disassemble, fire and
detonate, everything from handguns to machine guns, makeshift explosives to
grenades and landmines.
The frustration we felt on the first morning of the war was not because we
were itching to fight, for the hell of it. One hallmark of the sayeret’s ethos,
especially once the unit did start to evolve into a full-fledged commando unit,
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was always the principle of targeted force, the idea that we would take out
targets, or defeat enemies, out of military necessity. But even on the first day of
the war, it was clear that it would be by far the most consequential conflict in
our country’s history. There was no mission for Sayeret Matkal, nor, it seemed,
any prospect of our playing any significant part.
The fact that my own role was slightly less peripheral was due to Avraham
Arnan. He phoned me almost as soon as we’d got news of the Israeli air victory,
and told me he had been told to take a few men from the sayeret across the
southern border. Our assignment was to complete our failed attempt to defuse
the booby-trap on the intercept in the Sinai. I quickly drafted in two others from
the unit. One was Danny Michaelson, a friend from Hebrew University, where
we had been lab partners. The other was Rafi Friedman, our paramedic, who
had been with me on several of our missions on the Golan.
Avraham arrived at the base around noon. I got a Jeep and we set off. We
crossed into Egypt around four o’clock in the afternoon and headed for the field
headquarters of Israel Tal. Known as Talik, he was the commander of Israel’s
armored corps, and Avraham knew him well. His wartime division consisted of
the country’s premier tank unit, the Seventh Armored Brigade, and a reserve
brigade. We accompanied them the next day to an abandoned Egyptian camp
not far from El Arish, in the northern Sinai. At least, we’d assumed it was
abandoned. As Talik and Avraham were talking in his command post, we heard a
sudden burst of gunfire, which seemed to come from just a few dozen yards
outside. As everyone inside the command post looked around, Avraham turned
to me and said: “Ehud, don’t you think we ought to deal with it?” Then, to
Talik: “Make sure none of your guys shoots him.”
I got Danny and Rafi. We made our way toward an underground bunker,
which seemed the most likely source of the gunfire. Hugging the wall as I led
the way down a series of concrete steps, I clicked off the safety on my Uzi just
in case. But with the main Egyptian forces in obvious retreat, I figured that
whoever was doing the shooting would have to be shellshocked, or insanely
brave, to put up a fight. There were eight men crouched inside, soldiers and
several staff officers cradling Kalashnikovs, and an Egyptian army general. In
what was obviously at least serviceable Arabic, I told them all to raise their
hands. I made a brief attempt to interrogate the general, but quickly reached the
limits of my linguistic proficiency. So we marched them away and handed them
over to Talik’s intelligence officers.
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This interlude instantly conferred on us the desert equivalent of street cred.
The next morning, Talik agreed we could accompany the Seventh Brigade as it
moved deeper into the Sinai, and peel off when we got closer to Gebel Libni to
complete our “sayeret mission.” Given the early course of the fighting, and our
forces’ rapid advances in the Sinai, I couldn’t help wondering whether there
was any real need to defuse, much less remove, the bugging machinery. But the
very fact that the kirya, in the early hours of the war, had still wanted us to try
was a reflection of the deep sense of apprehension in Israel in the weeks before
the war. Even now, it appeared, there was a concern that the Egyptians might
reclaim the parts of the Sinai which we had captured.
When the armored column got close to Gebel Libni, I pulled our Jeep aside
and headed for the stretch of communications cable where we’d planted the
intercept. For several hours, I tried to accomplish in broad daylight what I’d
failed to do in the desert darkness four months earlier. But it was no use. I
finally told Avraham we’d be better off just blowing it up. I attached an
explosive charge and set a two-minute delay. We watched from a couple of
hundred yards away as the whole assembly disintegrated. Then we rejoined the
Seventh Brigade.
Before sunset on the third day of the war, we reached the Egyptian air base
at Bir Gafgafa in the heart of the Sinai. Even had the war ended then, we would
have been in control of a large chunk of the desert buffer zone which Ben-
Gurion had hoped to retain after the 1956 war. But now, more quickly than even
the most optimistic planners in the kirya could have anticipated, Talik was
poised to move on – toward the Suez Canal, and the main towns and cities of
Egypt. As the Seventh Brigade billeted down in Bir Gafgafa, Talik sent his
reserve brigade westward, in the direction of the canal.
We went with them. The battalion was more mobile than a pure tank force,
but also more vulnerable: lightly armored French AMX-13s and a collection of
the halftracks which I dimly, unfondly, remembered from my tironut. A few of
the AMXs led the way, then a line of halftracks, and more tanks at the rear. I
nosed our Jeep into the middle, behind the battalion commander, a lieutenantcolonel
named Ze’ev Eitan. There were scattered groups of Egyptian soldiers on
either side of us, and they aimed an occasional burst of fire in our direction. But
there seemed little point in shooting back. We didn’t need to fight, and it was
clear that the Egyptians didn’t really want to.
Shortly before dark, Lieutenant-Colonel Eitan brought our column to halt.
The road we were on cut through tall sandunes on either side. We knew there
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were still Egyptian soldiers around us, though I doubt any of us expected
trouble. Still, there were well-established rules for setting up a defensible
position when an armored force halts for the night. As Eitan briefed his officers,
I stood a few feet off to the side and listened. Suddenly, the commander of his
AMX company interrupted. “Sir,” he said, “why are we staying here – right on
the main road? There are Egyptians still out there. Behind us, for sure. And any
force ahead of us will run straight into us. Why not a few hundred yards off to
the side, in a place that gives us a view of any enemy movement, or allows us to
ambush an approaching force?” I could see that he was right. I expected Eitan to
agree and alter the arrangements. But he didn’t. I think that, having ordered his
men to encamp on the road 20 minutes earlier, he was reluctant to get his tanks
and halftracks moving again. No doubt, some of the exhausted crews were
already asleep.
I parked our Jeep a few yards off the road. We organized a series of watches:
Avraham, then Rafi and Danny, with me taking the pre-dawn stretch. A few
hours later, Rafi nudged me awake. “I heard something,” he said, pointing west
toward the Suez Canal. “It was faint. But I think so.” I told him to keep
listening. For a while, everything seemed fine. Then, Danny woke me up. He
said he was sure he heard a faint tremor, as if from tanks or APCs. I put my ear
to the ground. I heard it too. I told him to go to Eitan’s command halftrack,
insist he be woken up, and tell him. When he got back, Danny said: “I told
him.”
“And?”
“Don’t know,” he replied. “He said I could go.” I tried to grab a bit more
sleep before my watch. But barely 15 minutes later, Danny jostled me awake
again. “I’m sure now,” he said. “Whatever it is, it’s closer.” I went off to find
Eitan. But before I got there, a column of Egyptian T-55 tanks suddenly
appeared on the road, 50 yards from the front of our column. I’m sure they were
every bit as surprised as we were to be face-to-face with enemy armor. But they
knew what to do. They opened fire.
Had we been deployed a few hundred yards off the road, we’d have seen
them coming. If the battalion commander had acted on Danny’s warning, we’d
have had an extra 20 minutes to prepare. But the shells jolted our crews awake.
Within 30 seconds, they were returning fire. But our tanks barely dented the
heavily armored T- 55s. Nearly every one of theirs seemed to score a direct hit.
Within minutes, a number of our halftracks, and one of our tanks, were in
flames.
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Now that we were in a fight –the single fiercest battle in Israel’s advance
across the Sinai – Lieutenant-Colonel Eitan reacted swiftly. Standing tall amid the
shellfire and the flames, he radioed for supporting fire, only to be told that none of
our artillery batteries was within range. Realizing we couldn’t penetrate the
front armor of the Egyptian tanks, he ordered a platoon from the rear to leave
the road and fire on the Egyptians’ from their flank. When one T-55 was hit and
started to burn, he ordered the rest of us to collect the dead and wounded and
retreat toward Bir Gafgafa.
As we pulled back, we encountered a company of Centurion tanks from the
Seventh Brigade, sent in to relieve us. We pulled off the road to let them pass.
The battle ended up raging for another hour. By the time it was over, the
Egyptian tank unit was nearly destroyed. But almost two dozen of Eitan’s
reservists had been killed. A few days later, I learned that the commander of the
Centurions had also been killed. His name was Shamai Kaplan. Though I didn’t
know him personally, he was married to one of my kibbutz “sisters” from
Mishmar Hasharon.
* * *
The pace of the war, its intensity, and the transformative capture of territory
across our 1948 borders had accelerated dramatically since we’d joined the
reserve battalion’s ill-fated advance toward the canal. Back at Bir Gafgafa, we
learned that Israeli troops had broken through in fierce fighting with the
Jordanians and taken the whole of east Jerusalem, including the Old City and
the site of the remains of the ancient temple. The news sent a shiver down my
spine. I was still only 25, a kibbutznik raised on the assertively secular creed of
Gordinian Zionism. But I was old enough to remember the war of 1948, the
bitter struggle for the ancient city in which Judaism had been born, the packages
of food we had sent to try to help break the siege there, and the division of
Jerusalem at the end of the war, leaving us with only its newer, western half.
And while I may not have read the Torah in the same way as a religiously
observant Jew, the meaning of Jerusalem was no less powerful for me. It was
part of our people’s history, of who we were, where we’d come from and how
we had ended up in the place where I’d been born, where I’d grown up, and
which I’d spent the early part of my adult life defending. This was no less true
of the biblical sites of Judaea and Samaria – the West Bank of the Jordan river.
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Places like Bet El, Shiloh, or Hebron. They represented the historic wellspring
not just of the state we’d created, but of Jewish civilization, our heritage, our
moral and ethical foundation. As I drove back to Tel Aviv with Avraham and
the others on the morning of fourth day of the war, we heard Israeli ground
forces were consolidating their hold there as well.
After dropping Avraham at the kirya, we drove back to the sayeret base, but
it was nearly empty. The main fighting was now with Syrian armored units on
the Golan Heights, and most of the men in the unit had gone north in the hope
of joining what seemed likely to be the final stage of the war. Although the
precise outcome was not yet clear, there was a dawning certainty, almost
surreal, that
Israel was gaining control of all the areas across our 1948 borders from
which the Arab states around us had shelled Israeli farming settlements, or
facilitated fedayeen attacks and ambushes against our citizens – the very border
areas where I’d led intelligence operations in Sayeret Matkal.
I, too, drove north. Not far from Kibbutz Dan, the staging point for our first
Golan operation, I linked up with a group of other sayeret reservists. Israeli
tanks had already broken the main resistance of the Syrians, but fighting was
continuing in a few parts of the Golan. In the western corner of the Heights
which bordered Lebanon, several villages still lay beyond the Israeli advance.
We got an order to see if we could take them. It took barely an hour, against no
more resistance than I’d met in “capturing” the Egyptians in the Sinai bunker.
By the time we had made our way back across the Golan to the now-abandoned
Syrian headquarters in Quneitra, it was sunset. The war was drawing to a close.
I gave my Jeep to a couple of paratroopers and hot-wired a more comfortable
mode of transport back home: a big, black Mercedes which had obviously
belonged to a senior Syrian officer. If only because of the license plates, I
avoided the main road back into Israel. I found a dirt track running between
Syrian positions on the southern edge of the Golan and descended toward the
fruit groves of Kibbutz Ha’on, near the Sea of Galilee. I then headed for
Givataim in north Tel Aviv, to a place I knew well. It was the home of
Menachem Digli. He had been Avraham Arnan’s deputy in the sayeret when I
left for my stint in officers’ school. Before I returned to the unit, he had a
motorcycle accident, badly damaging his leg. He’d been temporarily reassigned
to a post in intelligence. I figured a Syrian Mercedes would make a nice gift.
Not wanting to wake him, I left it in front of his house. Sadly, he never got to
use it. The next day a couple of military policemen knocked on his door and
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asked what he knew about the car outside. “Nothing,” he said. “It’s not mine.”
They took it away.
As insistently as I, and others in Sayeret Matkal, had wanted to play our part
on the battlefields of the Six-Day War – in the Sinai, on the Golan, in the bitter
battle to capture Jerusalem, or amid the olive-green hills and valleys of the West
Bank – we had to accept that, at most, we’d been freelance support troops. Or
mere spectators. But while it would be many years before this was openly
acknowedlged, we did play an important part in the outcome. Because Dayan
had been called back as Defense Minister only days before the war, he had
wisely decided not to alter the plan for the preemptive air strikes. But he did
adjust our ground advance. Just as with Eshkol’s knowledge of the initial
Egyptian advance in the Sinai before the war, Dayan’s judgements were
informed by detailed, real-time intelligence on where enemy tanks and troops
were located, what they were doing, and what how and when they were
planning to advance.
As speculation mounted after the war about how Israel seemed to know so
much the Arab forces, Meir Amit’s successor as Head of Military Intelligence,
Ahrahle Yariv, even engaged in some misdirection. He was anxious to avoid
jeopardizing future sayeret bugging operations. In a speech on how the war had
been won, he included a reference to a “high-ranking spy” in the Egyptian army
who, he implied, had leaked critical information. The “spy” was the series of
intercepts we’d attached to the Egyptians’ main military communications
network in the Sinai, and to the telephone poles on the Golan Heights.
On a deeply personal level, too, the war left its mark on Sayeret Matkal.
Though the fighting had been brief, people did die. Thousands of Egyptians,
Syrians and Jordanians. And about 650 Israelis. Some of were not just people
we knew. They included close friends. Nechemia Cohen, the officer I’d joined in
our failed attempt to defuse the booby-trap in the Sinai before the war, entered
Gaza on the first day in his new role as deputy commander of Amsalem’s
paratroop unit. Amsalem was killed early on, so Nechemia took command. He
was shot and killed fifteen minutes later. To this day, he and I share the
distinction of being the most decorated soldiers in Israel’s history. Had he lived,
I have no doubt that it is an honor he would have held alone.
This was the first close friend from the unit we’d lost. We did not mourn him
openly. For young soldiers of my generation, especially but not only those raised
with the additional kibbutz ethos of stolid self-control, there was an embedded
sense that such individual displays of emotion were an indulgence, and luxury
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even, which the country we were building could not afford. In the early years of
the state, the model Israel mother or father were those who stood silent and strong
as a soldier’s coffin was lowered into the ground.
Nechemia’s death hurt, of course. I was friends not just with him, but his older
brother, Eliezer. Known by his army nickname, Cheetah, he was in charge of the
air force’s main helicopter squadron. He had flown both me and Nechemia on
sayeret missions into the Sinai. Several days after the war was over, before
returning to university, I drove up to Jerusalem to see his family. Cheetah was at
the door when I arrived. Neither of us spoke. But as we embraced, I could feel
my eyes dampen, and there were tears in his eyes as well.
“Our squadron was the one that got the call to bring out the casualties,” he
said. “They ordered the pilot who brought out Nechemia not to tell me he was
dead… until the war was over.”
“He was a wonderful man,” I said. “There was no one better.”
* * *
When I returned to Hebrew University, the country felt completely different.
It was not just the sudden realization that, in military terms, Israel had
eliminated any realistic threat to its existence, important though that was. The
more profound change was physical. The country in which I’d grown up was a
place which felt not just small, but pinched, especially in its “narrow waist” near
Mishmar Hasharon. Pre-1967 Israel was about three-quarters the size of the
state of New Hampshire. Now, within the space of less than a week, the
territory Israel controlled had more than tripled. It included the whole Sinai
Desert, up to the edge of the Suez Canal. The entire Golan. The ancient lands of
Judaea and Samaria: the West Bank. And the reunited capital city of Jerusalem.
Suddenly, we had a sense that we could breathe. Wander, explore. Few of
my classmates were religiously observant. But none of us could help feel the
sense of connection as we walked through the Old City of Jerusalem, or parts of
the West Bank whose place-names resonated from the Bible. I felt especially
moved when I first visited the Old City with my friends, stopping and chatting
and buying things at the colorful market stalls. And, religious or not, when I
stood in front of the surviving Western Wall of the ancient Jewish temple.
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The personal interactions we had with Palestinians in the weeks after the war
were without obvious tension, much less hostility. They were often friendly.
Looking back, I’m sure that was one reason – along with simple human nature,
a desire to enjoy Israel’s new sense of both security and size – that none of us
was inclined to look too deeply, or too far ahead, and contemplate the
implications for our country’s future. I was aware, of course, that the politeness
we exchanged with the Palestinians of Jerusalem or the West Bank were
superficial: a few words across a market stall or a restaurant counter. I did not
pretend to myself that our Arab neighbors were now suddenly inclined to be our
friends.
But I did feel that, having come face-to-face with our overwhelming military
supremacy, the Arab states would, over time, grant Israel simple acceptance.
From there, I believed that we could begin the process of building genuine,
lasting, human relationships and, eventually, peace.
There was a brief period after the war when Eshkol cautioned his ministers
about the implications of holding on to the vast new area we had conquered.
The government formally agreed to treat most of it, with the exception of
Jerusalem, as a “deposit” to be traded for the opening of peace talks. Yet within
weeks, the emphasis in the Israeli political debate shifted to which parts we
would keep: the Sinai and the Golan almost certainly, as well as the Jordan
Valley and a number of areas of past Jewish settlement on the West Bank. The
drift away from any serious talk of trading land for peace was accelerated by the
Arab states’ response to the war. Perhaps that, too, was simply a matter of
human nature, a reluctance on their part to accept defeat. But they appeared no
more ready than before to contemplate peace. Throughout the summer, there
were clashes along our new “border” with Egypt: the Suez Canal. In September,
all the Arab states adopted a platform which became known as the “three no’s”.
They rejected not just the idea of peace, but peace talks, or recognition of the
State of Israel. And in October, Egyptian missile boats attacked and sunk Israel’s
largest warship, the destroyer Eilat, killing nearly 50 people on board.
Without this renewed violence, perhaps, we in Israel might have been able to
consider more deeply the future implications of our victory in the Six-Day War.
The gains on the battlefield, of course, were clear to everyone. We were no
longer a small, constricted country beset by a sense of vulnerability. We were
not only much bigger, but also stronger than the combined armies of the Arab
states. Still, very few people asked themselves at the time what kind of Israel
this implied. We failed to grasp the potential complications in holding on to all
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the land, and of controlling the daily lives, however benignly, of the hundreds of
thousands of Arabs who lived there. Nor, crucially, did we ponder the
limitations of military strength, alone, in addressing these questions. We – and I,
too, at the time – were too caught up in a sense of post-war relief, celebration
and, as the months of ostensible normalcy in this new Israel, complacency as
well.
But within only a few years, we would face a dramatically different series of
challenges. First, a campaign of Palestinian terror. Then, another full-scale war,
which began with a surprise attack by Arab armies which we had assumed
would not dare to fight us again.
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Chapter Seven
If you’d visited Tel Aviv in July 1967, you would have sensed a new spirit
of confidence, not cockiness exactly, but a sort of spring in the collective step.
This was not just due to the Six-Day War. It was because the city, if not yet the
rest of the country, had shed the economic austerity of Israel’s first two decades
and was beginning to experience at least some of the consumer comforts which
Western Europe, or America, took for granted. But we were still a decade away
from the first shopping malls, or the upscale cafés and restaurants which
nowadays give places like Dizengoff Street, a few blocks back from the
seafront, the feel of London or Paris on a summer’s day. Television had been
introduced only a year before the war. Color TV was still nearly a decade away.
I can’t say I was surprised to learn, when the archives were opened a few years
ago, that a committee of moral arbiters in our Ministry of Education vetoed
plans for the Beatles to perform in the city. “No intrinsic artistic value,” they
pronounced. “And their concerts provoke mass hysteria.”
Even in Tel Aviv, and certainly the rest of Israel, a kind of cultural austerity
still prevailed, an emphasis on modesty and self-restraint. It was a legacy of
1948, a reflection of the years of shared sacrifice, physical labor, and the lifeand-death
struggles which I, like most Israelis at the time, had experienced
within our own lifetimes. That may help explain why I can remember no one
remarking on an aspect of my character which, once I rose to public
prominence, would attract attention, frequent comment, and sometimes
criticism as well: the fact that I seemed so self-contained, reluctant to engage
emotionally with people beyond a circle of close friends or confidants. My lack
of smalltalk, and the kind of gladhanding and schmoozing that are the currency
of political life. At the time of the 1967 war, I was not yet a public figure. Yet to
the extent those around me would have taken note – family, university
classmates, sayeret comrades, or officers in the kirya – my slight emotional
aloofness, my focus on simply getting things done, and the way I internalized
setbacks, even tragedies like the death of Nechemia Cohen, was not exceptional.
It was, in many ways, simply Israeli.
Yet as Israel, Israeli society and my place in them changed, it would be
suggested to me more than once – not always kindly, when it was from critics or
rivals – that I had a “touch of Aspbergers” in me, a reference to those on the
more benign reaches of the autism spectrum with a special facility for math,
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abstract ideas, the theoretical sciences and, often, music as well. I would always
smile in response, suggesting that such diagnoses were probably best left to the
professionals. I couldn’t pretend, however, that emotional engagement with new
acquaintances, even with people I knew and liked but were not close friends,
was something that came naturally. And it is also true that from my first
experience of the world of numbers as a child on the kibbutz, and as I tackled
ever more elaborate pieces on the piano, I did become aware of what might be
called the upside of “a touch of Aspergers” – if that, indeed, is what it is. I was
conscious of the ease with which my brain translated the complexities into
pictures in my mind. And the joy, at times, with which it allowed me to play
around with, and develop, what I saw.
By the summer of 1967, I had experienced that feeling again, in my first real
encounter with theoretical physics at Hebrew University. After the Six-Day
War, I began seriously contemplating a future as a research scientist, or perhaps
eventually a professor of physics. Two months after the war, I enrolled in a
summer program at the Weizmann Institute, Israel’s preeminent postgraduate
research facility. Surrounded by some of the country’s, even the world’s,
leading scientists, and by post-doctoral students determined to follow in their
footsteps, was intellectually enthralling. But it turned out to have another effect
on me as well. As I thought more and more about the prospect of joining their
fraternity once I’d completed my undergraduate degree, I also heard them
describe the way in which pure science sometimes got submerged in simple
routine, or, more discouragingly, in the politics and positioning and backbiting
of the academic world.
I think what finally changed my mind, however, was a feeling, nurtured on
the kibbutz but solidified by that many nights I’d spent leading sayeret
operations across our borders, that I would find my true purpose in life trying to
make some special contribution to the future course of Israel. I did not for a
moment contemplate politics at that point. Instead, I thought of going back into
the military. I realized that in order to make a significant mark, if indeed I
could, would require me to serve in the regular army, not just an extraordinary
unit like Sayeret Matkal. But I did hope that, at some stage, I’d be given the
opportunity to finish my time in the sayeret as its commander, carrying on
Avraham’s vision and, ideally, building and expanding on it as well. At least if
that part proved possible, I felt that, by comparison, a career in academia would
be somehow blinkered, and surely less fulfilling personally. My sayeret
experience had also taught me something else as well: that protecting Israel’s
security was not just a matter of muscle, or firepower, indispensible though they
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sometime were. It called for mental application, an ability to assess risks, to find
answers under enormous pressure when, inevitably, things went wrong. It
required not just brawn, but brains.
A week before I began my final year at Hebrew University, I went to see Eli
Zeira, the senior intelligence officer who’d so brashly predicted the course of
the Six-Day War, in hopes of sounding out my prospects of picking up my
military career where I’d left off. Despite a yawning gap in rank and age – Eli
was nearly fifteen years older – I felt I could be open with him. Not only did I
know him from Sayeret Matkal, which came under his purview in the kirya. He
was a scientist manqué and was eager, as soon as I arrived in his office, to hear
about my physics studies. When I did manage to turn the conversation to the
army, I told him I was thinking of returning after I graduated. Yet before finally
deciding, I wanted his honest opinion about my chances, at some point, of being
given command of the sayeret. He began with a series of caveats. The choice of
future leaders of the sayeret was not be his to make. When the current
commander, Uzi Yairi, ended his term in roughly 18 months’ time, I’d still be
too young to have a realistic chance. “Maybe even next time around,” he said.
And in any case, I would first need to get some experience in the regular army.
“But then,” he concluded, “my opinion is that you have a very good chance of
becoming commander of the unit.” That was more than enough. I figured that
whether it actually happened would now ultimately be down to me.
My last year at university was the closest thing I would have to a normal
student existence. I was called away only once. But it was for a battle which
would turn out to have a lasting impact on the course of our conflict with the
Arabs, and on the prospects of eventually finding a way to make peace. It was
Israel’s largest military action since the war, across our new de facto border with
Jordan. And it was directed at a new enemy: a fledgling army of Palestinian
fedayeen, called Fatah. It was led by a man that I, like almost all Israelis, had
never heard of at the time: Yasir Arafat. Born in Egypt, as a 19-year-old he had
fought against the establishment of Israel in the 1948 war. Although Fatah had
nominally existed for nearly a decade, it was only now emerging as a political
force, in large part because of the Arab armies’ humiliating defeat in the Six-
Day War. A Palestinian political leadership already existed, in the shape of the
Palestine Liberation Ogranization. But it was based in Cairo. Its chairman was,
for all practical purposes, an adjunct of President Nasser’s leadership role in the
Arab world. Though Arafat had not yet explicitly challenged this state of affairs,
his, and Fatah’s, rise after the war carried a powerful, message for the existing
Arab presidents and prime ministers: their brash promises of victory before the
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1967 war had turned out to be hollow words. It was time for a new generation,
and a new, more direct, form of confrontation with the “Zionist enemy.”
Arafat had set up camp with nearly a thousand men just across the Jordan
River, in a town called Karameh. From early 1968, they had been launching hitand-run
raids, not just on the West Bank but into the Negev. Eshkol’s cabinet
was initially divided on whether to attack his base in Jordan, in both an act of
retaliation and a signal to King Hussein that if his army didn’t rein in Arafat’s
men, Israel would take whatever action necessary. But the decisive moment
came on the eighteenth of March. A school bus near Eilat, in the far south of
Israel, hit a Fatah landmine, killing the driver and a teacher, and injuring 10 of
the children.
I was called up the night before the Israeli attack, as part of a small Sayeret
Matkal contingent which was supposed to play a support role. An enormous
pincer operation was mounted around the Fatah camp and Karameh itself:
including a full infantry brigade, the Seventh Armored Brigade and the
paratroopers’ sayeret. But the resistance they met, both from Fatah and
Jordanian troops, was much fiercer than expected. One of the paratroop
commandos, Mookie Betzer, who would go on to join Sayeret Matkal, told me
how they landed by helicopter and immediately came under a hail of AK-47
fire. Within minutes, several of his men had been killed. Mookie was wounded.
The tanks of the Seventh Brigade advanced from the south. Battling the
Jordanian army, they took losses as well. Amnon Lipkin, who would also later
become a friend and colleague, in both the army and Israeli politics, was in
command of a unit of lightly armored French tanks called AMLs. They, too,
were hopelessly outgunned.
Our sayeret assignment was to block the southern entrance to Karameh as
the Israeli armored force advanced. But we got bogged down in mud as we
made our way from the Jordan River. By the time we arrived, hundreds of
Arafat’s men had already fled the area. Arafat, too, had escaped, on the back of a
motorcycle.
By the time the fighting was over, some two hundred Fatah fighters had been
killed. But nearly 30 Israeli soldiers lost their lives as well, and more than twice
that number were wounded. Politically, the outcome was even murkier. Most of
Israel was still basking in our victory in the Six-Day War. Now, we had
deployed many of the same units, only to fight to what looked like a costly
draw. Arafat and Fatah could claim – and soon did – that they had stood and
fought, and inflicted losses on the victors of 1967.
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* * *
In retrospect, given all the interruptions, I’m a little surprised that I managed
to get through my university studies. My classmates helped. They were
incredibly generous in going through with me what I’d missed, and sharing their
notes, whenever I returned for an extended stint of reserve duty. I’ve seen
interviews with university friends saying I was one of the top students in our
class. But that is more generous than true. It would be fairer to say I was a good
student.Working hard in the final year, I did finish in the upper quarter of the
class, and several of my math and science professors strongly urged me to go on
to graduate school.
But my mind was made up on returning to the army. And as I balanced my
studies with plans for the future during my final months, I still hadn’t given up
hope that Nili would be there with me. When she returned from Paris, we had
started seeing each other again. Whenever I could, I would take the bus down to
Tel Aviv and spend the weekend with her. Everything I’d loved about her since
that first meeting in the kirya, everything I valued in our relationship, was still
there. Yet so, too, were the doubts: whether she was ready to commit herself to
sharing our lives together; and whether a kibbutznik like me could ever truly fit
in to her Tel Avivi world. Shortly before Karameh, she’d invited me to a Fridaynight
party with a group of her friends. It was the first time she was including
me, as part of a couple, in her social circle. But almost from the moment we got
there, I felt out of place. For her, it was just another party, one of dozens she
must have been to since she was a teenager. But I immediately felt out of place.
I didn’t drink. I couldn’t dance. I couldn’t help feeling like a wallflower, or an
alien presence.
Now, I decided there was no point in waiting and wondering. I borrowed a
Jeep from an army friend, with the idea that Nili and I could spend three or four
days together, driving south from Jerusalem into the Negev and the Judean
desert: to be alone, to talk, to see whether we actually had a future. I wrote her a
note, took the bus to Tel Aviv while she was at work, and dropped it through the
letterbox. “I am going on this trip, into the desert,” it said. “I’d love it if you
could come with me. I think it’s important for us.”
I never heard back. I felt crushed, though I tried hard to tell myself it was
better to know where we stood. Years later, she told me the envelope had ended
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up under a pile of mail. She hadn’t seen it until a week afterwards. She said that
of course she would have come with me. She felt angry with herself, and with
me too, for not simply having phoned. But since I didn’t contact her in the
weeks that followed, she figured this was just another one of our times apart. Or
“stupid pride”. A few months later, I heard she was engaged to be married, to a
young man she’d known since their high school days at the Alliance.
I had first met Nava Cohen, the woman I would go on to marry, the previous
year. It was through another Cohen, though they were not related: Nechemia,
my sayeret friend who was killed in the 1967 war. He invited me to Tel Aviv
for a party in the spring, on the Jewish holiday of Purim, and introduced us.
Nava was just nineteen, five years younger than me. I was struck not just by the
fact she was attractive, but by her poise, warm-heartedness, and her obvious
intelligence. But she had her boyfriend with her, and I still saw myself and Nili
as life partners. Now, she was beginning her studies at Hebrew University as
well, and, in a way, it was again Nechemia
Cohen who brought us together. Since his death, those of us who knew him
from the sayeret had been looking for a fitting way to remember and to honor
him. We finally decided to set up a living memorial in his name: a Moadon
Sayarim, a center to train young people from all over Jerusalem in scouting and
navigation. We spent six months getting it up and running, and Nava pitched in
with the work.
It wasn’t until a few months after I heard of Nili’s engagement that I finally
asked her on a date. We were in the university library, which had a space where
you could listen to tapes through headphones. I would go to hear classical
music. Nava was studying English literature, and I’d sometimes see her there,
engrossed in recordings of Shakespeare with the text of Hamlet or Macbeth in
front of her. Since I wasn’t shackled by the need to follow the alacks and
alasses, I read the newspaper as the music washed over me. I turned to the
movie section. I circled three films, drew a question mark in the margin and
passed it to her. She looked puzzled for a second. Then she smiled and put a
checkmark next to one of them.
While we came from different backgrounds, the gap was narrower than it
had been with Nili. Her parental home was in Tiberias. Her parents were from
old Sephardi families, with a centuries-long history in Palestine, and were also
solid Ben-Gurion Labor supporters. Her father had fought in the British army in
the Second World War. He now ran the branch of Bank Leumi in Tiberias. Her
mother ran a shop in what was then the city’s best hotel, the Ginton.
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We were married there, in the spring of 1969. My parents and brothers came
with two busloads of friends from the kibbutz. Avraham Arnan was there, of
course. But Ahraleh Yariv and Eli Zeira, two of the military intelligence heroes
of the Six-Day War, also drove up for the wedding, which touched both Nava
and me, not to mention her family and our guests. Years later, as I rose higher in
the ranks of the military, I would sometimes be invited to weddings by officers
under my command. Remembering how much we appreciated Ahraleh’s and Eli
Zeira’s gesture. I always said yes.
* * *
It was only weeks after our wedding that I formally returned to Sayeret
Matkal. Both Nava and I were aware of the additional pressures my military
commitments might place on our family life. But she understood why I’d
chosen to go back, and was supportive. As for me, I was, if anything, more
certain that I’d made the right decision. Israel was clearly facing a whole new
set of challenges to its security. Given the decisiveness, and speed, of our
victory in 1967, there seemed no immediate danger of Egypt’s risking another
full-scale war. In Israel, where Golda Meir had become Prime Minister after
Eshkol’s death from a heart attack, there was also little appetite for returning to
the battlefield. Yet the post-war skirmishes with the Egyptians along the Suez
Canal had escalated into far more than that: what would become known as the
War of Attrition. Nor could there be any doubt, after Karameh, that Fatah’s
influence, militancy and determination would only grow, not least because even
more radical factions within the PLO were ready to step into the breach if
Arafat faltered. Israel needed to find an answer for all these threats.
Uzi Yairi’s term as Sayeret Matkal commander had by now ended, but his
successor was someone I knew well. Menachem Digli was the officer on whom
I’d bestowed my stolen Syrian Mercedes at the end of the war. His leg was now
recovered from the motorcycle accident, and I returned to the sayeret at his
deputy. He delegated full responsibility to me for operational issues. I believed
that the new kind of challenges we were confronting, particularly the prospect
of intensified attacks from the new generation of Palestinian fedayeen, meant
that the sayeret would sooner or later have to broaden its reach, moving beyond
the kind of intelligence operations we’d done before the 1967 war to become
the SAS-like special forces unit Avraham ultimately envisaged. But that was not
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going to happen soon, if only because the intelligence missions now required
were going to be a lot tougher. Israel now had control of the entire Sinai and the
Golan. To tap into enemy communications, we would have to push deeper
inside Egypt and Syria.
Soon after my return, we began planning the sayeret’s most ambitious
mission so far: targeting the main communications system between Suez City,
at the southern end of the canal, and Egyptian military headquarters in Cairo.
We were obviously going to have to go in by helicopter. But we faced not just
the risk of being spotted on the way in. The buildup of Egyptian forces along
the canal now included Soviet-made anti-aircraft missile batteries. We might
easily get shot down.
The mission struck the generals in the kirya as so risky as to border on the
insane. But I was confident that we could make it work. I began talking to the
few senior air force officers who seemed more receptive, as well as to officers
in the helicopter units. Not only had I flown into the Sinai on earlier missions. I
now also had a physics degree. Together, we developed a plan – using the desert
terrain, and drawing on the helicopters’ maneuverability – to calculate a flight
route that could avoid detection by Egyptian radar. As an extra fail-sale, I
proposed using three helicopters, and three sayeret teams. Two would fly
slightly higher, with the express aim of getting spotted, but still evading missile
fire. They would land far away from the real target of the operation. The main
team, with me in command, would also stage a pair of diversionary attacks:
planting explosives on a high-voltage electricity cable, and on the main oil
pipeline from Suez City to Cairo.
Still, for many weeks, the answer from the kirya was no. The man who had
succeeded Rabin as chief-of-staff after the war, Chaim Bar-Lev, dismissed it as
“a plan built on chicken legs.” In the end, what got us the green light was a
further escalation, on both sides, in the War of Attrition. In January 1970, Israeli
warplanes began a series of deep-penetration bombing raids, for the first time
striking targets dozens of miles, in some case hundreds of miles, back from the
canal. The Israeli bombing campaign reduced the chance we’d get shot down and
provided cover for our operation.
Our helicopters took off after sunset, nearly skimming the water and peeling
off in separate directions on the far shore. The other two aircraft headed 120
miles to the south. I led the main team of ten men. We set down a few miles
south of the road from Suez City to Cairo. We unloaded a pair of Jeeps, drove
off, and within an hour had placed our time-delay explosives on the electricity
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tower and the pipeline. But when we reached the site of the underground
communications cable, the mission literally ran into the ground. We dug for
more than two hours, but still hadn’t found the cable, and our mail-order metal
detector stubbornly refused to chirp out any sign of it.
Just when I’d decided to call the helicopter back in to get us, it finally
peeped a faint signal. I still wasn’t convinced, but as we manipulated it back and
forth, it got louder. Still, my instinct was to abort. We’d placed the explosives
on the electricity tower and the pipeline. That would at least divert attention
from our real mission, which meant we could return in a few months and have
another attempt. After all, the part of the operation that had been causing the
most concern in the kirya – our ability to get deep inside Egypt undetected –
had succeeded. We were nearly three hours behind schedule. Unless we worked
a lot more quickly than planned, by the time we installed the communications
intercept and covered our tracks, it would be daybreak.
Digli and several other sayeret officers were following the mission from
their command post in the Sinai, part of the intelligence base our military
engineers had built after the war into a 2,400-feet-high mountain called Gebel
Um-Hashiba, 20 miles back from the Suez Canal. When I radioed in to tell him
I’d decided to abandon the operation, I could hear the surprise in his voice, and
what seemed reluctance as well. “If that’s your judgement…” he said. But
before I could reply that, yes, I felt withdrawal was the wisest course, I heard
him speaking to someone whose voice I also recognized: Avsha Horan. He was
the soldier on guard duty in the command post for our first intercept operation
in the Sinai, the one who’d told me of how Rabin was chain-smoking and biting
his nails when it appeared we might be in trouble. Now, he was a sayeret
officer. Digli came back on the radio. “We can see more from here,” he said.
Then, pausing, he added: “Avsha says he thinks you can still do it.”
I had grown to respect Avsha’s judgement. And while Digli hadn’t explained
what “more” they saw from the command post, I assumed that, since they were
also following the other helicopter teams further south, they were concerned
that the Egyptians had figured out at least that Israeli units were involved. Both
he and I knew that it ultimately had to be my call. Whatever happened, I’d be
responsible. Yet I realized that discussing it further would change nothing, and
time was now what mattered most. “We’ll do it,” I told him, and signed off.
We’d planned for the cable work to take something like five hours, which I
knew we couldn’t afford. With all of us pitching in, sweat drenching our
“Egyptian” uniforms, we managed to finish in slightly less than four. But we
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were still behind schedule. Dawn was 25 minutes away. I radioed the helicopter
pilot with a new pickup point, closer to where we’d installed the equipment
though still far enough, I hoped, to avoid giving away what we’d done. Still, we
barely made it. The sun was rising as the chopper began weaving among the
dunes and wadis on the flight back to Israel. Looking back, we could see flames
leaping up from the oil pipeline in the dim, dawn light.
There could be no doubt the prize was worth it. By the time we returned, the
receiving equipment at Um-Hashiba was, for the first time, picking up real-time
communications at the highest level of the Egyptian military. With the War of
Attrition showing every sign of getting even fiercer, it was a criticial
intelligence advantage. When we landed, not only Digli, but Ahrale Yariv were
there to meet us. Digli, smiling broadly, handed me a small cloth insignia.
“You’ve earned it,” he said, adding that Bar-Lev himself had endorsed my
promotion from captain to major.
* * *
With the Cairo-Suez mission, and a series of other operations I helped run
nearer to the canal, there now seemed every possibility that I would be chosen
to succeed Digli as commander when his term expired. But that was still more
than a year away, in the spring of 1971. With his agreement, I decided to use the
time to do what Eli Zeira had advised me before I made my decision to return:
to get experience in the regular army. The War of Attrition had created a
demand for qualified officers who could command tank units, since they were
playing a key role against the Egyptians along the canal. Along with about a
dozen other middle-ranking officers who had volunteered to move into the
armored corps, I embarked on a course covering every facet of tank warfare:
how each system on an individual tank worked, how to pilot one, load in the
shells, and then calibrate its main gun, aim and fire. We studied
communications protocols, even tank maintenance. We were taught how to
command an armored platoon – a group of three tanks – and then an armored
company of eleven tanks and APCs. Finally, in July 1970, we were given
command of actual companies, with the aim of deploying us against the
Egyptians.
My company was part of Brigade 401, in the Sinai. It was one of the several
armored forces that were rotated, every three months, into action on the front
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line. In a stroke of good fortune, the brigade commander was Dovik Tamari,
Avraham Arnan’s first successor as commander of the sayeret. While we waited
our forward deployment, due in September, he included me in his discussions
with his senior officers on tactics and planning. This inevitably included the
core of our existing strategy: a line of fixed fortifications which we had built on
our side of the canal after the war. They were known as the Bar-Lev Line,
because the chief of staff ultimately had to sign off on them. But the main
impetus had come from Avraham Adan. A former Palmachnik, known as Bren,
he was the overall head of the armored corps.
There were strong critics of the Bar-Lev line, but few more vocal than Arik
Sharon. The very qualities that had made him the perfect choice to lead Unit
101 and its successor commando units – a natural instinct to favor bold,
preemptive attacks, allied with an absolute confidence in his own judgment and
little time for those who challenged it – had stalled his rise up the military
ladder for a few years. But now he was head of Israel’s southern command. He
was convinced that in the event of another full-scale war with Egypt, the Bar-
Lev line would be worse than useless. We’d find ourselves forced to defend a
string of fortifications that could serve no real purpose in repelling a concerted
Egyptian attempt to retake the Sinai. Arik’s preferred strategy was to let the
Egyptian troops cross the canal and then confront them on terms where Israeli
forces had a proven advantage: a mobile battle in the open desert.
When the debate came up in our brigade strategy discussions, I said I
believed Arik was right. From our recent sayeret missions, I said there was no
way the Bar-Lev fortifications could protect us. I knew how easy it had been for
us to operate unseen between Egyptian positions across the canal, and they were
only a few hundred yards apart. On some parts of the Bar-Lev line, there were
six or seven miles between outposts. A whole Egyptian brigade could pass
through.
Very few in the kirya, however, seemed ready to recalibrate our strategy
against the Egyptians. Only later, when the damage had already been done,
would it become clear that the navy was alone in acting on lessons learned from
the fighting since the 1967 war. Having lost its largest warship to a more mobile
Egyptian missile boat at the outset of the War of Attrition, it began focusing on
deploying mobile missile boats of its own. But the air force was showing no
sign of dealing with the implications of the Egyptians’ increased anti-aircraft
capability – even though we’d begun losing planes and pilots to the new
surface-to-air missile batteries Nasser had received from the Soviets. And I
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could see that a similar myopia, or denial, was affecting the armored corps. On
patrol along the canal, I would sometimes see the hulk of an Israeli tank which
had been destroyed by Soviet-made AT-3s. Known as Saggers, they were
portable, allowing a single soldier to fire wire-guided missiles. Their range was
nearly a mile-and-a-half, which was more than the main guns on our tanks. Yet
no one appeared to have addressed the question of what would happen if the
Egyptians used Saggers on an even greater scale in a future war.
I remained in the Sinai through early 1971, but never led my tank company
on combat operations. By the time we were due for our deployment, the War of
Attrition was suddenly over. Neither we nor the Egyptians wanted a return to
full-scale war. With Washington taking the lead, a cease-fire was agreed. Both
sides claimed victory. But both were exhausted. Certainly, most Israelis had
ceased to see a compelling reason for the 1,000 days of fighting. We had lost
about 900 dead: more than in the Six-Day War.
But in one respect, the Egyptians won. Under the terms of the truce, their
anti-aircraft batteries were barred from a roughly 30-mile strip along the canal.
Within days of the truce, however, Nasser began moving his SAM batteries
forward. Before long, there were nearly 100 missile sites in the “prohibited”
zone, giving the Egyptians control of 20 miles or more of the airspace on our
side of the canal. Golda was incensed. So was Bar-Lev. But there was no way,
and no will, to reopen the fighting and force Nasser to move the missiles back.
The cease-fire took effect at midnight on August 7, 1970. I’ve never had
trouble recalling the date, because of a phone call almost exactly 24 hours later.
It was from my mother-in-law, to tell me Nava had gone into labor with our first
child. Since I was due for deployment on the front line, we had agreed weeks
earlier that the best thing would be for her to have the baby in Tiberias, so her
parents could be with her. Now, I got a Jeep and raced north. I reached Tiberias
the next morning. I opened the door to the hospital room and saw Nava,
obviously tired but beaming, cradling our daughter Michal in her arms.
I managed to stay with them for several days before returning to the Sinai.
With Nava and Michal soon settled back into our apartment in the north Tel
Aviv neighborhood of Ramat Aviv, I made weekend visits home whenever I
could. Still, I saw nowhere near as much of our daughter’s first few months as
most fathers. As Nava and I would discover even more jarringly over the next
few years, that was an inescapable part of being an army officer.
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But at least my next posting was closer to home. It was only 20 minutes from
our apartment, on a former RAF base not far from Lod airport. On the First of
April 1971, I was promoted from major to lieutenant-colonel, and given the
assignment which, more than any other, I’d hoped for when I returned to the
army.
I became the commander of Sayeret Matkal.
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Chapter Eight
It was the same jumble of buildings in the same corner of the base where I’d
reported a decade earlier, as a 19-year-old fresh from tironut, when the sayeret
was still a gleam in Avraham Arnan’s eye. Now, I was about to become the first
of his successors to have been chosen from within the unit itself. As I called
together the officers that first morning, I couldn’t be sure whether I would make
a success of my two years in command. But I did know what I hoped that I, and
we, would accomplish: to complete Avraham’s vision. To forge a true specialforces
unit, at a time when the threats facing Israel seemed increasingly to
demand one.
Avraham’s initial hopes and expectations for the unit had been more than
met. Sayeret Matkal had played the key role in erasing the traumas of Uri Ilan
and Rotem, and restoring the morale and effectiveness of Israeli military
intelligence. Time and again, operations which we said we could do – dismissed
as too dangerous, or impossible, by others – proved achievable. Yet as I now
told the team leaders and our other officers, this was no longer enough.
Our intelligence operations still mattered. In fact, we would have to “push
further” across Arab borders, deeper into enemy communications systems. Our
intercepts had given Israel an important edge in the Six-Day War. I assumed –
though naively, it would turn out – that they would be put to use in any future
war. But if the sayeret was to retain its unique role, we had to become a fighting
force as well. One reason, I didn’t even have to mention: we all remembered our
frustration in 1967, when we’d been little more than bit players in the most
important conflict since the establishment of the state. But for me, the main
argument for change was what had happened since the 1967 war: the fact that
Israel was facing a new range of security challenges which other army units,
trained to engage and defeat enemy troops on the battlefield, were not equipped
to meet.
In the War of Attrition, we might not have lost a single inch of territory. But
we had lost tanks and planes. Israeli soldiers and pilots were being held prisoner
in Egypt and Syria. Arafat’s Fatah and the other armed Palestinian groups might
not present a conventional threat. Yet while I’d been with my tank company in
the Sinai, they were fighting a full-scale civil war against King Hussein’s army
in Jordan. The catalyst: a multiple hijacking in September 1970, a sign that they
were turning to non-conventional warfare, and to acts of terror.
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“We’re not starting from scratch,” I assured the sayeret officers, and I could
see some of them nodding in agreement. We had a proven record of success,
under Avraham and the four other commanders before me. We would be able to
rely on the qualities that had proved our doubters wrong in our first intelligence
missions. “We have to stay true to the spirit of Sayeret Matkal,” I said. Every
one of the officers knew what I meant: teamwork, the way we valued brains and
creativity, more than formal lines of authority. The rigor we applied to training
for, preparing for, and executing each mission. And, no less importantly, to
criticizing, and trying to fix, everything that had gone wrong on an operation, or
we’d failed to anticipate.
Though I expected to be leading many of the operations myself, I knew that
we’d succeed or fail on the strengths of the officers around me. I was incredibly
fortunate on that score. Some, I already knew well from my time as Digli’s
deputy. Smart, self-confident, self-starting officers like Amiram Levin, the
stocky kibbutznik from the north with whom I’d worked most closely and most
often as deputy. Avshalom Horan – Avsha – who’d convinced me to risk
completing the mission on the road from Suez to Cairo. Giora Zorea, who, like
me, had come up through the unit and was one of our most experienced team
leaders. And Danny Yatom. Born not far from Mishmar Hasharon, but a city
boy, from Netanya, he was smart, level-headed and a sure-handed organizer,
and with whom I’d somehow clicked from time he arrived in the sayeret. I made
him my deputy for my first year in command.
There were two others as well, both related to Moshe Dayan, but with a selfassurance
all their own: Uzi Dayan, the son of Moshe’s brother, who had been
killed in the 1948 war when Uzi was only months old; and Mookie Betzer, who
was married to Uzi’s cousin. I’m not sure which of the two joined the sayeret
first. Mookie, I believe. But their family ties, far from extraordinary, were part
of how Sayeret Matkal had developed from the start. It had been friends
bringing friends. But also, not infrequently, a cousin bringing a cousin, or a
brother bringing a brother.
This was the case with two other officers, whom I knew less well at first but
who would become key members of my team. In their case, it was the younger
one who joined first. Binyamin Netanyahu – Bibi, as everyone called him – had
been a member of Amiram Levin’s team when I was Digli’s deputy. He’d also
been a part of one of our several – thankfully harmless – failures along the canal
at the beginning of the War of Attrition. The plan was to cross in rubber boats
held together by nylon cord, with the assistance of Shayetet 13, Israel’s
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equivalent of the American navy SEALs. But Bibi’s dinghy got tangled up, and
he found himself in the canal, being tugged down by the current. Only the
SEALs, and Bibi’s mix of calm and endurance, averted disaster.
When I returned as commander, Bibi had gone through officers’ school and
was given a team of his own, making him one of half-a-dozen core, operational
officers with whom I worked from the planning stages of every mission,
through the training and the operation itself. Especially with Bibi, since he was
newest to the role. He was smart, tough and, even by sayeret standards,
supremely self-confident. It also was clear that he understood my determination
to build the unit into a military strike force – which was one reason why he
urged me to bring in his older brother. Bibi was 22 at the time. His brother –
Yonatan, or Yoni – was 25. He had led a company of paratroopers in the 1967
war, before going off to university. He’d taken a bullet in the elbow while
helping to rescue one of his soldiers behind Syrian lines on the Golan. “He
wants to return to the army, and he’s exactly the kind of officer you want,” Bibi
said.
I brought Yoni in for a chat. Over the next several years, I would get to know
him much better, becoming not just friends but neighbors, when he bought a flat
a few floors up from ours. But even in this first meeting, I found him a contrast
to his younger brother. Bibi was practical, detail-oriented. Yoni was a more
complex character. He was interested in history, and philosophy. He wrote
poetry. He would sometimes feel the need to get off by himself, and just think.
He was a man of action, too. Taller and trimmer than Bibi, with a thick thatch of
dark hair swept back from a craggy face, he was the Central Casting image of a
soldier. He also had real, battlefield experience. Not only did I invite him to join
Sayeret Matkal. I put him in charge of our training teams. When Danny Yatom
left the following year to train as an armored officer, I made Yoni my deputy.
However different in some ways, the Netanyahu brothers were close. They
seemed almost driven, to excel and to succeed. As I got to know them both, I
sensed that the drive did not come merely from within. It came from their
upbringing, their family background, and in particular their father. Ben-Zion
Miliekowsky, as he then was, studied at Hebrew University at the same time as
my father, in the early 1930s, and was an impassioned supporter of Ben-
Gurion’s main right-wing Zionist rival, Ze’ev Jabotinsky. My father
remembered him gathering bemused groups of students during breaks from
classes, standing on an upturned wooden box, and proclaiming that the Arabs
would never willingly accept a Jewish state. Long before the 1948 war, and
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nearly four decades before our capture of the West Bank in 1967, he insisted
that we needed to create a Jewish state in all of biblical Israel: from the
Mediterranean to the Jordan River.
It was through Bibi and Yoni that I got to know their father. After 1948, he
had led a frustrating existence. A specialist in medieval Jewish history, he could
not find a place on the faculty at Hebrew University. He was convinced,
perhaps with some reason, that his outspoken advocacy for Jabotinsky’s
Zionism in a country defined by Ben-Gurion’s had frozen him out. He left to
pursue his academic career in America, where both Yoni and Bibi spent much
of their youth. He always remained bitter about what he felt were unfair,
politically inspired, roadblocks to his academic advancement in Jerusalem.
Though he would eventually return to Israel, he was teaching at Cornell
when his sons became officers under my command in Sayeret Matkal. So there
was a physical distance between father and sons. But what struck me was how
large the father loomed in both of their lives. There was an almost adolescent
admiration, bordering on worship. I remember once remarking to Nava that it
was as if, despite all their physical self-confidence, Bibi and Yoni were tethered
to their father by some mental umbilical cord. They seemed weighted down by a
struggle to live up to his expectations, to right the “wrongs” done to him, and
achieve the advancement and success which the young State of Israel had
denied him. In a poignant postscript, decades later when Bibi first was elected
Prime Minister, Ben-Zion was asked by a journalist for his reaction. “He would
make a very good Minister of Hasbarah,” he replied, a Hebrew word which
translates as something between public relations and propaganda. “Or Foreign
Minister.” But how about Prime Minister, the reporter pressed. Ben-Zion
replied: “Time will tell.”
* * *
Even as we mounted intercept operations deeper into Egypt and Syria, I
made sure that we trained as if we were already the broader strike force I hoped
Sayeret Matkal would become. We mapped out plans for commando operations
against the new kind of security challenges the country faced. We worked in
detail on how we’d carry them out. We prepared rigorously to make sure we’d
be ready. Yet no matter how proficient we got, there was no guarantee it would
actually happen. A bit like Avraham in the unit’s infancy, I had to deal with the
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frustration of trying to convince the generals in the kirya to give us the goahead.
Some of them agreed Israel needed a specially trained commando force.
But not everyone felt Sayeret Matkal could, or should, take on that role. Rafael
“Raful” Eitan was perhaps the most strident. He had fought with the Palmach in
1948. He was an officer in Unit 101 and a commander of the parachutists’
Battalion 890. He was now katzhar, in overall charge of all infantry and
paratroop forces. He insisted that such work required a real sayeret, by which
he meant the paratroopers.
Yet the need for a special-forces unit was becoming increasingly hard to
ignore. By the summer of 1971, a couple of months after I became sayeret
commander, King Hussein’s army had defeated the insurgency of Fatah and a
pair of even more militant partners, the Democratic Front and the Popular Front
for the Liberation of Palestine. That meant a quieter eastern frontier. But the
Palestinian groups rebased across our northern border in Lebanon. When
Jordanian Prime Minister Wafsi al-Tal was assassinated, it proved to be the start
of a series of killings and terror attacks by a new group within Fatah, called
Black September. There was at least some potentially encouraging news from
Egypt. When Nasser died in September 1970, he was succeeded by a less
flamboyantly militant vice-president, Anwar Sadat. Yet in both Egypt and
Syria, a number of our air force pilots were still being held prisoner.
I felt an especially strong motivation to help bring the pilots home. They had
risked their lives for us. It seemed to me we owed them the same. One of the
men being held in Syria, Pini Nachmani, had a personal connection to many of
us in the unit. He had worked with us on sayeret missions. I came up with a plan
that, while undeniably risky, seemed to me to have every chance of success. It
was to abduct a number of Syrians from an officers’ club on the western edge of
Damascus. We would land in transport helicopters a few miles away and unload
a pair of armored cars captured in 1967. But Raful’s view prevailed. I could not
get the approval of the kirya. I did take heart from Avraham Arnan’s support.
He was now Golda Meir’s counter-terrorism adviser. Also from the fact that
Chaim Bar-Lev’s successor as chief of staff was an old friend of the sayeret:
Dado Elazar, Avraham’s Palmach comrade from 1948. Yet winning over the
remaining doubters in the kirya was obviously going to take time.
As so often during my years in uniform, however, Sayeret Matkal’s birth as
a special-forces unit came by force of circumstance: not in an officers’ club near
Damascus, but a few miles away from our base, on a runway at Lod Airport.
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* * *
I was sitting down to dinner with Nava a little before seven on May 8, 1972
when the phone rang. We’d just fed Michael, who was almost two, full of
energy, and showed no sign of wanting to go to bed. “It’s Manno,” said the
voice on the line. Brigadier General Emanuel “Manno” Shaked was Dado’s
chief of operations. “A plane has been hijacked,” he said. “It’s heading for Lod.
It will land in about 30 minutes. They’ve got hostages. Get to the airport. Dado
and Dayan are on their way.”
I called Danny Yatom and told him to get whoever was at the sayeret base to
Lod as soon as possible. But most of the men were on training exercises,
including one team with Yoni deep in the Negev Desert. He immediately began
calling them back. When I got to the airport, I found Dayan and Dado huddling
in a room below the control tower, unfurnished except for a small table in the
corner. Talik was there with them. He was now head of all military operations
in the kirya. Rechavam Ze’evi as well, the head of the central command area,
which included Tel Aviv. So was Ahrahle Yariv, who had succeeded Meir Amit
as head of military intelligence, and nodded glumly as I joined them.
The plane had landed. A Sabena Boeing 707 bound from Brussels to Tel
Aviv, it had been hijacked after a stopover in Vienna. All we knew at this point
was that the hijackers were Palestinians and that there were about a hundred
passengers on board. Dado said that, while we figured out how to respond, we
had to make sure, at all costs, the plane didn’t take off again. It would
presumably go to an Arab country, where we’d be powerless to act. Though
only a handful of my men had arrived, I took the only officer who had, Shai
Agmon, and an El Al engineer to see whether we could disable the hijacked jet.
It was parked well off from the main terminal area. With the El Al man leading
the way, we approached from the rear, crouching low, hoping the hijackers
wouldn’t spot us. The engines were still running, but at least the deafening noise
kept anyone from hearing us as we ducked under the fuselage and the engineer
removed a stabilizing pin from the front wheel. It was an eerie feeling,
envisaging the captive crew and passengers, and the terrorists, a few feet above
our heads but knowing we were powerless to do anything more to help.
Manno had called me not because I’d won my argument to expand the role
of the sayeret. It was the luck of the draw. With the growing threat of terrorism,
the kirya had drawn up a list of installations which might be targeted. Next to
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each, they’d put the name of the military unit to be called up in an emergency.
We’d been allocated Lod Airport, because our base was just 15 minutes away.
Still, as I accompanied the engineer back to the control tower, I tried to work
out in my mind whether we could plan, prepare and train quickly enough to
mount an operation to free the plane later that night.
More than a dozen members of the unit had now arrived, and more were
joining us every half-hour or so. I arranged for El Al to give us a hangar and a
707 identical to the Sabena plane. Shai, Danny Yatom and I took two airline
technicians with us for a closer look at the Boeing. We studied up on it as
quickly as we could, beginning with the cockpit and the front door, which we
saw was too high to reach without a large ladder. But making our way back, we
realized the wings were low enough to climb on to. When, with the help of
Danny, I clambered onto one of them, I managed to get one of the emergency
doors to open by banging hard on the top end with my open fist. I asked the
technicians whether we could expect the Sabena doors to give way as well. Yes,
he said, but he cautioned me that on some airlines, there were passenger seats
next to at least one of the two doors above each wing.
Walking up into the cabin, I tried to work out how we might attack the
hijackers before they were able to harm the passengers, or us. The risks were
obvious. But I felt we had to be ready to act. With the rest of the sayeret still
making its way to Lod, I put Danny in charge of briefing the new arrivals,
familiarizing them with the 707 and preparing for the possibility of an assault
operation. I also told him to get hold of a couple of dozen small, 22-caliber,
Beretta pistols. I couldn’t see how we’d manage to make our way onto the plane
with Uzis. We knew we’d have to get up to speed quickly on using the Berettas.
None of us had trained on them. But many of the air marshals on board El Al
flights were Sayeret Matkal reservists, and they did use Berettas. I told Danny
to check for any sayeret marshals arriving on El Al flights and get them to join
us.
As I headed back to see Dado, we were nowhere close to a detailed plan on
how to confront the hijackers. Nor did we have any orders. The people who
would give them – Dado, Dayan and ultimately Prime Minister Meir – were still
deciding how to respond. But when I reached the control tower, at about
9:30pm, the order came, if not to mount an operation, at least to make sure the
sayeret was ready. “Talk to Talik,” Dado told me. “See what the options are to
take over the plane if that’s the decision.” I sat down with Talik and ran through
what I’d learned from my brief look at the hijacked plane and the work we’d
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been doing on the Israeli 707. I told him I’d need another two hours to make
sure my men had practiced climbing up on the wings and forcing open the
doors, and another hour for preparations and briefings for the teams who would
be participating in the operation. “By about half an hour after midnight, we’ll be
ready to deploy,” I said, though from his stoic, nearly silent response I couldn’t
be sure whether he was in favor of an assault. “By 0100, we’ll be ready to act.”
Both of us went back to see Dado. He seemed encouraged, especially when I
said we’d be ready to move by one in the morning. He told me the pilot of the
plane had been in contact with the control tower. He was an RAF veteran and,
though the terrorists seemed unaware of this, he was also Jewish. The hijackers
were demanding more than 300 Arab prisoners be released and flown to Cairo.
“And they seem quite nervous.”
Returning to the hangar, I sent Shai Agmon with four soldiers to set up a
lookout and sniper post about 70 yards to the side of the Sabena jet. I told him
not to open fire unless they were sure there had been shooting inside the plane
and could positively identify an armed hijacker. By now, we had three dozen
soldiers and officers, including Uzi Dayan and his full team. I took all those
who were already briefed and divided them into four groups, each with an
officer and five soldiers and assigned to deal with one of the wing doors. I left
the others to continue training.
When midnight came, I was far from certain we could meet the 12:30 am
deployment target I’d given Talik. Incoming flights had stopped for the night,
and we still hadn’t managed to bring in any air marshals. I believed they would
give us a crucial advantage. They knew Berettas. They also knew the inside of a
707. But I was worried about losing Dado’s trust in a sayeret operation if we
failed to meet the timeline. From Shai’s lookout post to the side of the plane, I
learned that the front cabin door of the plane was open. He said he’d seen a
couple of hijackers walking by it, silhouetted by the dim cabin light. But
otherwise, there was no sign of activity inside. I called Talik and told him I was
taking my assault teams to the area behind the plane. About a half-hour later, I
confirmed we were ready to begin the operation. Although the plane’s engines
were off now, our approach had been masked by the drone of the generator
brought in to supply power to the cabin. We were lying face-down on the
tarmac, directly behind the tail of the plane but well back. Two rows of 12 men,
plus me and a soldier in charge of the communications. We’d brought along
four small ladders to help us onto the wings. “We want to exploit the darkness,
and the sound of the generator, to cover us,” I said in my final briefing before
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we’d left the hangar. “If they realize we’re there, we get into the cabin as
quickly as possible, any way we can. The first five seconds will ne critical. Act
decisively,” I told the men. “Assume that everyone else will be doing the same.
Trust your instincts. You are trained for this.”
But more than an hour passed as we waited for the green light to storm the
plane. My main concern wasn’t that the hijackers would see us. There seemed
little reason to believe one of them would suddenly decide to take a walk in the
middle of the night. But sunrise was around five in the morning, and there was
no way I could see mounting our assault in broad daylight. If we didn’t get the
go-ahead soon, the chance would be lost. I called Talik several times, making
the point that if we were going to do it, we needed to use darkness as an ally.
The sayeret was a breed of night animals. Other people, even terrorists, would
be less alert and effective at night. But he kept saying he needed more time.
Finally, an hour before sunrise, he called back. “The big boss is on his way,”
he said. I left the others and crept back to meet the Defense Minister, a good
eighty yards from the plane. Dayan greeted me with a whispered hello. In a
way, his arrival reminded me of my first operation in the sayeret when, before
heading north to the Golan, I’d been summoned to brief Tzvi Tzur, the chief of
staff. Tzur had seemed less interested in the details than in confirming that I was
confident the mission would work. Dayan, of course, had as much operational
knowledge and experience as anyone in Israel. Yet it seemed to me that he, too,
wanted to satisfy himself that I honestly felt we were in a position to succeed.
Especially, though he never so much as hinted at this, because two of the
officers I would be taking in with me, Uzi and Mookie Betzer, were members of
his family.
“How do you plan to do it?” he asked. I explained how we would get into the
plane simultaneously, in four teams, and confront the hijackers. I said I was
confident we’d succeed, especially since darkness gave us an element of
surprise, and the terrorists were bound to be tiring. “We can do it,” I said.
“Better now than in daytime.” Dayan merely nodded. He stood there, silent, for
another few moments. “I’ll let you know,” he said, then shook my hand and
returned to the control tower. But fifteen minutes later he sent his reply, via
Talik. It was brief and explicit: “Not tonight.”
For the first but not the last time in uniform, I felt the frustration of finding
my preparation and judgement trumped, without explanation, by a decision
from above. When I got back to the control tower, I made no attempt to hide my
view we should have moved against the hijackers while we had the chance. But
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Dado sat me down and filled me in on what was obviously a changing situation.
He said the terrorists had allowed the pilot, Reginald Levy, to come see Dayan
and press their demands. He had brought with him a slab of light-yellow
material to demonstrate the seriousness of the risk of saying no. When tested, it
turned out to be exactly what the hijackers said it was: plastic explosive.
The pilot said there were four terrorists: two men with pistols and two
women with explosives and grenades. There were 95 passengers and seven
crew. He’d also confirmed that none of the exits above the wings was blocked
by a passenger seat. He’d returned to the plane without any clear answer from
Dayan on the prisoner release. But before leaving, he revealed that his own wife
was among the passengers. He asked Dayan to promise that Israel would help
care for their daughter if the hijack ended tragically.
By the next morning, that was looking more and more likely. Though the
hijackers were still in contact with the tower, the only visible movement was the
arrival of a representative of the Red Cross. The lead hijacker, who called
himself Captain Rifa’at, was making increasingly forceful demands for the
prisoner release. Our negotiating team did its best to buy time by giving the
appearance we were considering the demand. It was Dayan who came up with
the idea of going further. He told Rechavam Ze’evi, as the head of the central
command area, to begin rounding up hundreds of young Israeli reserve soldiers.
He wanted them dressed them in prison uniforms, and then bused to the airport,
within sight of the hijacked jet. Dayan also arranged for another Boeing 707,
ostensibly to take the “freed prisoners” on to Cairo.
“What then?” Ze’evi asked Dayan. “We’re not really going to put them on a
plane and take off!”
It was after he’d had no real reply that he in effect answered his own
question, inadvertently leading us to the idea of attempting a daytime attack
after all. Talking to Dado and me, he said: “Since we’re going to such lengths to
deceive them, why not just add another layer? Why can’t Ehud’s people take the
role of the airport mechanics?” Looking at each other, Dado and I realized it
was a stroke of brilliance. Dado went to share the plan with Dayan, confident
that he would be no less enthusiastic, which he was. I remained with Ze’evi and
his deputy to work out the details. We agreed they would take care of the
pantomime with the prisoners, as well arranging for El Al to get us the ladder
trucks that airline maintenance crews used, which would allow us access to the
Sabena jet’s front and rear doors as well. That left me free to concentrate on
preparation and training.
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We had just a few hours to adapt the original plan. Although we’d trained in
close-quarters fighting for my plan to attack the officers’ club near Damascus,
we’d never had to use that skill in a live mission. Nor had we ever used the
Berettas. While we’d disguised ourselves as enemy soldiers or military police
on our intelligence operations, this would be the first time we were taking on
the persona of civilian engineers, with the need to fool armed terrorists on the
lookout for any sign of danger or betrayal. And for the first time in any of our
major operations, we would be operating in daytime.
Now that nearly all our soldiers and officers had arrived, I began arranging
the final line-up of attack teams. We would need six rather than four, since the
new plan would give us access to the front and rear doors. Danny now also told
me that a couple of the El Al technicians had shown him a way of climbing up
from inside the nose wheel into the cockpit. One of the toughest and strongest
of our soldiers, Uri Koren, had tried it successfully on the El Al 707. I told
Danny, Uri and another officer that they would be assigned to attack through the
front door and the nose wheel. I put Uzi Dayan in charge of the tail door. The
emergency doors above the wings, however, still gave us the quickest way in. I
planned to command the operation from the left of the aircraft, because both the
front and tail doors also faced that way. I entrusted Bibi Netanyahu and his team
with breaking in through the main wing door on the far side of the plane.
By noon, we got a further boost. With the resumption of incoming flights,
we began collecting air marshals. One in particular raised my confidence. I
knew Mordechai Rachamim well from the sayeret. He was a Yemeni Jew from
Elyakhin, the moshav near Mishmar Hasharon where Baddura and the other
Yemeni workers lived. He was tall, strong and athletic, naturally agile and quick
to respond in situations of danger. He was also no ordinary air marshal. In 1969,
he’d been posted on an El Al flight from Amsterdam to Tel Aviv. On a stopover
in Zurich, four gunmen from Fatah’s main radical rival in the PLO, the Popular
Front for the Liberation of Palestine, leapt out of a car, opened fire with AK-47s
and began throwing grenades. The PFLP assault injured four of the crew and
killed the co-pilot. Armed with his Beretta, Mordechai rushed to the cockpit
window and returned fire. Seeing the attackers were too far away, he slid down
the emergency chute. Once on the tarmac, he shot one of the terrorists in the
head and kept the rest of them at bay.
As additional air marshals arrived, I slotted each of them into an assault team
in place of one of our sayeret soldiers. The next to arrive was Marco Ashkenazi,
a Cairo-born veteran with whom I’d worked on a mission inside Egypt. I put
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Mordechai on the main left-side wing door, critical for the opening moments of
the assault, and added Marco to Bibi’s team on the other side of the aircraft.
It was then that Yoni arrived back from Negev. He insisted on being added
to one of the assault teams. In one respect, that made sense. He had more
battlefield experience than almost everyone in the unit. But there was an
unwritten sayeret rule never to place two brothers together in the line of fire.
“It’s too late,” I told him, with an arm on his shoulder. “Bibi has already been
training his team.” He went off to find Bibi. I thought there was little chance of
Bibi standing down, but didn’t feel I could stop Yoni from trying. Five minutes
later, they came to talk to me. Bibi said: “Yoni wants to replace me. We want
you to decide.” I assumed both of them knew what I’d say. “Today, it’s Bibi,” I
replied. “But Yoni, this is not our last operation. I will make sure you are there
the next time.”
The last marshal to join us was a tall, thin redhead we always called Zur.
He’d had only 15 minutes to begin training when I got word that Dado – along
with Ze’evi and Ahrahle Yariv – were on their way to see a run-through. As
they filed into the hangar, I quickly explained the operational plan. I showed
them how we would push in the wing doors in, and then ushered them inside the
707. Two minutes later, the emergency-door teams climbed on to the wings.
When I gave the agreed two-finger whistle, they stormed the plane. “OK,
gentlemen,” Dado told the team leaders when it was over. “We’ve seen what we
needed.” Before returning to the control tower, however, he took me aside.
“You know they have explosives, right?” he said. When I said yes, his tone
softened. “You don’t have much time, Ehud” he said. “Don’t waste it.
BeHatzlakha.” Good luck.
We still had to outfit ourselves in mechanics’ overalls, and swap the
sayeret’s paratroop-style red boots for black ones. I directed all the men to
conceal the Berettas on a waist-belt inside their overalls. We got acquainted
with our mechanics’ toolboxes. Finally we organized our maintenance
motorcade: four electronic buggies in front, towing four ladders, two short ones
for the wings and taller ones for the front and rear doors. Waiting for the order
to move, I said a final few words. Seeing the determination and nervous
anticipation on the faces of the men around me, I began by reiterating that the
first five seconds would be critical. “We all know that nothing ever happens
exactly according to plan. Each and every one of us has to focus on speed,
momentum and precision. No one can wait for anyone else to act. From the
moment I give the signal, or if we come under fire, each team has to act as if
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they have to accomplish this all on their own. All of us must assume that. Keep
cool. Stay focused. Rely on your instincts. We’re ready for this mission. And
we are going to achieve it.”
One minute after four in the afternoon, we got the word to go. I was in the
lead buggy, consciously trying to look like a civilian, not a soldier. It was about
a mile-and-a-half to the aircraft. I glanced back at the others. Like me, many of
them had been awake for 30 hours or more, in some cases nearly 48 hours. The
air marshals had been plucked off long-haul flights on which relaxation, much
less sleep, was not an option. As before any mission, I knew everyone would be
thinking about what was about to happen. They also realized that if we failed,
the passengers trapped inside the plane would be at the mercy of terrorists
armed with AK-47s and explosives. But I was confident that any apprehension
would be overtaken by adrenalin when as the assault began.
As we got closer, Shai Agmon radioed me. He said two or three people, not
the terrorists, had come out of the plane. One seemed to be the Red Cross man.
They were about 120 yards away from the aircraft. As soon as he’d signed off, I
got word from the command post in the control tower that it was indeed the Red
Cross representative, along with two of the flight crew. They’d been chosen by
the terrorists to do security checks on the “maintenance” men.
I brought the convoy to a halt. The Red Cross man gave each of us a fairly
cursory body search before waving us on. Then, he got to Bibi. Though I had
somehow failed to notice, he had left on his red sayeret boots. In Israel, that was
the equivalent of a neon sign saying: “I am a paratrooper.” Although the Red
Cross man noticed the boots, he at first made no comment. Then, rolling up the
pants leg of Bibi’s overalls, he saw his Beretta – not inside his waistbelt, but
inside the boot. The next thing I heard was an angry spurt of French as the man
called the control tower. For a moment, I feared the mission was over, with
potentially fatal repercussions for the hostages. But whatever explanation the
Red Cross man was given – presumably by Dayan himself, who would not have
held back in conveying what was at stake – it dissuaded him from taking further
action.
As we were returning to the buggies, the Red Cross man told me that
“Captain Rifa’at” had ordered us to pull up to the generator on the side of the
plane. Each of us would then have to walk forward and open the front of our
overalls so he could make sure we weren’t armed. I passed back four orders to
the rest of the men. First, with no exceptions, move your pistol to the back of
your belt. Second: I’ll be the first to go through the inspection. Third: watch
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what I do and do the same. Finally, if our cover is broken, or if you hear
gunfire, we all storm the plane.
I felt as I always did as an operation was about to begin. Along with the
tension, I had a keen awareness of everything happening around me, almost as
if I was watching things in slow motion, in high resolution. When our
motorcade approached the generator, Rifa’at leaned out from the co-pilot’s
window. He was pointing a pistol at us. He seemed to be in his late 20s or early
30s. He had dark hair and a moustache and the hint of a stubbly beard. We
stopped beside the generator. I got out and walked toward the cockpit, halting
about 10 feet away. Looking up the hijacker, I made a conscious effort to appear
curious rather than worried. His eyes seemed a mix of intense focus and tension.
I opened the front of my overalls. Because of the heat, I was wearing nothing
else on top. He nodded his head to signal he was satisfied. I refastened the
overalls and moved off. One by one, the other men passed inspection. Then we
went back and brought the two smaller ladders to the side of each wing, and the
“mechanics” set down to work. I delayed bringing in the large ladders so as to
minimize any risk of arousing the terrorists’ suspicions.
The fact that at least so far they seemed to suspect nothing was in large part
down to Dayan’s misdirection plan. As we began working on the plane, the
“Palestinian” prisoners were disembarking from buses about 300 yards away.
As Rifa’at watched, several hundred men formed long rows. A few of them
waved in his direction. The Boeing which was theoretically going to take them
on to Cairo, to be followed by the Sabena jet minus the hostages, was being
towed into position.
One by one, our assault teams were moving into place. All that remained
was for me to give a short, sharp whistle and the attack would begin. Yet just as
I was raising my fingers to my mouth, I saw Bibi coming toward me from under
the fuselage. He motioned to me to wait. Zur, the last of our air marshals, had a
problem. Having spent 10 hours in the air on the way back to Israel, before
being immediately plugged into an assault team, he had something to attend to.
“He has to take a shit,” Bibi said. Can’t it wait, I asked. No, was the answer. So
I said OK, leading to the most surreal “operational” moment I would witness
during all my years in the military.
The “prisoner release” was now in full flow. Dozens of military vehicles,
and a small army of fire engines and ambulances, had also pulled to the far end
of the runway, out of sight of the hijackers, in case our attack on the Sabena jet
went wrong. Tel Aviv hospitals were on alert. And Zur was crouching and
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relieving himself. He nodded in gratitude when he’d finished, and returned to
Bibi’s team on the far wing. I gave him a full minute to be certain he was in
place.
Then I whistled. From my initial position beside the plane, I saw Danny
Yatom and his team begin to move one of the tall ladders toward the front door.
Shifting my eyes toward the wing doors as the “crucial first five seconds” ticked
by, I saw both the ones on my side of the plane were still shut. I climbed up on
the wing. When I got to the smaller, rear door I saw the main one cave inward
and Mordechai Rachamim rush in. But the soldier on the other door was
trembling and frozen in place. I slapped him, hard, on the back. “Move!” I
shouted. Instantly, he pushed the door in and rushed inside. I then noticed Uzi
and his team had still not entered from the rear. I jumped from the wing and ran
toward the ladder at the back, but by the time I got there, they had made it
inside, and I followed them in.
Everything was over within 90 seconds. As I’d expected, the planning and
training turned out to matter less than instinct and initiative. Within seconds, Uri
Koren managed to get into the nose-wheel assembly. Though he couldn’t
dislodge a metal-mesh panel separating it from the cockpit, he spotted the
outline of a man’s foot above him, fired, and wounded Captain Rifa’at. The
other members of Danny’s team in front were less lucky. With the ladder, they
had no trouble getting to the passenger door, but they struggled to force it open.
When they did nudge it open a crack, one of the hijackers opened fire, slightly
wounding one of the men and forcing them to abandon the attempt.
Mordechai went in shooting, but immediately drew fire and had to retreat.
But Omer Wachman, another air marshal I’d posted on the far wing, was in a
couple of seconds later. Coming face-to-face with one of the hijackers, he shot
him in the head. That allowed Mordechai to get back inside. He quickly
exchanged fire with the hobbled Captain Rifa’at, hitting the hijacker in the side.
As Mordechai ducked down to reload his pistol, Rifa’at managed to lock
himself inside one of the toilets near the cockpit. Mordechai ran after him. He
fired through the bathroom door, then kicked it open and confirmed that he was
dead. Rushing back toward the center of plane, he spotted the main woman
hijacker, wearing a bulky explosive vest. Grabbing her hands, he reached inside
the vest and yanked out the battery pack. With two of the hijackers already
dead, Mordechai had now subdued the third. But knowing that there was still
another woman unaccounted for, he handed her over to Bibi and Marco
Ashkenazi. Bibi grabbed her by the back of her hair, but it turned out to be a
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wig, which came off in his hand. As she began screaming, Marco instinctively
struck her across the face, but he used the hand in which he had his Beretta. The
gun went off, and the bullet grazed Bibi in his upper arm.
When Uzi Dayan had finally got in through the rear door, he’d run up
against a stocky, suntanned man blocking in his way, and fired – thankfully,
only into his midsection. He turned out to be one of the passengers, a filmmaker
from Austria. Still, there was the other woman hijacker to deal with.
Several of the passengers pointed to the floor just ahead of Uzi, where she lay
curled up, holding a grenade with the pin out. Ordering her loudly, sternly, not
to move, Uzi wrapped his hand over hers, extracted the grenade from her grasp
finger by finger, replaced the pin, and had one of his men lead her out of the
plane and down the stairs.
All the hijackers had been either killed or captured.
Tragically, in the initial crossfire, a 22-year-old passenger named Miriam
Holtzberg, had been hit. Although the man whom Uzi had mistakenly shot
recovered, she did not. Yet all of the remaining passengers and crew were now
free and safe, alive and unharmed.
I felt a mix of emotions when it was over: pride, a sense of achievement
against all the odds. And huge relief at having succeeded in ending the ordeal of
the captives. Without my saying so, everyone in the unit understood that my
inaugural comments as commander, about our need to become a full specialforces
unit, were no longer a distant wish. Still, I knew this was only one step,
and I wanted to make sure we kept our feet on the ground. The day after the
Sabena rescue, Israeli newspapers devoted acres of newsprint to how the
operation had succeeded. Since Sayeret Matkal’s existence was still an official
secret, the headline writers called us, variously, a “special” unit, a “select” unit
and even in one case, because of our El Al coveralls, “angels in white.” We did,
briefly, celebrate back at the sayeret base. But as with every other operation, we
went through a self-critical assessment of what we could have done better. How,
if we had to do another hostage-rescue operation, could we make sure none of
the passengers was harmed? How could we improve co-ordination among the
assault teams? And minimize the risk of shooting each other. Why had I, as
commander of the operation, had to wait for someone else to suggest the idea of
disguising ourselves as aircraft technicians? And why had we failed to train
with Berettas and other pistols as well as Uzis?
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They were not just academic issues. Even if we were never again called upon
to free a hijacked airplane, I assumed we would face other operations which
were equally urgent, without the weeks or even months of preparation we’d
always insisted on in the past.
* * *
After the Sabena operation, I emphasized the need for us to be proactive. It
wouldn’t be up to us to decide which operations to do. But it was up to us to
take the initiative in identifying and understanding specific threats and framing
ways in which we could provide a response. Even before Sabena, barely two
weeks had gone by when I didn’t go to Eli Zeira, who was in charge of the
operations department of military intelligence, with a mission which I felt
confident we were ready to carry out. Several of the most complex centered on
the new threat posed by Palestinian groups in Lebanon. Before the civil war in
Jordan, King Hussein had accused Fatah, the PFLP and the equally militant
Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine of trying to create “a state
within a state” and deliberately weakening his government. Now, they were
doing much the same in Lebanon. Their headquarters buildings in southern
Beirut were spawning hijackings or terror attacks. From bases in southern
Lebanon, the Palestinians were also firing Katyusha rockets into Israel.
One of the operations I planned targeted Arafat. From our intelligence
intercepts, we knew that a day or two after a particularly intense clash with
Israeli artillery units on the Lebanese border, he would tour the area and meet
with his commanders. If we were going to go after him, however, we needed to
know exactly when he was coming. Fortunately, the Lebanese authorities
tracked Arafat’s motorcade on these “review the troops” excursions, reporting
how many cars were involved, which one he was in, and their progress. Thanks
to previous sayeret missions, we could listen in. In order to ensure the operation
would be on our terms, I proposed that a couple of days before we planned to
move, Israeli artillery target a Fatah rocket site in an isolated area about ten
miles from the border, where there was just a single road in from Beirut. I
proposed landing several teams by helicopter the night before. We would lie in
wait until the Lebanese army checkpoints reported that the Fatah convoy was on
its way. Israeli helicopters and F-4 jets would then cut off the road on both
sides, and we would ambush Arafat’s vehicle.
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When I took the plan to Eli Zeira, he was reading an issue of the French
newsmagazine l’Express and snacking on salted almonds from a dish on his
desk. As I ran through the reason we’d come up with the plan – the bourgeoning
power of Arafat and Fatah in Lebanon – he peered at me over his reading
glasses and nodded. As I set out the details of the attack plan, he listened, with
no obvious sign of approval or rejection. But after I’d finished, he dismissed it
out of hand. He said that Arafat was no longer the battlefield commander whose
forces had fought Israel in Karameh. “He’s fat. He’s political,” he said. “He is
not a target for this kind of operation.”
After the Sabena hostage-rescue, Dado and the other senior officers in the
kirya did seem more receptive to our trying to initiate operations, especially the
plan to seize Syrian officers and trade them for the Israeli pilots. But such a
mission required not just military or intelligence approval. Dayan, and possibly
Golda as well, would have to sign off, and there was little immediate sign of
that. But, once again, events on the ground would force the issue. Early on the
morning of June 9, our intelligence intercepts gave us notice that the next day, a
group of senior Syrian officers was going to make an inspection visit to the
eastern part of the Lebanese border area with Israel. We would have to move
quickly. Within the space of 12 hours, we’d need to plan the attack, organize,
equip and brief the assault teams, make the three-and-a-half-hour drive north,
and cross into Lebanon.
Still, I was determined to try, which marked the start of two of my most
frustrating weeks as Sayeret Matkal commander. The place where we planned
to abduct the Syrians was an area I knew personally: the sparsely settled strip of
land where Lebanon, Syria and Israel met, not far from where I’d helped
“capture” several Syrian villages on the final day of the 1967 war. With the
convoy expected to pass through the next morning, we crossed the border a little
before midnight on June 9. We lay in ambush in dense vegetation a few meters
off a curve in the road, further reducing the time the Syrians would have to react
once they saw us. I stationed two other sayeret teams a few hundred yards away
in either direction, so they could cut off the road once we attacked.
But as the convoy was approaching, I was suddenly contacted by the sayeret
officer we’d stationed in the command post back in Israel. He relayed a message
from Motta Gur, the head of the northern command. Its intelligence unit said
there was a Lebanese Army checkpoint a quarter-mile from the ambush site.
Motta himself was in the south, with Dado, watching a tank exercise. So I
had no way of talking to him. I replied through the officer in the command post.
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“Tell Motta we know about it,” I said. “We’ve planned for it. It’s not a
problem.” I figured there were at most four or five Lebanese soldiers manning
the checkpoint. The last thing they’d want to do is get involved in a firefight
between us and the Syrians. But Motta’s reply was unequivocal. The mission
was off.
When we’d climbed through a bramble-filled ravine back into Israel, I left a
message for Motta. I found it hard to disguise my frustration, and my anger, at
being ordered to abort the attack, especially after my assurances that the
Lebanese roadblock was not a problem. Yet when we got back to the sayeret
base, I realized there was more to his veto than I’d thought. He and Dado had
received intelligence saying the Syrians were likely to make a series of further
inspection tours of the border area, so this would not be our last chance. The
next day, we received word they’d be touring the western part of the border on
June 13. On the Lebanese side, it was known as Ras Naqoura, on ours as Rosh
Hanirkra, where the Mediterranean coastline rose dramatically to a ridge and,
once into Israel, sloped steeply down again toward Haifa.
I took in two main assault teams, one led by Mookie, the other by Uzi
Dayan. We hid in a tangle of bushes about halfway along the road which
climbed up toward the border ridge. I stationed Bibi and his team at the bottom
of the road, equipped with Uzis and rocket-propelled grenade launchers. We
waited, knowing that we’d be able to see the convoy as it twisted its way up
toward us. Again, I had no direct link to Motta. Yet both he and Dado were
following the mission from a command post in northern Israel. We were in
nearly real-time contact through a sayeret officer, named Amit Ben-Horn, right
across the border.
A first vehicle appeared at around 10:30 in the morning. Bibi radioed us. It
was a Lebanese army armored car with a single machine-gun. It drove past and
halted 150 feet on, at the point where the road began to climb. The two guys
inside took out a small table and a couple of chairs and began brewing up coffee
on the side of the road. “All OK,” I said when I radioed Amit to tell him. “Predeployment.”
The convoy arrived two hours later and began to climb. “We’re
taking it,” I radioed Amit.
“Wait,” he replied. And as I kept pressing him for the final go-ahead, another
30 seconds passed.
“Not approved,” he finally barked back at me, clearly wanting to make sure I
got the message.
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“What the hell is going on?” I replied, in a mix of a shout and a whisper,
since I knew the convoy was getting closer. But within a minute, we spotted the
lead Land Rover, which was soon past us on the way up to the ridge. It was
followed by two large American cars, with the Syrian officers, and then a
trailing security vehicle. It was too late. I was fuming. The convoy had passed
within a couple of yards of us, moving slowly because of the incline. But,
regaining my composure, I realized we’d get another opportunity, when the
officers returned from their inspection visit. We now knew exactly how the
convoy was deployed, and with any luck, the security men would be less alert
by the end of the day. Even better, it would be beginning to get dark, perfect
conditions for the ambush.
But as we were waiting, Amit radioed me with a question from from Dado
and Motta. “Where’s the armored car?” It’s still there, at the bottom of the road,
I told them. “But there’s nothing it can do.” Bibi and his team had it in their
sights. I considered not telling Amit what happened a few minutes later: a
Lebanese shepherd, with a half-dozen sheep, stumbled on us. One of Uzi’s men,
fluent in Arabic, tied the startled man’s arms behind his back, scattered the
sheep, and told him: “It’s fine. Another hour or so, we’ll be gone, and we’ll let
you go.” It turned out to be less than an hour. Forty-five minutes. During which,
not once but twice, Amit told us that Dado and Motta were worried: about the
armored car and now about the shepherd. I assured him everything was fine.
We’d do the operation. The guys in the armored car would be helpless. If all
went well, they might not even know we’d intercepted the convoy. The
shepherd, like us, was just waiting for it to be over so we could all go home.
Minutes later, Amit called again. He told us the convoy was on its way down.
But barely 60 seconds later, he said: “It’s off. Don’t do it. Dado told me to
repeat it twice so you’d understand: do not do the operation.”
When we got back to the command post, not only were Dado and Motta
there. Since Motta was within days of leaving to become Israel’s military
attaché in Washington, they’d been joined by his successor as head of the
northern command, Yitzhak Hofi. Three times, I suggested to Dado that we
speak without my officers present. I did not feel it was right to have Uzi,
Mookie and Bibi hear me the generals how I felt. But Dado insisted there was
no reason for them to leave.
“This is a serious issue,” I said, trying to keep my emotions in check. “What
happened out there is unacceptable. An effective special-forces unit cannot
operate this way. For the second time in a week, you’ve made us stop an
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operation. Both times, it was an operation that we, the ones who have to do it,
knew could succeed. An operation on which the fate of three Israeli pilots
depends. One of whom we know personally, and have worked with. Now, again,
with no real reason, you’ve stopped us. I see this as a breach of trust.” When
neither Dado nor Motta replied, I went on: “I have to tell you openly. You can’t
possibly judge the situation on the ground. Only we can. And you’re behaving
as if you know. You can’t know from here. There was no reason for us not to
grab those officers. I don’t want to reach a point when I have to start thinking
about what to report back, or not report, just to make sure we’re free to
complete a mission that you ordered, after agreeing it was necessary for Israel.”
No one said anything for a few moments. I could see that Uzi, Mookie and
Bibi were shocked at having heard me speak in this way to three of the top
commanders of the armed forces. But I meant every word. If Sayeret Matkal
was to function as a special-forces unit, it needed to have the trust of those
who’d authorized an operation in the first place. It was Dado who finally
replied. Sort of. Trying to defuse the tension, he told us a joke from his Palmach
days. “There are two bulls who come into a field full of cows. A young one and
old one. The young one says to the old guy: let’s run over there to the far end of
the field, where the prettiest cow is, and we can fuck her. The old bull replies:
“No need to rush. Let’s go slowly, and fuck them all.”
I guess we were meant to be the young bulls.
I doubt Dado knew whether we’d get a third chance at the Syrian officers,
though I’m sure he hoped so. A week later, we got word there would be a final
inspection visit, to the central sector of the border area. Ordinarily, I would have
led the operation. Now, I made an exception. To Dado’s obvious surprise, I
decided to remain behind, in the command post. “A commander has to be in the
best place to ensure a mission is successfully completed,” I told him. “I’ve
come to the conclusion the only way I can do that is to be here with you.
Because the real bottleneck isn’t out there in the field. It’s here.”
I placed Yoni, who had just become my deputy, in overall command of the
two main teams: Uzi Dayan’s and another led by one of our most impressive
young officers, a kibbutznik named Danny Brunner. He reminded me a lot of
Nechemia Cohen: he spoke little, and softly, but once an operation began was
calm, clear minded and able to anticipate and avoid trouble before it
materialized. Two other teams, one led by Mookie Betzer and the other by Shai
Agmon, would act as blocking units, concealed half-a-mile on either side, once
the main force intercepted the convoy. We chose a spot across from the Israeli
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moshav of Za’arit. We equipped Yoni’s force with a pair of Land Rovers in
Lebanese army colors and had them hide overnight in the moshav’s orchards, a
hundred yards from the road on the Lebanese side of the frontier. The next
morning, when we got confirmation the convoy was on its way, they crossed
and stationed themselves on the road, lifted the hood of one of the vehicles and
made as if they were trying to repair engine trouble. Both the blocking forces
were in half-tracks with heavy machine-guns in case the convoy chose to stand
and fight.
What we didn’t count on was a Lebanese driver, in a VW Beetle as I recall,
puttering along the road shortly after Yoni’s team crossed. The man waved at
them. Quite rightly, Yoni let him drive on. Along with the other obvious reasons
not to fire on a civilian VW, he didn’t want to alert the Syrians and their hosts
there was danger ahead. But the Lebanese motorist, as well as a group of nearby
farmers, were suspicious enough to deliver a warning that there were a couple
of stalled Land Rovers on the side of the road. The convoy halted shortly after
passing Mookie’s force, hidden in a field a few dozen yards away.
Had I not been in the command post, I’m pretty sure what would have
happened next. The mission would have been called off. This time, I was the
one in direct contact with all three teams. Even before I gave the order, Yoni
had anticipated it. He and Uzi turned west to confront the convoy. In a brief
initial exchange of gunfire, one of Uzi’s men was wounded, not seriously, in the
leg. But with Mookie’s team firing from behind and Yoni’s and Uzi’s men in
front, the convoy was trapped, and the Syrians captured.
The safest way back into Israel would have been the way the force had
entered. But Yoni and Uzi realized the main imperative was to get the Syrians
out as quickly as possible. At a not-inconsiderable cost to a pair of American
limousines, Uzi drove each of them, with a total of five Syrian officers, through
a boulder-strewn field across the border.
The Syrians included three senior members of the Operations Department of
the General Staff, and two from Air Force intelligence. Israel made an
immediate offer to swap them for our pilots, though how enthusiastically I’m
not sure. With this kind of leverage on our side, it seemed unlikely the Syrians
would do further harm to our pilots. Our intelligence officers were keen to get
every bit of information they could before sending the Syrians home. It would
be a year later before the exchange was done. Yoni received a well-deserved
tzalash for his role in the mission.
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* * *
Barely two months after the ambush operation in south Lebanon, Black
September seized and murdered members of the Israeli team at the 1972
Olympics in Munich.
As soon as the news broke on the morning of September 5, I phoned Ahrahle
Yariv as head of military intelligence. “You need to send us,” I said. I tried to
persuade him that if it came down to an operation to free our hostages, Sayeret
Matkal offered the best hope that it would not end in a bloodbath. We had the
mind-set, the background, the training and now the experience. I also knew the
German military had no special-forces unit. I’d have been even more worried if
I had known that German law barred the army from operating in peacetime.
That meant any use of force would be left to the police. Ahrahle told me it was
too early to say what involvement, if any, Israel might have. He’d get back in
touch with a decision when it came.
I called my officers together to begin planning. I decided to use the men who
had been with me for the Sabena mission, including Mordechai Rachamim. We
collated information from the stream of media reports from Munich and
assembled a rough idea of the layout of the building the terrorists had attacked.
As for the attackers, I said we had to assume there were at least half-a-dozen,
that they had not just AK-47s but grenades or other explosives. And that like the
Sabena hijackers, they would be prepared to die but hoping to live. All of that
turned out to be true. None of it, however, could alter the reply I got from
Ahrahle a couple of hours later. “We decided to send Zvika,” he said. Zvika
Zamir was the head of Mossad, and he would be going only as an observer. Any
operation against the terrorists would still be in the hands of German units.
The German police’s bungled attempt to end the ordeal was especially
painful because it was so predictable. I believe that if we had been there, at least
some of the eleven Israelis killed might not have lost their lives. The Germans
launched an ambush at a NATO airfield outside Munich, when the terrorists and
hostages were ostensibly on their way to board a flight for Cairo. We know now
that there was no properly co-ordinated plan. Too few police were deployed for
the operation. They were insufficiently armed, and they lacked relevant training
or experience. The result: a bloodbath. As a final insult to the memory of the
murdered Israelis, although the three surviving terrorists were jailed, the
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German government released them to meet the demands of the hijackers of a
Lufthansa airliner the following month.
Added to Israeli public’s shock over the massacre, there was anger at having
to watch the murderers go free. In the weeks afterwards, I got occasional hints
that a sustained Israeli response was underway, though I didn’t know the details.
I was not aware that it was Ahrahle, at the direction of Golda herself, who was
co-ordinating it. Nor that a special Mossad team was at the center of the
operation. Yet from news reports of a series of attacks on suspected leaders of
Black September, I, and most Israelis, assumed we were determined to convey a
message which the Germans had not: that terror killings of the sort perpetrated
in Munich would not go unanswered.
It was not until late 1972 that I knew the full scale of the operation. We had
no formal ties with the Mossad, but our intelligence work occasionally
overlapped. In mid-December, the sayeret’s intelligence liaison was approached
with a “theoretical question” by a couple of guys from the Mossad. Did we have
the capability to attack three separate flats in a pair of apartment buildings in
Beirut. I sent back my preliminary answer a few days later. I said it was
possible. But there was no way I could say for sure without more information.
Would the people in the apartments be armed? Were there guards outside? Was
there a caretaker or concierge? Was there only one way in to the buildings, or
also rear entrances? Would we be able to get a plan of the interior of the
apartments?
In another month, they came up with most of the answers. The buildings
were fairly new, with glassed-in lobby areas and concierges. The Mossad men
also gave us a fairly detailed layout of two of the three apartments. They did not
know whether there were back entrances. They thought it was likely there were
bodyguards, or at least some security detail posted outside. As for the people
living in the apartments, all of them were likely to have at least small arms.
Over the next week or so, we raised a series of other questions. Mainly, I
wanted to know whether they were sure the people we’d be looking for would
be at home. The Mossad officers said they were working on that, but were
confident of being able to confirm this before any operation happened. Though
they didn’t identify the people they were targeting, I had now learned, through
Ahrahle and others, what had been pretty obvious since the Mossad’s initial
approach. They were Palestinian leaders with ties to Black September. “I think
it’s possible,” I finally told them. “We’ll put a plan in place. We can finalize the
arrangements if you come back and say you want us to do it.”
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Nothing happened for several months. By the early spring of 1973, with my
two-year term as sayeret commander winding down, I assumed the operation
had been vetoed. I could understand why. As we worked on our plan, it had
become clear that getting into the heart of the Lebanese capital, hitting the
apartments and getting out again without starting a minor war would be by far
the most difficult mission we had attempted. I did not doubt that Sayeret Matkal
offered the best chance of success. But it wouldn’t be easy. I figured that
whoever was making the decision had come to the same conclusion.
I was on a weekend away with Nava and Michal in the Red Sea resort of
Eilat when things suddenly began to move. At around noon on Saturday, I got a
call from Talik’s deputy in the kirya. “Ehud,” he said, “we need you back here
as soon as possible.” When I asked why, he said: “You remember how you were
approached by someone with some questions, and you went back to them with a
list of other questions for them to answer?”
I told Nava I’d been summoned to a meeting at the chief-of-staff’s office –
the kind of call of duty that both of us were now used to – and grabbed the first
commercial flight north. It got the the kirya early in the evening, and joined a
meeting that was already well underway. Dado was in his usual seat on the
right-hand side of the table he used for staff discussions, flanked by Talik.
Across from them was Manno Shaked, the officer who had phoned me to tell
me about the Sabena hijacking and who had now succeeded Raful Eitan as
katzhar, overall chief of the infantry and paratroopers. Beside him were the two
Mossad officers with whom I’d had most of my dealings about Beirut. They
were all staring at an aerial photo of the Lebanese capital, with an area marked
in blue pen around a street called Rue Verdun.
I entered and took one of the remaining chairs. Gesturing toward the image
of Beirut, Dado turned to me. “Do you know this place?” he asked. Yes, I said.
I’d seen the photo. Nodding toward the Mossad men, I said: “These two officers
showed it to me.”
“Do you have an idea how to do this operation?” I told him that we didn’t
have a fully detailed operational plan. But I said we’d looked into the problems
we’d face. “We believe we can do it.” When he asked how, I outlined the
approach we’d settled on: a small force, thirteen men, plus two from Mossad to
act as drivers. We would need the Mossad men to go to Beirut ahead of us, and
rent a pair of nice American cars, the kind typical tourists would use. We’d land
on the waterfront, well south of the most built-up parts of the city coastline, and
meet up with the rental cars. When we reached the apartment blocks, three
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groups of three men each would take care of the apartments. Four more would
remain outside to deal with the concierges or security guards or any other
interference, and to command and co-ordinate. We’d leave the same way we
came in, by sea.
Dado nodded. I found out later that he’d asked the same question of Manno,
who had proposed a classic regular-army raid. They would block the road with
ten armed paratroopers on each end with the aim of holding off resistance, while
another two dozen went in to the apartments and attacked. I could only assume
Dado concluded that this almost certainly wouldn’t work, at least not without
major trouble. It would certainly forfeit any chance of surprise.
“The mission is yours,” he said. “Manno will be in overall command,
offshore. Because we’re also planning to hit several other targets.”
The reason for the urgent summons was that the Mossad had confirmed all
three Palestinians would be in their apartments in 10 days’ time. Everyone
involved realized that – given its complexity, the obvious risks, and the
inevitable unknowns – the operation could well go wrong. In fact, one reason
for Dado’s “other targets” was to ensure that if it did, there would be successes
elsewhere to provide a credible justification for having sent Israeli forces into
Beirut. As we received further intelligence, new obstacles had to be factored in.
The main one was the presence of a gendarmerie, a Lebanese police post, at the
bottom end of the street, only 500 feet or so from the apartments. And we would
be operating in a crowded, up-market residential area. We could only hope that
at the hour we struck, most people would be in bed. Or out partying. This was,
after all, pre-civil war Beirut, the “Paris of the Middle East”.
In the years since, an extraordinary array of stories has grown up around the
sayeret’s final and best-known mission during my term as commander,
culminating in the dramatic version in Stephen Spielberg’s movie Munich. I
remember reading in one earlier book, otherwise surprisingly accurate, about
our five weeks of intensive training. Even the full 10 days which I thought we’d
been given would have been a bonus. In fact, we had half that as a full team,
since our Mossad drivers, European-born Israelis, had to make their way
through Paris to Beirut as tourists, rent the cars and scout out our route from the
seashore to Rue Verdun.
There were four other operations planned alongside ours: three by paratroop
units and one by the Shayetet 13 SEALs, against a series of Fatah and
Democratic Front installations. Though all of them, like ours, would need help
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from the SEALs in getting ashore, only one required direct co-ordination with
us. This was an attack on a DFLP building a mile or so away in southern Beirut,
led by Amnon Lipkin, the friend whose unit had faced one of the toughest
battles at Karameh. Amnon’s paratroop force would land with us and also pile
into Mossad rental cars. Our attacks would begin at the same time, with the
maximum prospect of retaining the advantage of surprise. When and if we both
completed the operations and got away safely, we would meet up again on the
seafront.
From our first meeting, the morning after Dado gave me the go-ahead, I
realized I would have to make at least one change to the plan to rely on the core
Sabena team. There was no way, after his exclusion from the hijack rescue
mission, that I could refuse Yoni when he pressed to be included. I added him to
Mookie Betzer’s force. I put the other two attack teams under a pair of young
officers named Amitai Nachmani and Zvika Gilad. Both were self-confident,
natural leaders. Both had other qualities I also knew we’d need: focus, and
calm. I would take charge on the street outside the targeted apartments, along
with Amiram Levin. With us would be Dov Bar, a Shayetet 13 officer, and our
medic, Shmuel Katz.
In the hangar at the sayeret base, we made mock-ups of the layout of the
apartments, using bedsheets for the walls and adjusting the dimensions as
further bits of intelligence came in from Mossad. But the real work involved
simulating the whole operation, from the moment of our landing on jet-black
rubber dinghies piloted by the SEALs. We found a new building development
in north Tel Aviv with a pair of apartment blocks under construction. For two
nights, we ran through the whole thing: setting off in the dinghies from a missile
boat off the Israeli coast before midnight, meeting up with our Mossad drivers
on shore, making our way through the center of Tel Aviv to the apartment
complexes and simulating the attack. I wanted to ensure we could pull off the
whole thing without anyone raising an alarm. The one problem came during the
second run-through. A policeman drove by as we were “attacking” the
apartments. Dado managed to convince him that reporting us to his superiors
would not be an especially good idea.
In our debriefing discussions after that exercise, Dado identified a major
problem I’d overlooked. We would be entering Beirut dressed as civilians. Once
we got to the top end of Rue Verdun, we planned to approach the apartments as
if we were party-goers returning from a night on the town. “It doesn’t look
right,” Dado said. “More than a dozen party people walking, all men?” Mookie
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came up with the solution, one that would have the unintended effect of
elevating our mission further in Israeli lore. The three least burly-looking of us
would go in as women: a boyish looking guy named Lonny Rafael, Amiram
Levin, and me.
Still, there was another, potentially deeper concern that had yet to be
addressed. In all sayeret missions, since the beginning, we knew we might end
up having to fight, shoot and, if necessary, kill. Yet now we would be going in
with the expectation of killing three specific men. We had black-and-white
photos: Mohammed Youssef al-Najar, or Abu Youssef, an operations officer in
Black September; Kamal Adwan, one of Arafat’s top military planners; and
Kamal Nasser, a member of his leadership circle and his spokesman.
Nominally, it was understood we would seize them and bring them back to
Israel if possible. I had us exercise how we’d do that. But none of us really
believed that once our teams made it into the apartments, the Palestinians would
surrender. We assumed we would have no option but to kill them.
The killing was not the main issue. After all, I had drawn up a plan a year
earlier to target Arafat himself. Though no one in the sayeret took any pleasure
in having to take a life, at the end of the day we were a part of the army. Black
September, and Arafat’s Fatah more broadly, were not only at war with the
existence of Israel. They were behind a campaign of terror. Certainly there was
no significant public opposition, after the horror of Munich, to going after those
who were deemed to be part of the operational or political direction of Black
September. Our uneasiness inside the unit, however, revolved around what I’d
extolled as its “spirit” when I became commander. Beyond all the specific
qualities we needed to succeed in our operations, our image of ourselves was as
thinking soldiers. We might sometimes find it necessary to kill, but we were not
killers.
As I explained to each of the men I’d be leading on the operation, the
Mossad, Dado, and ultimately Golda had concluded that these three men were
appropriate targets in the wake of Munich. As a battalion-level commander, I
did not feel I was in a position to challenge their judgement, unless we had been
ordered to carry out an attack that was clearly improper or immoral. In that case,
I would have no hesitation in refusing. I said I viewed what we were being
asked to do in Beirut not as an act of revenge, but a deterrent. It was a way of
leaving no doubt in the minds of potential future terrorists that massacres like
Munich carried a heavy price.
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The more difficult question for some in the unit was how we were delivering
that message: breaking into apartments in the middle of the night. Yes, each of
the men was almost sure to be armed. But these flats were their homes. Very
likely, members of their families would be there. If the operation went as
planned, it was hard to imagine how any of the men would have a chance of
surviving. My answer was that ideally we would face them on a battlefield. Yet
given the nature of Black September, that was not going to happen. Mossad was
right to conclude this was the only way to isolate and attack them.
For Amitai Nachmani, who would be leading the attack on one of the
apartments, my words were not enough. Twice, he came to see me. It was not
that he didn’t trust or respect me as his commander, he said. But before leading
his team into Beirut, he needed to satisfy himself that the people we were
attacking, and the way we were attacking them, had been properly thought
through by the people giving the orders. I told him I understood. I did not tell
him that I was actually proud of him for asking – which, although I’m sure he
sensed it, was an omission I regretted when he lost his life in the Sinai Desert a
few months later. But I did go see Dado. I told him what Amitai had said. He
needed no convincing when I urged him to address the entire Beirut team and
answer their questions at our final planning meeting. He did so, explaining how
and why the decision to target these three Palestinians had been reached, to the
satisfaction of Amitai and the others.
We set off by missile boat from Haifa on the afternoon of April ninth. To my
relief, since I suffer from seasickness, the Mediterranean was calm as we
headed west towards Cyprus, before circling back in the direction of the
Lebanese coast after nightfall. I ran through the plan a final time with each
member of the team and then joined Amiram and Lonny in transforming
ourselves as best we could into credible dates for the evening. I’d vetoed dresses
or high heels, in favor of flared slacks and flats. We used standard-issue army
socks to pad out our bras. The Mossad had recruited a volunteer from a Tel
Aviv beauty parlor to help us with our lipstick, blue eyeliner and eye shadow.
The final touch was our wigs. Amiram and Lonny were blondes. I went as a
stylish brunette.
I’m reluctant to take issue with the Spielberg version of events, if only
because he had my part played by someone undeniably better looking than I
was, even as a 31-year-old. But in Munich, we are shown zooming into a
crowded harbor area on a line of motor boats, changing into drag only once
we’ve sprinted ashore, opening fire on a dockside kiosk and shooting our way
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into town like something out of the wild west. Had any of that happened, we
would have started a small-scale war, not to mention run the very real risk of
not getting out alive.
In fact, we left the missile boat, Manno’s offshore command post, in motor
dinghies out of earshot of Beirut and cut the engines as we got closer to the
shore. All of us, including the “women”, were wrapped in ponchos to avoid
showing up on Rue Verdun soaking wet. After getting out of the dinghies, we
were carried ashore by the SEALs to make sure we stayed dry. All of us had
loose-fitting jackets. The attack teams used them to conceal Uzis, explosive
charges to blow the locks on the apartment doors if they couldn’t be forced
open, a hand grenade or two and flashlights for the dash up the stairs. One
member of each team had a large plastic bag, with orders to take away any
easily accessible documents for Mossad analysts back home. As the mother of
the brood, I also had a large purse, in which I carried our radio to communicate
with the team leaders and with Manno on the missile boat if necessary.
Our SEAL pilots steered us well away from the more built-up part of the
seafront towards the Coral Beach, one of the private clubs on the southern end
of the shoreline. Four rented station wagons were waiting, two of them for us
and two for Amnon’s squad. Amnon set off toward the DFLP target. We headed
north towards the center of town. In the Spielberg film, my speaking role
consisted of two words, my name, as I introduced myself to my driver. In fact,
we had already met: during the run-through exercises in Tel Aviv. After we got
into the cars, I asked him how his scouting of the route had gone. He said
basically OK, but that he’d noticed a couple of cops patrolling near the top of
Verdun on one of his drive-bys. I assured him it would be fine. There would be
no reason for a policeman to suspect what we were up to, or who we were. Still,
I could tell he was nervous. “What’s wrong?” I asked. He hesitated before
replying. “I’ve never been in a place where there’s live fire,” he said. I told him
not to worry. He still wouldn’t be. “You’re going to be parked around the
corner, until it’s over. Then, it’s just about getting home.”
When we reached the top of Verdun, it was about ten minutes after one in
the morning. Our cars pulled over. I took Mookie’s arm as we began walking
the 150 feet or so to the first of the apartment buildings. The others followed in
knots of two or three. Both Mookie and I saw a policeman approaching on the
sidewalk. “Ignore him,” I whispered. We weaved a few inches to the side to let
him pass. The buildings were as we’d expected, with their lobbies set back from
a covered terrace in front. As the other teams made their way to the second
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building, I stayed with Mookie. His job, along with Yoni in his expanded team,
was to deal with Abu Youssef, the Black September operations officer. The
concierge must have been on a coffee break. The lobby was empty. The door
was unlocked, so they sprinted toward the interior staircase and made their way
up.
Adwan, the Fatah military man, and Kamal Nasser lived next door. Adwan,
Amitai’s target, was on the second floor. Nasser was on the third. As the teams
raced into the other building, Amiram and I posted ourselves near one of the
terrace pillars, occasionally exchanging a few words of what we hoped would
pass as girl talk. The SEAL officer and Dr Katz were near the top end of the
street as lookouts. We seemed seconds away from what had all the makings of
the operation we’d rehearsed back in Tel Aviv. The one major problem I’d
expected – security guards posted outside – hadn’t materialized. We’d been told
by the Mossad to look out for a grey Mercedes, but it wasn’t there.
The next stage was for each team leader to press the transmit button three
times on his radio. When I’d heard from all of them, I would send a signal back.
Then, at the count of five, each of them was supposed to start the attack.
Mookie’s signal came first. Yet before either of the other two teams checked in,
the trouble began. Suddenly, the door of a red Renault flew open almost directly
across the street from where Amiram and I were standing. A tall, sturdy, darkhaired
man climbed out. He looked across at us. He opened his leather jacket.
He pulled out a pistol and started to approach us. “Ein breirah,” I whispered to
Amiram. “No choice.” To this day, I remember the shock on the man’s face as
he watched us – a pair of 30something women – open our jackets and pull out
Uzis. Fortunately for him, we’d had to make allowances for concealment in
choosing our weapons. We’d left the Uzis’ stabilizing shoulder braces behind.
As our first shots hit, he had half-turned to run. Though wounded, he somehow
got back in the car. We kept shooting but he managed to drag himself out of the
far door and roll behind a waist-high wall on the other side of the street. One of
our shots obviously hit the electrical innards of the Renault, because the car
horn began blaring full-blast, as if someone had set off a modern-day car alarm.
So much for the element of surprise.
I saw three sets of lights suddenly come on in the otherwise dark apartment
buildings. They were in the flats that Mossad had identified. At least that part of
the plan was intact. These were the Palestinians we were after, and it seemed
they were at home. Seconds later, I heard an explosion. It was from Abu
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Youssef’s apartment, the one Mookie and Yoni had been assigned. Then, bursts
of gunfire from the other building.
A Land Rover was approaching from the gendarmerie at the bottom of the
road. We waited until it was about 50 feet away. Amiram and I opened fire, then
Dov and Shmuel Katz as well. The driver lost control and crashed into the side
of the Renault. There were at least four policemen inside. They, too, rolled
behind the wall on the far side of the street. Using the terrace columns for cover,
we kept shooting. Within a minute or so, only a couple of the cops fired back.
Though the three Palestinians could not know the reason for the gunfire and
the wailing of the car horn, they were now on their guard. When Mookie had
blown open the door to Abu Youssef’s flat – and he, Yoni and the other two
members of his team ran into the apartment – he saw the Black September man
peering out from the bedroom. Mookie raised his Uzi but the Palestinian ducked
inside and shut the door. All four of them fired through through the door. When
they went in, they found not only Abu Youssef but his wife, both dead. When
Zvika’s team burst in on Kamal Nasser, he, too, was ready. Crouching behind a
desk, he raised an automatic pistol and fired, grazing one of the team on the leg.
But in a burst of Uzi bullets, he, too, was killed.
I suspect that Amitai’s face-to-face meeting with Dado may have saved his
life. When he and his team cornered Kamal Adwan, he had an AK-47 raised and
ready to fire. Without even a split second’s unconscious hesitation, Amitai fired
first. His only regret afterwards was that Adwan’s wife and children saw it
happen, and that when they’d blasted open the apartment door, the force blew
open the door of a nearby flat, killing an elderly Italian woman. She had been
one of the Mossad’s sources of information on the Beirut apartments.
Mookie’s team came down first. They joined us, crouching behind the
columns, as sporadic shots continued from one of the policemen behind the wall
across the street. When a second police Land Rover approached, I at first
signaled the others to let it pass. But when it suddenly accelerated toward us, we
opened fire. It swerved, crashing into the rear bumper of the other one.
The other teams were back down now. I shouted for Dov to have the drivers
bring the station wagons from around the corner. When we began to pull away,
a third police Land Rover appeared. It sped up behind us. Mookie tossed back a
grenade. The last thing I saw as we made it to the end of the block and headed
toward the seafront was the front end of the vehicle exploding. We dropped
hollow, needle-sharp spikes out the window of the car as we left, so I knew that
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any other pursuing vehicle would be in no shape to follow for very long. But we
still had to avoid trouble on our way back out. I knew it would be a risk to go
back to the Coral Beach, so we took the shortest route to the sea, straight out to
the Corniche, the city’s main avenue along the Mediterranean. As we got closer,
we could hear gunfire. Obviously, the police, and the Palestinian militias,
realized something was not right. The advantage we had was that they would
have no idea what had happened on Rue Verdun, who we were, or where we
were going.
No sooner had we joined the Corniche than I saw another police Land Rover
about 200 yards ahead of us. This one had a spotlight on the roof, panning both
sides of the road. I told the driver to slow down. About 100 yards or so later,
reaching the place where we’d arranged for the SEALs to meet us, he and the
other station wagon pulled over to the side of the road. The Land Rover kept
driving. We slid down a steep embankment nearly 30 feet to the sea. Two of the
three assault teams had bags full of documents as well. We swam out to the
dinghies. When we had hoisted ourselves in, we headed out at first by paddle,
then under engine power, to the missile boat. The whole operation had taken
about a half an hour, only 10 minutes on Rue Verdun.
I radioed Manno on the way to the missile boat. A half-dozen words: the
agreed code phrase for “mission accomplished, targets achieved.” I could hear
relief in his voice when he replied. At first, I assumed that was because they
hadn’t heard from us during the operation. Our radio link to the missile boat had
gone down when we entered the built-up area around the apartment blocks.
Genuinely, despite Manno’s suspicion that I’d cut the connection. Yet he had
other reasons to exhale when he heard we had got out safely. Amnon’s team had
had a much tougher time. They met resistance from the moment they arrived at
the DFLP building. Two of his men were killed, another wounded. They set off
their explosive charges, but had to fight their way out. They only barely
managed to escape, carrying their fallen comrades with them and linking up
with another team of SEALs near the Coral Beach.
It was a little before six in the morning when I got home. I was careful not to
wake Nava. I’d changed out of my slacks and flats and surrendered my wig on
the missile boat. But I didn’t have the energy to deal with my makeup. The next
thing I remember was my wife standing by our bed as I stirred awake around
noon the next day. She looked at my eye makeup and lipstick, shook her head,
and smiled. She didn’t need to ask where I’d been. Israel radio had been full of
news about a major operation in Beirut.
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* * *
A few weeks later, my term as commander ended. The handover to my
successor, Giora Zorea, turned out to be more elaborate than my arrival, though
not at my instigation. With both Talik and Avraham in attendance, Dado
presented me with my fifth tzalash. It was not for Beirut. Not for the operation
against the Syrian officers, or the unprecedented access our intelligence
missions were providing into Egypt’s military communications. Dado said it
was for all of the above. And not just for leading the unit of which I’d been a
part almost from the start. It was for my part in bringing it to maturity. When I
replied, I am sure everyone knew I was speaking from the heart in saying that
my every moment with Sayeret Matkal had been a privilege. And that this latest
commendation was an award for the achievements the whole sayeret.
Dado did me another good turn. As my stint as commander drew to an end, I
knew what I hoped to do next in the army: to use my tank training to work my
way up the command chain in the armored corps. But like past sayeret
commanders, it was assumed I would first spend time at the US Marine Corps
staff college in Quantico, Virginia. I had other ideas. I wanted to exercise other
parts of my mind, by doing postgraduate work at a normal American university.
Dado agreed.
I still had to get accepted. The first step was to take the post-graduate entry
exam, the GRE. There were two parts to it. The first involved mathematics and
abstract thinking, the second English language. If my fate had rested on my
English grade, I’d have ended up at Quantico. I finished in the 28 th percentile.
But in the other part, I was in the 99.6 th percentile. I applied to four universities:
Harvard, Yale, MIT and Stanford. Amazingly, I got accepted by all of them. I
chose Stanford, mainly because it allowed a far greater latitude in choosing my
program of study. Also, the weather.
In early August 1973, Nava and I joined my parents and hers on a sunny
afternoon in Mishmar Hasharon to celebrate Michal’s third birthday and say
goodbye. We were heading to Palo Alto, California, with every expectation of
two years of intellectual stimulation, new friends, new experiences and
something approximating a more normal family life. My “other” family, the
Israeli army, also had reason to believe a period of new possibilities lay ahead.
The threat of terror remained, of course. There had also been a brief bout of
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nerves over military maneuvers by Anwar Sadat a few weeks earlier. But that
had come to nothing. In no small part due to the success of the raid on Rue
Verdun, Israel’s generals believed the balance of strength and security was on
our side and that, at least for a while, Israel could breathe a bit more easily.
But we were all about to be proven spectacularly wrong.
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Chapter Nine
The phone rang in our apartment in Palo Alto at 4:30 in the morning. We had
been in the US for barely six weeks. It was the Sixth of October 1973: Yom
Kippur, the holiest date on the Jewish calendar. I was still a bit groggy from the
night before. We had been out at a get-to-know-you event for some of the
several dozen Israelis, and several hundred American Jewish students, at
Stanford. While I only vaguely recognized the voice on the other end of the line,
her words instantly jolted me awake: “The boss is busy,” she said. “But he
wants you to know. A war has started back home.”
Her boss was Motta Gur, who was by now Israel’s military attaché in
Washington and was my nominal commander for my period in the United
States. “I need to talk to Motta,” I said. She passed him the phone. “I want you
to know I’m going back,” I told him. Motta’s reply took my mind back 15
months, to our on-again-off-again mission to abduct the Syrian officers, with
Motta and Dado in the command post, intent on reining in the “young bulls” of
the sayeret. “Ehud,” he said, “from what I’m hearing, I don’t think we are
missing a major war.”
“What’s this we?” I said. Motta was a general, at the upper reaches of the
armed forces, officially posted to Washington. I was a young officer, just
starting to work my way up the chain of field command. “I can’t afford to miss
even a non-major war,” I said. “I’ll check in with you when I get to New York.”
“Major” would turn out to be, if anything, an understatement. Yet all I knew,
as I kissed Nava and Michal goodbye and got a cab to San Francisco airport,
was that Israel was again at war. By the time I joined the swarm of Israelis
around the El Al desk at Kennedy eight hours later, the picture was clearer, and
more worrying with each new report from back home. Surprise attacks by Syria
and Egypt – armies we’d not just defeated, but humiliated, six years earlier –
had pinned down and pushed back our forces on the Golan Heights and in the
Sinai. Without any advance call-up, many reservists were only now reaching the
front lines.
As hundreds of people pressed for seats on the El Al flight, I was fortunate to
receive a boost up the pecking order from another man in line. Since the Sabena
operation, the existence of Sayeret Matkal had become a bit less secret. Still, the
identity of the sayeret commander was known to just a few people outside the
unit. So skittish were the army security people that before I’d left for Stanford,
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they even insisted I change my name. I was no longer Ehud Brog. I’d
Hebraicized it: to Barak, which seemed near enough to the original. Among the
few dozen outside the unit who did know about my role, however, were
paratroopers who’d joined us on various missions. One of them now told the El
Al people who I was. Not only was I given a seat on the first overnight plane
back to Tel Aviv. I found myself helping the airline establish a priority for
assigning seats to others: first, active officers in fighting units: armor, infantry,
the air force. Then, reservists, with the emphasis on those who’d seen active
service most recently.
As we were waiting to board, I phoned Uzi Dayan and asked him to meet me
at Lod the next morning. Then I called Motta again. “Ehud,” he said, with no
trace of irony, “it is an extremely serious war. Syrian tanks are getting close to
the outer fences of Nafakh” – our main command post on the Golan. “Good
luck.”
Uzi was waiting for me when we landed. Walking to his car, we ran into two
reserve armored officers who had also just arrived home. They expected to be
sent north, to help beat back the Syrian advance. When they asked me where I
thought I’d be going, I said, truthfully, I had no idea. “Wherever I can help,” I
said. Uzi drove us to the bor, the bunker built two floors underground in the
kirya. Usually, it functioned as the day-to-day operations center. But it was
where the commanders of the armed forces operated during times of war.
At officers’ school, we’d heard and read about the importance of throwing
the enemy “off balance”. Now, we were the ones off balance. The faces I saw
around me were gray and drawn. There were dead looks in the eyes of the
commanders and their staff. Some 30 hours after the surprise attack, all the selfconfidence
we’d felt since 1967 seemed to have evaporated. I looked into
several of the rooms where, months earlier, I’d run through operational plans as
sayeret commander. Inside each, a large wall map traced the course of the
fighting. Israeli forces were marked in blue, the Syrians and Egyptians in red,
with a timestamp for each position report scribbled at the side in black magic
marker. But I saw that the latest addition was from at least twelve hours earlier.
It was as if we’d lost track of what was happening, or were simply
overwhelmed by the pace of events.
I spoke briefly with Talik as he walked along the corridor. He looked 10
years older than when I’d last seen him. Then I spotted Ahrahle Yariv, who had
been called back into military intelligence at the start of the war. Looking
surprised to see me back in Israel, he pulled me close to him. “It’s important
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that you came back,” he said. “We’ll need each and every one of you to get the
job done.” Then he hugged me again. It was as if, knowing I would soon be
heading for the front line, he wondered whether we’d see each other again.
I made my way to the office that the chief of staff used in the bunker and
asked Dado’s secretary if I could see him. As she was deciding whether to let
me in, he emerged. Though obviously aware of the seriousness of the situation,
Dado radiated his usual calm and confidence. For the first time, I felt a bit more
hopeful. “Ma nishmah, Ehud? he asked, in Israelis’ everyday greeting. “What’s
up?” I told him I’d just come from the airport. “I can help in special forces,
infantry, armor. Whichever is most needed.”
“Leading a tank unit,” he said. “They’ve suffered heavy losses. Go see
Tzipori.” Motke Tzipori was in charge of organizing the armored units. He sent
me to Julis, the training base between Tel Aviv and Beersheva, where tanks
from maintenance units around the country were being brought. Once they were
reasonably operational, and as more reservists arrived from abroad, I would lead
a makeshift battalion to help reinforce our badly depleted forces in the Sinai.
* * *
I was just one of dozens of officers, in command of thousands of tireless and
courageous troops called on to try to turn the tide. Most were reservists. Many,
like me, had rushed home in the knowledge that for the first time since 1948,
there was the real risk Israel would be defeated. By the time I got my battle
orders – October 14, the ninth day of the war – Israeli forces on the Golan, at
enormous cost, had managed to turn back the Syrian attack. In this war, the men
from Sayeret Matkal were not bystanders. Most of the unit joined the fightback
in the north, where, under Yoni Netanyahu’s command, they took on and
defeated a Syrian commando force in the heart of the Golan. Yoni himself
risked his life to rescue a wounded officer from another unit behind enemy
lines.
In the Sinai, however, the situation remained dire. An initial counterattack,
launched while I was on my way to Julis, ended up in tatters, with whole
battalions all but destroyed, as our tanks came under fire from rocket-propelled
grenades and, above all, the wire-guided Saggers. Israel’s main advantage in
1967 – our command of the skies – was all but gone. By moving their surface-
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to-air missiles to the bank of the Suez Canal after the truce in the War of
Attrition, the Egyptians had created an effective no-fly zone a dozen miles into
the Sinai. After the failed counter-attack, with the commander of the air force
warning that we were nearing our minimum “red line” number of fighter jets,
Golda contacted the Americans to propose a cease-fire in the south. But having
retaken the Suez Canal and pushed into the Sinai, President Sadat was in no
mood to call a halt to the fighting. The only way we were going to end the war
was to retake the canal and defeat the even larger Egyptian forces on the other
side.
To the extent that my part in war was different from other junior officers, it
was because of my history in Sayeret Matkal. Other Israeli sayerets were
attached to specific fighting forces. Sayeret Golan, for instance, was part of the
Golani infantry brigade in the north; Sayeret Tzanhanim, was part of the
paratroopers. But “matkal” is the Hebrew word for the general staff, since it was
the generals in military headquarters who had allowed Avraham Arnan to create
the unit. From the start, we had answered directly to the kirya, which ultimately
had to approve our operations. When I rushed back from Stanford at the start of
the war, I was still just a 31-year-old lieutenant-colonel. I had spent two years in
command of the equivalent of an infantry battalion. But I knew, and in many
cases had worked with, the men at the very top of the armed forces, including
Dado, the chief of staff. So while other young reservists were reporting to their
former units for assignment, my first port of call was the command bunker,
where Dado himself, aware that I’d done intensive tank training before taking
command of the sayeret, ensured that I would play my part in trying to turn
back the Egyptian advances. I also knew, or at least had met, many of the
generals plotting the counteroffensive in the command bunker in the south:
Shmuel Gonen, known as “Gorodish”, who was head of the southern command;
Arik Sharon, who had left the same job for politics a few months earlier, but
was now commanding a division near the canal; and Chaim Bar-Lev, the former
chief-of-staff whom Golda had called back into emergency service. I even knew
the bunker. It was Um-Hashiba, the command and intelligence post from which
we had run Sayeret Matkal operations into Egypt after 1967.
So during the last, decisive 10 days of the war, I would witness first-hand the
tension among our top commanders in the Sinai, especially between Sharon and
Gorodish, since Arik wasted few opportunities to suggest, rightly but not always
helpfully, that his successor was woefully out of his depth. I would lead my
company back across the canal with one of the other main armored brigades in
the Sinai; take out Egyptian missile sites and help restore our jets’ command of
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the skies; strike out alone at night, with sayeret-issue night goggles, to bring
back the surviving soldiers after we realized we’d lost one of our APCs in a
battle with Egyptians; and even, because I’d been there before on sayeret
missions, leading a joint armored force across the Egyptian desert to complete
the encirclement of Sadat’s Third Army and effectively end the war.
Still, the memory which has stayed with me longest – summoning back all
the miscues and misjudgements of some of Israel’s top commanders, and the
terrible price paid by the men on the ground to turn things around – was the
fight for an experimental agricultural facility located just a few miles back from
our side of the Suez Canal.
* * *
On Israeli military maps, it was called the Chinese Farm. In fact, it was
Japanese experts who helped set it up in the then-Egyptian Sinai before the Six-
Day War. When we captured it in 1967, deciphering the characters on the
equipment had evidently proven beyond our linguistic capabilities. Thus,
Chinese Farm. Now, it was back in Egyptian hands. The sprawling complex,
with its web of large irrigation ditches, controlled the main transport corridor
from the Sinai to the bank of the canal.
Before dawn on October 16, one of the battalions in Arik Sharon’s brigade,
under a veteran paratroop commander named Danny Matt, had managed to
cross the canal on rubber rafts with an advance force of some 750 men and a
few dozen tanks. But it was a precarious beachhead, vulnerable to Egyptian air
strikes, artillery and Sagger fire. Hopes for any large-scale Israeli counterattack
rested on moving forward an enormous roller bridge, and hundreds more tanks,
to complete the crossing – impossible without retaking the Chinese Farm.
The first I knew of the scale of Egyptian resistance there was about four in
the morning on the seventeenth. I got a radio call ordering me to get my
battalion ready to move, ASAP. We were attached the other main armored
force, along with Arik’s, assigned to lead the crossing. It was under the
command of Avraham “Bren” Adnan, the former overall commander of Israeli
tank forces. “You’re going north of Tirtur 42,” Bren’s operations officer told
me. Even without checking our coded map, I knew it was the road running
along the upper edge of the Chinese Farm. He told me that the parachutists of
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Battalion 890, under Yitzhik Mordechai, were in trouble. “Go. Find them. Help
get them out.”
I knew Yitzhik personally, from his years in the paratroopers’ elite Battalion
890. I knew the man who was now in overall command of the paratroopers even
better: Uzi Yairi, who was in charge of Sayeret Matkal during my final years of
reserve duty at Hebrew University. Helicoptered into the Sinai just hours
earlier, the paratroopers had been sent to the Chinese Farm shortly before
midnight. As I would soon learn, they had no more idea than I did about what
they were about to face. They were told they were going in simply to clear out
bands of “tank-hunters”. They weren’t told of repeated attempts by some of
Arik’s top tank, paratroop and reconnaissance units to take the farm over the
previous 36 hours – attacks which had not only failed, but had cost dozens of
tanks and hundreds of men. Without artillery, armor or air support, they
immediately came under rifle, machine-gun, mortar and heavy artillery fire.
Our job was to get them out. Ordering my men to get ready for our first
combat mission of the war, I found myself face-to-face with a distraught and
determined friend from military intelligence. Yishai Izhar had arrived at Bren’s
headquarters the day before. When he saw me, he’d asked to join my battalion.
He was a brilliant electronics engineer and was about to assume command of
the technology unit in military intelligence. I told him we already had our
complement of tank crews, and I knew he’d never had any armored training. So
I found him a place in one of our APCs. But before joining military intelligence,
he’d been a company commander in Battalion 890. Hearing that we were going
to rescue his old unit, he insisted on joining me on the lead tank. I tried several
times to refuse, but he said I had no moral authority to stash him in an APC
when we were going in to rescue his friends and comrades. Aware that each
wasted minute might cost more of the paratroopers’ lives, I relented. I told
Yishai he’d be sitting across from me on the turret, right above Yasha Kedmi,
another friend who, having served under me in my first tank company in the
War of Attrition, had asked to join back at Julis. Yasha was our loader and
radio-operator. He got Yishai a machine gun, extra magazines for his Uzi and a
box of grenades.
We moved out through wave-like dunes in total darkness. After the first few
miles, the terrain leveled out a bit. Still, the sand was deep and the going slow.
When we got within a couple of miles of where I assumed Yitzhik and his men
would be, I radioed him. His voice was chilling. “They’re very close to us,
shooting,” he said. “I’ve got many wounded. Get here as quick as you can.”
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As we got closer, I could still see no sign of them. As dawn was about break,
I radioed Yitzhik to suggest he fire off a flare, but he thought that would put
them at even greater mercy of the Egyptians. Instead, he tossed out a smoke
grenade. We spotted it, more than a half-a-mile away, slightly below us and to
our right. I ordered us forward, leaving my second tank company behind for
covering fire. I led Company A, which included my most experienced tank
commander, Moshe Sukenik. Immediately behind us were our APCs, including
two carrying our medical team. My aim was to engage the Egyptian fire while
starting to evacuate Yitzhik’s men to one of the long, dry, irrigation ditches, 600
yards behind us.
We moved forward in a broad line with my command tank in the center. We
held our fire until we got closer. I still couldn’t see exactly where the men of
Battalion 890 were and didn’t want to risk hitting them. Only when we got
within about 70 yards did I spot the first of the paratroopers. They were in
groups of three or four in a thin line stretching 200 or 300 yards on either side
of us. They were lying behind whatever cover they could find: a bush, a clump
of debris, a small rise in the sand. Some were firing. Others were wounded.
From just a few yards away, Egyptian infantrymen were raking them with rifle
and machine-gun fire. They were now shooting at us as well, and we returned
fire. But the Egyptians, far outnumbering Yitzhik’s men, were spread out in a
network of foxholes, in some places connected by trenches. As we moved
forward, I ordered my APC commander to start evacuating the paratroopers
back to the irrigation ditch, with the support of a further group of courageous
reservists from another nearby APC unit.
A shell suddenly exploded 20 yards ahead of me. Others rained in around
our tanks. The source of the fire was straight ahead, about 1,300 yards away:
three SU-100s, Soviet-made World War Two “tank destroyers”. I trained the
main gun of my tank on one of the SU-100s and ordered the gunner to fire. I
used the battalion-wide radio frequency so the others would hear the order. But
when the dust and smoke had cleared, the SU-100s were still there. I ordered a
sight correction and said, again: “Fire”. Still, we missed. It was only then that I
realized why. Almost none of the tanks brought brought into Julis from the
maintenance units had included their “commander’s notebook” with their
checklists for calibrating and firing – a major problem, since many of the
reservists had last been in a tank years before. I ordered the gunners to use their
telescopes, parallel to the main gun, instead.
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We were being hit by small-arms and RPG fire from all sides. On the turret
of our tank, Yishai and I were firing back, our Uzis on automatic, and throwing
grenades. I could hear bullets pinging off the turret and the body of the tank.
Then, from our far right flank, came the shoulder-mounted Saggers, honing in
with their eerie blue-red glow, juddering towards us as the Egyptian soldiers
corrected their trajectories. One of the missiles barely missed us, and the silky
wire from its guidance mechanism was tangled over our turret. I tried using my
binoculars to identify where they were coming from, but it was no use.
To my right, I could see that the APCs had completed their first evacuation
run and were coming back for more of Yitzhik’s men. There was a raggedness
about it all: one APC, then a couple of others, then a gap, then another one or
two. They were doing whatever they could, whenever they could, as the
Egyptian fire continued to intensify. A few of Yitzhik’s men, whether desperate
or dazed, simply stood up and starting walking west, toward the canal, only to
be cut down by Egyptian gunfire.
I directed Moshe Sukenik to take half the company and head toward the
Saggers to try to take them out, even though we both knew that he’d have to
risk heavy fire before they got close enough. He had two-inch mortars on his
turret, but their range was only 500 yards, far less than the Saggers. Every 45
seconds or so, a salvo of Saggers zeroed in on our tanks and APCs. Within a
couple of minutes, two of the tanks were hit. One was on fire. The SU-100 tankdestroyers
were still there as well. Egyptian infantrymen were spraying us with
small arms fire. The whole area was swathed in grayish smoke. Every minute or
two, another tank or APC took a direct hit. There was a smell, too, which, once
experienced, never leaves your memory: the scent of burnt human flesh.
The fire from the foxholes was getting worse. “Run over them,” I ordered
my tank driver. “Start with the foxhole in front of us.” He jerked us forward and
we plowed over the first Egyptian position. “Reverse, get the one to the right,” I
said. As he backed up, I was shocked to see a surviving Egyptian soldier,
shrugging off a thick blanket of sand from his shoulders, raise an RPG launcher
at us from just 15 feet away. We were close enough to look into each other’s
eyes. I raised my Uzi and shot him before he could fire. Rifle and grenade fire
continued from along the line of foxholes. A second length of the Saggers’ silklike
guidance wire tangled over our main gun. Yishai was firing at the
Egyptians from the other side of the tank. We both tossed grenades in the
direction of the worst of the gunfire.
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It was then, suddenly, that I saw Yishai had taken a bullet in the side of his
neck. Blood was spurting from the wound. His face was contorted in pain. He
looked at me, raising his hands upward, as if to say: “I did my best. It’s over
now.” I pressed hard on the wound, trying to stem the flow. But he slipped out
of my grasp and collapsed into Yasha Kedmi’s arms. Yasha propped him up and
kept trying to staunch the bleeding. I turned toward the Egyptian soldier who
had shot Yishai, less than 20 feet to my left. Keeping myself as low as possible
above the turret, I fired into his chest. He tumbled into the foxhole. As I kept
shooting, Yasha told me Yishai was dead. “Are you sure?” I asked. When he
said yes, I ordered the driver to back up. We drove a few dozen feet, to where a
group of the paratroopers was taking cover. With their help, we lowered his
body from the tank, and then returned to the battle.
Barely ten minutes had passed since it began. Two SU-100s were now
spewing smoke and out of action. The third had withdrawn. But the Egyptians
were still firing. Five of our tanks had been hit. Two were on fire. One APC was
smoldering, its commander severely wounded. I knew that if we stayed much
longer, we would end up like other armored units during Israel’s first, failed
counterattack in the early days of the war. We would risk being wiped out. As
far as I could tell, all the surviving paratroopers had been brought out or had
managed to hobble to the irrigation ditch. I ordered Sukenik to abandon his
attempt to take out the Saggers, and we withdrew behind the irrigation ditch.
It was only then that I realized that alongside two of our crippled tanks there
was still a group of a dozen men: six crew members from my battalion and six
of Yitzhik’s men. It took nearly two hours to get them out. We used our tank
guns to try to reduce the intensity of the fire from the Egyptians around them. I
ordered one of our APCs to go get them. I rounded up all our smoke grenades,
and the APC crew used them to create a smokescreen, the only way I could
think of to reduce the danger of being targeted by the Saggers. It worked, but it
required incredible guts for the men in the APC to pull it off.
The battle had required guts of every man in the battalion. They had found a
way to conquer the first and most powerful enemy on a battlefield: fear. I felt it,
too. But it’s easier for a commander. When you’re leading people into combat,
you don’t have time to be afraid. You have to assess and evaluate, second by
second, everything going on around you. You have to make instant decisions
and ensure they’re being carried out. The people under your command are
waiting to hear your voice, and watching your actions, too. If you lose control at
any point, not only is your life at stake. Theirs are too.
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Early that evening, we were ordered to rejoin Bren’s division to be ready for
the crossing. When I reported that three of my soldiers were still missing, I was
ordered to inform the commander of the battalion replacing us to find the
missing men. The fight for the Chinese Farm was still not over. It would be
another 12 hours before, in a co-ordinated push by a strengthened armor and
infantry force, Israeli forces finally drove most of the Egyptians out. What
tenuous gains we’d made until then had come at an enormous price. Of
Yitzhik’s 300 men, nearly 40 were killed, and many others wounded. I’d led
around 130 people into battle. More than 35 were injured. Eleven were dead,
including Yishai Izhar and Motti Ben-Dror, our medical officer, killed while
treating the wounded. One of our missing soldiers was found alive. The other
two could only be brought home for burial.
As I began to hear the details of the previous days’ fighting, I became more
astonished, and angry. Israel’s tactics in the battle for the Chinese Farm had
involved a series of piecemeal strikes by units obviously too small, and
inadequately supported or co-ordinated, to succeed. The problem wasn’t the
choice of units. No one could doubt the record of Battalion 890, or of the men
Arik had sent in before Yitzhik arrived. But there was no way they were going
to take the area on their own. I couldn’t understand why there wasn’t an attempt
to assemble a force that might actually have been strong enough: parachutists,
tanks, artillery. I felt I knew at least part of the answer from the two nights I had
spent in the Um-Hashiba command post before joining Bren’s division. By
dawn on October 16, the first of Arik’s men had crossed the canal. By the
afternoon, although the big roller-bridge was still not ready, a smaller pontoon
bridge was available. Everyone knew we needed to get control of the Chinese
Farm. But all the field commanders were focused the real task, and the real
prize: crossing the canal and defeating the Egyptians on the other side.
Now, at least, the main crossing was underway. Bren had chanced the fact
that, with Yitzhik pinned down at the Chinese Farm and the Egyptians
concentrating their fire on his men and mine, he could get the pontoon bridge
through. From late afternoon on October 17, his first units began to cross. On
the morning of October 18, my battalion joined them. There was still fighting
ahead, and we were part of it: taking out the SAM sites, engaging units of the
Third Army and, with Sadat now pressing the Americans for a cease-fire and
many Egyptian units clearly losing the will to fight on, racing against the clock
to encircle and defeat it five days later.
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When the guns finally fell silent, I had time to give full rein to my thoughts.
There were obviously fundamental questions about how the war had happened,
starting with why we hadn’t known ahead of time that two neighboring states
were about to attack us – despite sayeret intercepts that could have given us
time to call up all our reserves. Disentangling the details would take months.
But we already knew the human cost of those failures. Hundreds of Israeli
soldiers had been killed. The final number would be around 2,800, nearly four
times our losses in 1967. Thousands were wounded, some crippled for life.
Many of the dead were men whom I’d grown up with or served with, including
more than 20 in my own battalion. Some of the dead in other units were close
friends.
I felt exhausted. I also realized that Nava, thousands of miles away in Palo
Alto, and my parents on the kibbutz could still not be sure I had escaped the fate
of so many others. I learned later that my parents had been making daily calls to
Digli, who was working in intelligence in the kirya. Though he had no way of
knowing where I was, he kept assuring them that he had checked with my
commanders and that I was alive and well. Nava had been relying on American
news reports and the relayed assurances from my parents, which she was
seasoned enough as an army wife to treat with skepticism.
I missed her badly, and little Michal. I felt the need to hear their voices. I
drove to one of the brigade communications units. There was a long line in front
of the radio telephone. But within a half-hour, I managed to get a crackly
connection to California. Nava burst into tears when she heard my voice. I told
her I was fine, and that I couldn’t wait to see her and our little girl. Then, my
own eyes dampening, I reeled off the names of friends who had died. In
addition to the brave men I’d lost in my own battalion, there were more than a
dozen others I already knew of. A pair of brothers from Mishmar Hasharon, a
couple of years younger than me, in separate units, but killed within hours of
each other. Another childhood friend, from a nearby moshav, named Rafi
Mitzafon. And Shaul Shalev, a gifted philosophy postgraduate and a brave tank
commander whom I’d become friends with at officers’ school. He’d rescued
three dozen troops from one of the Bar-Lev fortifications in the first hours of the
war, only to be killed trying to get to a tank crew who had taken refuge a few
miles back from the canal.
I’d lost two wonderful sayeret comrades, too: Amit Ben-Horn, the soldier
who’d relayed the order from Motta to abort our second attempt to abduct the
Syrian officers in Lebanon, and Amitai Nachmani, the officer who had
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demanded a meeting with Dado before our attack in Rue Verdun. Amit died in
the fighting near Ismailia, at the northern end of the canal, as Arik Sharon’s
units pushed on after the crossing. The day before the end of the war, both
Amitai and Amiram Levin were part of an operation to take over the Fayid Air
Base across the canal. When an Egyptian RPG hit their Jeep, Amiram was
wounded. Amitai was killed.
I thought, too, of Yishai Izhar: the friend struck down beside me, who I’d
cradled in my arms on the top of my tank, trying to stop the bleeding.
“Oh Ehud,” Nava said. “It’s like 1967 all over again.”
“No,” I said. “Worse. Much worse.”
A few weeks later, I was coming out of the kirya when I ran into another
friend, whom I’d first met at Hebrew University. Like me, he had been a junior
officer in 1967. His name was Ron Ben-Ishai. He would go on to become a top
journalist, covering the military for Israel’s best-selling newspaper, Yediot
Achronot. In the early autumn of 1967, we were still transfixed by the idea of
being able to visit areas of biblical Israel, which for years had been under
Jordanian rule. With a few other friends who were young officers, nine of us in
all, Ron and I embarked on a trek from the southern edge of Jerusalem, weaving
our way through the Judaean Desert toward Kumeran, on the Dead Sea.
Now a very different war had come and gone. I’d fought in it. Ron, as what
is now called an embedded journalist, had been with Danny Matt’s paratroopers
when they’d crossed the canal. He was alongside another of Arik’s units
fighting out of the bridgehead on the far bank of the canal. That both of us had
seen terrible suffering over the past few weeks did not need saying. But Ron
said he wanted to show me something. Fishing into his wallet, he took out a
carefully folded photograph. He had taken it in 1967, just six years earlier, to
mark our Judaean trek. There we were. All nine of us. Young. Full of optimism.
And probably a bit full of ourselves as well.
Ron and I were the only two left alive.
* * *
We had won the war, and not just because our forces were now within 60
miles of Cairo, and only 25 from Damascus. We had been attacked by two huge
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armies: one-and-a-half million soldiers. Thousands of tanks. Hundreds of
fighter jets. Other, much larger nations had endured months, even years, of hell
before prevailing in such circumstances: the Soviet Union, for instance, with its
huge strategic depth, or France, rescued by its American-led allies, during
World War Two.
But any pride in having prevailed was outweighed by simple relief Israel had
survived. Even that was nothing compared to the sadness felt over friends lost,
and the resentment and sense of betrayal toward the generals and political
leaders who had failed to prepare the country for the surprise attacks, or the
initial confusion and dissension in some of our commanders’ response to the
early setbacks on the ground. Dozens of meetings were held in military units
after the war to talk about what had gone wrong. I was not the only young
officer to notice that the higher up the command chain they went, the more
unedifying they became. After we’d heard one too many senior officer finetuning
his account with each retelling, minimizing his share for the huge losses,
a new phrase entered Israeli army slang. Sipurei kravot – “battle stories” – were
the words usually used to describe a normal debriefing process. That expression
was now amended, to shipurei kravot. Battle improvements.
I was assigned to convert my makeshift force into a regular armored training
unit: Battalion 532, and that slightly delayed my reunion with Nava and Mikhal.
But in their absence, I found us a larger apartment in the Tel Aviv suburb of
Ramat Hasharon. Nava and I agreed that at the first opportunity, I’d return to
California and we’d fly back together. I went at the end of the year. We bought
a refrigerator and a washing machine for the new flat – better models, and
cheaper, than those available in Israel – and came home. Those few December
days in Palo Alto were a jumble of emotions. Happiness, at being back together.
But also a sobering sense, now that I was outside Israel for the first time since
the war, of the enormity of the threat we’d faced and the frustration and fear
Nava must have felt as we’d fought to defeat it. The year-end news
retrospectives we watched on American TV were full of film clips from the first
hours of the war, when it looked very possible we would lose. I remember being
struck by the thought that, if we had lost, if Israel had ceased to exist,
ceremonies of memorial and mourning would have been held across America,
probably in Stanford. But that once the shock and sadness had passed, Israel’s
disappearance would not have impinged on a single NFL Sunday, or delayed a
single family shopping visit to J. C. Penny.
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My command of Battalion 532 lasted only a few more months. On April 1,
1974, an official commission of inquiry published its initial report on the war. It
was scathing in its assessment of our intelligence failings, for which it placed
the main blame the officer who had been promoted the year before as head of
military intelligence: Eli Zeira, the man who had addressed us on the sayeret
base before the the 1967 and so confidently predicted the outcome. It also took
aim at two other commanders. Gorodish, as head of the southern command, was
one. The other was Dado. As chief-of-staff, he was held ultimately responsible
for the intelligence failings and for not having ordered at least a partial call-up
of our reserves.
In Eli’s case, I recognized the very fact of our being caught by surprise made
his position untenable. In fact, as I learned more details about what had
happened, I realized the commission had, if anything, understated the
seriousness of his errors. In the run-up to the war, Eli had resisted multiple
requests from other intelligence officers to activate what the commission called
our “special sources” of intelligence: the communications intercepts we’d
planted deep inside Egypt. Worse, he had indicated to the few generals who
were aware of their existence that he had activated them, implying that his lack
of concern about the possibility of an Egyptian was based on our intercepts.
Because Dado was one of the people misled, his fall struck me as profoundly
unfair. He had devoted his whole adult life to the defense of our country. After
the inquiry report, he was never again the same person. He developed an
obsession with fitness and exercise. Psychologists might have called it
displacement activity. I wondered whether it was a kind of self-punishment.
Either way, it may well have killed him. At age 50, less than three years after
the war, he died of a heart attack after a day of running and swimming.
Almost every level of command was thrown into flux after the inquiry
report. So was the political landscape. Both Golda and Dayan bowed to growing
public pressure and resigned. The premium was on finding replacements who
were sufficiently experienced, but did not bear responsibility for the errors of
the war. For Prime Minister, the choice fell on Yitzhak Rabin. He had strong
military credentials, of course. But he had left the army and entered politics, and
had been out of Israel for several years as Israel’s ambassador to Washington.
He had joined Golda’s government only weeks before the war, in the relatively
minor role of Minister of Labor. Much the same thing happened in the army.
Only one of the generals who had been in the running to succeed Dado before
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the war was unscathed: Motta Gur. He, too, had been in Washington. Within
days of the inquiry report, he was called back to replace Dado as chief-of-staff.
My role changed, too. Not everyone emerged from the war with his
reputation diminished. The lion’s share of the credit for Israel’s eventual victory
went to the rank and file of our citizen army. But in the officers’ corps, there
were also examples of coolheadedness in crisis, and leadership. One was
Moussa Peled, who was now made head of the armored corps. My overall
wartime commander, Bren, replaced Gorodish as head of the southern
command. And Dan Shomron, whose 401 st armored brigade played a critical
part in defeating the Egyptians, was another. Dan and I had first got to know
each other well at Karameh, then during my period as sayeret commander. We
would go on in the years ahead to work more closely together than almost any
senior officers in the military. He was now promoted as well. He became
katzhar, overall head of infantry and paratroop forces, and he recommended me
as his successor in Brigade 401.
Still, I knew that the Motta would have the final word, with input from the
two senior officers most directly affected: Peled and Bren. I don’t think either of
them had anything against me personally. But both were tank officers through
and through. There were other candidates to succeed Dan who, unlike me, had
spent their whole careers in the armored corps.
I heard formally I was being considered as I was about to return to my
battalion from Ramat Hasharon one Sunday morning. I was ordered to report to
Motta’s office. When I got there, he gestured toward the small table at the side.
He already had two other visitors: Moussa Peled and Bren. “You probably
know you’re a candidate for taking over 401,” he said. “These two gentlemen
think you’re not yet ready. What do you say?”
If I’d had more time to prepare, I might have answered more subtly. But I
did very much want to be given command of the 401st, and had no doubt I
would be a worthy and dedicated commander. “I don’t know exactly what the
two gentlemen mean by whether I’m ready,” I replied. “So I have a proposal.
Find a battle-tested officer whom you trust. Have him check who among the
three of us, me or these gentlemen, is more familiar with the tank and its
systems. Who of us knows better the terrain, in Syria or Egypt, day or night,
where we have to fight? Who knows the operational requirements for an
armored force, and the armored doctrine these gentlemen signed off on. Finally,
which one of us has spent more time in a turret of a tank, on the battlefield,
shooting at enemy forces and being shot at by the enemy?”
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There was silence, a grave look from Peled and Bren, the hint of a smile on
Motta’s face, and the meeting was over. Several days later, I was notified of his
verdict. I would indeed be named the commander of the 401st Armored Brigade
in the Sinai, and promoted to full colonel.
Our base was a 15 miles from the canal. It was a huge expanse of sand
ringed by metal fencing. We spent three months at a time in this forward
deployment and three months in our rear base, 50 miles from the canal. During
one of our forward deployments, Motta came on an inspection visit. He wanted
to discuss how we planned defend the area near the canal in the event of a
repeat of the 1973 war. I told him everything we were doing in the brigade was
aimed at ensuring flexibility. I had also been thinking about some of the broader
issues relating to our defenses in the south. “No matter how good our tactics or
plans,” I said, “what worries me is that we’re still not looking at our overall
approach to defense against Egypt. It’s as if we’ve forgotten that in 1967, when
we captured Sinai, it was in order to have a buffer zone. We had 150 miles of
sand between southern Israel and the canal. But when the Egyptians attacked in
1973, we defended the desert as if it was the walls of Jerusalem!”
Since the 401st was one of two regular brigades on the Egyptian front, it was
not easy to make the four-hour drive home to Ramat Hasharon. When I got
word Nava was going into labor with our second child, I was leading a training
exercise five or six miles from our base. As she was on her way to the hospital,
I grabbed my car and headed north. Unlike Michal’s birth, this one was not
easy. When the baby emerged, she was struggling to breathe. The immediate
danger passed, but she was placed in an incubator. When I got to the hospital,
Nava was asleep. I was taken to see our tiny daughter, Yael. When the nurse
left, I noticed the baby’s pinkie trapped in the plastic cover of the incubator. I
started banging on the window of the room. The nurse rushed back. With a look
of sympathy mixed with world-weary experience of other fathers in similar
panic, she raised the cover, folded Yael’s tiny hands onto her stomach, and all
was well.
It was another health crisis which hastened the end of my period as brigade
commander. But this time, I was the one in the hospital. I nearly collapsed from
high fever and exhaustion. The initial suspicion was some kind of
contamination linked to the rudimentary sanitation in the Sinai. When the
symptoms persisted, the doctors suggested I probably had hepatitis B. Years
later, better diagnostic tools ruled all that out. I’ve never discovered what the
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illness was. But for nearly six months, getting through the day, sometimes a
single task, remained a struggle.
I did not want to leave my command. I was still barely 18 months into the
role, and anxious to get further command experience. But just as I was feeling at
my weakest, there was another belated casualty from the 1973 war. This time, it
was Uzi Yairi. No one could reasonably have held him responsible for the
losses suffered by Battalion 890 at the Chinese Farm. I’m sure that if he’d
known what happened to the Israeli forces that had already tried to take it over,
he would never have allowed Yitzhik to go in without adequate armor and
artillery support. Still, he blamed himself. In obvious distress after the war, he
was reassigned as an operational officer in military intelligence in the kirya.
He was still at his desk when Fatah terrorists landed on Tel Aviv’s seafront a
little before midnight on March 4, 1975. They were spotted by a police patrol,
which opened fire. The Fatah men ran from the beach, firing Kalashnikovs and
tossing grenades. A block in from the sea, they burst into a modest, three-story
building: the old Savoy Hotel. They shot and killed three people in the lobby
and took the rest of the staff and guests hostage.
Sayeret Matkal was called in. As the unit went through final preparations for
their assault, Uzi showed up. He had a rifle. He was in his everyday officer’s
uniform, unlike the sayeret team, which was weighted down by special-forces
gear. As a former commander of the sayeret, he persuaded them he could help
take out the terrorists and locate the hostages. Shortly before dawn, led by
Amiram Levin, they attacked. They killed three of the Fatah men within
seconds. But another terrorist set off an explosion, collapsing most of the top
floor. Uzi joined a couple of the other sayeret men in search of the hostages. He
was shot in the head and neck. Seven of the eight terrorists were killed, the
other captured. Though five hostages were freed, five lost their lives. Uzi died
on the operating table of Ichilov Hospital, a few hundred yards from the kirya.
* * *
Though I doubt Uzi’s family and friends would agree, my gut feeling was
always that his death was one more result, however indirect, of the shambolic
way in which we’d organized our attacks on the Chinese Farm. That was part of
the reason for my reluctance when Motta told me he wanted me to take Uzi’s
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place in the kirya. I realized I was the only available replacement with a similar
background, and sayeret experience. But I was still gaining brigade command
experience. And I couldn’t help feeling the role was intended as a kind of restand-recovery
cure because of my illness, not too different from the reason Uzi
had been given the job. Still, I did need rest and recovery. Even if fully healthy,
I’m not sure I could have convinced Motta to change his mind. In my weakened
state, I had no chance.
Skeptical though I was about the job, it opened up a new world to me. The
kirya itself was not new territory. But now, I became exposed to how how the
huge range of intelligence information we gathered was collated, evaluated,
assessed and ultimately applied. Helping with this process was my new
assignment. There were, in fact, two of us. We were both colonels and together
we provided the intelligence background for military operations. I had the post
on inside the military intelligence department. My opposite number was in the
operations department – the more senior role, in a way, because he had a more
direct link to the people actually doing the operations. He was a friend from
officers’ school: Dovik Tamari’s younger brother, Shai. Once a week, Shai and
I put together an assessment report. Then, we’d join Motta’s operations meeting
with the general staff, often attended by the man who’d followed Dayan as
defense minister, Shimon Peres.
The analysis of military intelligence included separate teams for Egypt and
Syria, Jordan and Lebanon, Iraq and other neighboring states, as well as other
countries and superpower relations. It relied on all our raw intelligence material,
from both military intelligence and Mossad, as well as academic and specialist
literature. Each desk dealt not just with military issues, but political and
economic developments. I was responsible, along with Shai and a few others,
for bringing all this together. This meant frequent meetings with members of the
analysis teams. For the first six months or so, I barely uttered a word in these
sessions. I listened, not just absorbing the information but getting to understand
the way the analysts worked and thought.
Our whole intelligence department was responsible for drafting an annual
strategic assessment for the army and the government. The final report was
written by Shlomo Gazit, who had succeeded Eli Zeira as head of military
intelligence. Before we sent it to print, he held a long meeting, inviting the
views of all the military intelligence officers. The focus in 1976, just three years
after the war, was on the risks of a new surprise attack. At the end of the
discussion, however, he said: “We know we run a real danger for the country if
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we fail to spot the signs of a war. But has any of you asked yourselves
something I find myself wondering from time to time? Is there not a similar risk
if we miss the signs of an opportunity for peace?”
His words stuck with me for the rest of my time in public life. They also had
a strong impact on me at the time. One of the benefits of my job was that I
could read the full inquiry report from the 1973 war, including the portions that
had been kept classified. Some dealt with the political situation before the war.
Golda had relied heavily on a “kitchen cabinet” of trusted ministers and a few
close advisers. The inquiry material described how Sadat had been extending
negotiating feelers before the war. And how Golda, Eli Zeira, Dado and Dayan
had responded. It was like an exercise in collective reinforcement. They agreed
the Arab countries would not simply go on living with the humiliation of their
defeat in 1967. At some stage, they would try to regain the initiative, on the
battlefield. But none appeared to think through the implications of this for our
political approach. Perhaps, like Eli Zeira in 1967, they assumed a kind of
historical inevitability of Israeli triumph. Though we’d ending up prevailing in
1973, it was impossible not to wonder whether, as Shlomo suggested, we had
missed the signs of a possible peace beforehand.
Now, however, we were facing an escalating challenge from an enemy with
no interest in peace: the armed Palestinian groups. The Democratic Front took
over a school in northern Israel a half-year after the war. In March 1975, Fatah
had seized the Savoy. And about a year into my posting in the kirya, the Popular
Front for the Liberation of Palestine launched an even more audacious
operation.
It became known by the name of the airport where the ordeal ended.
Entebbe. And when it began I, like Uzi Yairi, was sitting at my desk.
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Chapter Ten
Sunday is an ordinary working day in Israel, and the first sign that June 27,
1976 would be any different came shortly after noon. It was an urgent message
from Lod Airport, now renamed in honor of David Ben-Gurion, who passed
away after the 1973 war. Radio contact had been lost with Air France Flight 139
from Tel Aviv to Paris, shortly after a stopover in Athens.
We couldn’t know for sure what had gone wrong. Maybe a mechanical
malfunction, a glitch in the electronics, a crash. Or a hijack. But we did know
there were roughly 300 passengers and a dozen crew on board. Many of the
passengers were Israelis, and others were Jews from abroad. Ever since the
Sabena hijacking four years earlier, whenever a civilian airliner was thought to
be under attack within three hours of Israel, step-one in our response had been
automatic. Sayeret Matkal was ordered to the airport.
Because I’d commanded the Sabena operation – the first, and still the only,
time we had attacked and freed a hijacked plane – it was probably inevitable I
would take some part in figuring out how, or whether, to intervene if the Air
France plane turned out to have been hijacked. But my pivotal role, as the crisis
intensified, was down to a combination of factors: my broader experience as
sayeret commander, the fact that I now worked in the kirya, just one floor up
from the chief of staff, and, as so often, pure chance.
As the sayeret assembled at the airport, its current commander –Yoni
Netanyahu, my former deputy – was hundreds of miles away in the Sinai,
preparing for an operation across the canal. So it was Mookie Betzer, now
Yoni’s deputy, who began briefing the men for a possible hostage rescue in case
the jet returned to Israel. At the kirya, we were also without our commander:
Motta was in the Negev observing a major military exercise. So it was his
deputy – the head of the operations branch, Kuti Adam – who buzzed me on the
intercom at two in the afternoon and summoned me to his office.
By now, we knew the plane had been hijacked, but that it wasn’t heading
back to Israel. The terrorists had renamed it “Arafat” and it was on its way to
Libya. I took the stairs down to Kuti’s office, two floors below mine, and he
immediately handed me a large, black-and-white aerial photo. It showed the
international airport in Benina, just outside Benghazi on the eastern edge of
Libya. “Can we do anything, Ehud?” he asked me. I didn’t say no outright. But
I told him that even if we had a treasure trove of intelligence about Benina –
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which, I soon verified, we didn’t – the obstacles would be enormous. Unlike the
Sabena jet, this one was a wide-bodied Airbus, and El Al had none of those in
its fleet. Even we could find a way to make sure a sayeret team got briefed on
the airliner, we’d be mounting an attack-and-rescue operation a thousand miles
away. And even if we could take out the terrorists, we were almost certain to
face opposition from the former army colonel who ruled Libya, Mummer
Ghaddafy. The chance of success seemed slim, the risks enormous.
Soon, however, Kuti’s question ceased to matter. Later Sunday night, Flight
139 took off again. Before leaving Libya, the hijackers freed a passenger: an
Israeli dual national, with a British passport as well, who managed to convince
them she was going into labor. We learned through her that there were four
hijackers: two Arabs and two Europeans. It was a PFLP operation, but included
members of the far-left West German Baader-Meinhof terror group. They
forced the pilot to head for the east African state of Uganda. On Monday
evening, it landed at Entebbe Airport, 20 miles outside the Ugandan capital of
Kampala and just a couple of hundred yards from the shore of Lake Victoria. It
was five times further away than Benghazi.
Yet with each passing hour, increasingly alarming radio and television
reports focused on the obvious agony of the hundreds of captive passengers. To
this day, I’ve never been able to establish why it was a further 24 hours before
we started seriously to work out if there might be some way for us to free them.
Prime Minister Rabin was clearly asking himself the same question, however,
because on Tuesday afternoon, he called Motta in the Negev. It was now a full
53 hours after the hijacking, he said. What the hell we were doing to try to come
up with a plan? Motta was immediately summoned back to Jerusalem for an
emergency meeting of the government. As he was on his way back from there
to the kirya, Kuti called me back down to his office. “Motta just told them that
there is a military option,” he said, with a wry smile. Kuti had been a Haganah
officer in 1948, in charge of the Golani brigade, head of both the northern and
the southern command, and had known Motta for years. “That means we now
have to find one.”
I had just begun briefing a few of the analysts in my office when Motta
returned. When I got to his office, Kuti waved both of us across the hallway to
the big, rectangular conference room where general staff meetings were held.
On the side of the room was a globe. Giving it a spin, he said: “Nu, Motta. Tell
me, when you told the government we had a military option, did you even know
where Entebbe is?” Motta didn’t so much as crack a smile. “We have to find a
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response,” he said. “I’ve committed us. Ehud, I want you to check what can be
done. Take whatever you need, from wherever you want. Bring me suggestions
by seven tomorrow morning.” Then, he said, we would go brief the Defense
Minister, Shimon Peres.
I assembled a team the same way we’d prepared for special-operations
missions in the sayeret: looking for information, intelligence and above all
experience and insight from whoever I thought was likely to make that alwaysnarrow
difference between failure and success. My first calls went to Mookie
Betzer and another of my most trusted and experienced sayeret comrades,
Amiram Levin. Then I brought in Ido Ambar, the personal aide to air force
commander Benny Peled, and Gadi Shefi, the commander of the Shayetet 13
SEALs. Finally, two officers from Dan Shomron’s office. Since Dan was
katzhar, in overall command of paratroop and infantry forces, it was critical to
keep him in the picture. I told them all that we’d be working through the night,
and that I had to be able to tell Motta and Shimon by the morning whether we
really could mount a rescue mission.
I still thought I’d end up having to tell them no. However difficult the
obstacles we’d faced with Sabena, they were almost child’s play compared to
getting a sayeret assault team 5,000 miles across the continent of Africa,
surprising the terrorists, freeing the hostages unharmed and getting them out.
That was even assuming, as I did at that point, that we wouldn’t face armed
opposition from the troops of Uganda’s increasingly tyrannical president, Idi
Amin. Amin had begun to align himself politically with the Palestinians in the
past few years – one reason, no doubt, the terrorists had landed there. But he
had actually been on a paratroop course in Israel before taking power in 1971.
We had sent officers to help train his army in the early 1970s.
Now, I discovered, Mookie himself had been on one of the training missions.
“Their men aren’t great fighters, at least at night,” he said, an insight of obvious
relevance to planning a commando attack, if we could get that far. When
Ambar, the air force aide, spoke up, I finally began to feel we might at least be
able to put together the outline of a plan. He’d brought with him a copy of the
standard reference book on world airports, which gave us at least a general idea
of the layout of Entebbe. He also said that the air force had run a training
program for the Ugandans. In Entebbe. He’d contacted one of the reserve pilots
who had been on the training mission, and he was on his way to join us.
Still, time was short we were nowhere near being able to recommend a
specific plan of action. The hijackers had set a deadline – noon on Thursday,
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July 1, now less than 36 hours away. Having moved the passengers off the plane
to one of the terminal buildings, they were threatening to start killing them
unless we freed a list of 53 Palestinians and PLO supporters, forty of them held
in Israel and the rest in a number of European countries, and paid a ransom of
five million dollars.
Well past midnight, we started looking at our options. One which seemed –
briefly – to hold promise drew on suggestions from Ido Ambar and Mookie.
Ido’s almost rhapsodic description of the capabilities of our C-130 Hercules
transport planes convinced us we could parachute in a Sayeret Matkal team, as
well as vehicles for them to use on the ground. Mookie and I agreed that to
ensure surprise, we would disguise the commandos as Ugandan troops, in
“Ugandan” Jeeps. The final twist came with the arrival of the reserve air force
officer who had been on training duty in Entebbe. He brought a reel of 8mm
film from an official ceremony at the airport. At the start, a Ugandan army
general could be seen arriving in a black Mercedes. “That’s it!” Mookie said.
“The Mercedes. Every top Ugandan military officer has one.” We decided to
swap one of our Jeeps for a jet-black limousine.
Yet by daybreak on Wednesday, when I went up to brief Motto, we’d set
aside the option of a parachute drop. Any initial surprise would be outweighed
by the risk of exposure from the very start of the assault. We’d also gone cold
on a second option, to infiltrate sayeret teams along the shore of Lake Victoria
from across the nearby border in Kenya. I doubted we had enough time to
navigate all the operational and diplomatic obstacles before the deadline
expired. That left option three: having the SEALs, along with a core team from
the sayeret, parachute onto Lake Victoria with rubber dinghies and attack the
airport from on foot. We arranged to do a test parachute assault off the Israeli
coast in Haifa later in the day, but if that went well, it seemed the only practical
alternative.
Motta and I went met Peres around 8:30am. Shimon had no first-hand
military experience, having played a political role alongside Ben-Gurion from
Israel’s early years. So he was not really interested in the details. But he was
keen to hear our assurances that a military option did exist. He was even more
intrigued when we were joined by the head of the air force, Benny Peled.
Unaware of the airborne parachute drop we had been discussing overnight,
Peled suggested something far more ambitious. Rather than using a single
Hercules, he proposed using four of the giant transport planes to ferry in a larger
force, some 200 men in all, land them on one of the runways and take over the
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entire airport. Though I didn’t say so, I had my doubts it would work. It was a
bit like the initial option for the Rue Verdun raid Dado had rejected: a classic
ground assault which, in addition to eliminating any chance of surprise,
obviously ran the risk of igniting a small ground war. But I did think that some
combination of Peled’s idea and the surprise commando strike we’d been
looking at might provide an answer.
A few hours later, the hostages’ ordeal took a chilling turn, which soon also
provided us with our first real detailed picture of the scale of the challenge we
faced. In a haunting echo of the Nazis’ “selection” process in the Holocaust, the
terrorists separated all the passengers with Israeli passports or Jewish names.
They let the rest of them go, and allowed them to board a special Air France
flight back to Paris. We immediately dispatched Amiram Levin to debrief the
freed passengers. On a scrambled teleprinter line Wednesday night, Amiram
came up with far more than we could have hoped for. One of released
passengers was a French woman who had managed to hide the fact she was
Jewish. She confirmed reports we had been getting that the hostages were being
held in the airport’s former terminal building, about a mile from its newer
terminal and the main runways. Other passengers revealed that the hijackers had
placed explosives around the old terminal building. And that, despite my hope
that Idi Amin would stand aside if we did decide to go in and rescue the
hostages, his troops were helping to guard the area.
So in addition to taking on the hijackers, we’d have to find a way to deal
with Ugandan soldiers. In another round of discussions in my office through the
late hours of Wednesday night, we finally settled on our plan: Peled’s major
airborne operation, but with a Sayeret Matkal strike force, with its “Ugandan”
motorcade, spearheading it. Minutes later, three other C-130s would fly in
additional troops to secure the rest of the airport, deal with any Ugandan army
resistance, and fly out the Israeli soldiers and the hostages.
An operation on that scale naturally meant bringing in Dan Shomron. After
I’d taken the plan to Kuti Adam, he briefed Dan on the full detail and called me
down to see him again. Dan had left to start preparations for the operation. He’d
made just one request, Kuti said: that I be in command of the sayeret force.
* * *
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I could see why Dan had said it. Working with Mookie and the rest of my
team, I’d been in charge of all the initial planning. I was in command of the
Sabena assault, the only remotely similar operation Israel had attempted.
Though an attempt to rescue dozens of terrified hostages in Entebbe, with both
the terrorists and possibly Ugandan soldiers armed and ready, would be much
harder. As Sayeret Matkal commander, I’d conceived and commanded other
missions that requiring us to break new ground. But – and it was a huge but – I
knew from the moment I left Kuti’s office that I would have to find a way to
avoid undermining the current sayeret commander, Yoni. Dan had clearly been
aware of that as well. He’d stressed to Kuti that he meant no disrespect to Yoni.
“But I know Ehud,” he said. “I’ve worked with him. I want him to lead it.”
Yoni was still in the Sinai. I’d phoned him before our first overnight
planning session to tell him I was bringing in Mookie and Amiram. Mookie had
been giving him daily updates. But the clock was ticking. Under the initial
deadline, the hijackers had threatened to begin “executions” on Thursday.
Today. The deadline had now been pushed back, but only until Sunday morning
– and only after Rabin felt he had no option but to drop our public refusal to
consider negotiating with them.
When Dan called our first operational briefing for Thursday night, Mookie
sent a plane to bring Yoni back. Dan set out the plan with his customary
confidence. The four Hercules would take off on Saturday evening from Sharm
el-Sheikh at the southernmost tip of the Sinai, to cut the flying distance at least
slightly. The first plane would land on the runway near the new terminal. Inside
would be a small unit of paratroopers, the sayeret strike force, a pair of Jeeps
and the Mercedes. The next Hercules wouldn’t arrive for another seven minutes:
the most critical minutes of the whole operation. That was when our “Ugandan
motorcade” would make its way to the old terminal, burst in and take care of the
terrorists. The second Hercules would include another Sayeret Matkal team, to
reinforce the attack unit and secure the perimeter of the old terminal. Hercules
Number Three, a minute later, would carry a joint force of sayeret fighters,
paratroopers and a Golani team. Their job would be to take over the new
terminal and the rest of the airport and deal with any Ugandan army resistance.
The final plane was a flying medical unit, to provide treatment for the hostages
and carry them back to Israel.
Yoni arrived just as Dan was finishing his presentation. He looked focused,
energized, and eager to play his part. I realized it was important to explain to
him the decision to place me in command. Despite our close relationship, I
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knew that would be a sensitive task. We spoke only briefly before he and
Mookie drove back to the sayeret base to begin more detailed preparations.
Yoni was insistent that he should be in charge. I told him I understood, and I
did. In his position, I would have felt exactly the same way. But for a variety of
reasons, Dan wanted me in command. Still, I stressed my determination not to
detract from his authority. Yoni would lead in the main assault unit. He and
Mookie would choose the other officers and soldiers, decide their roles and take
charge of training, briefing and logistics. I could tell he was still not satisfied.
But I told him and Mookie I’d join them later that night. We could talk further,
ahead of the next full briefing, which Dan had set for nine o’clock on Friday
morning on the sayeret base.
When they left, I joined Dan, Motta and Kuti to go see Rabin. Shimon Peres
was there too. He would later say that, as Defence Minister, he was a crucial
voice in pressing to go ahead with the rescue mission. He’s right, and had he
been sceptical, or opposed the idea of a recuse, it would have made things much
more difficult. But his position was far easier than the Prime Minister’s. He
lacked Rabin’s hands-on command experience, his grasp of the details of what
we were proposing to do and the obvious risks. All Israelis were aware of this. I
the operation failed, or if we decided in the end not to attempt it, it would be
Rabin who would bear the responsibility and get the blame.
Even under the best of circumstances, Rabin was naturally cautious – the
flipside of the meticulousness with which he ran through the fine detail of every
military mission. As I remembered from when he was chief of staff, in our
slightly surreal conversation about the danger of a booby-trapped
communications intercept exploding as I defused it, he would focus on
everything that might conceivably go wrong with an operation before approving
it. Now, he was also under huge additional pressure. From the start of the hijack
crisis, there had been calls from the hostages’ families to do something to end
the ordeal. But as I later discovered, one of the leading scientific engineers in
Israel, Yosef Tulipman, had a daughter among the passengers. Like Yitzhak, he
had been a Palmachnik. He’d come to see the Prime Minister and implored him
not to attempt an operation that might endager her or the others. “I demand one
thing only,” he said. “Don’t go on any adventures. Do not play with the lives of
these people, with the life of my daughter.”
After Entebbe, there would be suggestions that Rabin’s readiness to
negotiate with the terrorists had been a ploy, designed to buy time. Yet his
message to us that night was that if there was a military option with a
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reasonable chance of success, he would approve it. But otherwise, we could not
let dozens of hostages be murdered if by talking, even deal-making, we could
have saved them. He turned to Dan and asked whether there indeed was a
military option with a reasonable prospect of getting the hostages out. Dan said
yes. Rabin turned to me next. I agreed: we had a plan, and we felt we could
make it work. Motta was a bit more hesitant. He suggested we couldn’t know
for sure until we’d finished testing key parts of the operation. But for Rabin, it
seemed to me Dan’s was the key voice. So he told us that he was approving it.
In principle.
He said he still needed answers to two questions. The first was whether it
was physically possible to cross from the new terminal area, where we’d be
landing, to the old terminal buidling. He was right to press us. If a retaining wall
or a drainage trench had been added druing the modernization work on the
airport, any element of surprise could be lost. Rabin’s second condition was that
we find a way to make absolutely sure, by the time the first Hercules landed,
that the hostages were still in the old terminal building. I knew why that
troubled him, from a remark I’d heard him make a few years earlier when
describing an American hostage-rescue raid behind enemy lines in North
Vietnam. That operation went exactly as planned. Except that the POWs had
been moved.
I drove to see Yoni and Mookie at the sayeret base. We spent most of the
meeting on the opening few minutes of the operation: the rolling out of the
vehicles, the drive to the old terminal, and how to handle the possibility that we
might meet Ugandan resistance. Mookie remained adamant about the
Ugandans, from his time training them a few years earlier. Even if we did run
into a group of Amin’s troops, even if they were armed, even if they were
pointing their guns at us, even if they shout at us to stop, they “wouldn’t dare
open fire on a Mercedes.” I trusted his experience. I kept emphasizing that we
had to go in with the mindset of not engaging Ugandan troops unless there was
no choice. If we did need to do so, we would use only small, silenced Berettas –
since I’d made sure the unit trained on the Berettas after Sabena.
I also raised another critical condition for success. “There will definitely be
an armed presence in the control tower,” I said. We needed to designate a
special unit whose sole job would be to train machine guns, rifles and grenadelaunchers
on the tower as soon as we got off the Hercules. “The moment that we
lose the element of surprise, they open fire.”
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Dan began the next morning’s briefing with a stage-by-stage review of how
the operation would unfold. But just as he was getting to the detail of the
motorcade attack, I felt a young sayeret officer tap me on the shoulder. Kuti had
phoned to say I was to go see him at the kirya. “He said immediately,” the
officer added, “and not to discuss it with anyone. Just to tell Dan Shomron that
you’ve been taken out of the operation.”
* * *
To say I was surprised would be an understatement. But I allowed myself to
believe the decision to “take me out” could still be reversed. Not only was I
ready to command the critical first part of the operation. I believed I was best
placed to ensure it succeeded. I felt that was best for Yoni, too, due to tensions
inside the sayeret of which both of us were aware.
There was no officer to whom I was closer than Yoni. He had extraordinary
strengths as a soldier: in the Six-Day War, in 1973, and afterwards when, with
my encouragement, he’d taken command of a tank battalion in the north left
almost in tatters from the Yom Kippur War. But there was more to him as well.
I used to marvel how at the end of 16 hours of sayeret training, he could spend a
further two or three reading history, or a novel or poetry. He always struggled
between the impulse to devote his life to fighting for the State of Israel, and to
studying, reading and living as a more “normal” family man.
His drive to serve, and to excel, was stronger. Tuti Goodman, the young
woman he’d met as a teenager and married, understood what drew him to a life
in uniform. But that wasn’t what she had signed up for. At one point, Yoni
asked me to speak to Tuti. She asked me to speak to him. I did my best to
explain each to the other. But the gap between what each of them wanted for
their lives was just too wide. Before the 1973 war, they’d separated. After the
war, professionally fulfilled but personally shattered, Yoni heard that I’d found
an apartment in Ramat Hasharon, and he asked me if there were other flats in
the building. It turned out that the owner of the flat below ours was willing to
rent it. Yoni snapped it up.
Over the past year or so, with Yoni leading the sayeret and me in the kirya,
we’d seen more of each another. For the first time in years, he seemed to have
found a sense of peace, and fulfillment, in his personal life. That was in large
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part because of Bruria Shaked, his girlfriend, whom he’d met while
commanding the tank unit after 1973. While he was a thinker and a brooder and
in many ways a loner, Bruria was outgoing, playful, funny and full of life. She
sensed his need for a shoulder to lean on, a hand to hold at the movies or on a
Saturday stroll on the beach. They made their apartment a home. The shelves
creaked under the weight of Yoni’s books. Often on a Saturday, when Nava and
I dropped in to see them, an old 33 rpm record would be playing on the stereo.
Yoni would be sitting puffing on his pipe, reading, and smiling.
But outside this domestic haven, he still struggled. He had looked forward to
commanding Sayeret Matkal. But there was a growing distance between him
and those he led, a kind of dissonance between these more typically Israeli
youngsters and the aloof, reflective, intellectual side of their commander. There
was another tension as well. Sayeret training was notoriously tough. Yoni
earned the admiration of his men by participating personally in the most
difficult of the exercises. But just as he pushed himself to his limits, he insisted
relentlessly on seeing the same drive in them. This was a challenge all sayeret
commanders faced to some extent. I had, too. But a number of the officers had
gone to the kirya to urge that Yoni be replaced. He knew this. Though I tried to
reassure him, telling him that every sayeret commander was different, with his
own strengths and weaknesses, he became only more determined to push
himself and those around him harder.
No we were in the final countdown for Entebbe. It was a life-or-death
mission not just for us, but the hostages, an operation in which even a second’s
hesitation or tension or uncertainty could prove fatal. I was worried that the
rumblings of uneasiness in the unit might prove an additional obstacle that
wasn’t worth the risk.
When I tried to persuade Kuti to stick with the original plan, however, he
was insistent. He told me to get ready to fly not into Uganda, but to Nairobi. I’d
been re-assigned to accompany a Mossad team to Kenya. Our first task would
be to get the answers to the questions Rabin had asked us. Then, we would be in
charge of arranging for the Kenyans to allow us to refuel the C-130s on the way
out, and to set up a medical facility for any injured soldiers or hostages. During
the attempted rescue, I would also be the channel of communications from the
Nairobi side of the operation to Kuti, tens of thousands of feet above Entebbe in
a command 707. Dan, as overall commander, would be in charge on the ground.
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* * *
The Kenyans were not exactly allies of Israel. But relations between
President Jomo Kenyatta’s security services and Mossad had been close for
some years. I flew in with three leading Mossad men. While one of them called
on the aging President Kenyatta, our main point of contact, was the head of
Kenya’s security services. Since the secrecy of the mission had to be preserved,
we couldn’t make advance preparations for refueling or the additional 707
which we intended to fly in as a field hospital. But he smoothed the way for us
to do both, without anyone asking too many questions.
The Mossad men took the lead in arranging to get Rabin’s questions
answered. They contacted a pilot they knew. The pilot flew to Entebbe early on
Saturday morning, circled, and, after he was cleared to land, claimed
mechanical difficulties and flew out again. I had his telephoto pictures by midmorning
and phoned Rabin’s intelligence officer to let him know we’d
confirmed there was a clear path to the old terminal. We still had to make sure
the captive passengers were there, however. A nurse from Kampala who had
been allowed to visit them made three further visits: late Saturday afternoon,
then shortly after the first Hercules had taken off from Sharm al-Sheikh, and
finally around nine at night. I was able to reassure Rabin that the question to his
second question was also “yes”. Although all of the C-130s were already
airborne, it was only then that he gave the mission the final go-ahead.
As commander of Sayeret Matkal, I’d always found running an operation
from a command post hugely frustrating. This was even worse. Once we got
word the Israeli force was on the way to Uganda, we put in place the
arrangements for refueling. If all went well, the first C-130, with Yoni’s assault
team and at least some of the hostages, was due to reach Entebbe and begin the
assault at midnight Saturday. Assuming there were no major problems, it would
take an hour at most. All I could do now, from 300 miles away, was wait.
Shortly after midnight, Kuti radioed me with a terse message: the first of the
Hercules had left Entebbe for Nairobi, and the command plane was returning to
Israel. About quarter to one in the morning on July 4, the transport planes began
their staggered arrival. When the first Hercules taxied to a halt, I went out to
meet it. As its giant rear door lowered, Dan was the first person I saw. I could
tell from the awkward silence, the lack of any greeting, something must have
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gone wrong. “Ehud,” he said finally, “Yoni’s dead. We got the hostages out.
But Yoni was killed.”
I sought out two other friends: Mookie and Ephraim Sneh, the Battalion 890
doctor, who had been with us at the Chinese Farm. Both were obviously torn
between a sense of accomplishment in having freed the hostages and the blow
of losing Yoni. I asked Ephraim to take me to the front of the plane’s huge belly
to see him. He was on a stretcher, covered with a blanket. I peeled it back.
Yoni’s face had lost all color. But when I touched his forehead, it seemed
slighty warm, almost as if there was still a spark of life inside him.
I couldn’t raise Kuti by radio, so I used the landline in the airport director’s
office to phone Motta.
“Yoni is dead,” I told him.
“Are you sure?” he asked. I said: “Yes. I’ve seen him.”
Before the transport planes began leaving for Israel, I made another call. It
was to Nava. She was asleep. I told her that the operation to free the hostages
had succeeded. “But Yoni has been killed.” I could hear her gasp. “Listen,” I
said, “you have to go downstairs. Tell Bruria. Before some army officer shows
up at her door. Or worse, because they’re not married, no one may come and
she’ll hear it on the radio. Go. Tell her. Stay with her.” At first, she seemed not
so much unwilling as unable to do it. “What can I say?” I said I knew how hard
it would be, but that she needed to make sure Bruria heard the news from a
friend. Later, Nava told me she’d waited until daybreak, not wanting to make
things worse by waking her. Then, she went downstairs. She told Bruria what
had happened, stayed with her, talked with her, and held her, during those first
few awful hours.
I found Yoni’s death even more upsetting when I learned from Mookie and
others how it had happened. As the sayeret motorcade began making its way
from the Hercules to the terminal, with Mookie and Yoni in the Mercedes, two
Ugandan soldiers had seen them. One of the Ugandans raised his rifle. Rather
than relying on Mookie’s assurances the soldier wouldn’t actually fire, Yoni and
another soldier shot him with their silenced Berettas. But they’d only wounded
him. In case he managed to fire back, another soldier in the Jeep behind them
killed him, with his un-silenced machine gun.
Now that all surprise was gone, the commandos abandoned their vehicles
and began sprinting towards the old terminal. Only seconds later, still 80 yards
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or so from the terminal, Yoni was hit. He’d been shot from the control tower. I
realized that unexpected setbacks or slip-ups were inevitable in any operation.
But the crucial first stage of the attack had not only gone wrong. It had gone
wrong in exacrly the way that we had first discussed back at the sayeret base,
and now Yoni was dead because of it.
I had to remain in Kenya for a few more days. Though we’d rescued 102
passengers and crew, three of the hostages had been killed in the crossfire.
While most of the injuries to the others were minor, we arranged to have several
of the more seriously wounded taken to a Nairobi hospital. So I was unable to
join the gathering of hundreds on Mount Herzl in Jerusalem for Yoni’s funeral.
Or to hear Shimon Peres praise him in terms I knew must have filled his parents
and Bibi, too, with enormous pride. Shimon described him as “one of Israel’s
finest sons, one of its most courageous warriors, one of its most promising
commanders.”
The first evening I was back, however, I visited the Netanyahus at their
family home in Jerusalem: Ben-Zion and Tzila, the parents; Ido, the youngest of
the three children, and Bibi, who was still at MIT. It was a few nights in the
shivah, the seven days of mourning, and there were dozens of other wellwishers
there as well. I spoke to Bibi first, outwardly strong but I sensed still
overwhelmed by their loss. Hugging him, I said the weeks ahead would be
tough, not just because of Yoni’s death, but because much of the responsibility
of providing emotional support for his parents, both in their sixties, would fall
on his 26-year-old shoulders. This was the first time I’d met the father, Ben-
Zion, face to face, but I was struck by how this balding, professorial figure
seemed able to keep inside the pain and loss he must have been feeling. He did
clearly know of me, both from Bibi and from the frequent letters always wrote
to him at Cornell. Now, after I’d said what I could to comfort him, he asked
whether we could meet again. When we did, a few days later, he was clearly
conscious of the his late, lost son’s bourgeoning place in Israel’s pantheon of
national heros. He asked me to be one of the speakers at Yoni’s shloshim, a
commemorative event in Jerusalem which, in Jewish religious tradition, would
mark the end of the first month of mourning. “You knew him well,” he said, and
proceeded to stress the importance of using my remarks to explain, and
elaborate on, Yoni’s powerful accomplishments and personal legacy.
I thought about what he wanted, and about Yoni himself, in the days ahead.
About the tragedy of his death, but also the way in which all of us now had to
draw meaning, value, and ideally something of permanence from the feelings of
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loss. As I prepared my notes, I also spent time working out how to square what I
felt I needed to say, with what many in the audience, and certainly Ben-Zion
and Bibi, would expect me to say. Not only was Yoni being mourned across
Israel after Entebbe. He was being elevated – in the spirit of Shimon’s words at
the funeral –to something approaching sainthood. I did not want to detract from
his evolving status as national hero, or his importance as a symbol of a
commando success which had, for the first time since the 1973 war, restored a
measure of Israeli sense of self-confidence. A victory, over all logic and all
odds. But I also wanted to find a way of capturing Yoni as he really was: a
brave man, an extraordinary fighter and officer. But also a man sometimes
feeling torn inside, and alone.
I began with words of ancient rabbinic wisdom about the path which all of us
travel from birth to death, and to whatever comes after. The quotation I chose –
from the 2,000-year-old volume known as Pirkei Avot, the Ethics of our Fathers
– seemed right to me. “Know where you came from: a putrid drop... Know
where you are going: to a place of dust, maggots and worms... And know before
whom you are destined to give your final account, the King of Kings.” I spoke
of the loss of Yoni, and said it was impossible not to think about the meaning of
what lay between the “putrid drop” where each of us begins our life and our
final reckoning. “I believe that life is not just a sum of the hours and days
between the beginning and the end. It is the content we pour into the space in
between,” I said. I’d known people who were given the gift of a long life but
who, by that definition, had hardly lived at all. There were also people like
Yoni. He’d lived only briefly. But he had learned and loved. Fought and trained
others to fight. Grappled with the most profound puzzles of existence, and yet
remained open “to the wonders of a smile. A journey. A flower. A poem.” If
there was any consolation for a life ended cut off at age 30, I said, that was it.
But I wanted to give a more personal, nuanced picture of the life that he, and
we, and lost. “Our Yoni… We have seen him torn between his passion for
knowledge on the one hand, and the sense of mission and of personal fulfillment
that he found in uniform. There was the Yoni of history and philosophy books:
Plato and Marx. Who saw the history of Israel not just as a compendium of
facts, but a source of inspiration, and a call for action. The Yoni who rebuilt a
tank battalion reduced to ashes and dust on the Golan. And there was the Yoni
at peace. Tranquil. At home. With his pipe and his phonograph records, out of
uniform. We saw him in his hours of supreme achievement and satisfaction. We
saw him, too, sometimes standing alone, with pain in his heart, biting his teeth,
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carrying the heavy, lonely burden of commanding the very fighters who he was
leading when he fell.
“We have seen him on the battlefield, engaging the enemy, heading into a
test of fire with courage and wisdom and his indomitable spirit – the very
essence of the spirit that made possible the operation in which he would lose his
life.” Because, make no mistake, I said: beyond the weapons used, the people
who participated, the training and exercises before the fleet of Hercules had
taken off; beyond the fine balance required in the planning, execution, and
decision-making; it was “this spirit, this essence, that was tested at Entebbe.”
When I saw Yoni’s family afterwards, though they thanked me for my
remarks, I could see that they were still bleeding inside. I am sure that affected
they way they related to Bruria. Even before Yoni met her, he had told me how
hard his parents were finding his separation from Tutti. Bruria attended the
funeral and the shloshim. But she didn’t sit with the family. I think that with the
shock of his death, mixed with the pride they felt at his emergence as a national
hero, they found it difficult to include her, a woman they hardly knew, in their
mourning.
A few weeks later, I go a call from the Netanyahu family’s lawyer, Erwin
Shimron. It was an odd, rambling conversation. He seemed to insinuate that, as
her and Yoni’s neighbor and friend, I was encouraging the unwelcome idea that
Bruria was part of the immediate circle of the bereaved, that this mere girlfriend
was somehow his widow. He wanted me to withdraw whatever mantle I might
be providing, and help separate her from Yoni and his legacy. He went so far as
to say that one reason he was calling me was because he didn’t want to have to
take “legal steps” to make that happen. I saw no point in getting into an
argument. I sensed that, while it would take time for the grief felt by those
closest to Yoni to begin to heal, the issue would gradually resolve itself. But I
saw even less point in leading the lawyer to believe I would do what he was
suggesting.
“Mr Shimron,” I told him. “I knew Yoni. I know Bruria. I do not know you.
But I have a musical ear. I don’t like the undertone I hear in what you’ve been
saying. I’ve seen them close up. Bruria gave Yoni, at a critical time in his life,
probably more warmth than he ever received from any other human being.”
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Chapter Eleven
Yet despite Entebbe, the trauma of the Yom Kippur War, and the cracks it
had shaken loose in Israeli society and politics, were yet to play themselves out.
The hostage rescue was like a sugar rush, an intoxicating reminder that the army
still had the capacity for initiative and precision, audacity and quick-fire victory
– like our air strikes in the first hours of the 1967 War. But the real reckoning
over 1973 was about to come. It would change Israel beyond recognition, with
repercussions still being felt today. It would dramatically alter the course of my
life as well.
I still remember the moment it hit home, on the evening of May 17, 1977. As
Nava and I watched in our tiny living room in Ramat Hasharon, Chaim Yavin,
the anchorman on the country’s only TV channel, was handed an exit poll from
Israel’s latest national election. He began with three words: Gvirotai verabotai,
Mahapakh. “Ladies and Gentlemen, a revolution.” For the first time since the
state was declared, Israel’s government would not be in the hands of David
Ben-Gurion or his Labor Zionist heirs. Our next prime minister would be
Menachem Begin, who had inherited the mantle of Jabotinsky’s Revisionist
Zionism. He’d headed its youth wing, Betar, in eastern Europe, and led the
Irgun Zvai Leumi, the main right-wing militia force before 1948. Lacking the
intellectual depth and subtlety of Jabotsinky –a liberal intellectual who, among
other things, translated Dante into Hebrew – Begin drew his political strength
from his powerful oratory, and a refusal to countenance any compromise in
securing what he viewed as the ultimate goal: a Jewish state in all of biblical
Palestine, from the Mediterranean to the Jordan River, with whatever military
force was necessary to secure and sustain it.
But perhaps Yavin should have used a different metaphor in his dramatic
election-night broadcast: reidat adamah, an earthquake. Begin’s victory, after
the loss of eight straight elections over three decades, was the culmination of
seismic rumblings which had been building for years. The big, decisive, shock
was the 1973 war. Yet this was not just because of the colossal intelligence
failure, or the myriad errors of our military commanders and political leaders. It
was the fundamental loss of trust in the cosy, self-perpetuating establishment
that had dominated all aspects of Israeli politics, society and culture from the
start: Palmachniks like Rabin and Dado; political players like Golda and
Shimon Peres; Haganah veterans like Dayan and Bar-Lev; and, of course, the
kibbutznik pioneers. Almost all were of East European background –
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Ashkenazim – and their prominence and privilege had stoked increasing
resentment among Israel’s disadvantaged Sephardi majority, with their roots in
the Arab world and especially north Africa.
Begin not only sensed this. While he’d never lost the formal bearing – or the
accent – from his childhood in Poland, his long years in Israel’s political
wilderness mirrored the wider exclusion felt by the Sephardim. The last election
he had lost, in December 1973, proved too soon for the earth to part. But he told
his supporters: “Even though Labour has won these elections, after something
like the Yom Kippur War happens to a country, and to a government, they must
lose power. They will lose power.” He was right. Only twice in the four decades
that followed would a Labor leader defeat Begin’s Likud party: Rabin’s election
victory in 1992, and mine over Bibi Netanyahu in 1999.
During the first two years of Begin’s rule, however, I was 7,000 miles away.
Ten days before the election, I’d gone to see Motta, and he’d agreed that I could
return to Stanford, to finish what I’d barely begun when the 1973 war broke out.
I had been in the army, with the one hiatus as a sayeret reservist at Hebrew
University, since the age of seventeen. I did not regret committing myself to a
life in uniform. But Stanford offered an extraordinary opportunity to broaden
my horizons. Even in the few weeks I’d spent there before the war, I’d felt
reinvigorated. It engaged a different kind of intelligence, a different part of who
I was: the books, the professors. A chance to listen to, and at least try to play,
beautiful music. And to spend more than a few stolen evenings or weekends
with my family.
The timing had nothing to do with the election. Like most other Labor
Israelis, and many of Begin’s own supporters, I hadn’t expected the Likud to
win. It was because I felt I’d reached a natural punctuation mark in my military
career. I’d led Sayeret Matkal. I’d commanded a tank company, a battalion in
1973, and, more briefly than I’d hoped, the 401 st Brigade after the war. I’d spent
the last two years in the kirya. The next step up the command chain would be to
lead a full armored division. But at age 35, I was probably too young, and I
figured I’d have a far better chance in two years’ time. I also feared losing the
chance to go to Stanford altogether. Motta’s term as chief of staff would end the
following year. Among those in the frame to succeed him was Raful Eitan.
Recalling Raful’s dismissive, almost sneering, opposition to my making the
Sayeret Matkal into Israel’s SAS, I wasn’t exactly confident I could count on
his support.
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Reluctant though I’d been to leave the 401 st for the kirya, I had particularly
enjoyed the last year. I was promoted to Shai Tamari’s job, in charge of the
intelligence team for our military operations, when Shai left to command a tank
brigade. My office was no longer on the third floor, but in the underground
bunker, the bor. I was part of nearly all high-level planning meetings, often with
Motta, sometimes also including Peres. Almost everyone around the table was
older than me, and outranked me by some distance. Yet with my intelligence
brief, I was often the one with the most thorough command of the details.
Though still just a colonel, I’d risen through Sayeret Matkal. I knew the
planning process from the other side as well, having attended the same sort of
meetings, from the early 1960s, to present our operations. So I was often asked,
and always welcome, to weigh in on what would work, what wouldn’t, and
why.
My final year in the kirya also further cemented my relationship with Motta.
Though as chief of staff, he tended to keep a formal distance from all but his
fellow generals, he did seem to enjoy having me around. He even put me in
charge of a new department of my own. Not officially. The “department” was
strictly ad hoc, as was the name which Motta gave it: Mishugas. The Yiddish
word for craziness.
All army commanders, in all countries, receive their share of unsolicited
advice. But I can’t imagine any of them gets the number, or sheer range, of wild
suggestions which make their way to the kirya. Everything from levitation
machines, to ideas for making tanks fly. Motta didn’t have the time to read all
the letters, much less sit down with the self-styled inventors or sages who
showed up in person. Still, he couldn’t be sure that a jewel of an idea wasn’t
lurking inside one of them. As an insurance policy, he began sending all the
letters, and every supplicant, to me.
I never found the jewel. The most vivid memory I have is of a visit from a
former soldier in Shaked, Israel’s Negev reconnaissance and tracking unit. He
had taken up meditation, and the study of ancient civilizations. Fresh from a
period of contemplation in the desert, he arrived in my office with a pamphlet
he’d written. It was about special-forces strategy and training, as practiced eight
centuries earlier, in the time of Genghis Khan.
I listened for nearly an hour, enjoying his enthusiasm, the history lesson, and
the simple weirdness of it all. I did check his facts afterwards. If nothing else, he
proved an assiduous student of the Mongols. He explained to me that in their
largest battles, involving tens of thousands of troops, they would designate a
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commando unit of a couple of dozen men. Its sole task was to seek out and kill
the enemy force’s leader. The key to their success was mind-training. Over a
period of months, sometimes years, the commandos’ self-perception was
altered. They were taught to believe that they had already died. Since their lives
on earth were done, all that remained was a formal passage through the turnstile
into eternal happiness, and to go out in glory. My visitor not only suggested that
Israel establish exactly this kind of death-cum-suicide unit. He volunteered to
train the men himself, and lead the first mission. With as straight a face as I
could muster, I thanked him for taking the time to see me. But I told him his
idea was probably not for us. Little did I know that a whole new kind of enemy,
epitomized by Al-Qaeda and the self-styled Islamic State, would build a
terrorist death cult around it.
* * *
Nava and I, with three-year-old Yael, and Michal just turning seven, left for
California in the late summer of 1977. The two years that followed were
uplifting and reinvigorating – not just because of Stanford, but a further, utterly
unexpected transformation back home soon after we’d left.
It, too had its roots in the 1973 war, but on the Arab side. Before the war,
Egypt’s Anwar Sadat had extended feelers about the possibility of peace
negotiations, only to see them ignored. Israel won the war in the end. But the
Egyptians’ surprise attack across the canal – and the panic and huge Israeli
losses in the early days of the war – had shattered our aura of invincibility.
Politically, Sadat had gone a long way to erasing the humiliation of 1967. That
freed him to do something which – after decades of Arab-Israeli conflict – was
astonishing. He travelled to Jerusalem, the capital of a country which neither
Egypt nor any other Arab country even recognized. He met Begin, and he
addressed the Knesset with a call for peace.
It is impossible to convey to Israelis who did not live through the birth of the
state, and our tumultuous early decades, the power of the emotions stirred by
Sadat’s visit. It was on November 19, 1977. With my arm around Nava, I
watched the live American television coverage as Sadat’s plane touched down
at Ben-Gurion airport. Begin was at the center of the throng of dignitaries on
hand to greet him: a who’s who of political and military leaders not just from
his administration, but who had led Israel in 1967 and 1973. Golda was there.
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Rabin, too, puffing furiously on his cigarette. When the erect figure of Sadat
emerged, there was spontaneous applause, and a serenade from Israeli army
trumpeters.
Even before Sadat’s Knesset address the next day, I understood that his visit,
his willingness to make the first, bold move toward a possible peace, marked
just the beginning of a difficult negotiating road. But there was one passage in
his speech that touched me especially. He ran through the history of how Egypt
and other Arab states had not just fought Israel, but denied our right to exist as a
state. “We used to brand you as so-called Israel,” he said. Now, the leader of
our most important Arab enemy declared: “You want to live with us in this part
of the world. In all sincerity, I tell you that we welcome you among us, with full
security and safety.”
The formula he proposed was straightforward. Egypt would agree to a full
peace, accepting and formally recognizing the state of Israel. But Israel would
have to withdraw from all Arab land captured in 1967, including “Arab
Jerusalem.” We would also have to accept the “rights of the Palestinian people
to self-determination, including their right to establish their own state.” Begin’s
reply was more sensitive than I’d expected from a leader who, through my
Labor kibbutnzik eyes, I’d always seen as an extremist, unwaveringly
committed to a “greater Israel”. Though he did make it clear his views on the
shape of an eventual peace differed from Sadat’s, he proposed further talks with
the aim of finding an agreement both sides could live with. Still, like all Israelis,
I knew he would never accept at least two of the Egyptian president’s demands:
a retreat from our control of a united Jerusalem or the creation of a Palestinian
state on the West Bank of the Jordan: for Begin, biblical Judaea and Samaria.
On our territorial dispute with Egypt, I did believe a deal was possible. I
didn’t expect us to return all of the Sinai, if only because I couldn’t see Begin
agreeing to it. For security reasons, I also felt we should try to hold on to a pair
of air force bases built after 1967, with American help, just a few miles over the
Negev border. But as for the rest, I saw no reason not to give it back. As I’d told
Motta after the 1973 war, I’d long believed Israel had lost sight of the original
reason we’d held onto the Sinai after 1967. It was supposed to be a huge, sandy
security buffer. If we did manage to make peace with Egypt, there was surely no
reason to hold on to it.
The moment of truth came almost exactly 10 months later, in September
1978. American President Jimmy Carter hosted a summit with Begin and Sadat
at Camp David, in search of a “framework agreement” for final negotiations on
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a peace treaty. Again, I was watching closely, via American TV. But as the
summit was winding down, our phone suddenly rang in Palo Alto.
“Ehud, how’s it going? Are you following what’s happening here? What do
you think?”
I recognized the voice immediately: Ezer Weizman, the former fighter pilot
Begin had chosen as his defense minister. I’d known Ezer since the early 1960s,
when he’d been commander of the air force and Sayeret Matkal was planning
its first operations. Still, even though he had a reputation for batting ideas back
and forth outside the bounds of hierarchy or chain of command, I was startled to
hear from him.
“What do I think about what?” I said.
“The solution we’ve arrived at here. We found there was no way but to give
back everything.” The only exception was Taba, a sliver of land where the
Negev met the eastern edge of the Sinai, across from the Jordanian town of
Aqaba.
“Was there no way to convince them, even with some kind of a land swap, to
keep the two air bases?” I asked.
“Believe me, we wanted to,” Ezer replied. “But no way. Not if we were
going to get a peace treaty.”
So I said the obvious: if that’s what was necessary for peace, there was no
other choice.
We were now well into our final year at Stanford. Our home was in a leafy
“student village” off campus, called Escondito, for married students from
abroad. Our two-storey flat was one of a row of cabin-like structures: a bit like a
kibbutz, only smaller, American-style, a lot more upmarket. It had a fenced-off
play area for the children and, in a common room for all the village residents, an
upright piano.
I found the richness of the academic environment – and the time to explore
and savor it – enthralling. I’d chosen my master’s program at Stanford because
it offered the chance to learn across a range of different schools and disciplines.
The official home for my degree courses was the School of Engineering, in a
department called “Engineering-Economic Systems”. Its focus was on applying
mathematical modelling and analysis to decision-making in “large and complex
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organizations” such as private companies or government departments. Or the
armed forces of Israel. The theorists at Stanford were leaders in the field.
But from the start, I was drawn to other disciplines as well: business,
economics, political science, history, sociology, psychology. I studied game
theory at the business school, and the evolution of political systems under the
sociologist Seymour Martin Lipset. I also went to lectures by James G. March,
on how psychological, social and other factors influenced decision-making. I
particularly enjoyed learning from Professor Amos Tversky. Born in Haifa, he
was half of an academic partnership with the psychologist Daniel Kahneman,
who was also Israeli. They were investigating the effect of human bias and other
subjective factors on how we perceive reality, and thus make decisions.
Tversky’s work especially fascinated me, because it questioned a basic
assumption in the kind of predictive formulas my own department was
advancing: that we make choices rationally, calculating the outcomes of
competing alternatives. Tversky had found that the human brain didn’t always
work that way. For choices with a fairly obvious outcome – 90 percent of cases,
say – the assumption did hold. But at the margins, the brain didn’t, or couldn’t,
always gauge the implications of a decision accurately. A couple of decades
later, he would also show that an individual’s choice could vary significantly
depending on the way the options were presented.
These behavioural and psychological approaches were at odds with what was
being taught in my home faculty. Its prevailing orthodoxy was that by using
specifically designed interview techniques, alongside mathematical modelling
of the predicted outcomes, we could isolate the effect of human agency on how,
and what, decisions were made. Yet the wider my studies had ranged, the more
sceptical I became that the complexities of human decision-making could be
accommodated by such models. I also saw problems in the methodology we
were using. Since it was based partly on interviews with participants in the
decision-making process, it seemed to me that this introduced a subjective
element into our ostensibly objective conclusions.
My department wasn’t enamored with my views on our modeling approach.
But one of the things I most valued about my time in Stanford was that, far from
discouraging my excursions into other departments, my professors combined a
confidence in their own approach with a genuine open-mindedness to other
ideas: the hallmark of true intellectuals, and of great universities.
I got something else from my studies at Stanford, although I didn’t speak
about it at the time, not even to Nava. I became aware that I had a particular
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aptitude for focusing on the minute details of a problem, yet never losing sight
of the larger picture, the wider issues. From my experience as commander of
the sayeret and during the 1973 war, and from watching other officers whom I
respected, it struck me that this was an essential part of effective leadership.
By “leadership”, at that stage in my life, I did not mean political leadership. I
was thinking in terms of the army. But I’d now finished my masters degree, and
it was impossible to be unaware of the political context in which I’d be
returning to uniform. Since Camp David, our negotiators and the Egyptians had
been trying to thrash out a formal deal. Sadat was being denounced as a traitor
in the Arab world. Begin was seen by most in the outside world, and many
Israelis, as dragging his feet on the negotiations and risking the chance for peace
altogether. If we did manabge to sign a peace treaty, however, we would be
withdrawing for the first time from land captured in 1967. That would mean
finding a new approach to security in the south, as well as a new focus on the
majority of our Arab neighbors who were railing against Sadat and seemed less
interested than ever in making peace.
In some ways, it was hard to leave our mini-kibbutz in Palo Alto. Michal,
now nearly nine, had thrived, quickly learning English and ending up with a
perfectly American accent which has never left her. Yael has less vivid
memories of our time there. But we’d had the nearest thing to a normal family
life since our first, war-truncated, time at Stanford. During the university
holidays, we’d also travelled: to Canada. Mexico. Lake Tahoe. Even Las Vegas,
where, thankfully, we lacked the money to chance our luck, but where my years
in the sayeret suddenly came in handy. We spent the day at Circus Circus, a
joint casino-and-theme park tailored for families with kids. At a shooting
gallery in the amusement area, I had no trouble landing dead-center hits on a
passing procession of metal geese, to the consternation of the guy behind the
counter but the delight of my two young daughters. In probably the single
greatest moment of parental accomplishment I’d experienced since their birth, I
bagged a huge fluffy teddy bear for each of them.
* * *
I returned to Israel not just with the hope, but a reasonable expectation, that I
would get command of one of Israel’s two regular armored divisions: the 252 nd ,
which was responsible for defending the south and, at least for now, was based
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in the Sinai. Dan Shomron was now head of the southern command and had told
me, before we headed back from California, that he’d recommended me for the
post. It was an especially exciting prospect because the US-backed negotiations
with Egypt did finally appear to be nearing an agreement. As commander of
Division 252, I’d be coordinating and implementing Israel’s Sinai withdrawal.
But I didn’t get the job, at least not on my return. Raful Eitan had indeed
succeeded Motta as chief of staff, and he had the final say. I’d evidently been
right to assume I would figure no higher in his estimation than I had as sayeret
commander. To be fair, however, he did agree to my becoming commander of
Dan’s reserve division in the south: the same 611 th that Arik Sharon had led
across the canal in 1973. When I took up that post in April 1979 – just days
after the formal Israeli-Egyptian peace treaty was indeed signed – I was also
promoted. I became a one-star general. And eighteen months later, when the
regular division post came open again, I did get the nod to command the 252 nd .
Even then, it was a close-run thing. Raful called me in to see him and said he
wanted me to return to the kirya instead, in the one-star general’s post inside
military intelligence. He said he had more than enough candidates for division
commander, but that my previous experience meant I was the best choice for the
intelligence post. I was determined to remain in the field, especially with signs
that Begin, and certainly his more right-wing supports in the Likud, were
already having second thoughts about the peace deal we’d struck with Egypt. In
part, they feared that a withdrawal from any of the land taken in the 1967 war
might create a precedent, and invite pressure, for more withdrawals. But the real
buyers’ remorse centered on the fact that, as part of the initial agreement at
Camp David, Begin had needed to accept a parallel framework for negotiations
toward a broader peace that would include the West Bank and Gaza
Palestinians.
In any case, with Raful balking a second time at giving me the division
command, I figured I had little to lose by fightinhg my corner, and telling him
exactly what I felt. “Look, I realize that you’re chief of staff,” I said. “But don’t
forget we’re both just temporarily in whatever role we hold. I’m not here as a
draftee. I’m in the army by choice. It’s your decision to tell me what position
you want me to take. But you can’t impose anything. I can always leave. Or I
can bide my time until you leave.” Raful apparently concluded he couldn’t
actually force me to take the intelligence job. With Dan having made his
preference clear, he didn’t press the point.
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My main responsibility as commander of the 252 nd was to implement the
withdrawal from the Sinai. Israel had committed itself to bring all of our forces
behind the 1967 border within next two years, and, along with Dan, I threw my
energy into planning and implementing the terms of the treaty. But especially
with Begin soon facing a reelection campaign against Labor, now led by
Shimon Peres, he was keen to play to the opponents of any further negotiating
concessions. He was positioning himself as the voice of military strength, and
painting Peres as someone who would risk our security by going further than
the separate peace with Sadat.
Begin had no more experience or knowledge of military details than Shimon.
But from his days in the pre-state Irgun, he’d been an unapologetic admirer of
men of military action. After his victory in the 1977 election, he’d formed a
government stocked with some of Israel’s best-known former generals. Not just
Ezer Weizman. He’d brought back Moshe Dayan, as foreign minister. And as
agriculture minister, the country’s most swashbuckingly self-confident, and
controversial, battlefield commander: Arik Sharon. Begin had recently lost both
Ezer and Dayan, who accused him of deliberatedly torpedoing chances of
building on the peace with Egypt. But Arik was still there, four-square behind a
more forceful military posture on Israel’s other fronts. As agriculture minister,
he had also been the driving force in a plan for settlement “blocs” designed to
encircle the main Arab towns and cities on the West Bank and foreclose any
realistic prospect of a Palestinian state.
After Begin’s second election victory, in June 1981, some commentators,
and many in Labor, insisted that he’d won because of a dramatic surprise air
strike, a few weeks before election day, against a French-built nuclear reactor
outside Baghdad. I never believed that, in part because I knew from intelligence
friends that the attack had been set for earlier, and was put back because of fears
the plan might become public. But mostly because of what I witnessed in the
heart of Tel Aviv the night before the election, when I joined one of my top
officers, a Likudnik, at Begin’s final campaign rally.
Shimon still had a narrow lead in the polls. I hadn’t been at his closing rally,
the previous evening. But like the rest of Israel, I’d heard and read about it, in
particular the warm-up act: a popular, solidly pro-Labor comedian and actor
named Dudu Topaz. Greeting the crowd, he’d said what a pleasure it was that it
was not full of chachachim. The word was sneering Israeli slang: for uncouth,
uncultured Sephardim, not far from the equivalent of using the “n” word in
America. In a single sentence, he’d managed to sum up everything the
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Sephardim resented about the Ashkenazi, Labor Zionist establishment. Begin, at
his rally, played it like a virtuoso. “Did you hear what they called you?” he
cried. Chachachim. He slightly mispronounced the word, as if he’d never heard,
much less used, it before, and that even having to repeat it made his blood
curdle. “Is that what you are?” There was pandemonium. Maybe Begin would
have won anyway. But it was close, just one Knesset seat between the two
major parties. And win, he did.
I became increasingly convinced in the weeks that followed that Begin’s
second government, with Arik now moved to defense minister, would further
put the brakes on any follow-up negotiations for a deal with the Palestinians. I
did not yet know that Arik, in particular, had a far more ambitious, military plan
to try to bury the possibility of a Palestinian state once and for all. But I did
know he had his eyes on a possible thrust across our northern border into
Lebanon, where Arafat and the PLO were based.
There was no public mention of any of this. But several times in 1981, I was
ordered to move a large part of my division onto the Golan Heights for weeks at
a time: two brigades, 200 tanks and dozens of APCs in a massive motorcade
from the bottom to the top of the country and back again. We dubbed it
Cinerama, from the Hebrew words for Sinai and the Heights, Ramah. If there
was an escalation of hostilities, the northern command’s regular division would
cross into Lebanon. Our role would be to take their place in defending the
Golan, and possibly follow them in.
When I returned from my final episode of Cinerama in the late summer of
1981, the Sinai withdrawal was entering its final stage. I organized a full-scale
military exercise on the roughly one-third of the Egyptian desert we still held,
knowing that we’d no longer have the room to do so after the final withdrawal.
It was the largest exercise I’d ever commanded. The advances and tactical
retreats, the flanking maneuvers and ambushes and fighter jet attacks were like
a very big war in a very small place.
But a war game was not a real war. The Sinai was not like the Golan, or the
cramped, hilly confines of Lebanon. And it was in Lebanon, the following year,
that the war came. It was different from any in Israel’s history. Arik was in
charge. And I would become involved in ways which began to change the way I
saw not only Arik, but the political and military direction of our country.
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Chapter Twelve
My own part in the Lebanon war would change dramatically as a result of
that last military exercise in the Sinai. Arik Sharon was now Minister of
Defense, and he came for the final afternoon. From his experience as a frontline
commander – in 1956, 1967 and 1973 – he knew the dunes and wadis and
sprawling expanses of sand as well as any general in Israel. Watching our
intricate mini-war draw to its close, he made no effort to hide his enthusiasm for
the kind of quick, assertive battlefield maneuvers he’d long championed. But
more than that, his closest aide soon began sounding me out on my views about
the long-term organization, force balance and funding for the Israeli military. A
few weeks later, Arik offered me a promotion: a return to the kirya, as a twostar
general, to become head of planning for the armed forces.
I don’t know why he chose me: the Sinai exercise perhaps, the fact he knew
I’d studied “large and complex organizations” at Stanford, or maybe just the
fact our paths had first crossed two decades earlier when I was in Sayeret
Matkal. But even though it meant leaving my division command, especially
tough since the final Sinai withdrawal was approaching, it was an offer I never
contemplated turning down. Not just because of the second star on my uniform.
Ever since the 1973 war, along with a few other senior officers including Dan
Shomron, I had been making the case for a shift to more mobile and less
vulnerable forces and weapons systems. I saw the new role as a chance to help
encourage that critically important change.
There was just one hitch: all senior military assignments required the formal
approval of the chief-of-staff, my old friend Raful Eitan. Raful did manage to
delay things for several weeks. At one point, he even brought to bear a quality
I’d never suspected he had: a sense of humor. “OK, I’ll agree to promote
Barak,” he told Arik. The next day, he said he’d meant Eitan Barak – a very
good commander, by the way, who had been one of my instructors in officers’
school. Arik insisted, however. My appointment went through.
And one, unanticipated result was that I didn’t just play the field command
role I’d anticipated, from our Cinerama deployments, in Arik’s toweringly
ambitious, ill-planned and ultimately disastrous war in Lebanon. I became part
of months of planning discussions in the kirya before our tanks finally rumbled
across the northern border on the morning of June 6, 1982.
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My new posting came not just as momentum was building toward an
invasion. It followed on the heels of a major new crisis in our peace with Egypt.
Only weeks before I gave up my Sinai command, President Anwar Sadat was
shot and killed by an extremist Muslim officer at the annual Cairo military
parade to mark the anniversary of the 1973 war.
Like many Israelis, I felt an almost familial sense of bereavement. Sadat was
not just the first Arab leader to make peace with Israel. He seemed to
understand us: people who were ready, willing and able to fight, but wanted
above all to live unmolested and accepted by our neighbors. Yet for Begin and
the Likud, I knew the assassination would cast the whole peace process into
doubt. Sadat’s successor, Vice-President Hosni Mubarak, did make it clear he
would abide by the peace treaty, defusing calls on the Israeli right for us to
cancel our final withdrawal from the Sinai. But after Sadat’s killing, Begin and
those around him seemed more determined than ever to hold the line against the
wider peace negotiations agreed with President Carter and Sadat at Camp
David. At Begin’s insistence, Camp David had not proposed giving the
Palestinians a state, but instead “autonomy” and a locally elected “selfgoverning
authority”. Yet that was defined as a transitional period. The elected
Palestinians were to be included in negotiations for a yet-unspecified “final
status” arrangement for the West Bank and Gaza. That, Begin feared, left the
door ajar for something more than autonomy. Shutting that door, I would soon
discover, was a big part of Arik’s ornate reasoning for invading Lebanon.
Beyond the fact that my new job was a promotion, I had a personal reason
for welcoming the move back to Tel Aviv. Ten days after Sadat’s assassination,
I had endured a frightening few days surrounding the birth of our third daughter,
Anat. The crisis was another reminder that the demands of frontline command
rested not just on my shoulders, but my family’s. We had moved house again
early in Nava’s pregnancy, to the suburb of Ra’anana, about 10 miles north of
Tel Aviv and a few miles in from the coast. We bought one of a newly built row
of small, semi-detached townhouses which, best of all, had a backyard. It was
tiny by American standards, but was still a place for the girls to play. Once
again, however, I wasn’t there when my daughter was born. I was rushing north
as Nava went into labor.
The birth itself went smoothly. By the time I got to the hospital, both baby
and mother seemed happy and healthy. A few days later, however, when they
were back in the townhouse and I’d returned to my division, Nava felt suddenly,
desperately unwell. I shudder to think what might have happened were it not for
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the fact that one of our new neighbors was a friend from my first military
intelligence stint in the kirya. In almost paralyzing pain, Nava phoned him, and
he rushed her to the hospital. It turned out that the doctor who delivered Anat
had left part of the placenta inside. Once the mistake was discovered – as I was
again speeding north – he went back in and rectified it. When I arrived, I was
relieved, to put it mildly, to find Nava smiling bravely, and on her way back to
full health. Still, doctor friends of mine told me that if the problem not been
diagnosed and addressed quickly, she could have suffered shock, serious
infection, even death.
* * *
In my new role, I was nominally responsible to both the defense minister and
the chief of staff, but Arik made it clear to both me and Raful that he was boss.
And though my official brief was longer-term planning, almost from day-one
the issue of Lebanon overshadowed all others. I knew, from Cinerama, that
preparations for a possible military operation in Lebanon were underway. Yet
from my first meeting with Arik and Raful, it became clear it was more than just
a possibility. “Why the hell is Arafat still alive,” Arik snapped at us. He said
that when he’d been commander of Unit 101, he’d never waited for the
government to ask him to plan an operation. He’d plan it himself, and go to
ministers for approval. When I told him that I’d done just that when I was
commander of the sayeret, only to be told Arafat was “not a target,” Arik
replied: well, he is now. The PLO leader’s current residence was on the
southern edge of Beirut, and in the weeks ahead Arik left no doubt that he
meant to go after him there.
To anyone looking from the outside, there was no pressing reason to expect a
war. It is true that the potential for conflict was always there. The PLO had
nearly 20,000 fighters in Lebanon and hundreds of rockets capable of reaching
our northern towns and settlements. The Syrians were there, too. As part of an
Arab League agreement in 1976 to quell two years of terrible civil war between
Lebanon’s traditionally dominant Maronite Christians and an alliance of PLO
and Lebanese Muslim forces, some 30,000 Syrian troops had been brought in as
the core of a peacekeeping force. But in the summer of 1981, new US President
Ronald Reagan’s Mideast envoy, Undersecretary of State Philip Habib, had
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brokered a cease-fire to halt Palestinian Katyusha rocket fire into Israel. It was
generally holding.
But fundamentally, Arik’s war plan was not a response to the Katyushas. It
was a way of using military force to achieve Prime Minister Begin’s political
aim: stopping the Camp David peace process in its tracks, and ensuring it did
not go beyond the peace treaty with Egypt. And even that message was not
principally intended for the Palestinians, I suspect, but for the Americans.
Israel’s Labor-led governments had always calculated that we needed at least
some measure of support from foreign allies, especially the US. Under Begin,
we’d already bombed Saddam Hussein’s nuclear reactor without telling the
Americans beforehand. Shortly after I returned to the kirya, he provoked further
anger in Washington by announcing the de facto annexation of the Golan – in
effect “balancing” our Sinai withdrawal with a dramatic reassertion of Israeli
control over other land captured in the 1967 war. Part of Arik’s plan in Lebanon
was to deliver an even more forceful riposte to any suggestion that we would
give up control of the West Bank and Gaza.
Yet these political aims, which I was gradually beginning to grasp in their
full form through my discussions with Arik, were only part of the reason I was
deeply uneasy about the plans for our Lebanon invasion. Having now spent
nearly two decades in the military, I recognized that the security challenge north
of the border was real. I did not believe it was inherently wrong for Begin’s
government to order a pre-emptive military operation with the aim of ending it.
My view, as an army officer, was that the decision on how, when and whether
to go to war was for our elected government. But for that principle to work, I
also believed that government ministers had to know what they were deciding.
The more we geared up for an invasion, the less certain I became that Begin’s
cabinet understood what we were planning to do.
Arik’s original plan was codenamed Oranim: Hebrew for “pine trees”. It
involved pushing deep into Lebanon, all the way up to the strategically critical
road that ran between Beirut and Damascus. We would link up in Beirut with
the main Maronite Christian force, the Phalangists, whom we had been
supporting and training for several years. When that plan was presented to
Begin’s cabinet at the end of 1981, however, most ministers opposed it. Thus
was born Arik’s Plan B, so-called “Little Pines”. Its stated aim was a lot more
modest. We would create a “security zone” – a 40-kilometer, or 25-mile, strip
running north of the border with Lebanon.
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I could see that Little Pines was a kind of fiction. All you had to do was take
a map and draw in the 40-kilometer line. In the areas nearer the Mediterranean,
in the western and central parts of the border area, it indeed covered territory
controlled by armed PLO groups. But in the eastern sector, there were Syrian
positions a mere 10 to 12 kilometers up from the border, well inside the
“security zone”. Not much further north were two full Syrian divisions. That
meant we’d be fighting not just the Palestinians, which was the ostensible aim
of Little Pines. We would have to take on Syria. As soon as those hostilities
began, we would have to destroy radar and SAM sites in the Syrian-controlled
Beka’a Valley further north into Lebanon. After the first costly days of the 1973
war in the Sinai, we were not about to enter a major conflict without ensuring
air superiority. Unless the Syrians retreated or surrendered, the inevitable result
would be a wider conflict, not limited to dealing with Palestinian fighters in
south Lebanon but paving the way for Arik to go ahead with his original plan
and push all the way to Beirut.
This wasn’t mere supposition on my part. In February 1982, we ran a
simulation exercise in the kirya based on Plan B. The result: Little Pines became
Big Pines. A clash with the Syrians proved inevitable, if only because one target
even under Little Pines was the main road between Beirut and Damascus. It lay
well beyond the 40-kilometer line. As the main supply route for their forces in
the interior of Lebanon, it was also of critical importance for the Syrians. So any
idea of a quick, limited strike to establish a security zone was fantasy. A few
days later, Raful chaired a wide-ranging discussion on Lebanon. Near the end of
the session, I asked him directly whether government ministers were aware that
our war plan “will inevitably lead to a clash with the Syrians”. Raful hesitated
for a second, but then answered briskly: “Yes.”
That assurance would turn out to be untrue. But my wider concern, as the
weeks passed, was Arik’s political plan, of which I was getting an ever clearer
idea from him. It struck me as not just grand, but grandiose. Part of it was to
obliterate Arafat as a political force, if not by killing him then by forcing him
and every one of his fighters from Lebanon, a country Arik wanted to place
under the unchallenged control of the most prominent of the younger generation
of Christian Phalangist politicians, Bashir Gemayel. I felt all that would be
challenging enough. But in Arik’s eyes, this was only part of a complete
reordering of our conflict with the Arabs. He expected Gemayel’s Lebanon to
openly align itself with Israel and expel all Syrian troops. As for the expelled
Palestinians, they would go back to Jordan where they would resume – and, this
time, win – their civil war with King Hussein. The result, with Hussein deposed,
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would be a “Palestinian state” in Jordan, which would free Israel to retain openended,
unchallenged, control of the West Bank.
Even the Labor party, fifteen years into Israel’s occupation of the West
Bank, was still speaking about a “Jordanian option” for an eventual political
settlement with the Palestinians who lived there – though this meant a kind of
confederation with Jordan under Hussein’s rule. Very few Israelis began
seriously to engage with the Palestinians own separate identity or national
aspirations until later in the 1980s – when I, too, would do so, amid the
widespread Palestinian unrest known as the intifada. But even without a fully
thought-out view on these issues, I was taken aback by Arik’s almost godlike
supposition that he could use fire and brimstone, or the modern military
equivalent, to remake the Middle East as he and Begin wished to see it. If only
because of the tacit assumption that the outside world, and especially the
Americans, would sit by and let the whole drama play out as scripted, it struck
me as an exercise in self-delusion.
There was also the matter of Arik’s vision of a “new” Lebanon under Bashir
Gemayel’s Phalangists. Unlike the other generals in the kirya, I’d never actually
met any of our “Lebanese Christian allies”. Yet a few weeks after taking up my
new post, I was invited to a lunchtime discussion with a group of Phalangist
officers on a training course in Israel. I emerged both unsettled and
underwhelmed. They were obviously politically astute. They bandied around
military vocabulary proficiently enough. But they were a bit like teenagers
playing with guns: full of macho, and too much after-shave. Hardly the kind of
“army” I could see as a lynchpin in Arik’s plan to redraw the geopolitical map
of the Middle East.
* * *
By June 1982, Arik’s invasion was a war simply waiting for a credible
trigger. On the evening of June 3, Palestinian terrorists shot and critically
wounded Israel’s ambassador in London, Shlomo Argov. Appalling though the
attack was, as a catalyst for a full-scale invasion, it seemed unlikely to be
enough for the Reagan Administration. Habib’s cease-fire terms did not include
terror attacks like the one in London. It was meant to keep the PLO from firing
across our northern border. Even to some Israelis, the attack on Ambassador
Argov seemed more a rationale than a reason for war. But Begin summoned an
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emergency cabinet meeting the next day. His adviser on terrorism, Gideon
Machanaimi, was someone I knew well. When the cabinet convened, he pointed
out to the ministers that the London terrorists were from a fringe Palestinian
group led by Abu Nidal. Far from being an ally of Arafat, he had been
sentenced to death by Fatah. According to Gideon, Begin wasn’t interested in
the distinction. Even less so were the two leading military figures in attendance:
Arik and Raful. They said all Palestinian terror was the responsibility of Arafat,
and that now was the time to hit back hard. The cabinet was informed that our
initial response would be limited: aerial and artillery bombardment of PLO
targets throughout Lebanon. Yet Raful told the cabinet that the Palestinians
would almost certainly respond with shell and rocket fire into Israel. Then, he
said, we could strike more forcefully. In other words, the invasion would begin.
It did. Dubbed “Operation Peace for Galilee” to convey the aim of protecting
northern Israel from shell and rocket fire, it got underway at around 11 a.m. on
Sunday June 6. The publicly declared aim was Little Pines: the establishment of
our 40-kilometer security zone. Both Israelis and the Americans were led to
believe it would be a relatively short operation aimed at destroying the PLO’s
military capacity in the border area. We also said that we wouldn’t attack Syrian
forces as long as they didn’t attack us.
That last public pledge had particular relevance to my role on the ground. I
was deputy commander of the largest of Israel’s three invasion forces, under
Yanoush Ben-Gal, head of the northern command until shortly before the war.
We had 30,000 troops and 600 tanks and were responsible for the “eastern
sector” – from the edge of the Golan Heights, north through the Bekaa Valley
along Lebanon’s border with Syria. At first, we deliberately stopped short of
Syrian forces. We deployed our main reserve division just 10 kilometers across
the border, below the first Syrian positions at the bottom of the Bekaa. But
despite the public assurances we were in Lebanon to establish our security zone,
we had no orders to halt at the 40-kilometer line. From day one, our part of the
invasion force began a pincer movement around the area of eastern Lebanon
where large numbers of Syrian soldiers were based. My former Sinai division,
the 252 nd , came down from the Golan and started making its way up alongside
the Syrian border. Our other units, further inland, also began pushing
northward.
For the first couple of days, we did avoid a confrontation with the Syrians.
Yet on June 8, day three of the war, the morphing of Little Pines into Big Pines
began.
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The two other Israeli invasion forces had crossed the border parallel to us,
one pushing up through the steep hills and twisting valleys of central Lebanon,
and the other along the Mediterranean coast. The central force was now ordered
to mount an attack that would bring them within striking distance of the Beirut-
Damasus road. The first skirmish came in the hilltop town of Jezzin, still barely
within the 40-kilometer zone. The Syrians had a commando force and tanks in
the town. An Israeli battalion was ordered in, and it took Jezzin by the evening
of June 8. But it came under assault from Syrian units with grenades, RPGs and
Saggers, as well as shellfire from a nearby ridge. Shortly before midnight,
another unit of Israeli tanks and infantry passed through the central Lebanese
village of Ayn Zhalta, to the north of Jezzin and beyond the 40-kilometer line,
and began winding its way through a valley toward the Beirut-Damascus road.
They waded into a Syrian ambush, and for hours found themselves in a fierce
battle with Syrian units.
I don’t believe Arik specifically planned to confront the Syrians in Jezzin
and Ayn Zhalta. But he could not have doubted that, given the enormous scale
and range of our invasion, a clash with Syrian forces would happen at some
point. Now that it had, all that remained was for him to tell the cabinet that
Israeli forces had come under Syrian fire and insist, as defense minister, that the
imperative for our forces on the ground was to strike back.
On the afternoon of June 9, the fourth day of the war, we got the order to go
on the offensive against the Syrians in the Bekaa. As our artillery pounded the
southernmost SAM sites, nearly 100 Israeli jets swarmed into the Bekaa Valley
and attacked Syria’s air defenses in eastern Lebanon. When a second wave
screamed in an hour later, the Syrians sent up their Soviet-made MiGs to
intercept them. Forty-one Syrian planes were shot down. Seventeen of the 19
SAM batteries were destroyed by the end of the day. The other two were taken
out the next morning, and another 43 Syrian jets shot down.
There was no longer any pretence about our war aim: to fight our way
through any resistance and reach the Beirut-Damascus road. But after the Bekaa
air battle, and the most serious air losses for an Arab state since 1967, Yanoush
and I knew that international pressure for a cease-fire would quickly escalate.
Aware we were racing against the clock, we began a co-ordinated push
towards the Beirut-Damascus road. The left arm of our “pincer” was ordered to
make its way toward a town called Jobb Janine. It was still some distance from
the Damascus road, but an important way-station: Syrian headquarters on the
western side of the Bekaa Valley. The eastern part of our pincer, the 252 nd
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Division, advanced up the Bekaa, alongside the Syrian border, toward the town
of Yanta, across from Jobb Jannine.
But as it was making its way there, we got word a cease-fire had been
agreed. It was set for noon the next day, Friday, June 11. The main focus of our
advance shifted to a crossroads a few miles east of Jobb Janine. It was a flat,
open area surrounded by hills, codenamed the Tovlano Triangle on our maps.
We knew we would meet some Syrian resistance. On the way up the valley,
we’d seen signs of reinforcements from inside Syria. But we had overwhelming
superiority in tanks, artillery and infantry in the area, as well as full control of
the air. In our command post, about five miles back from our frontline forces,
Yanoush set in motion the plan for a pre-cease-fire advance to take the hills
overlooking the Tovlano Triangle. It was still about eight miles short of the
Beirut-Damascus road. But the idea was to establish a more secure defensive
position by the time the truce took effect, and to put us in position to advance
further if the cease-fire collapsed or was delayed.
Shortly before sunset, Yanoush left by helicopter for a field commanders’
meeting with Raful in northern Israel. That left me in charge, alongside
Yanoush’s de facto chief-of-staff, Amram Mitzna. A decorated veteran of 1967
and 1973 whom I knew well, Amram had the added distinction of being disliked
by Raful almost as much as I was. Our main reserve division had been ordered
to take control over the hills south of the Tovlano Triangle. One of its brigades,
led by a former Sayeret Matkal soldier named Nachman Rifkind, was sent to
take up a position immediately south of the triangle. Soon after nightfall,
Rifkind radioed in that he was there, and that the area seemed clear of enemy
forces. The divisional command post then ordered a second brigade to move
toward the hills dominating the crossroads.
The first sign of trouble came around midnight. From our overall command
post, we were listening in on all radio traffic, and heard the second brigade
report that it had come under fire while moving toward the crossroads. At first,
we assumed it must be from the remnants of a retreating Syrian unit. But
Rifkind, who had reported the area was clear, now said that he could see flashes
of shellfire two or three miles to his north. Only the following morning did it
become clear that he had not deployed immediately south of the triangle as
planned. He had mistakenly halted at a hill about two miles short of there.
By the time Yanoush returned to the command post a little after midnight,
we were facing another problem. The battalion nearest to the south of the
triangle had spotted a dozen large vehicles armed with missiles a few hundred
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yards ahead. The missiles seemed to be pointed north, away from them. But the
battalion commander was asking us for permission to open fire.
“Do not open fire,” I was saying as Yanoush arrived. “I repeat: do not open
fire.” When Yanoush asked me what was going on, I told him the lead unit had
reported unknown vehicles with missiles and wanted to know whether it could
attack. “Tell them yes,” Yanoush said. I looked first at him, then at Mitzna. “We
can’t,” I said. “It’s dark. The situation is confused. We don’t know whose
missiles these are. It doesn’t make sense they’d be Syrian, just sitting there,
pointed north. At least give it a few minutes.” I think Yanoush would have
grabbed the microphone and told the unit to fire had not Amram been there as
well. Together, we convinced him to hold off. I ordered the brigade commander
to get one of the battalion’s APC crews to go out on foot and get as near as
possible to the missiles. It was nearly 15 minutes later when they returned. They
said they’d never seen this kind of missile vehicle, but that the soldiers manning
them seemed to be speaking Hebrew. It turned out to be a new ground-toground
missile, not yet formally in service, which had been sent into Lebanon
without our knowledge by the northern command.
While that trouble was averted, much worse lay ahead. Yanoush asked to be
brought up to date on our progress in taking control of the area around the
Tovlano Triangle. We briefed him on the situation as we understood it: that
Rifkind had reported the triangle was clear, but that the second brigade had still
not reached it. Yanoush tried to radio the divisional commanders. When he
couldn’t raise them, he ordered the brigade and battalion commanders to pick
up their pace and move forward.
With Yanoush back and the advance resumed, I tried to grab at least a few
hours’ sleep. But around 3:45 am, a junior officer shook me awake. When I
rejoined Yanoush and Amram, they told me the lead battalion was now in deep
trouble. It was led by Ira Ephron, one of Dan Shomron’s best company
commanders during the 1973 war. For reasons I’ve never been able to establish,
Ira’s orders were not to take the hills south of the triangle as we’d planned, but
to go through it to a point two miles or so north. Minutes after crossing the
triangle, his tanks came under heavy fire. Hoping to escape, he kept going, only
to find himself surrounded by a Syrian armored force. They were trapped near a
village called Sultan Yacoub, nearly three miles north of Tovlano. Since it was
early June, it would be light soon, and his predicament could only get worse.
At dawn, he reported he was under heavy artillery, anti-tank missile, RPG
and close-range rifle fire. The only realistic hope was to retreat. We were unable
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to get air support, but the commander of our artillery force called in all available
units, and they drew a kind of protective box of shellfire around Ira’s men as
they moved back. We sent our other reserve division towards the crossroads to
provide support, and Amram went with them to co-ordinate the operation. But
Ira still had to fight his way out. It was 15 minutes of hell. By the time he
reached safety at around nine in the morning, he’d lost ten tanks and nearly 20
men, four of them during the final, frantic retreat. Five more were missing. The
reserve division also found itself in a fierce firefight with the Syrians, and lost
eleven men.
We were now just three hours from the cease-fire. We did advance nearer to
the Beirut-Damascus road. An hour before noon, our dedicated anti-tank unit
destroyed 20 of Assad’s top-tier tanks, Soviet-made T-72s. Under different
circumstances, those successes might have been a cause for consolation. Yet it
was hard to dwell on them given what had happened north of Tovlano. After the
war, Sultan Yacoub created fertile ground for conspiracy theories, half-truths
and finger-pointing. That there had been many oversights and errors was clear,
though there was never a full and formal debriefing process to identify in detail
what had gone wrong. I found it deeply frustrating that, unlike in 1973 when I’d
been in a battlefield command role, I was now at several steps removed from
what was happening on the ground. But everyone involved shared responsibility
for the failures – including the overall commanders: Yanoush, and me as well.
That weight felt even heavier because the tragedy occurred only hours before
our own force’s involvement in the Lebanon War was over.
* * *
It was not, however, the end of the war. The cease-fire held only
intermittently in the rest of Lebanon, barely at all in some areas. Freed from
fighting in our sector, Yanoush, Amram and I began spending time with units
elsewhere. A couple of days after the cease-fire, I found myself alongside a pair
of generals, Uri Simchoni and Yossi Ben-Hannan, south of Beirut. In front of
us, troops from the Golani Brigade were completing their takeover of Beirut
airport. “You were right,” I told Uri and Yossi. They had been in charge of the
simulation exercise in the kirya, predicting how Arik’s ostensibly more limited
invasion plan would inevitably develop into Big Pines. Even as we were talking,
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another Israeli unit broke through to the Beirut-Damascus road. On the far side
of Lebanon’s capital city, they linked up with Bashir Gemayel’s Phalangists.
I remember a mix of feelings at the time. Partly, amazement that through
sheer determination and political maneuvering, Arik seemed to have pulled off
his grand plan – or at least the Lebanon part of it. Yes, we’d ended up fighting a
kind of half-war against the Syrians which, though we’d won it, still left 30,000
of Assad’s men in Lebanon. And they showed no signs of leaving. Our main
strategic threat north of the border was not, in fact, the Palestinians. Syria was
in military control of Lebanon and, after the peace with Egypt, our most
powerful adversary. And no matter what Big Pines might have achieved, it
seemed to clear to me that the Syrians would be free simply to replace the
weaponry we’d destroyed and fight another day.
In Arik’s mind, Bashir Gemayel would soon be in a position to fix that. But
beyond my skepticism from having met some of his boy officers in Tel Aviv, I
couldn’t see how that would work. I strained to imagine Gemayel daring to
form what would amount to a formal alliance with Israel and ordering the
Syrian troops to leave. And given what would be at stake for Damascus, I
certainly couldn’t see the Phalangists being able to drive them out by force.
The more immediate, open question involved Arafat and the Palestinians.
Our other two invasion forces had driven almost all the PLO fighters out of
south Lebanon, though not without costs and casualties. Most of the
Palestinians, however, had retreated north to their de facto capital, the
southwestern neighborhoods of Beirut. The idea of a ground assault – street-tostreet
battles in an area packed with fighters, weapons and tens of thousands of
civilians – didn’t bear thinking about. After the war, some of the officers around
Beirut said Arik seemed to hoping that the Phalangist milita would go into the
overwhelmingly Muslim western side of Beirut. At one point, he was even
considering an Israeli attack. Fortunately, given the Phalangists’ record of
violence bordering on savagery during the Lebanese civil war, Bashir Gemayel
wasn’t willing to send them in. As for an Israeli assault, Begin’s ministers
weren’t ready to sign off on it, and the Americans let it be know, repeatedly,
that they were vehemently opposed to the idea.
Arik again turned to a fallback plan. He knew that Begin did share his
determination to get Arafat and the PLO out of Lebanon. Even the Americans
were ready to support such an arrangement, assuming it could be negotiated and
implemented in a way that would bring the fighting to an end. Whether by
intent or political fortune, the mere prospect of Arik further expanding the
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invasion had the effect of persuading Washington to send Philip Habib back
into the diplomatic fray. With no early sign, however, of Arafat agreeing to
leave, Arik now steadily tightened what amounted to a siege on west Beirut. For
seven weeks in July and August, our forces pounded the PLO-controlled
neighborhoods from land, air and sea; intermittently cut water and electricity
supplies; and hoped that the accumulated pressure, and casualties, would force
Arafat and his men to agree to Habib’s terms for a wholesale evacuation.
By this point, I was spending most of my time in the kirya, with periodic
visits north, sometimes with Arik or Raful, to our positions on the eastern,
Phalangist-controlled, side of Beirut. On several occasions, I helicoptered back
with Habib or his deputy, Morris Draper. In one instance, I accompanied Draper
into a meeting with Arik. In what I imagine had become a familiar, and
frustrating, part of the US mediation mission, he pressed Arik to rein in our
bombardments, arguing that we were in danger of ruining the chances of getting
a negotiated deal on Arafat’s leaving. Arik argued straight back. His view was
that unless the PLO felt squeezed into submission, they would stay put.
On that, I thought Arik was probably right. Other Israeli generals with far
more experience, and weight, also seemed to agree. Notably, Yitzhak Rabin. He
was no longer in government, nor even in charge of Labor. But he had always
had a soft spot for Arik, as did Sharon for him. With uneasiness, questions and
outright criticism of the siege building both internationally and inside Israel,
Arik got Rabin to helicopter north with him to Beirut. Yitzhak spent six or
seven hours there. His verdict on the siege, at least as reported in the Israeli
press, was more than Arik could have hoped for. Lehadek, he said. “Tighten it.”
In the end, I’m convinced the siege did have a critical effect on getting the
evacuation deal. But unleashing our single most relentless series of air attacks,
on August 12, when the deal was basically done, seemed both perverse and
excessive, and not just to me. Habib, and President Reagan himself, fumed. So
did a lot of Begin’s own ministers, with the result, unprecedented in Israeli
military annals, that they formally removed Arik’s authority to decide on future
air force missions. That turned out not to matter, however, because August 12
effectively marked the end of the siege.
On the afternoon of Saturday, August 21, the first shipload of an eventual
total of nearly 10,000 Palestinian fighters left Beirut harbor for Cyprus, and then
for a variety of new host countries. On this score at least, Arik’s grand design
had proven beyond him: the Palestinians were not bound for Jordan. By far
most of them headed for the PLO’s new political base, the north African state of
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Tunisia. Arafat himself left on August 30.
Still, as the evacuation proceeded, another one of Arik’s central aims in Big
Pines was also achieved. On August 23, the Lebanese parliament elected Bashir
Gemayel as the country’s new president.
* * *
During the several weeks that followed, there was a confident feeling among
Arik and his inner circle in the kirya. To the extent that Arik and Raful saw any
cloud on the horizon, it was their concern about “several thousand” Palestinian
fighters who they were certain had stayed on in Beirut despite the evacuation.
True, Bashir Gemayel hadn’t been formally inaugurated as president. There had
been reports that he was privately assuring Lebanese Muslim leaders that he
would be conciliatory once he took office, and that he was not about to consider
a formal peace with Israel. He had also been resisting Israeli efforts to make an
early, public show of friendship, such as an official visit to meet Prime Minister
Begin. But there was an undisguised hope that this was just a brief political
hiatus, for appearance’s sake, and that before too long Lebanon would become
the second Arab country to make peace with Israel. Not just peace, but
something more nearly like an alliance.
Though I still looked through the eyes of an army officer, not a politician
and certainly not an experienced diplomat, I had serious doubts this would
happen. Simple logic seemed to suggest that, since Gemayel knew we had no
realistic option of turning our back on him, his political interests were best
served by keeping his distance and trying to build bridges at home. But on the
early evening of September 14, nine days before his scheduled inauguration, not
just that question but the whole new political edifice Arik had envisaged in
launching the invasion, became suddenly, irretrievably, irrelevant.
I was at my desk on the third floor of the kirya, getting ready to go home,
when the news broke: a huge bomb had exploded at the Phalangist Party
headquarters in east Beirut as Gemayel was beginning to address hundreds of
supporters. For a while, the reports from Beirut suggested that Gemayel had
survived the blast, but shortly before eleven at night the confirmation came: the
president-elect was dead.
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Though no one claimed responsibility, there was no shortage of suspects.
During and since the civil war, Gemayel had at various times been at odds with
a whole array of enemies or rivals: Muslim militias, the PLO, other Maronite
factions and, of course, the Syrians. But I think for all of us, even Arik, the issue
of who was behind the bombing was hardly the most urgent concern. The
immediate danger was a revival of the kind of rampant bloodletting Lebanon
had endured in the civil war. The day after the assassination, I joined a halfdozen
other members of the general staff and helicoptered up to the Lebanese
capital. Arik, ignoring weeks of US pressure not to do so, had already ordered
Israeli troops into west Beirut – not to fight, but to take control of key junctions
and vantage points and keep basic order.
But the question obviously on everyone’s mind was how to make sure the
situation remained under control. It was early afternoon when we reached an
Israeli command post in the largely Palestinian southwest part of the city. It was
set up by Amos Yaron, the former paratroop commander whose division had
landed by sea at the start of the invasion and was part of the push north to the
capital. At his side was Amir Drori, the head of the northern command. They
had set up a rooftop observation post just a few hundred yards in from where I
had landed with my Sayeret Matkal team a decade earlier for the Rue Verdun
operation. It overlooked a pair of Palestinian refugee camps: Sabra and, a
couple of hundred yards closer to us, Shatila.
Raful was with us as well. So was Moshe Levy, the deputy chief-of-staff,
and Uri Saguy, the head of the operations branch in the kirya. I listened rather
than spoke. All I could gather from the other generals’ conversation was that
they were trying to figure out how to handle the Palestinian camps. No one
explicitly mentioned the idea of Israeli troops going in, presumably because
they realized that, far from helping ensure order, that might well inflame things
further. Even Raful, at least in my earshot, made no reference to the “several
thousand” PLO fighters that he and Arik still wanted out of Beirut. The only
note that struck me as odd was a general agreement that the Phalangists had not
been carrying their load of the fighting during the war. One comment in
particular stuck with me, though I didn’t take it as referring to the Palestinian
camps in particular. I can’t remember which general said it, only that everyone
seemed to agree: “Why the hell do we have to do their fighting for them?”
It was not until the next morning, back in Tel Aviv, that the alarm bells rang
for me, and by then it turned out to be too late. It was Friday, the eve of the
Jewish New Year. Yet in the wake of Gemayel’s assassination, the kirya was
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crowded. I heard the first rumors from a staff officer in military intelligence,
though neither he nor anyone else I asked was sure if they were true. But it
seemed that the Phalangists had been sent into Sabra and Shatila. And that they
had begun killing people.
I’d like to think that, in Amos Yaron’s or Amir Dori’s place, I’d have been
sufficiently wise not to have allowed the Phalangists into the camps in the first
place. But the truth is that I’m not sure. If the decision was to send someone in, I
certainly wouldn’t have sent in Israeli troops. But unlike other Israeli generals,
my first-hand knowledge of the Phalangists was limited to a single lunchtime
encounter in Tel Aviv. My impression from that meeting was that they were
overblown, post-adolescent thugs, not murders. I did, of course, know the
milita’s reputation for untrammelled violence in the Lebanese civil war. Still, I
might conceivably agreed to have the Phalangists go in – under strict orders to
limit themselves to keeping order – in the knowledge that our own troops were
stationed in the area immediately around the camps.
Yet from the moment of the first rumors – as soon as I heard even the hint
that killings were underway – I had not a second’s doubt about what had to be
done next: get the Phalangists out. Immediately. I felt a particular urgency
because of the rooftop gripe I’d heard the day before, about our troops having to
do their fighting for them. That made me pretty certain that, at the very least, we
had indeed sent the Phalangists into the camps.
I tried to reach Arik, but couldn’t get through to him. I contacted Oded
Shamir, the former intelligence officer who was his main liaison with the army.
I told him that if the Phalangists were inside the camps, he had to urge Arik to
get them out. Then I called Tsila Drori, Amir’s wife. I asked whether she’d
spoken to him that morning. She said no. He’d called her the day before,
however, and she was sure he’d be in touch before the New Year. “Please,
swear to me, Tsila, you’ll give him a message,” I said. “I was there yesterday.
Tell him please do whatever he can to stop this action. It will end very, very
badly.” I told her he would know what I meant.
It was too late to stop it altogether. The slaughter – the round-ups and the
beatings and the killings of Palestinians in the two camps – had indeed begun
the night before. Amir found out about it late on Friday morning. Not from me,
I believe, but from his staff officers. He ordered the Phalangists to stop. But
they didn’t. No one in command acted, at least successfully, to make sure that
the militiamen got out of the camps. The atrocities went on. It was another 24
hours before the militamen finally withdrew.
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One night’s massacre would have been enough to produce the outcry that
resulted once the first news reports, photos and TV pictures were sent around
the world. That the bloodletting was allowed to continue after we knew what
was going on, beyond the cost in innocent lives, made the fallout even worse. In
Israel, the response was unlike anything in the past. There had been some
opposition to the war: from parts of Labor, from political groups further to the
left and particularly the pressure group Peace Now, formed in 1978 to protest
the Begin government’s obvious desire to use the peace with Egypt as a means
to limit, rather than actively explore, prospects for a wider agreement with the
Palestinians.
After Sabra and Shatila, Peace Now was the driving force behind demands
for an inquiry into the Israeli role into what had happened. But the trauma went
deeper. Israelis of all political stripes jammed shoulder-to-shoulder into the
Kings of Israeli Square in the heart of Tel Aviv a week after the massacre.
There were soldiers, too: 20somethings back from the fighting and reservists a
decade or more older. Some estimates put the size of the crowd at as many as
400,000, almost ten percent of the population of Israel at the time. The protest
was nominally aimed at forcing the government to empower a commission of
inquiry, which it did a couple of days later. But the mood in the square was
more like an outpouring of shock and shame. While the catalyst was the
massacre in the camps, it tapped into a rumble of growing questions, and
doubts, about the war itself, which had been building ever since the prolonged
siege of west Beirut: what the invasion was for, how it had been planned and
prosecuted, and what it said about our country, our government and our armed
forces.
I was at home with Nava, watching the coverage of the demonstration on
television. I shared the protesters’ view that an inquiry was needed. In the days
since my phone call to Tsila Drori, I’d remained troubled not just by our failure
to stop the killings once we knew what was going on, but by the response from
Begin, Arik and some other ministers to the massacre. Determined to shift the
blame and responsibility elsewhere, they kept driving home the point that it was
Phalangists, not Israelis, who had carried out the killings. That was true. But it
could not erase the failures of judgment and control on our part. We were the
ones who had allowed them into the camps. Our forces were deployed around
the perimeter. And the killers were our “Lebanese Christian allies”.
The formal picking-apart of Israel’s share of responsibility would be the job
of the inquiry commission. I did take some heart from the very fact such large
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numbers of Israelis, and ultimately the government, had ensured a truly
independent probe would now go ahead.
But other ways in which the war had gone wrong were already glaringly
apparent. Some were operational. It is true we ended up overcoming Palestinian
and Syrian resistance. Given the numerical balance of forces, that was a
foregone conclusion. But with all the attention paid to the political aims of the
invasion, we’d never sufficiently planned for operating against a wholly
different kind of enemy than in our previous wars, and on a wholly different
kind of terrain. Huge columns of Israeli armor had found themselves stuck on
the winding roads of central Lebanon, running low on gasoline, vulnerable to
relatively small ambush squads. In some instances, a dozen Palestinian fighters
or Syrian commandos had halted the best-armed, best-trained, tank forces in the
Middle East for hours on end. Overall, the pattern of past wars had been broken.
Even in 1973, once the surprise attacks had been turned back, Israeli forces had
advanced, attacked and broken enemy resistance. That hadn’t happened here.
There was a deeper problem as well. At the start of the conflict, Begin had
declared, boastfully almost, that this was Israel’s first “war of choice.” That
wasn’t true. Both 1956 and 1967 were wars of choice. Yet those preemptive
attacks, especially in the Six-Day War, were in response to a sense of strategic
threat that was commonly understood by almost all Israelis. There was a sense
not just of consensus, but national unity. This war was different. It had been
launched in pursuit of a specific political vision: a marriage of Begin’s political
credo and Arik’s determination to use overwhelming force to bulldoze a new
political reality in Lebanon.
The findings of the inquiry commission were published in February 1983.
They were all the more powerful for the forensic language used. The inquiry did
concede Begin’s point: it was Gemayel’s men who had actually done the
killing. But it said that the Israeli commanders’ decision to allow the
Phalangists into the refugee camps “was taken without consideration of the
danger – which the makers and executors of the decision were obligated to
foresee as probable – that the Phalangists would commit massacres.” The
commission added that “when the reports began to arrive about the actions of
the Phalangists in the camps, no proper heed was taken. The correct conclusions
were not drawn. No energetic and immediate action was taken to restrain the
Phalangists and put a stop to their actions.”
Arik bore personal responsibility for this, the report said. So did Raful, and
the head of military intelligence, Yehoshua Saguy. The commission
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recommended that Begin fire Sharon and Saguy. They left Raful in place, but
only because his term as chief-of-staff was due to end in a matter of weeks. Arik
at first refused to go, and Begin refused to fire him. Yet in the end, popular
pressure forced the issue. When another demonstration was called in protest at
Sharon’s continuing as Defense Minister, a right-wing political activist tossed a
grenade into the crowd, killing a young Peace Now member. Even Arik was
evidently shaken by the spectre of one of his presumed political admirers
murdering a fellow Israeli for peacefully protesting. Or at least shaken enough
to step down as Defense Minister. He did remain in the government as a
minister without portfolio. Still, Begin himself would quit as Prime Minister,
retiring into virtual seclusion, about half-a-year later.
Like the rest of the senior officers corps, I tried with difficulty to get on with
my own job. I imagined the contribution I could best make for now would be, as
Head of Planning, to ensure the mix of forces and weaponry deployed in any
future conflict were better suited to the task than in the Lebanon war. But I
didn’t believe that such technical failings or planning lapses, however serious a
contribution to the more than 650 Israeli lives lost, were what had mainly
caused the war to go wrong. The central mistake was what had bothered me all
along: the invasion was not a considered response to a particular security threat.
It was an overreaching exercise in geopolitics, with sleight-of-hand used to
evade the need to make and win support from government ministers and,
critically, the public. Even with questions still to be resolved about when and
how to withdraw the thousands of Israeli troops that were still inside Lebanon, I
remember wondering aloud to a few army friends, and to Nava as well, whether
we would look back in a decade’s time and see the war as “our Vietnam”. In
fact, Israeli troops would still be in south Lebanon nearly two decades later,
when I had left the military and was about to become Israeli Prime Minister.
Even as a two-star general in the kirya, I doubted I would be in a position to
help fix the deeper issues raised by the war. Any real influence would be in
positions like the chief-of-staff and his deputy; the head of operations; the head
of military intelligence. They were the core of the armed forces’ leadership and
had the most regular dealings with senior figures in government.
But I’d failed to factor in the effect of the inquiry recommendations. Within
days of the report, Israel had a new Defense Minister: Moshe Arens, who
returned from his post as ambassador in Washington. Among his first orders of
business was to act on the inquiry’s verdict on Raful and Yehoshua Saguy. As
chief of staff, Arens settled on a choice I suspect most senior officers saw as the
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right man for the moment: Raful’s deputy, Moshe Levy. Well over six feet tall,
he was known as Moshe Vechetzi. “Moshe-and-a-Half.” He was reserved and
soft-spoken, a safe pair of hands after the trauma of the war.
But Arens also had to name a successor to Saguy as head of military
intelligence. And for that job, he nominated me.
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Chapter Thirteen
It was a huge responsibility, and not just because I was suddenly in charge of
an intelligence apparatus ranging from Unit 8200, our sophisticated signals
collection and decryption unit, to the operational units like Sayeret Matkal. It
was what was at stake if things went wrong: success or failure in war, and the
life or death of thousands of men on the battlefield. It was a price we’d paid
painfully in 1973. And now again, just nine years later, in Lebanon.
If I needed any reminder, it was conveniently placed on my new office wall:
the photographs of each of my nine predecessors since 1948 as Head of the
Intelligence Directorate, or Rosh Aman in Hebrew. All had come to the role
with talent and dedication. All but three had either left under a shadow, or been
fired. Sometimes this was because of ultimately non-fatal lapses, like a botched
mobilization of our reserves in 1959, or the Rotem crisis a few months later.
Sometimes, it was due to lethal failures like the Yom Kippur War and Lebanon.
I went to see all eight former directors who were still alive. “You know, I
used to read the newspapers and listen to the BBC in the car to work,” Shlomo
Gazit told me. He was the director I’d worked for in operational intelligence,
the one who’d so memorably made the point that we might endanger Israeli
security not only be missing the signs of a war, but signs of an opportunity for
peace. He was also one of the few to have left office without blemish. “By the
time I got to the kirya, I already knew 80 percent of what I could about what
was going on,” he said. “Then I’d spend six or seven hours reading intelligence
material, to fill in at least part of the remaining 20 percent.” His message,
echoed by my other predecessors, was that the job wasn’t mainly about the raw
information. It was what you concluded from the information, what you did
with it. It was about judgement.
The intelligence did matter, of course. For all of Israel’s strengths in that
area, I knew from my own experience at Sultan Yacoub that there was still
room to get more, better, and more timely information about our enemies, and
make sure it got to the commanders and field units that needed it. And while the
details of many operations I approved for Sayeret Matkal and other units remain
classified, we did succeed in doing that – to take just one example, by finding
an entirely new way to get intelligence from inside Syrian command posts.
Yet above all, I set out to apply the lessons of the 1973 and 1982 wars. In
rereading the official inquiry reports, I saw that the intelligence failings had
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been different in each of them. In the Yom Kippur War, the problem was not
just Eli Zeira’s failure to activate the sayeret’s listening devices in Eygpt,
deeply damaging though that was. It was judgement. Inside Aman, a kind of
groupthink had taken hold. It was rooted in a confident, costly misconception
which went unchallenged: that Egypt would never risk another war without an
air force capable of breaching our defences and striking towns and cities deep
inside Israel. No one pressed the alternative scenario: that Sadat might strike
with more limited territorial objectives and, under cover of his SAM batteries
on the other side of the Suez Canal, advance into the Sinai.
In the Lebanon war, the inquiry suggested, Yehoshua Saguy did try to warn
the generals, and the government, about major risks. But individual ministers
testified that they hadn’t heard, hadn’t been there, or hadn’t understood, leading
the inquiry to stress the responsibility of a Rosh Aman to ensure not just that his
message was conveyed, but that it was received as well.
I set out to address both problems. Inside the department, I insisted on
making all our preconceptions open to challenge. I set up a unit whose sole
function was to play devil’s advocate when a consensus was reached. It began
with the opposite conclusion and, through a competing analysis of the data, and
logical argument, tried to prove it. I also wanted to be challenged on my
preconceptions. I assigned a bright young major as my personal intelligenceand-analysis
aide. He read everything that crossed my desk and could access
any material in the department. “You have no responsibility to agree with any of
the analysts, or with me,” I said. “Part of your job is to disagree.”
In the Lebanon war, Saguy had faced an additional problem. He was
excluded from some government meetings at which crucial decisions were
made. That was out of his control. I didn’t want it to be out mine. I raised the
issue with Begin in our first meeting. “If you want to get the maximum value
from your head of intelligence,” I said, “you should make sure he’s there not
just after, but when decisions are made.” Yet he was now only months from
leaving office, exhausted by the war and its aftermath. He waved his hand
weakly in response, as if to say none of it mattered. His successor, in October
1983, was Foreign Minister Yitzhak Shamir. Ideologically, he was cut from the
same cloth: an advocate from the 1940s of securing a Jewish state in all of
Palestine, by whatever force necessary. He’d broken with Begin’s pre-state
Irgun militia to set up a group called Lehi, which went further and carried out
political assassinations: the 1944 killing of Lord Moyne, Britain’s Minister for
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Middle East Affairs, and four years later the United Nations envoy, Count Folke
Bernadotte.
“Why are you so strident,” Shamir asked me, only half-jokingly, after I’d
insisted on joining a government discussion and pressing several intelligence
matters. “It’s because I’ve read the Lebanon inquiry,” I replied. “I saw what
happened when a message isn’t delivered assertively. I’m not going to be in the
position of making the same mistakes.” He nodded, and didn’t raise it again.
In fact, it was under Shamir that I began to get more involved with political
and policy issues beyond the armed forces. Part of this came with the job of
Rosh Aman. There was hardly a major domestic or foreign challenge that did
not have some security component, and no security matter on which intelligence
was not critical. But I also found myself working more closely with leading
politicians: mainly Shamir and Misha Arens, who as defense minister was my
main point of contact. Since I was a Labor kibbutznik, we made an odd
threesome. Arens was also a lifelong Jabotinsky Zionist. He had been in the
Betar youth movement in America, before going to Palestine in 1948 and
joining the Irgun. In fact, it was with Misha’s personal backing that one of my
former Sayeret Matkal officers – the son of a Jabotinsky acolyte – had recently
taken his first steps into the political limelight. After a two-year stint as Israel’s
number-two diplomat in Washington, Bibi Netanyahu had become our
ambassador to the United Nations.
With both Arens and Shamir, I built a solid relationship, based on mutual
respect, and it would deepen further when I moved on to a wider role in the
kirya a few years later. They were straight talkers. While resolute about
decisions once they’d taken them, they were genuinely open to discussion and
debate. I also sometimes found a surprising degree of nuance behind their tough
exterior.
The toughness was there, however. One of the first major security crises we
faced after Shamir became Prime Minister was known as the Kav 300 affair,
named for the bus route between the southern port city of Ashdod and Tel Aviv.
On the evening of April 12, 1984, four Palestinians from Gaza boarded the bus
and hijacked it back toward the border with Egypt. They told the passengers they
were armed with knives, and that a suitcase which one of them was carrying
contained unexploded anti-tank shells. After a high-speed chase, an Israeli army
unit managed to shoot out the tires and disable the vehicle, when it was still
about ten miles short of Gaza. One of the passengers had been severely injured at
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the start. A number of others managed to escape when the bus was stopped. But
several dozen remained inside.
I was in Europe at the time, on one of my periodic trips to discuss Middle
East issues with a fellow intelligence chief. Yet an aide called me with the news.
I was several thousand miles away from what happening. But I knew there was
every possibility Sayeret Matkal might be called in, and my instincts told me we
should proceed with caution. The situation we were facing felt nothing like
Sabena, much less Entebbe. Here, we had a single bus. Our troops, and in fact
everyone from ministers and officials to reporters and photographers, were in a
loose cordon a couple of dozen yards away. That said to me there was no sense
that the hijackers posed an immediate danger. Nor did they seem to have come
equipped for a major confrontation. In place of the AK-47s and grenades we’d
seen in previous terror attacks, these guys had knives, and, if they were to be
believed, a couple of shells with no obvious way to detonate them.
I phoned a friend in the command post set up near the stranded bus. He told
me that Misha and Moshe Vechetzi were there. There was a standoff with the
terrorists and, for now, it was quiet. The defense minister and the chief-of-staff,
of course, did not need my presence, much less my agreement, to order the
sayeret into action. But I said: why not wait? Though the last flights back to
Israel had already left, I could be at the command post by mid-morning. Beyond
wanting to be present if the sayeret was ordered in, I believed the crisis might
even be brought to an end without another shot being fired. “I’ll tell them what
you said,” my friend replied. “But I doubt it’ll be allowed to drag on much past
daybreak.”
He was right. With my Chinese Farm comrade Yitzhik Mordechai in overall
command, Sayeret Matkal stormed the bus at about seven in the morning. They
shot and killed two of the hijackers immediately, through the vehicle’s windows.
Sadly one of the passengers, a young woman soldier, died in the assault, but the
rest of the hostages were freed, none with serious injuries.
A controversy soon erupted over what came next. The sayeret commandos
had captured the other two terrorists alive and uninjured. Yet barely a week later,
first in an American newspaper and then the Israeli media, reports emerged that
the two surviving Palestinians had been killed after the hijacking was over. A
year later, Yitzhik Mordechai was – wrongly – put on trial for his alleged part in
what had amounted to a summary execution. And, rightly, exonerated. Though
the full details never became public, the people responsible turned out to be from
the Shin Bet, our equivalent of the FBI.
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Weeks later, Misha Arens mentioned Kav 300 in one of our regular meetings.
It was not so much a statement of what should or shouldn’t have happened, but a
show of genuine puzzlement. “How can it be,” he asked, “when there is a real
fight, an operation in which our soldiers are shooting, that terrorists come out
alive?” The answer, to me, was simple: Sayeret Matkal. From our earliest days,
there was an understanding that you used whatever force necessary in order to
make an operation successful. Yet once the aim had been achieved – in this case,
eliminating the danger to the passengers – it was over. I am convinced, by the
way, that Misha didn’t actually order the sayeret, or anyone else, to kill all the
terrorists. I’m equally convinced there was a tacit assumption on the ground that
Misha’s view, and Shamir’s as well, was that this would be no bad thing.
* * *
Yet by the summer of 1984, Shamir and Arens appeared in danger of losing
their jobs. Israel’s next election, the first since the Lebanon war, was due in
July. Just as the trauma of the 1973 war had helped Begin end Likud’s three
decades in opposition, the polls and the pundits were now suggesting that
Shimon Peres might bring Labor back to power. There was no prospect he’d
win an outright majority in the 120-seat Knesset. No one had ever done that, not
even Ben-Gurion in his political heyday. From 1948, Israel’s political landscape
had been populated by at least a dozen-or-so parties, mostly a reflection of the
various Zionist and religious groups before the state was established. The
dominant party always needed to make deals with some of the smaller ones to
get the required 60-vote parliamentary majority and form a government.
The Likud looked vulnerable. Domestic concerns, alone, were eroding its
support. Under Begin’s turbo-charged version of Milton Freedman economics,
an economic boom had given way to runaway inflation and a stock market
crash. Lebanon, however, was the main issue, and it remained a running
political sore. The assassinated Bashir Gemayel’s brother, Amin Gemayel, had
become president. But Israel still had large numbers of troops there. And while
most of the PLO fighters had gone, we faced a new and potentially even more
intractable enemy in the south of the country. When our invasion began, the
area’s historically disadvantaged Shi’ite Muslim majority had been the one
group besides the Christians with the prospect of benefiting. The PLO rocket
and artillery bases had disrupted their lives and, worse, placed them in the line
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of our retaliatory fire. Some of the Shi’ite villages in the south even greeted our
invading units with their traditional welcome, showering them with rice. But for
a new Shi’ite militia calling itself Hizbollah – formed after the invasion and
inspired by the Ayatollah Khomeini’s revolution in Iran – our continuing
military presence was anathema. In November 1983, Hizbollah signalled its
intentions when a truck bomber drove into a building being used as our military
headquarters in the south Lebanese city of Tyre, killing more than 60 people.
Yet the election ended up as a near-tie. Peres did lead Labor back into top
spot for the first time since Begin’s victory in 1977. But he got only 44 seats, to
the Likud’s 41. After weeks of horse-trading with smaller parties, he could not
form a government. Neither could Shamir. The result, for the first time in
peacetime, was a national-unity coalition, including both main parties. Peres
would be Prime Minister for the first two years, and Shamir the final two. But
the stipulation of most relevance to me was that one man would be the Defence
Minister throughout the four years: Yitzhak Rabin.
My relationship with Rabin went back much further than with Misha. I’d
first met him when I was a sayeret soldier. I’d interacted with him more as
sayeret commander, and of course during Entebbe. Now, we began to work
even more closely, and the main challenge in his early months as Defense
Minister was what to do about our troops in Lebanon. We had gradually been
pulling back. We were more or less on the 40-kilometer line which Sharon had
claimed was the point of the invasion. But even this was costing us lives, with
no obvious benefit from controlling a large slab of territory on which nearly
half-a-million Lebanese lived. A decision was now reached to shrink our
“security zone” further, pulling back to the Litani River. It meandered about 25
kilometers north of the border, and in some areas was even closer to Israel.
I argued strongly in favor of getting out altogether. I accepted that the
“Litani line” might help impede cross-border raids. But especially since the
remaining Palestinian fighters and Hizbollah were acquiring newer Katyushas,
with a range of up to 20 kilometers, they could fire rockets over the security
zone. My deeper concern was that we intended to hold the area with between
1,000 and 1,500 Israeli troops in open alliance with a local Maronite Christian
militia, called the South Lebanon Army. This would rule out any hope of
working out security arrangements with the non-Christian majority in the south.
I tried to persuade Rabin we should withdraw all the Israeli soldiers and
coordinate security arrangements with the equivalent of a local civil-defense
guard. I suggested four separate militias drawn from the local population –
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Christian, Shi’ite Muslim, Druse and ethnically mixed – with the aim of
reflecting the balance in each part of the south.
Israeli troops might still have to cross into Lebanon, but only for brief,
targeted operations to preempt preparations for a terror attack. “We need to
remember what we’re there for,” I said. “We have no territorial claims. It’s to
protect the north of Israel. But it will end up being about protecting our own
troops inside the security zone. It will be like the Bar-Lev line in 1973, fighting
for fortifications we don’t need.” I couldn’t persuade him. I’m sure he
understood the argument, and he may even have agreed. But when Katyushas
next fell on northern Israel, he as Minister of Defense, not I, would be the one in
the political firing line.
Far from straining our relations, our frank exchanges on Lebanon seemed to
build further trust between us. We worked closely on a range of issues. When
Sayeret Matkal or another intelligence unit planned an operation across our
borders, both of us would present the action to the cabinet. During the
operations, I’d be either in the kirya or a forward command post. Since nearly
all of them happened after nightfall, Yitzhak would usually be back home,
asleep, by the time they ended. I would phone him. The trademark voice – slow,
gravelly, deep even when he was wide awake – would answer. I’d tell him the
mission was over and – with only one exception during my period as head of
intelligence – successful. “Todah,” he would say. “Lehitraot.” Thanks. Bye. He
was never a man to waste words.
For one of the very few times I can remember, he phoned me one morning in
October 1985. It came a couple of days after an especially gruesome Palestinian
terror attack. Even with Arafat now more than a thousand miles away in Tunis,
much of Rabin’s focus was taken up in responding to, or trying to preempt,
Palestinian terrorism. The issue was especially sensitive politically in the wake
of a war in Lebanon that was supposed to have eliminated that threat. For Rabin,
moreover, it had become personal. He’d had to sanction an unprecedented
exchange of 1,150 Palestinian security prisoners earlier in the year to secure the
freedom of three Israeli soldiers, including one of our men from Sultan Yacoub,
who had ended up in the hands of the radical Popular Front for the Liberation of
Palestine – General Command. Now a group from another of the radical factions,
the Palestine Liberation Front, had hijacked an Italian cruise ship called the
Achille Lauro en route from Egypt to Israel. They murdered one of the
passengers, a wheelchair-bound, 69-year-old Jewish American named Leon
Klinghoffer, and dumped his body overboard.
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Rabin’s closest aide, whom I knew well, was aware that Unit 8200 had
intercepts that laid bare the details, and left no doubt the murderers were from a
PLO group. He called and asked me to appear on a weekly television interview
program called Moked. It was hosted by Nissim Mishal: brash, incisive, and one
of Israel’s best-known broadcast journalists. I pointed out to the Rabin aide that
I’d never done anything like this before. But he insisted it would go well. He
briefed me on the questions I could expect, not just about the Achille Lauro but
the wider issue of Palestinian attacks, as well as Syrian President Hafez al-
Assad’s efforts to re-equip his air force after his losses in Lebanon. So I came to
the interview prepared. I brought audio tapes of the hijackers, and a large
photograph of the MiG-25s which the Syrians were seeking to acquire.
My appearance will not go down in the annals of great moments in
television. But at the time, very few Israelis even knew who I was, and I felt I’d
done OK. I was surprised, however, when Rabin phoned the next day. “Ehud, I
didn’t see it. I was attending some event,” he said. But his wife, Leah, had
recorded the program. “I just watched it. I should tell you, I think it was
exceptional. You did a great job. It was highly important for us, for the army,
and, I dare say, for you.”
* * *
I was not sure what he meant by saying it might be good for me as well,
although a decade later, at the end of my army career, he would play the central
role into my entry into Israeli politics. It is true that there was also some politics
at the upper reaches of the military as well, especially around the choice of chief
of staff, and that Moshe Vechetzi’s term had only a year-and-a-half to go. But I
didn’t view myself as a serious candidate at this stage. Moshe’s own preference
seemed to be either Amir Drori, the head of the northern command during the
Lebanon War, or Amnon Lipkin, the veteran paratroop commander who’d been
with me on the Rue Verdun raid in Beirut. My own hope was that the nod
would go to any even closer friend of mine: Dan Shomron.
I had first got to know Dan well in the late sixties after Karameh, Israel’s
costly standoff with Arafat, when Fatah’s influence was in its infancy. We
exchanged impressions on what had gone wrong, and why? When I became
commander of Sayeret Matkal, we remained in touch, and he took a close
interest in all of our operations. We also crossed paths in the Sinai in the 1973,
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in which Dan’s division was key in staunching the Egyptian advance in the first
days of the war, later inflicted heavy losses on one of Sadat’s armored forces
and was part of the final push on the other side of the canal. And, of course,
during Entebbe. Dan had sharp tactical instincts, a belief in the importance of
using new technology to gain and sustain an edge, and an openness to
unconventional approaches. Faced with a challenge in planning or executing an
operation, he looked at it from all sides, determined to come up with the right
approach, not always the expected one. In a lot of these ways, we were similar,
which was no doubt one reason our relationship had grown closer as he and I –
six years younger, and a step or two behind – rose up the ranks.
In fact, Dan was the reason I’d made one of my rare forays into kirya politics
not long after Moshe Vechetzi took over as chief of staff, when Misha Arens was
still Defense Minister. I acted to derail what seemed to me a blatant attempt by
Moshe to advance Drori’s and Amnon Lipkin’s prospects for eventual
succession as chief-of-staff, and to take Dan out of the contest altogether.
I was sitting at my desk on the third floor when the chief of internal army
security, an officer named Ben-Dor, walked into my office. “Listen,” he said,
“the chief of staff has a right to give me a direct order in cases where he thinks
there is a need for a special investigation. But you’re my commander, so I
wanted to let you know.”
“What is it?” I asked.
He replied that he had been ordered to “check out rumors that Dan Shomron
is a homosexual.”
I was appalled. The whole thing stank, on every level, and not just because I
was confident the “rumors” were nonsense. “Look,” I said, “I have no idea
whether some sub-clause in army regulations allows the chief-of-staff to give
you orders over my head. But even if it does, I’m ordering you to do nothing
until I talk to Moshe.” He nodded in agreement. In fact, he seemed relieved. He
also let me know that the source of the rumors was a number of senior officers,
including a couple of generals.
I went straight downstairs and into the chief-of-staff’s office. Moshe was at
his desk, smoking a cigarette. One of the advantages he had in being nearly a
foot taller than most of us was that I found myself looking not into his eyes, but
up at them. “Moshe,” I said, “Ben-Dor told me you’ve ordered him to investigate
a rumor that Dan Shomron is a homosexual.” He said nothing. So I went on.
“I’ve told him not to do it. And I’ve come here to convince you that it’s
219
improper.” This was more than 30 years ago, at a time when being gay, and
certainly being gay in the armed forces, was a much bigger deal than now. But I
still had no doubt at all that this amounted to a witch-hunt.
Moshe still said nothing. “I have no idea whether Dan is or is not a
homosexual. After knowing him for years, I have no reason at all to believe that
he is. But let’s assume, for a moment, that he is,” I said. He’s not some junior
lieutenant… This is a man who has risked his life for Israel. Repeatedly. Under
fire.” Then, I got to the real issue. “I hesitate to mention this,” I said, realizing,
and in a way hoping, that my tone would sound vaguely threatening. “But if you
order this, the very fact of doing so might be interpreted as being a result of
some other motives on your part. I’m doing my best to convince you to think
again. But I want you to know that if I can’t, I’m going from here to Misha’s
office. I’ll try to convince him of the damage from what you’re contemplating to
the whole fabric of trust in the general staff and the army, to the image of the
army.” Still, he said nothing. He nodded occasionally. He puffed on his
cigarette, put it out, lit another one. It was pretty clear he had no intention of
rescinding his order.
Within 20 minutes, was in the Minister of Defense’s office. I spoke to him for
about 10 minutes. Misha listened. At the end, he said: “I understand what you’ve
told me.” I never discovered what exactly he said to Moshe Vechetzi. But the
investigation never happened. I never spoke a word about any of it to Dan until
years later, after both of us had left the army.
The result, however, was that Dan became deputy chief-of-staff under
Moshe, the latest step in what was beginning to look like a steady rise to the top.
But Misha did make a few concessions to Moshe’s preferred candidates, and that
now turned out to have major implications for me. It was a long-accepted
practice that chiefs-of-staff had more than one deputy during their period in
charge. In the homestretch of Moshe’s tenure, he was able to bring in Amir Drori
for a spell as his number-two. And early in 1986, he also brought Amnon Lipkin
back to the kirya. Amnon was given my job, as Director of Intelligence. But I got
the post which Amnon was leaving: head of the central command area. This
meant that, for the first time, I would be in charge of one of Israel’s three regional
military commands, and we were based on the edge of Jerusalem, with security
responsibility for the West Bank.
This was my first direct exposure to the combustible mix of restive
Palestinians and the growing number of Jewish settlers. Our main brief was to
prevent terror attacks, violence or unrest from the roughly 850,000 West Bank
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Palestinians toward the 50,000 Israelis who were then living in the settlements.
At the time, by far most Palestinians were not involved in any violence. They
were mainly interested in getting on with their lives. Yet there were signs of
trouble. The PLO leaders’ relocation to Tunis had reduced their direct influence.
But the briefings I got from Shin Bet officers made it clear that some young
West Bankers had begun trying to organize attacks against police, soldiers and
Israeli civilians. The settlements were also growing in number, and their
residents were not above acts of violence against Palestinians. Further
complicating the situation was the fact the settlers enjoyed the support of key
Likud members in the cabinet: Shamir, who was about to take his turn as Prime
Minister in October 1986; Misha, now a minister without portfolio; and most of
all Arik Sharon. In an astonishing demonstration of resilience and
determination, not only had Arik remained as a minister without portfolio when
Shamir succeeded Menachem Begin. In the coalition government, he had
become Minister of Trade and Labor. Most importantly, when he’d been
Agriculture Minister under Begin, he was the driving force in plans to expand
Jewish settlement on the West Bank, including “blocs” placed around the major
Palestinian towns and cities for the first time since 1967.
I had a responsibility to protect the settlers, and I did my best to fulfil it. Yet
I believed it was essential they understood that they were subject to the
authority of the state of Israel and, like other Israeli citizens, had to operate
within the law. This was no mere theoretical problem. A Jewish underground
had been established by members of Gush Emunim, the Orthodox Jewish
movement set up in the 1970s to advance what they saw as a divinely mandated
mission to settle the West Bank. It had carried out car-bombings and other
attacks in the early 1980s, leaving two Palestinian mayors crippled for life. The
terror campaign had ended only when the Shin Bet caught the cell placing
explosives under Arab-owned buses in Jerusalem.
Hopeful of preventing misunderstandings, and ideally building a relationship
of trust, I visited many of the settlements during the early weeks in my new post
and spoke with their leaders, a few of whom remain friends to this day. But in
the spring of 1986, we faced our first major test on the ground. In a pre-
Passover event organized by Gush Emunim, some 10,000 settlers streamed into
Hebron, a city sacred not only to Jews but Muslims as well as the burial place of
Hebrew patriarchs and matriarchs. Peace Now activists had planned a counterprotest,
but Rabin denied them permission. Still, anti-settlement members of the
Knesset and other Israeli peace activists did get clearance to march from
Jerusalem to Hebron.
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My job was to ensure the security not just of the Gush Emunim march but of
the counter-demonstrators, and, of course, the local Palestinian population. As
the rival marches by the Israelis proceeded, I personally delivered warnings
against any violence, both to the settlement leaders and to a pair of the most
prominent counter-protesters, the peace activist Uri Avneri and Knesset member
Yossi Sarid. The event went off without major incident. But the next day,
Davar, the venerable Labor newspaper I’d first read as a child in Mishmar
Hasharon, let rip against me. Under a photo of me with Avneri and Sarid – my
arm raised, ostensibly in some kind of threat but actually in the time-honored
Jewish practice of talking with my hands – the article accused me of siding with
the settlers. If blood was spilled in the weeks and months ahead, the newspaper
said, “it will be on Barak’s hands.”
Ordinarily, I would have ignored it. But never in my military career had I
been similarly attacked on an issue of any importance. I was especially angry
because not only was the insinuation unfounded. It was diametrically opposite to
the stance I was determined to take in this, my first regional command. Yes, I
was committed to providing security for the settlers. But especially in the wake
of the crimes of the Jewish underground, I was determined to ensure they
remained within the boundaries of the law.
A few days later, I called Rabin’s aide and asked to see the Defense
Minister, and was told to come see him after Saturday lunch at his home. When
I arrived, Rabin got right down to business. “Ehud, you wanted to see me?” he
said. “You’ve probably seen Davar,” I replied. “It was a pretty nasty piece. It
distorted things.” Yet as he began asking for details, it seemed he had no idea
what I was talking about. “Ehud, I never read it,” he said. “If you hadn’t told
me, I’d never have known there was an issue.” I assumed this was a white lie,
told to reassure me. But years later, when I was Minister of Defense, and then
Prime Minister, I sometimes found myself on the other side of such meetings.
An officer or official would come see me because of something said about them
in the media, or remarks they were quoted as having made. When I told them
I’d been unaware of it, I could see the disbelief in their eyes. By then, however,
I realized that under the multiple demands of a senior role in government, you
really could fail to notice events that others viewed as crucial to their
reputations or careers. To reassure them I truly hadn’t noticed, I’d tell them the
story of my meeting with Rabin.
* * *
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There was another, slightly less noble, reason I wanted to set the record
straight with Rabin. Though only gradually did I admit this even to myself, I
realized that my experience in a regional command had ticked the one missing
box in the CV of our top generals, meaning that I might indeed be a candidate to
succeed Moshe Vechetzi as chief of staff. At first, I resisted taking the prospect
too seriously. The job of ramatkal not only carried responsibility for overall
command of the armed forces. Since our country still faced multiple security
threats, the chief of staff was, along with Prime Minister and Defence Minister,
among the most important, influential and visible positions in Israeli public life.
Yet as the April 1987 date for the changeover drew nearer, it was difficult not to
think about it. Not only was I apparently under consideration. To judge from
media reports, and officers’ smalltalk, it appeared that Rabin had whittled down
the possibilities to two. One was Dan Shomron, and I was the other.
Still, it was only when Rabin phoned me early in 1987 that I knew it was
true – and that I would not be getting the top job. “Ehud,” he said, “I wanted
you to know I’ve decided on Dan to be the next ramatkal. I want you to be his
deputy.” I can’t say I was surprised he’d chosen Dan. It wasn’t just that he was
more experienced, or even that, since he was older, missing out on the top job
this time would probably mean missing out for good. Yitzhak had always
valued Dan’s directness and honesty, his courage and record of service. Above
all, I’d long sensed that he felt a special debt to Dan: for Entebbe. At a time
when so much could have gone wrong, it was Dan who had taken a firm,
confident, successful hold on the operation.
Still, I was now 45. For me no less than for Dan, I knew that if I was passed
over as chief of staff, there was no guarantee I’d be chosen the next time. “I
respect your decision,” I told Rabin. “And I have no doubt Dan will be a good –
a very good – chief-of-staff.” But I had to consider my own future. “Even
though I’m grateful for the offer of deputy,” I said. “I think it’s better for me to
leave. To open up a new chapter, and do something else in life.”
Rabin said he couldn’t accept that. “Come see me,” he said. “Now.” When I
got to Jerusalem, I emphasized again that I had no doubt Dan would lead the
armed forces well. But I said my decision to leave the military wasn’t a mere
whim. I had been thinking about my own future and my family’s. We had three
young daughters. A few months earlier, we had moved home again, into a wide,
one-story rambler with a big yard out back. It was in a new town called Kochav
Yair, just inside Israel’s pre-1967 border with the West Bank, and it struck me
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as a good time to settle down in a way that would be impossible if I stayed on in
the upper reaches of the military. Perhaps do something more academic, in a
university or a policy think-tank.
For the first time, politics had some appeal, too, though I didn’t say this to
him. At that point, I had no idea how, or even whether, I might get involved.
But since my appearance on Moked, others seemed to assume it might happen at
some stage. Out of nowhere, a leading political journalist, Hanan Kristal, had
written a story in 1986 purporting to predict the successors to Israel’s political
old guard: Peres and Rabin in Labor, Begin and Shamir in the Likud. It
appeared in the newspaper Hadashot. The paper ran side-by-side photos of the
ostensible future leaders, doctored to look older, who Hanan predicted would go
head-to-head in the election of 1996, a decade away. One was Israel’s
ambassador to the UN and a protégé of Misha Arens: Bibi Netanyahu. The other
was me.
Rabin listened with patience to my obviously settled intention to leave, but
remained firm that I should stay and become Dan’s deputy. In the end, I agreed
I’d think things over and that we’d talk in a week’s time. In the meantime, I
went to see two veteran generals who had found themselves in a similar
situation, mentioned as possible chiefs of staff but never chosen: Arik and Ezer
Weizman. I saw Arik on his farm in the Negev. He was obviously enjoying his
extraordinary political rehabilitation since the Lebanon war. His expanding girth
was settled into a sofa in the living room. I filled him in on my conversation
with Rabin. “I’m considering leaving,” I said. “It just seems like a long time to
wait, even if I do get the job after Dan. There’s a lot else I want to do in life.”
Arik was probably the general most experienced in being denied the chief-ofstaff’s
office. On at least two occasions, he might reasonably have been
considered. But in a career littered with tense encounters with his superiors, it
never happened. “You should stay on,” he said. You’re not that old. It’ll
probably be good for you, and the army, to be deputy and then chief.” The only
further advice he gave me was to do all I could formally to commit Yitzhak to
making me Dan’s successor after his term ended.
I visited Ezer at his home in the seaside town of Caesarea. We sat on the
terrace, with Ezer’s gangly frame draped over one of the cane chairs. “Ehud, if
you stay, do you think you have a good chance of being the next ramatkal,” he
asked. I said that while nothing could be certain, I thought there was a good
chance. He replied without hesitation: “Then stay.” He’d come close to the top
job, he told me. On the eve of the Six-Day War, when Rabin had collapsed
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physically from the weeks of tension, Yitzhak had asked him to take over. He’d
said no. But he said he’d always believed he could and should have been chiefof-staff
– and that if he hadn’t left to go into politics, he still might have got the
job. Then, suddenly, he shouted: “Reuma!” When his wife appeared, he said:
“Tell Barak the missing piece in my life, the one I’ve never stopped regretting.”
She smiled, and said: “It’s the fact you did not become ramatkal.”
I saw Rabin a couple of days later. Though I’d pretty much decided to take
the deputy’s job, I was still bothered by the prospect of serving as deputy for the
next four years only to find someone else being named chief-of-staff. I knew
that no matter what assurances Yitzhak gave me, there was no way of being
sure. He did say he viewed me as the natural next-in-line. But I still felt hesitant.
“I want you to consider two things,” I said. The first was a formal decision that
Dan would have only a single deputy during his time as chief-of-staff. He said
yes to that. Yet the second request was going to be even more difficult.
Heartening though it was to hear I was Dan’s “natural successor”, I asked him
to put it in writing. It was not that I doubted his word. But if the surprise result
of the last election was any indication, there was no way of predicting which
party would be in power when Dan’s terms ended. I wanted him to keep a
record of our understanding in his desk and pass it on if someone else was
Defense Minister by that time. Without a moment’s hesitation, he took out a
piece of paper and wrote down exactly what he’d told me about the succession.
He shook my hand as I left. “You’ve made the right decision,” he said.
And I had, even though Dan and I – and Rabin too – would soon face by far
the most difficult challenge in Israel’s conflict with the Palestinians since our
capture of the West Bank and Gaza in the 1967 war.
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Chapter Fourteen
It began with an accident. On Tuesday, December 8, 1987, an Israeli tank
transporter crashed into a minibus carrying Palestinians from the Jabalya
refugee camp near the main crossing from Gaza into Israel. Four passengers
were killed.
By the time of the funerals the next day, a rumor had spread, no less
incendiary for being absurd, that the crash had been deliberate – retaliation for
the fatal stabbing of an Israeli man a few days earlier. Crowds of Palestinians
leaving the burials began shouting “Death to Israel!” They hurled rocks and
bottles at Israeli security patrols, and blocked streets with burning tires. By the
next day, the violence started spreading to the West Bank, and then to parts of
east Jerusalem. The headline-writers moved from the word “disturbances” to
“unrest” and finally to the Palesitnians’ own name for the most serious outbreak
of violence since 1967: the “intifada”. The uprising.
At least for the first week or two, we assumed its ferocity and scale would
subside. Our immediate aim was to contain it, and limit the human cost on both
sides. Yet when Dan and I began visiting units on the front line of this new
conflict, we realized that if it kept escalating, we’d have to find new tools and
strategies to bring it under control. We were in charge of an army trained to
equip and fight enemy soldiers. Now, we were asking teenage recruits to
operate as riot police against stone-throwing mobs. Before long, it wasn’t just
stones, or even bottles. In one incident in Gaza, a young soldier was surrounded
by a crowd of Palestinians and stabbed. He opened fire, wounding two of the
attackers. Yitzhik Mordechai, now the head of the southern command, told
reporters that his troops were under “strict orders to open fire only if their lives
are under threat.” That was true. But I couldn’t help wondering how long the
other part of his statement would hold: that we remained “in control of the
situation.”
We did feel in control for the first few days. Defense Minister Rabin was
away in Washington on an official visit. When his office asked us whether he
should fly back, we said there was no need. But on his return, we quickly agreed
that, as a first priority, we needed to find an alternative to live ammunition in
quelling the attacks. Otherwise, we’d be left with two equally bad options:
either simply stand aside, in order to avoid killing or injuring demonstrators; or
intervene with the inevitable casualties. But one of our most important early
discussions was about the broader aspects of the violence. The meeting, held
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outside the kirya in a facility just north of Tel Aviv, was Rabin’s idea. In
addition to Dan and me, it included key members of the general staff and senior
defense ministry officials. The idea was for us to hear a half-dozen academics
and other specialists speak about the political aspects of the sudden eruption of
Palestinian violence.
Though he spoke for barely 10 minutes, it was the last speaker who left the
deepest impression. Shimon Shamir, a professor at Tel Aviv University, began
by emphasizing he was not an expert in riot control. Finding a response to the
violence was something we were far better equipped to do. But then he paused,
looked intently at Rabin, Dan and me, and said: “What I can do is draw on
history.” One by one, he cited examples of more than a dozen broadly similar
rebellions over the past century, in the Middle East and beyond. “If we were
dealing with simple rioting, things might be different.” But he said the
Palestinians were, fundamentally, acting out of a shared sense of grievance, and
shared national identity. Both were in large part the result of Israel having
controlled their daily lives now for more than two decades. “I’m afraid I can
find no historical precedent for the successful suppression of the national will of
a people,” he said. Even when those in power used unimaginably punitive tools:
like expulsion, or forced starvation. “Even, as we know well as a Jewish people,
extermination.”
I glanced at Yitzhak and at Dan. Both of them looked like I felt: in no doubt
the professor was right, yet also aware that, in the short term, we still had to find
a way of putting a lid on the cauldron and keeping the situation for getting
irretrievably out of control.
It wasn’t as if I’d been unaware of the sense of the anger building among
many West Bank and Gaza Palestinians, or of their wish to see an end to Israel’s
military administration and the growing number of Jewish settlements. From
my time as head of the central command, I also knew that there was a young,
activist core intensifying efforts to organize attacks on troops and settlers. But
none of us had any inkling that something of the scale, longevity and political
complexity of the intfada lay ahead.
Partly, this was a failure of specific intelligence warnings. But it went deeper
than that. Sobering though it was, I had to accept that – no less so than before
the Yom Kippur War in 1973 – I and many others had for too long been
comforting ourselves with a fundamental misconception about our military
occupation and civilian settlement in the areas captured in 1967. The roots of
the myopia went back to the immediate aftermath of the Six-Day War, to the
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generally civil, and often friendly contacts, Israelis had with Palestinians at the
time. The local population had, after all, been under other occupation powers
before 1967: Jordan in the West Bank, and Egypt in Gaza. Assuming our
administration was less onerous, most Israelis believed a way to coexist could
be found. And that sooner or later, there would be a land-for-peace agreement
and we would withdraw from at least most of the territory. But as the years
passed, with no sign of a willingness by the PLO to consider any kind of peace
talks, we made the cardinal error of assuming the occupation was sustainable.
Yes, there might be periods of violence, but nothing that a combination of
political resolve, arrests, detention and, where necessary, military force could
not hold in check. For us, and certainly for me, the Palestinians became
essentially a security issue. As one of Israel’s finest novelists, David Grossman,
would lay bare in a bestselling book of reportage called The Yellow Wind, about
a year into the intifada, we had ceased to see the human effects of 20 years of
occupation, not only on the Palestinians but on Israeli society as well.
Yet the power of Professor Shamir’s presentation lay not so much in its
novelty as its succinctness, clarity and, above all, its timing. The rioting had
already gone on for longer than any of us had expected. It seemed to be
gathering strength. But until our meeting, we were still looking at it essentially
as a civil disturbance. That was what began to change, for all of us.
What didn’t change was the need to try to bring the violence to an end. Dan
immediately put me in charge of looking for alternatives to live ammunition. I
began with our own research and development engineers. We also asked military
attachés in our embassies to talk to law-enforcement agencies, academics, or
anyone else with knowledge of non-lethal methods of crowd control overseas.
Some of the more far-flung examples seemed promising, at least until further
investigation. South Korea had years of experience in confronting student
protests – generally, though not always, managing to avoid fatalities. But it
turned out this typically involved sending in serried rows of up to 25,000 riot
police against a few thousand campus protesters. Besides the fact we’d have
needed an army the size of the Americans’ to field enough soldiers, it was absurd
to imagine dealing with dozens of far-flung confrontations on any given day with
parade-ground formations of troops.
We looked at anything that seemed it might work. In the early stages, most
of the attacks involved rocks and bottles. Our R&D engineers developed a Jeepmounted
“gravel gun” that fired stones at a distance of up to 250 feet. They
could cause injuries, but weren’t lethal. We acquired launchers for pepper spray
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and tear gas. We even looked at the possibility of dropping nets over crowds of
attackers. Very early on, we shifted to using plastic bullets. But even that
presented problems. At a distance of a hundred feet or so, they could drastically
reduce deaths. But when a young recruit saw hundreds of Palestinians closing in
on him, he wasn’t about to take out a tape measure. Over time, we began relying
wherever possible on rubber bullets and, in extreme cases, snipers to target the
legs of the organizers or ring-leaders.
If all of this sounds soul-destroying, that’s because it was. Especially with
daily television coverage of the clashes amplifying overseas support for the
Palestinians, morale among our soldiers also took a battering. In visits to units
on the West Bank and in Gaza, Dan and I, and Rabin too, heard two opposite
responses. Some of the young soldiers wanted us to use maximum force. We are
the army, they argued. We have the weapons. Why the hell don’t we use them?
But we also heard another view, if less often: why are we here at all?
We imposed closures and curfews. We made thousands of arrests. Still,
hundreds of soldiers and settlers were being injured, a number of them
disfigured or disabled. By the end of 1998, the Palestinian death toll was above
300. In February 1989, an Israeli officer was killed by a cement block tossed
from a rooftop in Nablus. A month later, a Palestinian knifed several people in
Tel Aviv, killing one of them. And in July, in the first attempt inside Israel at a
suicide attack, a Palestinian passenger grabbed the wheel of a bus on its way
from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem and drove it off the road, killing 16 people.
* * *
By the summer of 1990, although the violence had begun to flag slightly, I
was feeling more drained and exhausted than at any time since my bout of
illness in the Sinai after the 1973 war. I even briefly thought of leaving the army
after Dan’s term ended the following year. I’m not sure whether I would have
done that if the situation had not begun to change. But it did, dramatically. The
intifada gradually began to subside, and an entirely new crisis suddenly
intervened.
On August 2, against a background of longstanding financial and territorial
disputes, Iraq’s Sadam Hussein sent in tens of thousands of his troops and
occupied the neighboring state of Kuwait. Though the immediate crisis was
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nearly a thousand miles away from us, he tried to divert attention from US-led
international condemnation of his invasion by threatening Israel. He said “all
issues of occupation” were on the table – the West Bank and Gaza, the Golan
Heights, and Lebanon – and vowed to “let our fire eat half of Israel” in a future
war. And we could not assume this was mere rhetoric. Iraq had an arsenal of
Soviet-made ballistic missiles. Called Scuds, they were not always accurate at
long range. But they could reach Israeli towns and cities, and could carry not
just conventional explosives but chemical warheads. Moreover, Saddam had
used chemical weapons: during the Iran-Iraq war, and to kill thousands of his
own restive Kurdish population in the town of Halabja in the spring of 1988.
Even the prospect of American military action seemed not to faze him.
Hours into the invasion, he moved an armored force toward Kuwait’s border
with Saudi Arabia, a key US regional ally, immediately prompting the President
George Bush’s administration to go beyond mere verbal condemnation. With
Saudi agreement, Washington dispatched a squadron of F-15s to the kingdom –
the first step in what would become a huge American land, sea and air force to
face down Saddam and force him out of Kuwait.
Given the credible threat of Scud missile attacks on Israel, Dan immediately
assigned me to coordinate our assessment and evaluation of what Saddam was
likely to do in the event of a US-led attack, and what defense arrangements or
Israeli military response would be necessary. We knew we’d be under strong
pressure from the Americans to stay out of any war. Israeli involvement would
be a political gift to Saddam, allowing him to convert a conflict over his
aggression against an Arab neighbor into a “defense” against “Israeli
occupation.” But we had a primary responsibility to protect our citizens.
I was now working with a new Israeli government. After Shimon Peres tried
and failed to topple the unity coalition in the spring of 1990, Shamir had formed
a Likud-led government shorn of both Peres and Rabin. Misha Arens was again
Minister of Defense. I began preparing regular, fortnightly reports for him, Dan
and Prime Minister Shamir. Within days of the invasion, I produced my initial
assessment. The bottom line was that we had to assume there would be a war. It
was impossible to imagine the Americans would commit hundreds of thousands
of troops and simply bring them home again, unless Saddam succumbed and
retreated. I was equally certain Saddam would use his Scuds against us. He’d
figure the benefits of trying to bring Israel into the conflict far outweighed the
risk of retaliation. But I was “nearly 100 per-cent sure” he wouldn’t use
chemical warheads, since that would almost guarantee an Israeli military
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response, or an American one, on an incomparably greater scale. It would also
totally isolate Saddam internationally and end any chance of peeling off Arab
support for the Americans.
It was my nearly 100-per-cent caveat that prompted a tense debate within the
cabinet. Even if the probability of a chemical attack was microscopic, any risk
of civilians being subjected to terror, panic and very possibly agonizing death
meant that the government had to take precautions. The obvious first step would
be to distribute gas masks. But in a series of meetings with Misha and Dan, I
emphasized this was not a decision that could be taken in isolation. By handing
out gas masks, we might actually raise the probability of a chemical attack. We
also had to make sure as a matter of urgency that we had a workable military
option to attack Iraq’s Scud launchers.
By early November, I was dealing both with plans for distributing the gas
masks and preparations for a possible military operation. So when I got a call
asking me to report to Shamir’s office in Jerusalem, I assumed he wanted to talk
about Iraq. “How are things?” he asked. But when I began by filling him in on
the plans to distribute the gas-masks, he interrupted me. “I called you here,” he
said, “because I wanted you to know that we’ve decided that when Dan leaves
next April, we want you to replace him as chief-of-staff.” Briefly and unusually
tongue-tied, I said: “Thank you, Prime Minister”. The news was made public
the next morning. A few days later, it was ratified by the government. There
was only one vote against, from a former chief of staff who was now Shamir’s
Agriculture Minister: Raful Eitan.
I was one of rare instances in all my years in the army when I took a step
back, appreciating a moment which felt special. It was not only, or even mainly,
a matter of a personal ambition fulfilled. More a sense that I was being given
the opportunity to apply everything I’d experienced and learned in the army,
from the day I first joined Sayeret Matkal as an 18-year-old, to improve the
security and safeguard the future of Israel. I know that sounds corny. But, while
the momentum toward war in Iraq almost immediately crowded out everything
else again, that was truly how I felt.
* * *
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By mid-December 1990, war was virtually certain. Misha and I had been to
Washington in September and agreed with the Americans that, unless we were
attacked by Saddam, we would stay out of it. To do otherwise was clearly not
just against the US-led coalition’s interests. Given the importance of our
alliance with Washington, it was against our inrerests as well. Yet with
hostilities obviously getting closer, Misha phoned Defense Secretary Dick
Cheney a few days later to remind him of the quid pro quo: we would be kept
fully in the loop about the details and timing of the initial American air strikes.
At around five o’clock on the afternoon on January 16, 1991, Misha got a call
from Cheney. He said “h-hour” would be at seven that evening Washington
time. Three a.m. in Israel.
Though we hoped to stay out, I’d now spent months coordinating and
overseeing preparations to ensure we could attack Saddam’s Scuds if necessary.
By far most of the missiles were mounted on mobile launching vehicles, and
Saddam was almost certainly going to be firing them from the vastness of Iraq’s
western desert. That meant an Israeli air strike alone wouldn’t work. We
decided on a joint air and ground operation, built around a newly created airmobile
division and other special units. A force of 500 to 600 soldiers would
take control of key areas and road junctions in western Iraq and start hunting
and destroying, or at least impeding, the Scud launchers.
We also engaged in secret diplomacy in the hopes of reducing one of the
obvious risks in such an attack: a conflict with Jordan, which we’d have to
overfly to reach Iraq. The Mossad had a unit called Tevel, a kind of shadow
foreign ministry for states with which we had no formal relations but with
which, in both side’s interests, we had a channel of backdoor communications.
It was headed by Ephraim Halevy, a London-born Israeli who had come to
Palestine in 1948 as a teenager. He had built up a personal relationship with
King Hussein, and now arranged for us to meet him at a country residence
which the king had in Britain.
A few weeks before the war, I boarded a private jet to London along with
Halevy and Prime Minister Shamir. Shamir had never met the king before and
nor, of course, had I. But we didn’t talk about the forthcoming meeting on the
five-hour flight. Instead, Shamir opened up in a way I’d never seen: about his
childhood as part of a relatively well-off family in Poland; his love of literature,
and of the Bible. In a way, it reminded me of how my father had spoken to me
when I was growing up – minus the “well-off family” part.
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When we got to Hussein’s country home, we were greeted by an
impressively self-assured man in his late 20s who, like Hussein, had studied at
Britain’s military academy in Sandhurst and then gone on to Oxford. It was
Abdullah, the king’s son and later his successor, and he explained that he would
be in charge of handling security for the talks. For a few hours in the afternoon,
we held preliminary discussions, and I presented our assessment of the
challenges and options facing all the different players in the crisis. Then we
retired to a dinner at which – despite the royal china, crystal and silverware –
the atmosphere was also surprisingly informal.
The main meeting came the next morning. Both sides recognized the
seriousness of the issues we had to discuss. Shamir began with the one we
assumed would be the least difficult. Israel was on a heightened state of military
alert, prompted by Iraqi reconnaissance flights over Jordan, and the likelihood
the Iraqis were also hoping to get a look at our main nuclear research and
development facility in the nearby Negev. It was important to ensure this didn’t
lead to an unintended conflict between us and the Jordanians. While the king
was careful to steer clear of any detailed comment on the Iraqi moves, he made
it clear that he understood our concern about stumbling into an Israeli-Jordanian
conflict and agreed that we had to avoid doing so.
Yet the issue of our overflights, if we needed to attack the Scuds, was more
sensitive. We said that if we did have to cross into Jordanian air space, we
would find whatever way the king suggested to make it as unobtrusive as
possible. We raised the possibility of using a narrow air corridor. His response
was not hostile, but it was firm. This was an issue of Jordanian sovereignty, he
told us. He could not, and would not, collaborate in any way with an Israeli
attack on another Arab state. It was Ephraim who tried to find a way around the
apparent stalemate. He suggested Shamir and the king withdraw to speak alone,
ad they met for nearly an hour. When Shamir emerged, clasping the king’s hand
and thanking him for his hospitality, he turned to us and said: “OK. We’re going
home.”
He didn’t tell us exactly what Hussein said. In the few sentences with which
he described the talks on the flight back, he said that, as a sovereign, Hussein
could not order his forces to ignore Israeli planes. But he added: “I assume there
will be no war with Jordan.” I took that to mean there might well be an attempt
to intercept our jets, with the risk that either we or they might end up with one
of our planes shot down, but that the king would use his authority and
experience to ensure this didn’t lead to a wider confrontation.
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* * *
The Israeli public’s concern over a possible Iraqi attack was growing by the
day, in part because of the precautionary measures we’d taken. We had handed
out gas masks to the whole country. Though I’d been concerned that might raise
the prospect of a chemical attack, I still thought a chemical strike was highly
unlikely. The government rightly decided that not distributing the masks would
betray a fundamental responsibility to the safety of our citizens. We’d also
issued instructions about how to equip a room, usually the shelter included in
nearly every Israeli home, as a cheder atum, or “sealed room” to keep gas from
getting in. The Israeli media was full of speculation about the likely effects of a
chemical attack. Many families had begun panic buying of food and other
necessities to prepare for the possibility of days and nights in their sealed
shelters.
In my report for Dan, Misha and Shamir a few weeks before the war, I drew
on systematic analysis by a team of experts in the Israeli air force and made my
most specific estimate yet of the damage conventionally armed Scuds might
cause. We had gone back into historical accounts of the closest equivalent: the
Nazis’ use of V-1 and V-2 rockets against London in the Second World War.
Given Saddam’s primary need to fight Americans, and the likelihood either they
or we would take military action against the launchers, we concluded we’d be
hit by roughly 40 missiles, and that, based on Britain’s wartime experience, up
to 120 Israelis might lose their lives as a result.
The first air-raid sirens wailed in Israel at about 2 a.m. on January 18, 1991,
almost exactly 24 hours after the Americans began their bombing raids over
Baghdad. I was home in Kochav Yair. Like other Israelis, we’d set up a sealed
shelter. Though I felt a bit silly doing it, having assured the government Saddam
was vanishingly unlikely to use chemical warheads, we woke up the kids and
Nava took them inside. I put on my own gas mask. But when I ran out to my
car, I removed my mask and put it on the passenger’s seat before heading in to
the kirya. I wanted to get there quickly enough so that the bor, the underground
command bunker, wouldn’t have to reopened when I arrived. I took a short-cut,
through the West Bank town of Qalqilya. That was, to put it mildly, stupid.
Although the intifada had become steadily less intense during the build-up to
the war, it wasn’t completely over. Within seconds, my black sedan was being
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pelted with stones by a half-dozen Palestinian youths. I thought to myself: this
is nuts. One of Saddam’s Scuds might well be about to hit Israel, and I’ve got
myself stuck in the middle of a West Bank town. To the obvious shock of the
Palestinians, I floored the accelerator and raced toward Tel Aviv. It still took
half-an-hour. Misha and Dan, who lived closer to the kirya, were already in the
bunker.
Ten Scuds hit near Tel Aviv and Haifa that night. It was not until shortly
before dawn that our tracker units got back to us with formal confirmation that
there had been no chemical warheads. The rockets caused a half-dozen injuries,
though thankfully none was serious. Still, the very fact Saddam had proven he
could hit Israel with ballistic missiles provoked widespread alarm. Well into the
next morning, the streets were almost empty. Misha phoned Cheney and
strongly implied we were going to have to attack the Scud sites. I know that was
Misha’s own view, and it only hardened after another four missiles hit the Tel
Aviv area the next morning. Again, no one was killed, but several dozen people
were injured from debris, shards of glass and blast concussion. I visited several
of the areas that had been hit and was shocked by the scale of the damage. One
four-story apartment building had been virtually destroyed, and there was blast
damage to other buildings hundreds of yards away.
The Americans were clearly determined, in both word and deed, to persuade
us not to take military action. They rushed an anti-missile system called Patriot
to Israel. Cheney was also giving us frequent updates on American air strikes
against suspected Scud launch sites. And the Israeli public did seem to grasp the
serious implications for the US-led coalition of our taking unilateral military
action. Opinion polls suggested most Israelis were giving Shamir credit for the
way he was handling the crisis.
Still, it wasn’t easy for Shamir to hold the line. This was the first time since
1948 that enemy munitions had landed on Israeli homes, provoking not just
fear, but a feeling of helplessness. That inevitably led to calls for the army and
the government to do something. I saw his dilemma first-hand at an emergency
cabinet meeting after the first two Scud attacks. For Arik and Raful, the political
effects on the US coalition were irrelevant. The issue, for them, was simple:
Israeli cities had been attacked, and we should respond with any and all force
necessary. Our air force commander, Avihu Ben-Nun, favored going ahead with
the joint and-and-ground attack we’d prepared, and Misha agreed with him. So
did Dan Shomron. The key voices of caution were Foreign Minister David
Levy; Ariye Deri, the leader of the Sephardi Orthodox party Shas; and two
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young Likud politicians, Dan Meridor and Ehud Olmert, with whom I had
become friendly. They, like me, were concerned about undermining the
Americans’ military and diplomatic coalition.
Shamir mostly listened, until very near the end. He then asked Dan Meridor,
Misha and me to join him in a separate room. He asked each of us for our
views. Misha, even more strongly then in front of the full cabinet, argued that
we could not allow night after night of missile attacks without responding.
Meridor reiterated his opposition, stressing the damage we’d risk doing to the
Americans’ war effort by possibly weakening Arab support for their attack on
Saddam. When Shamir turned to me, I said that if the government did decide on
military action, we were ready. From a purely military and security point-ofview,
I said, an attack made absolute sense. Even if we didn’t succeed in
destroying, or even finding, the mobile launch sites, putting a military force on
the ground would almost surely lead to a dramatic reduction in the number of
Scud launches. But, echoing Meridor, I added that a military response would
carry a price in our relationship with the Americans. My view was that, at least
for now, we should hold off.
When we rejoined the meeting, Shamir rapped his hand on the table. In the
startled silence that followed, he said he shared many ministers’ urge to hit back
against the Scuds. But he said: “At this stage, we’re not going to do anything.
We bite our lips and wait.”
Three nights later, his resolve was stretched almost to breaking point.
Missiles landed in the Tel Aviv suburb of Ramat Gan, and nearly 40 homes
were damaged. A three-story house was flattened. In all, nearly 100 people were
injured, and three elderly residents died of heart attacks. On the night of January
25, another seven Scuds hit. Nearly 150 apartments were badly damaged, and a
51-year-old man was killed. The pressure on Shamir was all the greater because
the Ramat Gan attack had come within range of one of the Americans’ Patriot
batteries. The Patriots had been originally designed not as anti-missile weapons,
but to attack aircraft, and they seemed to have been ineffective. Nor were
American air strikes in Iraq stopping the Scuds. Though American jets had
taken out a few fixed launch sites, they were having no luck with finding and
destroying mobile launch vehicles.
Even Shamir now felt that unless the Americans got the mobile launchers,
we would have to attack military action. I was sent to Washington along with
Misha and David Ivri, a former air force commander, to deliver that message to
the Bush administration. From the first days after Saddam’s attack on Kuwait,
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I’d been impressed by President Bush’s political acumen in assembling an
international coalition including the key Arab states. Through Unit 8200 in
military intelligence, we would only very occasionally get verbatim transcripts
of his conversations as he brought first the Saudis and other Gulf states on
board, then Morocco, and eventually even Syria. More often, I’d see the
President’s deft diplomacy second-hand, through intercepts of Arab leaders’
communications with one another. But the picture which emerged was of an
American president deftly able to stake out common ground, and common
interests, with each of the Americans’ growing number of anti-Saddam allies.
When we entered the Oval Office on the evening of February 11, Bush was
flanked by Secretary of State Baker, Defense Secretary Cheney and national
security adviser Brent Scowcroft. Also there was Colin Powell, a general whom
I had got to know well, and to like, over the past few years and who was now
head of the joint chiefs-of-staff. Given the seriousness of our mission, the start
of the meeting was almost surreal. The Americans had obviously been told that
I was born on February 12. Since it was just past midnight in Israel, they began
by wishing me a happy 49 th birthday.
Yet pleasing thought that was, it became clear there was a disconnect
between the tension among Israeli government ministers, and ordinary Israelis,
back home and the relaxed, self-assured, at times even jovial mood of the
President and his inner circle. Their primary focus was clearly not on Israel, but
on the overwhelming success of their air attacks on Iraq and the approach of a
ground offensive that they were confident would finish the job. That didn’t
seem to change even after a truly extraordinary interruption to our meeting,
when one of Misha’s aides passed on the news that a Scud had struck the Tel
Aviv suburb of Savyon, where Misha himself lived. He immediately excused
himself and went to phone his wife, Muriel, to confirm she was fine. When he
returned, despite their pro forma words of empathy, it seemed almost as if the
Americans thought we had cooked up the entire thing for political effect.
Bush did say the right things as the discussion turned to the missile attacks
on Israel. He told us he understood our frustration, and the pain the Scud
launches were inflicting. He appreciated our restraint. I have no doubt that all of
that was true. But the message we’d been sent to deliver clearly wasn’t hitting
home. As politely but as clearly as I could, I told President Bush that while we
didn’t want to do anything to undermine the coalition, unless someone else took
care of the Scuds, we would have no choice but to act.
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The President responded by suggesting we go to the Pentagon and talk in
greater detail about how, for both our countries’ benefit, that could be avoided.
When we convened in Secretary Cheney’s office, I delivered the same message,
but more forcefully. I felt it was essential not only to make it clear we serious
about taking action, but that we had the military capability to do so. So I told
Secretary Cheney and Colin what we were planning. I said we intended to
launch a combined air and ground assault by an air-mobile force and our best
paratroop units. At that point, Colin, who was clearly worried, suggested the
two of us withdraw to speak “soldier to soldier.” We retreated to his office.
Spreading out a map of western Iraq, I went into greater detail, explaining how
we would remain in the Iraqi desert on a search-and-destroy mission against the
mobile launchers. Colin stressed the efforts the Americans were making from
the air, and the commitment they’d shown to Israel. Not only had they delivered
the Patriots. They had allocated their best fighter jets, F-15E’s, to the task of
taking out the Scuds. It helped that he and I had got to know and respect each
other, so it wasn’t an all-out argument. But I reiterated that if the Scud attacks
kept up, we would have to act. “We will act,” I said. For a few seconds, he said
nothing. But as we headed back to join the others, he told me that only a few
hours ago, he had briefed American commanders on an anti-Scud operation by
“allied forces” like the one we were planning. “It will happen,” he assured me.
“Within 48 hours.”
That task fell to Britain’s SAS. The operation was almost exactly the same as
the one we’d planned. A force of nearly 700 commandos was helicoptered in to
Iraq’s western desert, equipped with Jeeps and Land Rovers, and anti-tank
missiles and laser targeting capability. They were also able to call on attack
helicopters and F-15 jets if necessary. The operation did not prove easy, quick,
or entirely successful. The British troops blocked the main roads and patrolled
them. But they did not find or destroy a single mobile launcher. They ended up
in gun battles with Iraqi troops. The SAS lost something like two dozen men.
Five were part of a group that got separated from the others and ended up
freezing to death in the February cold. All of the men risked their lives, with
incredible determination and bravery, in an operation to secure the safety of
Israel’s civilian population. And I have no doubt that the outcome, like the plan,
would have been almost identical if we had done it ourselves.
And it did have an effect. As I’d told Prime Minister Shamir when briefing
him on our attack plan, the very fact of a military presence on the ground made
a dramatic difference. The number, accuracy and impact of the Scuds dropped
off steeply. A few missiles kept coming, however. Since we did not yet have a
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fully detailed picture of the progress of the SAS action, skeptics and hawks in
the cabinet were inclined to see a glass half-empty. They continued to press for
Israeli military action.
In a rare public statement, I tried to reassure the country we did have a
military option, but also to urge restraint. I pointed out that the number of Scuds
had begun decreasing. Though the threat had not been eliminated altogether, we
had “very good operational plans” that would be “carried out when and if the
Israeli government instructs us to implement them.” Yet I added a caveat. “On
the political level, fingers are itching to carry out operations which, in our
opinion, can remove the threat. But in the complex situation created by this war,
neither anger, hurt, nor itchy fingers can replace rational thinking.”
The American ground invasion did turn out to be swift and decisive. In
Israel, Scud attacks continued for a few more days. But the last two missiles fell
in the Negev before dawn on February 25, among the very few to cause neither
casualties nor damage. We turned out to have been right in our pre-war
assessment about the number of missiles: around 40. Fortunately, the casualties
were far fewer than we’d anticipated. Not 120 dead, but fifteen, only one of
whom died directly because of a missile blast. The other deaths were the result
of understandable panic: the misuse of gas masks or the gas antidote drug
atropine, or from respiratory and cardiac failure. The physical damage,
however, was far greater than I’d anticipated. Buildings were destroyed. Cars
were crushed. Glass and debris flew everywhere. In financial terms, the cost ran
to hundreds of millions of dollars. The true impact was greater: on families who
saw the destruction not only their homes, but a lifetime of prized possessions.
For Holocaust survivors in particular, there was the almost unimaginable terror
of having to huddle in sealed rooms for fear of gas. And all Israelis had
experienced a new sense of vulnerability to a faraway enemy whom they
couldn’t see nor, apparently, stop.
* * *
I was due to become Israel’s 14 th chief-of-staff at the start of April, barely a
month after the last Scud attack. As the handover drew nearer, I felt fortunate,
in a way, to have missed out on the job four years earlier. Not only had Dan
excelled as ramatkal. I’d benefited from his range of experience, his judgment,
and his trust as well. We had worked together truly as a team.
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I was grateful not only to Shamir for naming me chief-of-staff, but to Rabin
and Misha. Both had honored the assurance Yitzhak had given me that I’d be
Dan’s successor. I also discovered Misha had played an even greater role than
I’d assumed. I knew there would be other candidates for the job. The strongest
turned out to be Yossi Peled, who was the head of the northern command and
possessed the undoubted credentials to be an excellent chief-of-staff. What I
hadn’t been aware of was the sentiment among some in the Likud that I was the
wrong choice politically. Not only had been born on a Labor kibbutz. There was
the small matter of the article in Hadashot several years earlier, imagining me
as a Labor leader going head-to-head in a future election against Bibi
Netanyahu for the Likud.
Yossi was assumed to be more of a Likudnik, and a few weeks before Dan
left office, I learned how Misha had rebutted the suggestion I was politically
unfit to lead the armed forces. He was visiting the north and was taken aside by
a group of Likud activists who asked how he could possibly be thinking of
supporting Barak – a Labor guy – for chief-of-staff. At first, Misha didn’t reply.
But one woman kept pressing him.
“Do you have children in the army?” he asked.
“Yes. I have a son in the Golani Brigade,” she replied proudly.
“So let’s assume your son is going on a raid across the border. Would you
want his company to be led by the best commander in the battalion? Or by a
commander who’s Likud?”
“The best commander, of course,” she said.
To which Misha said: “Well we do, too.”
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Chapter Fifteen
On the morning of April 1, 1991. I got up even earlier than usual, to visit the
graves of the men who had lost their lives in my battalion in the Yom Kippur
War. I also went to pay my respects to Uzi Yairi, killed when he’d rushed from
his desk in the kirya to join the Sayeret Matkal attack at the Savoy Hotel. Then
Nava and I drove to Jerusalem. At Israel’s national military cemetery on Mount
Herzl, we stood before the resting place of Nechemia Cohen, Yoni Netanyahu,
Dado, and Avraham Arnan. From there, we went to the Prime Minister’s office.
With Dan Shomron and his wife looking on, Shamir presented me with my third
star and formally made me chief of staff.
For years, I’d developed the habit of carrying around a notebook in which
I’d jot down thoughts on things I thought that the Israeli military, and I as an
officer, could have done better: errors, oversights, and how we might fix them.
In the weeks before becoming ramatkal, I’d filled dozens of pages on issues
large and small I hoped to address as the commander of the armed forces. A lot
of them dealt with what I sensed was an erosion of cohesiveness in the army,
and, since ours was a citizen military, a fraying of the relationship between the
army and Israeli society. To some degree, this was inevitable in a country now
nearly 45 years old: developed economically and free of the kind of existential
threat we’d faced in the early years of the state. But the political divisions over
the war in Lebanon, and morale-sapping need to quell the violence on the West
Bank and in Gaza had further strained our unity of purpose.
Militarily, we were now indisputably strong enough to defeat any of the
Arab armies, even if they launched a joint attack as in 1973. Our most important
overseas ally, the United States, was committed to helping us retain that
position – what both we and they called Israel’s “qualitative edge” – in the
interest of our security and their own. But we were facing a series of new,
unconventional challenges. One of them, which had come on to Dan Shomron’s
and my radar over the past year, was Iran. Though geographically distant, it was
potentially the most serious in the longer run, as Dan himself warned Israelis in
his final interview as chief of staff. Iran was likely to become even more
assertive regionally now that the Gulf War had weakened its neighbor and rival,
Iraq. We also knew, from our intelligence sources, that the Iranians were
making preliminary efforts to develop a nuclear weapon.
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Yet the most immediate security concerns were right next door. In Lebanon,
Hizbollah fighters were being armed and financed by the Iranians and by Syria
as well. They were mounting increasingly effective operations against the
Israeli troops we’d left in the security zone. Even closer to home, Palestinian
attacks on both troops and civilians, though on nowhere near the scale of the
first months of the intifada, showed no sign of ending. I had my own views on
both. In Lebanon, I still believed we should pull out all our troops and focus our
security arrangements on what really mattered: protecting the citizens of
northern Israel. As for the lessons to be learned from the intifada, my view that
we needed a political dialogue had inadvertently become public, from remarks I
made in Moshe Dayan’s honor at a memorial event a few months before
becoming chief of staff. “We are currently in a struggle with the Palestinians – a
long, bitter and continuing struggle,” I said. “A people cannot choose its
neighbors. But we will have to talk to the Palestinians about matters, especially
about issues that are vital to them.”
Still, I was the commander of the armed forces, not a politician. Though all
chiefs of staff had political influence, if only as part of the decision-making
process on all major security questions, making policy was for our elected
government. My main focus was on how to improve the military’s fitness to
respond. I’d lived through, and more recently fought in, all of Israel’s wars. I
felt that we had yet to apply some of the critical lessons from those conflicts.
Leading tanks into battle against the Egyptians’ deadly Sagger missiles in 1973,
and a decade later watching whole Israeli armored columns stalled and attacked
by small bands of PLO fighters or Syrian commandos in Lebanon, had hardened
my conviction that Israel needed a leaner, more mobile army, with more
specialised strike units, as well as more easily targeted, less vulnerable weapons
systems. I wanted to shift the emphasis to weaponry that relied on Israel’s
strengths in new technology, invention and engineering. In a sense, this was the
macroscopic equivalent of one of the guiding principles of Sayeret Matkal:
brains, not just brawn.
While cost-saving wasn’t the catalyst, I did realize that a change in strategy
would mean a change in how we allocated our resources. When Israel bought its
first Mirage jets from France in the 1960s, they cost about a million dollars
apiece. The price tag of an F-16 was now closer to fifty million dollars. The cost
of a tank had increased tenfold. I wasn’t going to deprive the air force of stateof-the-art
aircraft, key to our ability to fight and win a war. But while we still
needed a strong armored corps, it was important to realize that units like the
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new air mobile division we’d planned to use against Saddam’s Scud launchers
were likely to be a lot more important than tank formations in future conflicts.
Six days into the job, I called together every officer in the army, from the
rank of lieutenant-colonel up. I said we needed to remind ourselves of the
army’s purpose: to protect Israel’s security and, if a war came, to win it. My
budgetary rule of thumb over the next four years would be simple: anything that
didn’t directly contribute to that mission was expendable. In fact, I put it a bit
more bluntly: “We need to cut anything that doesn’t shoot.”
My first attempt failed utterly. I proposed to close, or sell off, the army’s
radio station, Galei Tzahal. Running it cost serious money. If we were going to
cut everything that didn’t shoot, it was an obvious candidate. But what I failed
to take into account was its popularity with the listening public. Although other
radio stations had opened recently, for many years it had been the only major
alternative to the state-funded Kol Yisrael. It also provided a training ground
and employment feeder for future journalists. Galei Tzahal’s alumni included
some of the country’s top media figures, and more than a few members of the
Knesset. Within weeks, a lobbying effort was underway to “save” the station. I
went to see Misha. He agreed that, from a military and budgetary standpoint,
closing it was the right thing to do. But in an early lesson in how different
politics were from the army, he told me that politically, it simply wasn’t going
to fly. “Drop it, Ehud,” he said. So I did.
Still, I did end up fundamentally retooling the armed forces during my time
as chief of staff. We developed agile new strike forces and high-precision, hightech
weapons systems with “stand-off” munitions designed to be fired from
many miles away. In the 1973 war, and for the decade or two that followed,
Saggers, and the US-made TOW missiles that Israel acquired after the war, had
the capability to transform a battlefield. Now, Israeli developers came up with
small, ground-launched missiles that could take out a tank from five to 10 miles
away, even without a direct line of sight to the target. Of even more long-term
military significance, I pushed ahead with developing pilotless drones – socalled
UAVs – making us the first army in the world to produce and deploy
them.
Yet for a security challenge like the intifada, even the most advanced standoff
munitions or UAVs offered no practical answer. The latest stage in the
violence involved knife attacks by Palestinians against Israeli civilians, both on
West Bank settlers and inside Israel. Days after I took over, a 26-year-old from
Gaza, wielding a butcher’s knife and shouting Alahu Akhbar, killed four people,
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including a kindergarten teacher, in Jerusalem. On the morning of May 24,
1992, a 15-year-old Israeli schoolgirl named Helena Rapp was on her way to
catch the bus to school south of Tel Aviv, when another Gazan stabbed her to
death. To the extent Israelis were looking for someone to blame, there were
obvious candidates. The army, the primary defense against the intifada, was
one. The police even more so, since many of the attacks were now taking place
inside Israel. And in ugly rioting after Helena Rapp’s murder, bands of Israelis
took to the streets, some of them yelling: “Death to the Arabs”. Still, most
people understood that criticizing the army or the police, or going on a rampage
against “the Arabs” – hundreds of thousands of whom were Israeli citizens and
had lived among us since the birth of the state – would not help. Most, in fact,
placed the blame, and lodged their hopes, with the government.
By the time of the next election, in June 1992, the combination of Palestinian
violence and the still-traumatic memories of Saddam’s Scuds, left Israelis
doubtful that Shamir could fulfil the most basic responsibility of government:
ensuring their day-to-day security. Labor had once again placed its electoral
fortunes in the hands of Yitzhak Rabin, following Peres’s several failed
attempts to lead the party back into power. Knowing that Rabin had a record of
military command unmatched in Israeli politics, Labor strategists did not so
much need to convince voters as to reinforce their fears and frustrations. One of
the campaign slogans, a direct appeal to the anger over the stabbing of Helena
Rapp, was “Get Gaza out of Tel Aviv!” Labor ended up gaining five Knesset
seats, and now had 44. The Likud lost eight and was left with only 32.
That meant that my last three years as chief of staff would be with Rabin
back as Prime Minister – and, like Ben-Gurion before him, as Defense Minister
as well. He and I had been in touch only occasionally since his departure from
the unity-coalition government two years earlier. But I had, of course, spoken
with him after my appointment as ramatkal, in which he’d played an important
part. Though he was 20 years older than me, our relationship had become
steadily closer over the years, especially when I’d worked with him as Defense
Minister. In some ways, we were alike. We’d both been forged by Labor
Zionism. We were career military officers, uncomfortable with flights of
political rhetoric and convinced that Israel’s security and its future depended
less on words than on action. In large groups especially, both of us tended to be
men of a few words. Over the next few years, we would become even closer,
speaking not only in the kirya or at Yitzhak’s office in Jerusalem, but also, with
Nava and Leah, around the dinner table at Rabin’s apartment in Tel Aviv.
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* * *
But there were times of crisis, and high tension, as well. Only five months
after the election, Rabin and I faced one of the most painful periods during my
entire time as chief of staff. It began with the gruesome death of five Sayeret
Matkal soldiers during a training exercise in the Negev desert. I’d made
preventing such accidents a top priority. By the end of the 1980s, they were
claiming as many as 80 lives a year. During Dan’s tenure, we’d brought the
number down to about 35. But I knew we had to do more. When I’d addressed
the officers after becoming chief of staff, I told them: “Parents are giving us
their children in order to allow us to protect the country. They know there is risk
involved. But they expect their children not to be brought home in coffins
because of our own negligence, or stupidity.” What happened at the military
base of Tze’elim in the Negev on November 5, 1992 was not only a reminder of
how far we still had to go, however. It occurred during a dry run for an
operation unlike any that Israel had ever considered. For that and other reasons,
it would erupt into a major political controversy.
Though the reason for the exercise was meant to have remained a closely
guarded secret, foreign newspaper reports in the weeks after the training
accident made secrecy impossible. We were planning to infiltrate a Sayeret
Matkal unit into Iraq, and to kill Saddam Hussein.
The Gulf War had blunted any immediate threat from Iraq. But Saddam had
proven he could launch missiles into the heart of Israel. We knew from our
intelligence reports that, in addition to his unabated desire to acquire nuclear
arms, he retained facilities to produce chemical weapons. He was trying to
acquire and develop new biological weapons. In fact, the Iraqis had actually
acknowledged a biological weapons program to UN inspectors, claiming it was
for “defensive purposes.”
The idea for an attack on Saddam had first been raised a year earlier, when
my former Sayeret Matkal comrade, Amiram Levin, asked to see me. He was
between military postings, but had come up with the outline of a plan he felt
would allow us to isolate Saddam during a public appearance and kill him. With
my approval, he and a small group of officers in the sayeret began working
further on the idea, with the initial aim of seeing whether it was really workable.
Since Misha was still Defense Minister, I briefed him on what we were doing. I
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also briefed Rabin after the election. At that stage, there was no discussion of
whether we actually would, or should, target Saddam. I asked Misha, and then
Yitzhak, only whether such an operation might seriously be considered by the
government. If not, I said, we’d drop it. Both replied that we should go ahead
with the planning and preparation. The November 1992 exercise was intended
as a final test of its viability – before deciding whether actually to do it.
A few weeks earlier, Rabin and I had talked through the arguments for and
against. The arguments against it were obvious. Yes, in the past we had
abducted, or even killed, leaders of groups involved in terror attacks. But we’d
never contemplated targeting a head of state. Crossing that line risked being
seen not just as attacking a dictator with a record of ruthlessness and murder at
home, and aggression towards Israel, but long-accepted norms of international
relations. The arguments in favour began with the fact that Saddam was a
meglomaniacally ambitious dictator. He had also fired missiles on our towns
and cities. He retained the capability to arm them with chemical warheads,
possibly biological agents, and conceivably a nuclear warhead in the future.
Both Rabin and I agreed there were two key tests of whether an attack would be
justified: was it was the only realistic way of confronting the threat from Iraq,
and would killing him end, or at least exponentially reduce, that threat.
Though there was no final decision at our meeting, Rabin was clearly
inclined to go ahead. An Israeli TV program two decades later unearthed a
summary of the discussion, written by his military aide. “The Prime Minister
approves the target... This is an operation we should go for when the probability
of success is very high,” it said. “Thus, we have to build the operational
capability in the best possible way, and continue preparations.” In another part
of the record, Rabin is quoted as having defined the elimination of Saddam as a
“meaningful objective” with implications for “the very security of Israel.” He
added: “I do not see anyone similar to him in the Arab world.”
I, too, was on balance persuaded we should do it. In the years since, I’ve
sometime reflected on what happened with Saddam still in place: the 2003
invasion of Iraq, led by the younger President Bush, the tens of thousands of
lives lost, the trillions of dollars spent on a war without any clear end, and the
near-disintegration of Iraq. But with the complexities of Iraq then and now,
there can be no simple answer to how the situation would have changed if we’d
killed Saddam. Our view, based on detailed intelligence analyses, was that the
likely result would have been a fairly rapid takeover by a few top security and
Baath Party figures and that, while the new Iraqi leadership might try to retaliate
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with terror attacks, a major military response was highly unlikely. Saddam’s
successors were never going to be Zionists. But we were persuaded that his
uniquely central role meant the threat to Israel would be dramatically reduced.
I’m much less sure whether the elder President Bush, whose election defeat
to Bill Clinton came just two days before our final exercise in the Negev, would
have agreed with the attack. After the victory in the Gulf War, Bush had
deliberately stopped short of sending American forces on to Baghdad. He was
also vice-president, under Reagan, when Israel had bombed Saddam’s nuclear
reactor – an attack publicly condemned by Washington. I did ask him some
years ago whether the Gulf War might have been handled differently if Israel
hadn’t taken out Saddam’s nuclear program a decade earlier. “What if he’d had
a couple of crude nuclear devices,” I said. President Bush smiled in response.
He said he didn’t deal with “hypotheticals.”
Yet any idea of an Israeli attack on Saddam became instantly irrelevant once
foreign media reports had disclosed the reason for our ill-fated military exercise
in the Negev. Inside Israel, the focus, and the controversy, shifted to the
accident itself.
The foreign media reports of the operation we were planning proved
remarkably accurate. Some of the details still remain classified, but we were
going to use one of our new “stand-off” weapons systems: a camera-guided
missile that could be fired from a considerable distance away and, in
coordination with one of the Sayeret Matkal soldiers nearer in, maneuvered in
for the strike. After months of planning and intelligence work, we were
confident that we’d found a way to get the sayeret unit into Iraq, target Saddam
at an event we knew he would be attending, isolate and kill him with minimal
danger of any other casualties, and get our unit out safely again. The Negev
exercise was a run-through of the entire operation. It lasted nearly 48 hours. And
it culminated in a simulation of the missile attack on Saddam.
I was there as an observer along with Amnon Lipkin, my deputy chief-ofstaff;
as well as the head of military intelligence, the head of operations and
Amiram Levin. We assembled at dawn for the simulation of the missile attack.
We watched from a few hundred yards away as a group of young Israeli soldiers
walked into a wide area in front of us: posing as Saddam” and his entourage.
We – and they – knew that this was just the first part of the exercise. In a Land
Rover more than five miles away, a member of the sayeret strike unit would be
confirming coordinates and, in rapid succession, “firing” two of the precision
missiles. But this was just to confirm that the targeting system had worked
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perfectly. No missiles would actually be shot. This stage was for the telemetry.
Once that was done, the soldier-actors would be replaced with wooden targets
and the real munitions would be tested.
The young soldiers stated chatting to one another, and milling about,
simulating as best we could the circumstances in which we expected to target
Saddam if the operation got final approval. In theory, within a minute, two
minutes at most, we would get word that the preliminary mock-firing sequence
had gone perfectly – at which point the artillery-range targets would be brought
in for the live test. But suddenly, there was an explosion. A split second of
silence. Then pandemonium. There was no need to know, and no time to
wonder, what exactly had gone wrong, or how it had been allowed to happen. It
was obvious to all of us that the live missiles had been fired. We sprinted
forward. When we got to the group of soldiers, we could see that four of the
young men were dead. Another was fighting for his life. Several others were
also wounded.
A sayeret medic and several senior officers were trying to save the most
badly injured man, but I knew I needed to get military doctors and medical
evacuation helicopters in immediately if we were to save the lives of the injured
soldiers. I had a mobile phone, but couldn’t get a signal. I ran toward a slightly
higher area a few dozen yards away and managed to get through to the kirya. I
issued orders for the nearby training base in Tze’elim and an air force near
Beersheva to dispatch helicopters to treat and evacuate the wounded.
We heard the first chopper about 25 minutes later, but it seemed initially
unable to see us, because it flew on before returning and landing two minutes
later. By that time, a medical team from the base in Tze’elim had arrived. Ten
minutes later, two other medevac choppers landed. But the soldier who had
been worst wounded could not be saved. After the doctors had been there about
20 minutes, I again retreated to the area where I could get a mobile signal, and
phoned Rabin to tell him what had happened. We agreed I should come back to
brief him in detail. It was now about 50 minutes since the missiles had hit. The
wounded were all being treated. One of the helicopters had taken off for
Beersheva Hospital. Another two, including a heavier Sikorsky transport
helicopter, were preparing to leave. I arranged for Amnon, military intelligence
chief Shmuel Arad and me to return to the kirya. I told Amiram to stay until he
had confirmed all the injured had been evacuated, and talk to everyone involved
to get a preliminary idea of why and how the tragedy had happened.
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When I got back, we immediately met with Rabin and agreed on the need to
launch a formal investigation. Rabin then asked me to brief the “editors club”, a
group of about 15 media figures that operated on a gentleman’s agreement that
there would be no publicity or leaks. He believed we should not make public the
fact that I and other generals were there when the accident occurred. At this
stage, we still hoped to hide the purpose of the exercise if possible, something
Rabin knew would be harder if it was known the top military leadership had
observed the exercise. When I briefed the editors’ club, I did tell them in
confidence that I’d been there. Though not specifying the reason for the
exercise, I told them it was for a major operation. The time-honored
understanding was that this information would go no further. But it did,
presumably at first because of leaks by Israeli journalists, then in a series of
detailed reports in the foreign press. Even more frustrating on a personal level,
some of the Israeli reports insinuated that far from giving the editors the full
story of who had been at the Negev exercise, that I’d tried to hide my presence
in order to protect my reputation or shirk responsibility.
Two official inquiries followed: the one we’d agreed with Rabin and a
standard army legal investigation. They found the cause of the tragedy to be a
mix of fatigue after some of the soldiers had spent nearly 48 hours awake,
pressure, confusion and negligence. Astonishingly, it turned out the codeword
for the mock-firing of the missiles in the first stage of the exercise was the same
as for the live missiles. Formal charges were brought against two Sayeret
Matkal officers, and reprimands issued to Amiram Levin and Uri Saguy. I was
also subject to criticism because, due to the unique complexity of the plan, I’d
put Amiram and senior officers within Sayeret Matkal in charge of different
aspects of the preparations. This was viewed as possibly reducing the clarity
over who was ultimately responsible for each aspect of the planning. Neither I,
nor of course Rabin, had played a direct role in what went wrong in the exercise
itself. To the extent I’d been involved, it was to make sure the medical teams
were helicoptered in, and that the injured soldiers were cared for and evacuated
as soon as possible. But politically, the tragedy at Tze’elim would dramatically
resurface for both me and Rabin several years later – after I’d left the military
and was on the verge of joining his government.
I was getting to know Yitzhak much better. The Defense Minister’s office in
the kirya was just down the hall from mine. Almost without fail on Friday
afternoons, he’d ask me in to chat before going home. We would sit around a
low table in the corner of the room, each of us sipping coffee, or sometimes
beer, and Rabin invariably puffing on a cigarette. He never raised questions of
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party politics. But we talked at length about Israel’s immediate security
concerns, as well as the country’s longer-term challenges in finding its place in
more stable, peaceful Middle East. How, over time, we might manage to
extricate ourselves from the escalating violence with Hizbollah; reach a landfor-peace
deal with the enigmatic President Hafez al-Assad in Syria; and find
some form of coexistence with the Palestinians.
He also spoke about international politics. I remember one afternoon in the
summer of 1992 when he mentioned the then US presidential candidate Bill
Clinton. He’d met Clinton for the first time in Washington, after two days of
talks with President Bush at his summer home in Maine. Rabin was naturally
more comfortable dealing with Republicans. Almost all his experience in public
life – as a military officer, ambassador to Washington, Defense Minister and
Prime Minister – had coincided with Republican administrations. The irony was
that he would go on to forge a much closer relationship with President Clinton
than between any previous Israeli and US leader. But his first impression was
more skeptical. “Clearly, Clinton is very intelligent,” he said. “He is
surprisingly sharp politically for someone his age. But also, I fear, a little bit too
slick.”
* * *
We did not have long to focus on the lessons and implications of Tze’elim.
For weeks before the training accident, a crisis had been building in south
Lebanon, with a sharp escalation of the now-familiar mix of clashes inside our
“security zone” and cross-border rocket attacks. Hizbollah was now armed not
just with Katyushas but Saggers, American-made TOW anti-tank missiles and
an increasingly sophisticated array of roadside bombs. A combination of
Hizbollah attacks and “friendly fire” incidents or firearms accidents involving
our troops meant that Israelis were still dying in Lebanon a decade after the
formal end of the war. It was demoralizing for the Israeli public, for the soldiers
who we rotated into the security zone and for the government as well. The
difficulty was that it was also a situation that perfectly suited Hizbollah.
In late October, a Katyusha rocket had claimed the life of a 14-year-old boy
in the northern Israeli town of Kiryat Shmona. Hizbollah escalated its rocket
fire in the days that followed, forcing tens of thousands of residents into their
shelters. Predictably, there was pressure from Likud politicians to hit back hard.
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Raful Eitan, who had founded a small right-wing party called Tsomet, went
further. He called the attacks “an act of war” and said we should “respond in
kind.” We did move troops and tanks to the border. But my view, which Rabin
shared, was that a major ground operation would risk miring ourselves more
deeply without fundamentally improving the situation. Hizbollah was the kind
of nonconventional enemy I had in mind when I’d taken stock of Israel’s
changing security imperatives on becoming chief of staff. It was a small force,
entrenched and well armed, increasingly supported by Iran and Syria. Its tactics
rested on quick-hit attacks on our soldiers in south Lebanon. Far from fearing
military retaliation, Hizbollah knew that short of a 1982-scale war – and maybe
even then – it would survive. It also didn’t care whether Lebanese civilians died
in the crossfire. In fact, like the PLO fighters who had controlled the area before
1982, Hizbollah deliberately fired into Israel from civilian areas.
Neither Rabin nor I had abandoned the idea of a large-scale military
operation at some point, particularly if the cross-border rocket fire didn’t
subside, which for a while it did. But we were determined that, if and when we
did decide to strike, we would avoid anything on the scale of the 1982 war. It
would have to be with a clear, finite and achievable goal.
That point finally arrived in the summer of 1993. In addition to renewed
Katyusha strikes, there was a series of deadly Hizbollah attacks in the first two
weeks of July inside the security zone. Each used what was becoming the tactic
of choice: a remotely detonated bomb by the side of the road on which our
military vehicles were travelling, followed by an ambush of soldiers who
survived the blast. Six Israelis had been killed in all, making it the largest
monthly toll in three years. When I went to see Rabin with our plan for a
military response, I recognized the risks. It would be the largest military
operation in Lebanon since the war. But I believed we could limit civilian
casualties, and that it was the only approach that might lead to a significant
reduction in the missile attacks on northern Israel. I began with the assumption
that, left to its own devices, Hizbollah would have no incentive to stop firing.
Since the two Arab governments with the potential to rein in the attacks –
Lebanon’s and above all Syria’s – were showing no interest in doing so, we had
to find a way to hold them to account.
The operation I proposed was intended to send a message to Beirut and
Damascus. It would not be a ground invasion as in 1982. Most of the attacks
would be from the air, in two stages. The first would target Hizbollah, both in
southern Lebanon and in the Bekaa Valley further north, near the border with
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Syria. We could halt at that stage, in the unlikely event Hizbollah showed signs
of de-escalation. But if it didn’t, the air strikes would intensify. The aim was not
target the nearly 250,000 Lebanese civilians who lived in the immediate border
area. It was to use our attacks, along with leaflet drops and radio messages, to
encourage them to flee north. My assessment was that this would bring pressure
on the Lebanese government and, through the Lebanese, on the real power in
Lebanon, the Syrians. I doubted Damascus would respond directly by telling
Hizbollah to cease fire. I did believe they’d be ready to engage with American
efforts to stop the fighting, and that Rabin and the government could then secure
terms we were prepared to accept.
On July 25, we began our heaviest air strikes since 1982. Far from producing
a sign of a climb-down by Hizbollah, it responded with intensified rocket fire.
We escalated over the following 24 hours, but still with no indication of any
change from Hizbollah. So as planned, we expanded our bombing to wider
areas of south Lebanon. Sadly, some Lebanese civilians were killed, which I’m
sure was a much greater cause of concern to us than to Hizbollah. Thankfully,
however, the majority fled north. In south Lebanon, this meant that our jets and
artillery had much greater freedom of operation against Hizbollah, which had
now lost its human shields. In Beirut, a government suddenly overwhelmed
with the need to provide shelter for the large number of refugees from the
fighting did press Syrian President Assad to help bring it to an end. Critically,
the new Clinton Administration, especially Secretary of State Warren
Christopher, reinforced that message.
Our military operation lasted just a week. It did not end Hizbollah attacks on
Israeli troops in the security zone, something I think even most Israelis were
coming to realize was impossible as long as our soldiers remained in Lebanon.
But the rocket attacks on northern Israel did stop, with very few exceptions, for
a period that lasted nearly two years.
The intifada, however, had not stopped. Nor, as I knew from my increasingly
frequent meetings with Rabin, had the search for a way both to control the
violence, and seek out any realistic prospect of a political path to resolving our
conflict with our Arab neighbors.
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Chapter Sixteen
Rabin had inherited a peace process, put in motion by the Bush
Administration after the Gulf War. But since both Prime Minister Shamir and
our Arab enemies had reasons of procedure, politics or principle to resist the
talks, merely getting them off the ground had required the same combination of
deftness and determination President Bush had brought to assembling his
wartime coalition and defeating Saddam. After a formal opening session in
Madrid, the “bilateral tracks” – between Israel and negotiators from Syria,
Lebanon, Jordan and the Palestinians – had quickly stalemated and stalled.
Yitzhak came to office saying he was not interested in a peace process,
which seemed to him a license for endless talk with no set endpoint, but in
peacemaking. Since I had the good fortune to be part of the informal inner circle
with which he discussed the potential opportunities, pitfalls and frustrations
along the way, I know that he wasn’t assuming we could necessarily achieve a
peace agreement with any of our neighbors. But after the twin shocks of the
Lebanon War and the Scud missiles, he was concerned that Israel would retreat
into a mix of political caution and military deterrence which he rightly believed
was short-sighted. He believed we needed at least to try to seize a “window of
opportunity” with those enemies who were at least open to compromise, if only
because we were facing new threats from enemies for whom talk was not even
an option. An increasingly assertive Iran, with nuclear ambitions, was one. But
the intifada had also thrown up new Palestinian groups grounded not in
nationalism, but fundamentalist Islam: Hamas in Gaza, which opposed Israel’s
presence on any part of “Muslim Palestine,” and Islamic Jihad on the West
Bank. And in Lebanon, we were confronting the Iranian-backed Shi’ite militia
fighters of Hizbollah.
Each of us in the small group on whom Rabin relied for input on the peace
talks brought something different to the mix. In addition to me, there were four
other generals: Uri Saguy, the head of military intelligence; Gadi Zohar, in
charge of civil administration for the West Bank and Gaza; my own former
sayeret deputy, Danny Yatom, who was head of the central command; and
Rabin’s military aide, Kuti Mor. Also included were longtime political and
media aide Eitan Haber, and another trusted political adviser thousands of miles
away: Itamar Rabinovich, our ambassador in Washington and Israel’s leading
Syria expert. But I’m sure we weren’t chosen just for our insights. It was
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because we were people with whom Rabin felt comfortable – a counterpoint, I
suspect, to the old Labor Party rival whom he had made Foreign Minister,
Shimon Peres. Though the two men had grown to respect each another over the
years, Rabin neither trusted, nor much liked, Shimon. In fact, though Peres’s
support inside Labor had secured him the foreign ministry, Rabin had stipulated
that all peace talks would remain under his control.
Yet as I’d discover nearly a decade later, when I was Prime Minister, even
the most carefully planned negotiating strategies were always subject to
setbacks, diversions, or simply what former British Prime Minister Harold
Macmillan once called “events, dear boy, events.” Rabin’s initial plan was not
to start with the Palestinians. He did feel it was essential to try to reach a
political settlement with them. In one respect, the prospects looked slightly
better than before. Arafat’s political position had been weakened: first by an
intifada driven as much by local insurgents as by the PLO in faraway Tunis, and
then by his decision to break with his longtime Gulf Arab financial supporters
and support Saddam Hussein the Gulf War. In 1988, as the entry price for a
formal dialogue with the Bush Administration, he had also agreed to a statement
in which he renounced terrorism and accepted the principle of a two-state peace
agreement with Israel. Still, there remained a yawning gap between the “selfrule”
envisaged in the Camp David accords of 1978 and the Madrid conference,
and the independent state the Palestinians wanted. Negotiations to bridge it were
likely to be fraught and long.
So he’d decided to begin with Syria. President Assad was obstinate, and
publicly opposed to the idea of making peace with Israel. But he’d been in
power for more than two decades and, crucially for Rabin, had lived up to the
few, indirect agreements Israel had made with him. The substance in any
agreement, though politically difficult, was also more straightforward. We knew
what Assad wanted: the recovery of the Golan Heights, in return for the
absolute minimum level of political normalization with Israel. We knew what
we wanted: security guarantees and assurances regarding water resources, and a
full and final peace treaty. For Rabin, there was an additional attraction in
beginning with Syria: if we did reach a deal with our main Arab enemy, the
pressure would intensify on the Palestinians to follow suit.
The dramatic turn of events that ultimately forced him to change tack began
in January 1993 in the sitting room of a villa outside Oslo, at an ostensible
“academic seminar” convened by the Norwegian diplomat Terje Larsen. It
included two Israeli academics with personal ties to prominent Palestinians:
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Yair Hirschfeld, and the historian and former Haaretz journalist Ron Pundak.
Three PLO officials were there, led by Arafat’s closest economic aide, Abu
Ala’a. Though both of the Israelis were friends of Yossi Beilin, a protégé of
Peres and our deputy foreign minister, even Peres didn’t know about the
meeting until Yossi told him the following day. Rabin knew an hour later. I first
learned of it from Uri Saguy, after Unit 8200 intercepted Arabic-language
traffic concerning a briefing the Norwegians had given their Arab contacts. At
first, even Peres was skeptical that the paper agreed at the “seminar” – calling
for international aid to the West Bank and Gaza on the scale of the Marshall
Plan, and an initial Israeli withdrawal limited to Gaza – would lead to serious
negotiations. But Rabin authorized follow-up sessions in mid-February, late
March and again in April. Our intelligence teams continued to provide detail,
and occasional color. Uri Saguy and I even began to use the Arabic shorthand,
from the intelligence reports, for the two Israeli academics. The burly, bearded
Yair Hirschfeld was “the bear”. The slighter Ron Pundak was “the mouse”. Yet
the main political impetus in driving the process forward came from two men
who were not there: on our side, Yossi Beilin, and for the Palestinians, Arafat’s
trusted diplomatic adviser, and eventual successor, Mahmoud Abbas, or Abu
Mazen.
Since Rabin knew I was following the ostensibly secret talks, we discussed
them often. For quite a while, he remained dismissive. He believed the chances
of a breakthrough were remote. He was also suspicious of the involvement of
Peres and Beilin, whom he called “Shimon’s poodle”. And he deeply distrusted
Arafat. The PLO had been founded with the aim of “liberating” every inch of
Palestine. The fact that Arafat had agreed to the Bush Administration’s demand
to accept the principle of land-for-peace struck Rabin as mere sleight-of-hand.
By the third Oslo meeting, it was clear that the Palestinians were open to an
agreement that would fall well short of “liberating Palestine”. Still, Rabin was
leery. He tried briefly to return the focus to the stalemated Madrid-track talks
with the Palestinians. Yet when, with obvious PLO encouragement, the
Palestinian negotiators stood their ground there, he seemed almost resigned to
supporting Oslo. When we discussed it, he used a battlefield metaphor. “When
you have to break through, you don’t necessarily know where you’ll succeed.
You try several places along the enemy’s lines. In the sector of the front where
you do succeed, you send in your other forces.” It was a matter of “reinforcing
success.”
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“It’s the opposite in this case,” I replied. “In a battle, the enemy is doing
everything it can to stop you. When you break through, it’s against their
resistance. Here, the other side will choose to make it easiest for us in the place
it prefers. If Arafat thinks he’ll get more from the Bear and the Mouse than from
the other talks, it’s hardly a surprise we’re finding that only Oslo seems to offer
a way forward.”
Rabin did make one more move, not so much in a bid to end the talks in Oslo
as to slow them down and create a context more favorable for the kind of
agreement he wanted. He shifted his attention to his original peacemaking
priority: the Syrians. In an effort to remove a roadblock to even beginning
serious talks, he offered the Americans what they would later call his “pocket
deposit.” He authorized Secretary of State Warren Christopher to tell Assad that
Washington’s understanding of our position was that, assuming all our own
negotiating concerns were addressed, we accepted that peace with Syria would
include withdrawing from the Golan. The formula was agreed in a meeting in
Israel between Rabin and the Clinton Administration’s Middle East negotiator,
Dennis Ross. Rabin didn’t tell Peres or other ministers about it, though Itamar
Rabinovich did know. I did as well. Since acceptance of the need for a
withdrawal had security implications, Rabin and I talked about it in detail
before Ross’s visit. We formulated the “deposit” together. We used an English
acronym: IAMNAM, “if all my needs are met.” The point was to convey to the
Syrian president that if he addressed our requirements for a demilitarized zone
and early warning facilities; non-interference with our critically important water
sources; as well as a full peace including embassies, open borders and joint
economic projects, we knew the trade-off would be to return the Golan.
It was by diplomatic accident that the Syrian overture went nowhere. The
reason even the Americans had called our proposal a “pocket deposit” was that
it was to be kept in the Christopher’s pocket, to be pulled out as an American
understanding of our position if he felt it might lead to a breakthrough. Our
intelligence accounts of the Christopher-Assad talks, however, suggested it had
been presented as a straight message from Rabin to the Syrian president, giving
it the status of Israel’s new, formal opening position in negotiations.
The distinction may seem minor. But for Israel, it mattered greatly. In any
agreement with Syria – or, indeed, the Palestinians – there was bound to an
imbalance. Both parts of a “land-for-peace” exchange were important. But land
was not just the more tangible asset. Once given up, short of resorting to all-out
war, there was no going back. The “peace” part of the equation was more
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difficult. Genuine peace, and trust, would inevitably take years to reach fruition.
That was no mere academic problem in a conflict where, for decades, our
enemies had defined Israel’s mere existence as illegitimate. The reason for
Rabin’s reluctance to have his “deposit” presented as a set negotiating position
was that it meant dealing away our only card – territory – before the hard
questions about peace had been answered. When he phoned Christopher, I don’t
think I’ve ever heard him as angry. That was not what we agreed, he insisted.
He said it had spoiled any prospect of serious negotiations on the peace side of
the balance. Christopher didn’t agree there had been any real damage, nor that
Assad had failed to understand the context.
It might not have changed things anyway, since by this stage, the Oslo talks
had almost completed a draft agreement. In mid-August, Rabin gave Peres the
go-ahead to initial this “Declaration of Principles.” It provided for a period of
interim Palestinian self-government; the start of a phased Israeli withdrawal
from Gaza and the West Bank with the creation of a Palestinian police force to
deal with internal security; and a commitment to reach a full peace agreement
within five years. In early September, ahead of the formal signing of the Oslo
declaration, there was an exchange of “letters of recognition” between Arafat
and Rabin. Arafat’s letter also renounced “terrorism and other acts of violence”
and declared invalid “those articles of the Palestinian Covenant which deny
Israel’s right to exist.” A few days later, the signing ceremony was hosted by
President Clinton in Washington. Thus emerged the famous photo of Rabin and
Arafat shaking hands, on either side of Clinton, who was beaming, arms
outstretched in conciliation. They say a picture is worth a thousand words. In
this case, you needed barely a dozen. Rabin’s demeanor, his posture, the look
on his face, all seemed to say: “I would rather be shaking the hand of anyone on
earth than Arafat.” Still, the image was on front pages worldwide. The news
stories spoke of a new spirit of hope. Now that these old enemies had grasped
hands, surely a full peace agreement was within reach.
My feeling, as I watched it on TV in the kirya, was more guarded. I did hope
for peace, of course. I also recognized that the signing on the White House lawn
was just a beginning, and that my role would be to ensure that Israel’s security
needs were met under whatever formal peace agreement might eventually be
reached. And the security omens were hardly encouraging. Despite Oslo,
Palestinian attacks were continuing. Hamas, Islamic Jihad, and other dissident
factions saw Arafat’s concessions as treachery, and were setting out to drive
home that point with violence.
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* * *
Yet as I approached my final year as chief of staff in early 1994, we were
suddenly confronted by an appalling act of Israeli violence: mass murder,
committed by a West Bank settler. Terrorism, no less than the worst Arab
attacks on Israeli civilians. The settler was named Baruch Goldstein, a
physician, who lived in Kiryat Arba. One of the first post-1967 Jewish
settlements, it sat on a hill outside the West Bank town of Hebron. At the heart
of Hebron lay the burial place of the patriarchs and matriarchs of the Jewish
faith: Abraham and Sarah; Isaac and Rebecca; Jacob and Leah. Since Abraham
is also revered as a prophet in Islam and a mosque had stood on the site for
nearly a thousand years, our post-1967 arrangements set out separate times of
worship for Muslims and Jews. Goldstein chose to attack during a holiday
period for both faiths: Purim for the Jews and the Muslim holy month of
Ramadan. He arrived shortly after the Muslims’ Friday prayers began on the
morning on February 25. He was dressed in his reserve army uniform and was
carrying an automatic rifle. He opened fire on a group of nearly 800 Palestinian
worshipers. He had killed 29 and wounded 125 others by the time several of his
intended victims knocked him unconscious and beat him to death.
I rushed to Sde Dov airport in north Tel Aviv, a few minutes from the kirya,
and boarded a helicopter for the old British fort near Hebron, used by the
Jordanians until 1967 and now Israeli headquarters. After visiting the scene of
the killings, I sought out local Palestinian leaders, to voice my condolences and
the sense of outrage I shared over what had happened, and to urge them to do all
they could to maintain calm. I then went to Kiryat Arba and conveyed the same
message.
Our immediate task was to prevent more deaths, on either side. It was a
frustrating, and violent, week. Protests reminiscent of the first days of the
intifada erupted around the West Bank, in Gaza, in east Jerusalem and in several
Arab neighborhoods and towns inside Israel. While I had no trouble
understanding the Palestinians’ anger, I also had a responsibility to prevent the
violence spiraling out of control. We turned to the same tools we’d used at the
beginning of the uprising – though with even greater emphasis on the need for
soldiers to use the only the necessary force to restore order, and to avoid causing
fatalities wherever possible. We closed off the West Bank. We imposed curfews
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on the main West Bank and Gaza towns and refugee camps. We also imposed a
curfew on Kiryat Arba and, for the first time, were given the authority to use
administrative detention orders not just against Palestinians, but specific Jewish
settlers. We arrested about a half-dozen leaders of Kach, the far-right, anti-Arab
political movement founded by the American Rabbi Meir Kahane, of which
Baruch Goldstein had also been a member. Still, there were repeated clashes
anyway – and dozens of deaths as a result – before things finally began to
subside a week or so later.
The massacre had made me feel more strongly than ever that our
responsibility to protect the security of the settlers could not extend to allowing
them to defy the government or the law. The principle would be put to the test
within a few weeks. A settlement near Hebron, called Tel Rumeida, had been
set up without government approval in 1984. As part of the response to
Goldstein killings, Rabin was thinking of closing it down. That prompted a
number of right-wing rabbis to issue a formal religious ruling against any such
action. Rabin called me in to ask whether it would be operationally possible to
dismantle Tel Rumeida and remove the settlers. I said yes, by sending in a
Sayeret Matkal force after midnight, as long as news of the operation did not
leak ahead of time. “We’ll take over the area, close it off and get control.”
Given the tensions in the wake of the massacre, I did add that I couldn’t promise
that our soldiers would hold fire. “There are people in there with weapons,” I
said. “If someone shoots at them, they will shoot back.”
“Should I do it?” he asked me. Maybe I should have given him an answer.
But I didn’t feel it was my place to add to the pressures around what was clearly
a finely balanced call, especially since my inclination would have been to tell
him to go ahead. I said it was something only he could decide. “What I can tell
you is that we can do it.” When I left, my sense was that he was sufficiently
angry over what had happened in Hebron that he felt it essential to draw a line –
the line of law – over what settlers were allowed to do. But the Passover holiday
was now a couple of days away. I think what happened is that he realized the
operation would not be possible until after the holiday period. By then, he was
concerned he would have lost the clear political logic for moving against Tel
Rumeida. The settlement has remained in place, a flashpoint in the conflict
between settlers and Palestinians in the area around Hebron.
The wider repercussions, and the controversy, from the massacre
reverberated widely. Rabin and his cabinet immediately decided to establish an
inquiry, under Supreme Court Chief Justice Meir Shamgar. It would look into
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every aspect of the killings – including any failings by the army, the Shin Bet,
the police or other authorities that might have allowed the tragedy to happen.
The commission interviewed dozens of witnesses, Israeli and Palestinian, in 31
separate sessions. I knew early on that the inquiry would throw up difficult
issues. I was especially upset to learn that two soldiers and three border guards
scheduled for guard duty at the mosque had shown up late on the morning of the
killings. By the time I testified in late March, the inquiry had heard from a range
of senior and local commanders and individual soldiers. A picture had emerged
of a series of security breakdowns, equipment malfunctions, oversights and
confusion around the site where the murders took place.
I did not try to dodge the fact that security lapses around the Cave of the
Patriarchs that day had contributed to what happened. In addition to the fact that
the guard unit was not at full strength until after the murders took place, several
of the security cameras weren’t working. I acknowledged that if the cameras
and the guards had done their job, at the very least some lives might be have
saved. Yet I also made the point that this specific act of mass murder was
something the army could not have anticipated. I told the commissioners to
remember that they were judging things after the fact. They knew how the
tragedy had ended. In the context in which we were operating, the prospect of
an Israeli settler, a reserve soldier, walking into a place of worship and
deliberately killing defenseless Palestinians had come as “a bolt from the blue.”
The commission’s report did not apportion blame to any of the army officers
or commanders. But an inescapable conclusion from the testimony of the many
witnesses was that the way in which we’d become conditioned to viewing the
settlers had blinded us to the kind of crime Goldstein had committed. Even
before I testified, I’d been disturbed to hear soldiers saying that even if they had
seen him shooting a Palestinian, their orders were not to open fire on a settler,
so they wouldn’t have intervened. When asked about this by the commission, I
said it was a fundamental misunderstanding of our rules of engagement. “In no
case is there, nor can there be, an army order that says it is forbidden to shoot at
a settler even if he is shooting at others... A massacre is a massacre. You don’t
need special orders to know what to do.”
Yet I also knew that the soldiers’ “misunderstanding” was all too
understandable. As I acknowledged to the inquiry, the army on the West Bank
and Gaza was predisposed to see Palestinians who were carrying weapons as
potential terrorists, especially since the outbreak of the intifada. The settlers, by
contrast, were assumed to be carrying arms in self-defense. One lesson I took
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from the massacre was that the mix of Jewish settlers, some of whom felt they
were on a messianic mission to resettle all of Biblical Israel, and restive
Palestinians who wanted sovereignty and control over their own lives was
potentially toxic, for both sides. Ideally, the process which had begun with Oslo
might start to disentangle it, though I remained far from confident that anything
resembling full peace would come any time soon.
* * *
Rabin, and even more acutely Shimon Peres, believed it was important to
press ahead with the opening phase of the handover of Israeli authority mapped
out by Oslo. In May 1994, a draft of the so-called “Gaza and Jericho First”
agreement was completed. Once it was ratified, the five-year interim period
would begin, with further withdrawals and parallel negotiations on the
“permanent status” of the territories. In this first step, Israel would transfer civil
authority in Gaza Strip and the Jordan Valley town of Jericho to the
Palestinians, and local security would be in the hands of a newly created
Palestinian police force.
My primary concern, and my responsibility, was the security provisions in
the agreement, since the Israeli army retained its role in charge of overall
security. When I went to see Rabin a few days before the cabinet meeting to
approve the Gaza-Jericho agreement, I told him I was worried that it left room
for potentially serious misunderstandings, friction and even clashes on the
ground. There was no clear definition of how our soldiers would operate
alongside the new local police in the event of a terror attack, violence by Hamas
or Islamic Jihad, or, for that matter, a car crash involving an Israeli and a
Palestinian. He agreed this needed to be addressed, although it was clear he
intended to do so with Arafat, via the Americans, not by reopening and delaying
the formal agreement.
But I had a deeper concern about the entire Oslo Agreement, which I also
now raised with Rabin. I did not doubt the importance of reaching a political
agreement, and ideally a peace treaty, with the Palestinians. But I’d now read
the Oslo Declaration in greater detail, and discussed it with lawyer friends of
mine. I’d also re-read the 1978 Camp David framework on which the self-rule
provisions were based. The endpoint was pretty clear, just as it had been at
Camp David: Palestinian authority over the West Bank and Gaza, defined as a
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“single territorial unit” under Oslo. In essence, and very probably in name, this
meant a Palestinian state. I wasn’t opposed to that in principle, if it was in return
for a full and final peace. But the Oslo process meant that we would be handing
back land, and control over security, in an ever-larger portion of territory before
we’d reached any so-called permanent-status agreement. In fact, before we even
knew whether that would prove possible. It wasn’t “land for peace.” It was land
for the promise, or maybe only the hope, of peace. It was the same problem
Yitzhak had faced over the Americans’ misuse of our “pocket deposit” on the
Golan. I realized that, having come this far with Oslo, neither he nor the
government was likely to back away from approving the Gaza-Jericho accord.
But he did say he thought the points I’d raised were important, which I took as
meaning he was comfortable with my raising it with the cabinet.
I spoke near the end of the four-hour cabinet meeting to ratify the Gaza-
Jericho plan. The ministers seemed attentive as I ran through the security
concerns I’d raised with Rabin, even nodding when I compared the agreement’s
security provisions to “a piece of Swiss cheese, only with more holes.” But then
I said that I wanted to say a few words which I recognized were beyond my
responsibility as chief of staff. “I’m speaking just as an Israeli citizen,” I told
the cabinet, “and as a former head of military intelligence.” Referring to specific
provisions in Oslo, and in the Camp David framework agreed by Begin and
Sadat 15 years earlier, I said it was important for ministers to realize that, even
though permanent-status issues were yet to be resolved, “you will be taking us
nearly the whole way toward creating a Palestinian state, based on the
internationally accepted reading of Camp David.” The reaction to my comments
was a mix of defensiveness and hostility. In the latter camp were ministers from
Rabin’s left-wing coalition partners, Meretz, who seemed especially angry
when I quoted from Camp David. The Prime Minister motioned them for calm.
“Ehud had a responsibility to talk about security questions, and we had a
responsibility to listen. As for his additional remarks, they are not a surprise to
me,” he said. “He made these points to me, and I said he could repeat them here.
It is right that he should raise them.” He said there was no need for ministers to
agree with me, but that it was proper that the points I’d raised should be heard.
Many clearly didn’t agree with me, or simply believed the Gaza-Jericho
agreement still had to be ratified, which it was. But my remarks did lay the
groundwork for my objection to the next, more far-reaching stage in the Oslo
process barely a year later. By then, I was no longer chief of staff. I was a
member of Rabin’s cabinet.
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* * *
It was still my responsibility to ensure that Gaza-Jericho was implemented,
and that the initial withdrawals and redeployments went ahead smoothly. And
they did. But I also was soon playing a part in a renewed effort by Rabin to use
the momentum of Oslo to achieve peace agreements with our other Arab
neighbors: the Syrians, although he knew that would be tough, and first the
Jordanians. I would always have had some role, by virtue of the need for a chief
of staff to weigh in on security issues. But as Yitzhak had done from the start,
he involved me and others in his inner political circle in wider discussions on
the whole range of negotiating issues. Especially after Oslo, he seemed
determined to keep Peres’s role to an absolute minimum.
No peace talks are ever completely straightforward, but the process with
Jordan was very close to that. The main issues on the Jordanian side involved
ensuring a proper share of scarce water supplies; and dealing with Israel’s de
facto control of a fairly large area near the southern end of our border. A
number of kibbutzim and moshavim were farming the land there. But under the
post-1948 armistice, it had been allocated to Jordan. Israel’s priorities were to
put in place a fully open relationship of peace and cooperation, and to get
assurances Jordan would not allow its territory to be used by Palestinian groups
to launch terror attacks.
I was struck by how much more easily compromises can be found if you
truly trust the party on the other side. From my earlier meeting with Hussein in
England, before the Gulf War, I’d been impressed by the king’s thoughtful and
measured, yet warm and open, demeanor. That, in itself, inspired trust. But ever
since 1967, even in times of high tension, Israel and Jordan had kept open secret
lines of communication, and both sides had generally demonstrated a shared
desire, and ability, to steer clear of conflict. The main trade-off in the search for
a formal peace turned out to be not too difficult. We agreed to ensure water
provision, and to accept Jordanian sovereignty over the 1949 armistice area, in
return for which the king allowed the Israelis who had been working the land to
stay in place as lessees. On the final Wednesday of October 1994, near our
border crossing in the Arava desert, I watched as Rabin, King Hussein, and
President Clinton formally seal the full “Treaty of Peace Between the State of
Israel and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan.”
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Syria was always going to be harder. But Rabin had moved past his anger
over the “pocket deposit”, and we began a new effort via the Americans. Our
aim was to lay out a comprehensive, staged proposal to trade nearly the entire
Golan for peace. With Rabin, Itamar Rabinovich and the rest of the team, we
put together a framework limiting Syria’s military presence on the Heights. We
envisaged phasing out the restrictions as Syria took steps toward the kind of
peace which had proved possible with Egypt and Jordan. But indirect exchanges
in the autumn of 1994 produced little progress. In December, Rabin proposed to
the Americans that I meet with a Syrian representative, and President Assad
agreed. Later that month, I was sent to Washington for talks with Syria’s
ambassador, Walid Muallem. With the Americans’ Mideast envoy, Dennis
Ross, as host, we met in Blair House across the street from the White House.
I began by explaining the security provisions we envisaged for the Golan,
which included early-warning provisions, force limitations and other means of
safeguarding Israel against any surprise attack. Muallem’s response was
formulaic, almost icy, with no indication he was ready to discuss any of the
specifics, much less offer ideas of his own. But then Dennis led us out into the
garden, where the atmosphere, if sadly not the weather, was a bit warmer. I told
Ambassador Muallem I believed Israel’s issues with Syria ought to be
resolvable. Both sides understood the broad terms of an eventual peace. But we
needed a context of trust in which to negotiate. President Assad, and we as well,
were always going to be reluctant formally to commit ourselves to a position
until each side was be satisfied that the other side understood its core needs.
Politically, both sides also faced constraints. “In formal meetings, a record is
taken and negotiators have to explain and justify every last word back home,” I
said. “I think our negotiators can get further in conversations like the one we’re
having now.” Though Muallem nodded agreement, he did not explicitly say he
believed that informal exchanges were the way forward. Still, he did obviously
pass back a broadly positive message to Damascus. Before the Blair House
discussion, our understanding had been there would probably be a kind of
mirror arrangement for a follow-up meeting: between our ambassador in
Washington, Itamar Rabinovich, and a high-ranking army officer from the
Syrian side. Instead, we received word that Assad wanted me to meet directly
with General Himat Shihabi, who was not only my counterpart as Syrian chiefof-staff
but Assad’s oldest and closest political ally and the effective numbertwo
man in the régime.
General Shihabi and I met over a period of two days at Blair House. He had
greater authority, and thus a greater sense of self-assurance, than the
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ambassador. But not for the last time in negotiations with Syria, any real
progress was blocked by an apparent combination of misunderstanding and
miscommunication. The discussions were lively. Shihabi had served as Syria’s
liaison officer with the UN force set up along the cease-fire line after the 1948
war. “Go check with the UN,” he said at our first meeting. “You’ll see almost
all the exchanges of fire in the late 1950s were provoked by Israel.” I didn’t
respond directly, though I did note it was the Syrians who had tried to divert
water from the Jordan River in the early fifties. “You did it first,” he retorted.
So it continued. Only later did we learn that while Muallem had sent back a
generally encouraging impression from our garden talks, and his conclusion that
Israel was ready for substantive talks, he had neglected to convey our
expectation that any early progress would occur in informal exchanges. The
result was probably to raise General Shihabi’s expectations, which made him
reluctant to show any real engagement. After a phone call with Rabin after our
first day of talks, I became equally cautious. He agreed that we wanted to avoid
a repeat of our experience with the Golan “deposit”. We did not want to put
concessions on the record before we got an indication that the Syrians were
genuinely ready for peace talks.
Still, the fact that we’d established the precedent of a “chief-of-staff
channel” was a step forward. My successor as ramatkal, Amnon Lipkin, would
meet again with Shihabi in early 1995.
* * *
I was confident Amnon was inheriting an army stronger, better prepared and
better equipped than at any time since the Six-Day War. We also had peace
treaties not only with Egypt, but now Jordan, and none of the substantive issues
with the Syrians seemed insurmountable.
But the main security challenges were the unconventional ones. In the long
term, a resurgent Iraq, and very likely Iran, might make strides towards getting
nuclear weapons. There was every sign that Hizbollah in Lebanon; and Hamas,
Islamic Jihad and their supporters in Gaza and the West Bank, would escalate
violence and terror. As the negotiations with Jordan were entering their final
phase in early October, a further Hamas attack – this one, a kidnapping – had
brought home that threat. On Sunday, October 9, Hamas men dressed as
Orthodox Jews abducted an off-duty soldier named Nahshon Wachsman near
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Lod. Two days later, Israeli television received a videotape showing the 19-
year-old, hands and feet bound, pleading for his life in return for the release of
the founder of Hamas, whom we had arrested and jailed in 1989. “The group
from Hamas kidnapped me,” he said. “They are demanding the release of
Sheikh Ahmed Yassin and another 200 people from Israeli prison. If their
demands are not met, they will execute me on Friday at 8 pm.”
As soon as we got word he was missing, I spoke to Rabin. Since we assumed
he was being held in Gaza, I ordered a unit from Sayeret Matkal to head south
and co-ordinate efforts to locate him with the Shin Bet and the southern
command. But it gradually became clear he might be much closer to where he’d
been seized. The Shin Bet got a description of the kidnappers’ car, and found it
was a rental that had been picked up and returned in east Jerusalem. They
tracked down the man who rented it. A little before dawn the morning of
October 14, barely 12 hours before the Hamas deadline, Shin Bet established
that Wachsman was being held in a village on the road to Ramallah, north of
Jerusalem, in a house owned by a Palestinian who was living abroad.
The hostage soldier’s ordeal was made even worse by the fact his mother,
Esther, was a Holocaust survivor, born in a displaced-persons camp in Germany
at the end of the war. Rabin had been ready to approve a rescue attempt from
the outset, assuming we could locate Wachsman and come up with a plan that
might work. But as with Entebbe, he said that if we couldn’t be reasonably
confident of success, we would negotiate. Now that we knew where
Waschsman was being held, I ordered Shaul Mofaz, the commander with
responsibility for the West Bank, to prepare for a possible rescue.
Before going to brief Rabin, I arranged for another commando unit to begin
visible preparations for an operation in Gaza, in an effort to reassure Hamas we
still believed he was being held there. Assuming we could retain the element of
surprise, there were several things working in our favor. The house was
relatively isolated. It was in an area where Israel, not the incipient Palestinian
authorities, still had control. And Sayeret Matkal had expertise and experience
in this kind of mission. Still, no plan could be foolproof. I told Rabin that the
fact Hamas was holding a single hostage meant that if our assault teams were
delayed for any reason at all, the kindappers might kill him before we got in.
But I said we had to weigh the risks of not acting. We were no longer trying to
find a missing soldier. We knew where he was. We had a unit ready. Unless
Hamas relented, he was facing death within hours. In those circumstances, the
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precedent of doing nothing would, in my view, be very serious. I recommended
that he approve the operation, and Rabin agreed.
I attended the final briefing shortly afterwards. I was impressed by the
determined faces of the men in the two sayeret teams. One of the officers was
23-year-old Nir Poraz, whom I remembered from operational briefings in the
kirya on previous sayeret missions. Wachsman was being held in a room on the
first floor. The commandos would simultaneously detonate explosives on three
doors: at the front, on the side, and a third one leading through a kitchen to the
room where the kidnappers had their hostage. The attack began fifteen minutes
before the Hamas deadline. The explosive charges went off, but only the one in
the front blew open the door. Poraz and his team rushed in, but one of the
kidnappers opened fire, killing him and wounding six others. The other team
had by now made it to the first floor. But despite firing at the metal lock, they
had trouble getting the door to open. By the time they got in, Wachsman had
been killed, shot in the neck and chest.
I was in the command post a few hundred yards away. I called Rabin and
then went to see him in the kirya. The head of personnel for the army had gone
to see the Wachsman family and break the news to them. Now, we had to tell
the country. Rabin and I appeared on television together. Rabin insisted –
wrongly – on saying he bore full responsibility. What had gone wrong, I had
tried to impress on him, was not the decision to attempt the rescue. It was the
rescue itself. That was not his responsibility. It was mine.
The next day, I visited Wachsman’s parents, and tried to convey how painful
the failed rescue was to me, Rabin and every one else involved. I was inspired
and humbled by their response. His father had told a reporter he wanted to
convey his condolences to the parents of Nir Poraz. “This added loss has shaken
me terribly,” he said. He told me he also believed that the Prime Minister had
approved the rescue using his best judgement on the information that he had
available. I spent time separately speaking to Mrs Wachsman. I tried to explain
that in fighting an enemy like Hamas, people who not just threaten to kill but
had proven they had no hesitation in doing so, I’d felt there was no choice but to
attempt the rescue. I admitted we’d known the risks. But we’d tried to do the
right thing, both for the country and her son. I think she understood, though I
knew that nothing could alter the terrible sadness of her loss. The pain would
take years to heal. Some part of it never would. Still, I felt it was important she
and her husband know that we, too, felt their loss. For years afterwards, Nava
and I continued to visit them.
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By then, however, I was no longer chief of staff. In fact, barely ten weeks
after the kidnapping, I handed over to Amnon Lipkin. I left the kirya proud of
all I had sought to accomplish during my 36 years in uniform. I also realized
there had also been failures and setbacks, none more painfully fresh than our
inability to rescue Nahshon Wachsman. But I was about to find that the area of
Israeli life which I now chose to enter – national politics – could be a battlefield
as well. And that when trouble hit, even your allies sometimes ducked for cover.
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Chapter Seventeen
It was an ambush. It came in July 1995, six months after I’d left the army
and only days before I was expected to named as Interior Minister in Yitzhak
Rabin’s government. The effect, and clearly the intention, was to threaten my
political career before it had even begun – by reviving, and lying about, the
tragic training accident at the Negev army base of Tze’elim, during our
preparations for the operation against Saddam Hussein.
When the “story” broke, I was nearly five thousand miles away. I was
accompanying Nava’s brother, Doron Cohen, on a business trip he was making
to China – and savoring my last few days as a private citizen between my three
decades of military service and my entry into politics. I’d got a hint of the storm
that was about to engulf me a few days before we left for the Far East. It was a
letter from a reporter at Yeidot Achronot, Israel’s largest-selling newspaper,
with a list of questions about Tze’elim. The thrust of the questions made clear
the case Yediot seemed intent on building: that after the live missile strike
which killed the Sayeret Matkal men, I had abandoned the injured and
immediately “fled” to Tel Aviv. I probably should have answered the letter. But
I assumed even rudimentary checks would reveal the story to be false. I’d had
similar questions from a TV journalist a few months earlier. I did phone him
back. I explained the true details of what had happened. I suggested he talk to
others who were there, like Amnon Lipkin, the current chief of staff and my
former deputy, to confirm my account. The story was dropped.
But Yediot evidently decided not to let the facts get in the way of the
“exclusive” it ran in its weekend edition on July 7. Under a banner headline – an
undeniably clever Hebrew pun, Ehud Barakh, “Ehud Ran Away” – it accused
me of having stood by, paralyzed with shock, when the missiles struck and then,
as other officers tended to the wounded, rushed away by helicopter.
Doron and I were having dinner in Beijing when Nava phoned. She’d just
seen the newspaper story, and read it to me. I’d never been angrier. As best I
could work out, it had been concocted from a patchwork of accounts long after
the fact. To the extent the notion of my “fleeing” had been raised, I could only
imagine that Yediot’s “sources” had misunderstood the arrival of the first
medical helicopter, when the pilot was unable to see us and flew on before
returning a couple of minutes later. But in every single detail about my actions
after the tragedy occurred, it was a pure and simple lie.
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I was not just angry, but frustrated at my inability to rebut the story in
person. Doron and I immediately made arrangements to return to Israel early,
which, since there was no direct air connection, meant finding the first flight out
through London. But before we left, Nava phoned again, almost sputtering in
fury. She told me that she’d just received a call from Aliza Goren, Rabin’s
media spokesperson. “Does Ehud know about the Yediot story?” she’d asked.
When Nava said yes, Aliza told her: “It is important that Ehud knows that we
are not going to get involved in getting him out of this.”
Welcome to politics, I thought. Rabin knew that the story was untrue. I’d still
been in Tze’elim when I’d phoned him about what had happened. He knew I’d
remained there to order in the medical helicopters and arrange for the
evacuation of the wounded before returning to brief him. Still, he did not say a
single word in public – nor, for that matter, speak to me – as the controversy
continued to gather force.
During our stopover in London, I sat with Doron and talked through how to
get my voice heard. I telephoned Yoni Koren, the officer who’d been my top
aide in the kirya and whom I’d asked to work for me in the Interior Ministry,
assuming I now actually got there. I told him to phone Amnon Lipkin and say
that I had expected him to answer the fabrications. Not only had he and I been
at the site of tragedy together. We’d left together, on the same helicopter.
Amnon did now issue a statement saying that he knew Yediot’s allegations were
wrong. But the story had been allowed to stand for too long. His rebuttal caused
barely a ripple.
As I read the latest Israeli newspapers before landing in Tel Aviv, I found
that at least I wasn’t totally on my own. Reporters had been phoning politicians
for comment. Most responded like weathervanes, going with the prevailing
wind, which was gusting against me. But three Knesset members dissented. One
was Ori Or, a friend even before we’d both gone into the army, and who had
now joined Labor. The other two were leading members of Likud: Dan Meridor
and Benny Begin, Menachem Begin’s son. All three said they were sure the
allegations were false. Did they know the details about the accident, they were
asked. No, they replied, they didn’t need to. They knew me.
Now all I had to do was convince the rest of the country. It had been nearly a
week since the Yediot’s “exposé”. It was Yoni Koren who passed on a request
from Channel 1 television, our equivalent of the BBC. They were proposing that
I appear with Nissim Mishal, the man who had interviewed me 10 years earlier,
at the urging of Rabin’s political aide, on my first TV appearance. For Mishal,
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the interview would be a journalistic coup. For me, it was a risk. He was a
famously combative questioner, a bit like Sam Donaldson at White House
briefings, or Jeremy Paxman and John Humphreys in Britain.
On the night of July 13, I drove to the television studio in Tel Aviv. Mishal
confronted me with Yediot’s version of events. I was angry, and showed it.
“This report was not some night editor’s mishap,” I said. “It was authorized by
the highest levels of a mass-circulation newspaper which is power-drunk,
corrupted by power, and manipulative. The so-called ‘story’ was an amateurish
and distorted depiction of a chief-of-staff who sees wounded soldiers, turns his
back, deserts them and flies away. That is an evil, vain falsehood.” As Mishal
pressed me about the allegation that I had fled, I cited, by name, other officers
who had been there with me and had confirmed precisely the opposite. I had left
Tze’elim, along with Amnon Lipkin, a full 50 minutes after the missiles struck,
I said. And only after the helicopters had arrived, the injuries had been treated
and the choppers were evacuating the wounded. “A chief of staff’s job is not to
treat the wounded, when others are doing that already,” I added. My
responsibility was “to keep my head, and ensure a safe and speedy medical
evacuation.” That was what I’d done. “I’ve given years of my life to serving this
country,” I said. “I have been shot at. I have shot men dead from as close as I
am to you now. How did the hand that wrote these things against me not
tremble?”
It was certainly high drama. But it was not an act. The way that I’d gone
after Yediot prompted some pundits to suggest my skin was too thin. One
commentator even said I was obviously not suited to politics. Yet what mattered
most to me was what the rest of Israel felt: people who were not reporters or
editors, commentators or politicians. Opinion polls the day afterwards showed
that something like 80 percent of Israelis believed what I’d said. I think this was
only partly due to the details of the argument I made. When you’re under such
close, direct scrutiny, I’m sure viewers have an innate sense of whether what
they are hearing is the truth.
Almost as soon as I’d got home from the interview, the phone rang. It was
someone who, of course, already knew it was the truth: Yitzhak Rabin. “Ehud,”
he said, “you did well. Let’s move forward.”
* * *
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I later worked out why he’d wanted to steer clear of the whole thing. Yediot
had been planning the story for months. It had been ready to go with it earlier,
when it was assumed I would be joining the government as early as April. The
editors had held it to coincide with my arrival as a minister. That, I suppose,
was simply what newspapers did. But it turned out that at least two influential
Labor politicians had played a part in steering Yediot toward the story, and
urging the newspaper to run with it: Haim Ramon, a veteran party figure and
cabinet minister, though he’d quit the government the year before over the
party’s failure to follow through on health-policy reform; and Shimon Shevess,
one of Rabin’s top advisers. Ramon would later say that they hadn’t wanted to
“kill Barak” as a new minister. “Just fire some bullets at this legs, so he’ll enter
politics with a limp.” It was a way of cutting me down to size.
I suppose that was understandable. I was by no means the only former
general to enter Israeli politics. Other chiefs-of-staff had gone on to play
prominent roles in government: Dayan, Motta Gur and, of course, Rabin. But
the fact that I was going directly into the cabinet, and so soon after leaving the
army, was seen by the Israeli media – and a number of Labor politicians – as a
reflection of my close relationship with Rabin. Some commentators had even
been speculating I might eventually be a candidate to succeed him as party
leader and Prime Minister.
It was true that Rabin had personally urged me to join the government,
starting with a lighthearted remark only days after I’d ended my term as chief of
staff. It was at a farewell organized by my staff. The event began with film clips
from my years in the army, and a series of entertaining cameos from men I’d
served with and led. Rabin spoke at the end. He said he’d recently been on an
official visit to South Korea. He’d met the president, who told him he was the
first Korean leader not to have been an army general. Rabin said he’d replied
that he was the first Israeli Prime Minister who was a general. Then, smiling
and looking straight at me, he added: “Nu, Ehud?”
I did want to join his government. But I had been in the army since the age
of seventeen and was now in my early fifties. For my family’s sake, as well as
my own, I had figured on taking a year or two to explore other things. Two
options appealed to me especially. One was business. My brother-in-law, in
addition to having a successful law practice, was involved in a number of
business ventures, and we’d discussed areas we might jointly explore. But I had
also received offers from think tanks in the United States.
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Despite Rabin’s quip about ex-generals and Prime Ministers, I was surprised
when, a couple of days later, he asked me to come see him. He smiled as I
entered his office. Then he said: “Ehud, now that you are out of uniform. I
would be glad to see you come into politics, together with us, and be a member
of the government.” He said he’d discussed it with Peres. “It’s a joint
invitation.” Though I did, of course, say yes, I also told him I was planning to
take some time off, probably at first with a think tank in the US. Though I
wasn’t exactly sure about the legal provisions for officers leaving the army, I
reminded him that there was a set period of time during which they could not
enter politics. He replied, a bit enigmatically, that he would be sending an
“operative” to talk to me further about the timing.
The operative was Giora Einy, a uniquely important figure in Labor because
he was trusted both by Rabin and Peres. I liked him immediately. Throughout
my years in politics, I would come to rely on him for his experience, good
humor and good judgement. He did know about the rules for former army
people going into politics: there was a 100-day moratorium. “Rabin wants you
immediately,” he said. “I guess we’ll tell him that ‘immediately’ will have to
mean sometime in April.” In fact, I told Giora that I’d hoped it would be much
longer. So we agreed that in order to give me at least a few months in the US,
he’d tell Rabin he could get in touch at any time from March 1996 with his
invitation to join the cabinet. As soon as he did so, I would formally cut my ties
with the military, meaning I could join the government in the summer.
Nava, the girls and I left for Washington in January. I joined the Center for
Strategic and International Studies and was given the delightfully overwrought
title of Distinguished Visiting Statesman and Senior Associate. The reason the
CSIS had invited me was to write and speak on the Middle East. About two
months in, I presented a paper. I began by welcoming the constellation of
changes which seemed to offer at least an opportunity for stability, security and
peace: the unravelling of the Soviet Union; the Oslo Agreement; the peace
treaty with Jordan and the continuing talks with the Syrians. As long as we had
partners committed to reaching an agreement, I believed Israel would be ready
“to consider major compromise and to take upon ourselves significant
calculated risks.” But with a frankness which seems surprising even to me in
retrospect, I delivered much the same message as I had to ministers on the
potential dangers inherent in the Oslo process as we moved forward.
I pointed out that Arafat had made no move to rein in groups like Hamas,
and that more Israelis had actually been killed by terror since Oslo than in the
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year before. “We signed a three-phase contract with Arafat,” I said. “Try to
imagine one of you selling me three pieces of property. If I fail to pay for the
first one on time, you might not immediately cancel the contract. You might
even be ready to help me collect the necessary money. But you would never
proceed to deliver the second property before I paid for the first one, unless you
were a fool.” I also warned of longer-term dangers: “terrorism, radical Islamic
fundamentalism, the proliferation of surface-to-surface missiles and weapons of
mass destruction, and threats to the long-term stability of the more pragmatic
Arab regimes.” I singled out Iran, because it was determined to export its brand
of fundamentalism Islam, sponsor terror and develop a nuclear weapon.
I also accompanied CSIS colleagues on speaking engagements to other
American cities. I was about to board a flight to Seattle in April when I got a
message saying Rabin wanted to talk to me. After we took off, I used the onboard
phone facility and, with a swipe of a credit card, was soon on the line to
the Prime Minister. Since the exchange was in Hebrew, I’m fairly sure anyone
overhearing me had no idea what we were talking about. “I need you to come
back as soon as possible,” Rabin said. I already knew, from Giora, that he was
anxious to find a long-term replacement as Minister of Interior. The leading
light in the Sephardi religious party Shas, Arye Deri, had had to leave the post
under allegations of bribe-taking. After Rabin had taken on the portfolio himself
four 18 months, he had placed Labor’s Uzi Baram there, but only as a
temporary arrangement. I didn’t feel I could refuse outright. But I reminded him
that under army rules, “as soon as possible” still meant another 100 days. And
ideally, I said I wanted to finish the best part of a year in Washington. I asked
whether it would be possible to join the cabinet in the middle of November
instead. “What difference will a few more months make?”
Rabin said he needed me now, and that mid-November would be too late.
“Ehud, in politics, you can never predict what will happen by then.” Neither of
us could have known how terribly prophetic his words would turn out to be.
* * *
I was not only new to cabinet politics. I wasn’t even a member of the
Knesset. But in addition to naming me as head of a major ministry – in charge
of everything from citizenship and immigration to planning, zoning, and the
funding of local government – Rabin made me a member of his “inner cabinet”
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on security and foreign affairs. Barely three weeks after I joined the
government, we had to decide on the most important agreement with the
Palestinians since Oslo. Dubbed Oslo II, it involved a major transfer of
authority and territory. The process would begin with our pulling out from more
than a quarter of the West Bank, including the major Palestinian towns and
some 450 smaller towns and villages. After that, there would be three further
redeployment phases, at six-month intervals, in so-called “Area C” of the West
Bank – a mix of unpopulated land, settlements and a number of points we’d
designated as strategically important. Under Oslo, and its parent agreement
Camp David, it was all part of ensuring the Palestinians could exercise their
“legitimate rights” in the “single territorial entity” of the West Bank and Gaza –
in other words, a path to statehood. But only by the time the final three phases
of redeployment were complete were we required to begin the “permanentstatus”
talks on issues like land and borders, Israeli settlements, the future of
Jerusalem: the real core of a peace agreement.
By the time I joined the discussions on Oslo II in August 1995, the main
points had already been agreed. Rabin was in favor, as were virtually all the
cabinet ministers. Whatever scant influence I might exercise would have to
come at the decisive cabinet meeting, set for August 13. From the objections I’d
raised to the Gaza-Jericho deal as chief of staff, Rabin knew I’d be concerned
not only to ensure the security provisions avoided potential misunderstandings
on the ground, but about the longer-term implications, especially since the scale
of the Israeli withdrawals was much larger this time. In fact, the agreement
could be interpreted as requiring us to cede Palestinian control over virtually all
of Gaza and West Bank by the end of the third redeployment phase –quite
possibly before talks on the permanent-status questions had even begun.
I went to see Rabin a few days before the cabinet vote. I explained why I
thought the agreement was flawed. I argued we should either delay some of our
redeployments or bring the permanent-status negotiations forward. He listened
to me. He barely spoke. He knew I’d be against Oslo II, and knew the reasons
why. But we both knew something else: having been brought into government
by Rabin, I would be expected, on a vote of this importance, to be in his corner.
The cabinet vote wasn’t happening in a political vacuum. Likud’s defeat in
1992 had meant the end of Yitzhak Shamir’s leadership. The new Likud leader
was the former Sayeret Matkal officer with whom I’d shared a newspaper cover
in 1986 predicting that he and I would end up facing each other at the ballot
box: Bibi Netanyahu. Positioning himself as the fresh young face of Israeli
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politics and vowing to defeat Labor, Bibi had seized on Oslo II to accuse Rabin
of “surrendering” to Arafat, and by extension to Hamas terrorism.
I couldn’t sleep the night before the cabinet meeting. I had no desire to be
disloyal to Yitzhak. I certainly didn’t want to add to the pressures on him, much
less add further impetus to Bibi’s rhetorical onslaughts. But the more I thought
of it, the less I could see the point of entering politics if I wasn’t going to vote
with my conscience. The cabinet meeting lasted for hours. It was near the end
that I spoke, calmly and in detail, about my reservations. Many of the ministers
seemed barely to be listening. They’d long since made up their minds. But when
I’d finished, two ministers passed me notes. Both said the same thing: Ehud,
don’t do anything crazy. Don’t vote against it. So I didn’t. But I couldn’t vote
for it either. I abstained.
Rabin was bitterly upset. He didn’t tell me directly. But when the meeting
broke up, his longtime political aide, Eitan Haber, took me aside to tell me how
that what I’d done was “terrible”. Giora Einy came to see me the next day, after
Rabin had phoned him in a mix of anger and disbelief. “What is this,” he’d
asked Giora. “The first big vote, and Barak abstains?” It wasn’t until a few
weeks later that Rabin and I spoke alone, over a beer in his office. He didn’t
raise the question of the vote. So I did. “Yitzhak, I understand it’s caused you
pain,” I said. “But I think you understand I was acting out of what is genuinely
my belief and my position.” I asked him why, unlike the other ministers, he
hadn’t passed me a note before we’d cast our votes. “Ehud,” he said, “I never
write requests or orders on how to vote. Ministers must vote according to their
conscience.” He didn’t mean what I’d done was right. He meant my conscience
should have told me, given the importance of the issue, to vote yes.
The tension between us did ease somewhat in the weeks ahead. But the
tension around us escalated after the cabinet vote. Opinion polls showed the
country split down the middle. Settlement leaders and extremist rabbis launched
a campaign against the legitimacy of the government, and of Rabin as Prime
Minister. Right-wing religious leaders issued a decree rejecting the planned
redeployments on the West Bank – “the evacuation of bases and their transfer to
the Gentiles” – as biblically prohibited. A new group called Zu Artzenu
organized a campaign of civil disobedience to try to bring the government
down.
The sheer venom hit home during a pair of events I attended with Rabin, to
award of the status of “city” to towns which had crossed the required threshold
in population and economic activity. By tradition, this was marked by a
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ceremony with both the Interior Minister and the Prime Minister present. The
first was in Ofakim, near where I’d worked in the fields with Yigal Garber in
the 1950s. Shortly after we arrived, a group of protestors started shouting at
Rabin. Manyac, they yelled, “maniac”. Boged: traitor. At the second event, near
Haifa, busloads of protestors from right-wing religious schools shouted abuse at
Rabin when he rose to speak.
As the Knesset vote on Oslo II approached, the hatred reached new levels.
The day before, thousands of protesters packed into Jerusalem’s Zion Square.
Some shouted “Death to Rabin!” Others burned pictures of him, or passed out
photos of him dressed in an Arab keffiyeh, or even a Nazi uniform. Bibi had
publicly declared that opposition to the agreement must remain within the
bounds of the law. Yet as he addressed the baying mob from a hotel balcony, he
uttered not a single word of reproach. In fact, he called Rabin’s government
“illegitimate”, because it relied in part on the votes of Israeli Arab Knesset
members.
The day of the vote, the mob descended on the Knesset. Rabin had called a
government meeting beforehand. When I got there, the crowd was so large that
I was taken in through a special security entrance away from the front of the
building. But the Housing Minister, Binyamin Ben-Eliezer, arrived late and
tried to drive through the main gate. Protestors pounded furiously on his car and
tried to break the windows. Our meeting had already begun when he arrived. He
had spent nearly as long as I had in the army, but he was shaken. Interrupting
Rabin, he banged his fist on the table. “I’ve been on battlefields,” he said. “I’ve
been shot at. I know how to read a situation. I saw their faces. It’s insane! It is
beyond anything rational, this kind of hatred.” Pounding the table again, he
shouted: “I warn you. It will end with a murder! It will end with a murder!”
Rabin motioned for calm. He, too, was concerned by the rhetorical violence,
even more so now that it was becoming physical violence. But as he would tell
an interviewer a few weeks later, he simply didn’t believe that “a Jew will kill a
Jew.” Nor, at that point, did I.
After the Knesset vote, which passed by a margin of 61 to 59, plans got
underway for a rally in defense of the peace process, and against the tide of
hatred on the right. It was the idea of two people: Shlomo Lahat, a Likud mayor
of Tel Aviv who now backed Oslo, and a French Jewish businessman named
Jean Frydman, a friend of Shimon Peres whom I had got to know and like. But
in several of the early planning discussions in which I was involved, Rabin was
against the rally, which was to be held in the huge Kings of Israel Square in the
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heart of Tel Aviv. He was worried that not enough people would show up, and
that those who did would be from the left: Meretz, not Labor, people who would
be there mainly to criticize him for not going far, or quickly, enough in pulling
out of the West Bank.
In the end, he was persuaded it should go ahead. In fact, by the time the date
approached – Saturday evening, November 4 – he seemed to be feeling more
energized, and upbeat. I wouldn’t be there, because I was going to New York as
the government’s representative at a fundraising dinner that same night for the
Yad Vashem Holocaust memorial. A few hours before leaving, however, I met
with Rabin. We’d found a 15-minute window in his schedule, but we ended up
talking for an hour. He said he knew that, in some ways, the difficulties
surrounding the peace talks were likely to get worse. Hamas would not abandon
terror. The kind of intolerance we were seeing from the right wing was not
going to go away. He was furious at Bibi, who in his view was hypocritically
going through the motions of calling for restraint and pretending to be unaware
that the mobs were full of Likud voters. “They’re his people,” he said, “and he
knows it.”
But he was relishing the idea of taking on Bibi in the next election, due in
about a year’s time. Though Rabin was trailing in the polls, he was confident of
turning that around once the campaign began. “The main thing is that the party
isn’t focused. We have to get serious about preparing,” he said. He was worried
about the effect of inevitable tensions between his supporters and Peres’s over
how to run the campaign. “Bring back Haim Ramon,” I suggested. I knew by
now that Haim had helped orchestrate the false story which Yediot had run
about Tze’elim. But I also realized he was a Labor heavyweight and that,
although he’d left the government, he remained personally close to Yitzhak.
“Yes,” Yitzhak replied, nodding, suggesting that we talk through the idea in
detail when I returned from New York.
I was in my room at the Regency Hotel, on New York’s Upper East Side,
when the phone rang on Saturday afternoon. I was dimly aware that the Tel
Aviv rally had been going on back home, but was more focused on preparing
my speech for the Yad Vashem event. “Ehud, Ehud!” It was Nava, her voice
barely understandable through the sobs. “Rabin has been shot!”
* * *
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Danny Yatom called me a couple of minutes later. He said Rabin was still
alive. But from the details he gave me, I knew it would take a miracle for him to
pull through. “Three shots, from close range,” Danny said. “From an Israeli, a
Jew.” Like Rabin, like me too until this had actually happened, it was something
Danny was struggling to believe. He said that he’d call me back when he knew
anything more. But I had the TV on in the room. Before he did, I watched Eitan
Haber announce that Yitzhak Rabin was dead.
Although I hadn’t known it until I’d arrived, Yossi Beilin was also in New
York, for meetings and a speech of his own. Though he was a Peres protégé,
and I was seen as closer to Rabin, the two of us had become friends. We
immediately made plans to get the next flight home. But before leaving for the
airport, I phoned Leah Rabin. However inadequate I knew it would be in
helping her even begin to cope with the loss, I told her that my, and Nava’s,
thoughts were with her. That Yitzhak’s death would leave a tremendous hole, in
all of us, in every single Israeli. “They shot him,” she kept murmuring. “They
shot him. They shot him. They shot him.” I called Peres, too. “Shimon, you
have a mountain on your shoulders,” I said. “But your task is to carry on. All of
us will be with you, supporting, helping however we can.”
It was the saddest flight I’d ever taken. Yossi and I barely spoke. Each of us
was deep in thought. I found myself lost in memories of Rabin – from the very
first time I’d met him, in the sayeret, to that last, long talk we’d had in his office
a couple of days earlier. For some reason, I kept wondering whether, when the
shots had been fired, he’d been turning to look behind him. It was an
idiosyncrasy he had, whenever he was leaving a meeting or an event – even, as I
now recalled vividly, when the two of us were leaving the municipal ceremony
in Ofakim. I was behind him as we left. “Ehud,” he said, turning back, “are you
there?” It was a senseless detail. It wouldn’t change anything. But I still felt torn
up inside thinking about it.
After we landed at Ben-Gurion, I went with Nava to the Rabins’ apartment
in Ramat Aviv. There were hundreds of people outside, and nearly a hundred
crowded inside the flat. Leah looked exhausted, her face ashen. “They shot
him,” she said over and over as Nava and I hugged her. “Three shots. In the
back. Why?” I said there was no sane answer, but that with Yitzhak’s death,
Israel seemed different, the world seemed different, and emptier. Before we left,
we added our candles to the forest of flickering memorial lights outside the
apartment block. Then, we drove the Kings of Israel Square. Thousands of
people were huddled in small groups throughout the plaza, sitting around
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thickets of candles and chanting, almost prayerlike, anthems of mourning and of
peace.
For reasons I couldn’t explain, I felt the need to see the place, near the front
of the square, where Rabin had been murdered, by a 25-year-old Orthodox Jew
and settlement activist named Yigal Amir. Standing there with Nava, I felt even
more strongly what I’d told Leah by phone from New York after hearing
Yitzhak was dead: his murder would leave a huge hole – in me, in all Israelis.
He was an extraordinary mix of qualities: a brave officer, first in the pre-state
Palmach and then the new Israeli army; a chief of staff and defense minister at
critical periods in our history. Shy, even at times uncertain or hesitant, and
naturally cautious. Decisive, too, when he felt that he, and Israel, needed to be:
whether on Entebbe, or the prospect, with all its risks, of launching an operation
to kill Saddam Hussein. Humane, too: ready to negotiate with terrorists to save
the lives of those they were planning to kill, unless he was confident our
soldiers could save them first. Underpinning it all was a dedication to fighting
and defeating Isael’s enemies, yet a mindfulness that the real victory, if and
when it was possible, would be genuine peace with our neighbors. He and I had
had differences over particular policies: leaving our troops in Lebanon, for
instance, or more recently the architecture of Oslo. But I never doubted that we
were lucky to have Yitzhak leading Israel on the inevitably fraught road to a
negotiated peace. I never ceased to believe there was no politician more suited
to the role: that he would do everything he could to achieve it, yet would step
back if he saw that he was putting Israel’s security at risk.
On Sunday evening, Peres called a cabinet meeting in the kirya. He said our
task was to continue what Rabin had begun, and that at least for now he would
fill Rabin’s shoes not just as Prime Minister but Defense Minister as well. The
whole country stood still, shocked, until the state funeral two days after the
assassination. It was attended by dozens of leaders from around the world. My
role was to escort King Hussein and Queen Noor. On our drive into Jerusalem,
we passed the Old City walls. We were barely a mile from the stone terrace,
above the Western Wall of our ancient temple, where the golden Dome of the
Rock and the Al-Aqsa mosque stand. I knew Hussein had been there as a boy
when his grandfather, King Abdullah, was shot and killed by a Palestinian amid
rumors he was contemplating peace with Israel. Now, Rabin had been
murdered, by an Israeli. “To me, it’s like the closing of a circle,” Hussein said.
“Those who are murdered because they are not extreme enough. Because they
look for normalcy, and peace.”
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Yitzhak’s murder had acted like a kind lightning strike, freezing Israelis in a
mix of disgust over what had occurred and awareness of the dangers this brand
of hatred and extremism posed. I was concerned the moment would be allowed
to pass. My hope was that we could seize the opportunity to bring together all
those Israelis – on left and right, secular and Orthodox, Ashkenazi and Sephardi
– who were prepared to stand up against the fanaticism, the violent messianism,
of which Yigal Amir was just a part. That was the main reason I wanted Peres
to call an early election, an issue that would be discussed, off and on, over the
next few months. I felt the time was right to present the country with a choice:
not just between those for and against specific compromises being contemplated
in pursuit of peace, but between those who wanted a tolerant, functioning
democracy and those who were ready to use demagoguery and violence to get
their way.
Peres’s first order of business was to put in place a new cabinet. He did,
briefly, consider giving up the Defense Ministry and putting me there. But
instead, he made me Foreign Minister. Like Rabin before him, Shimon
stipulated that he, as Prime Minister, would retain authority over the peace
negotiations. Still, with his agreement, I was involved in all the discussions
around the peace talks, and in meeting many of the Arab leaders we’d have to
negotiate with if we were to find a lasting resolution of the Arab-Israeli conflict.
Just a few weeks after the assassination, I represented Israel at a Euro-
Mediterranean Partnership conference in Barcelona. Its only real diplomatic
work consisted of ironing out the wording of the communique. The real value
was in the corridors, and at the dinner held at one of King Juan Carlos’s palatial
estates, and, for me, a first opportunity to meet not only Arab foreign ministers
but Yasir Arafat.
My first, brief encounter with Arafat began a bit embarrassingly. I’d arrived
a few minutes early for the conference dinner and was led into an impressive
hall that was almost empty except for a wonderfully cared-for royal Steinway. I
sat down to play. Lost in the beauty of a Chopin sonata, I was completely
unaware of PLO leader’s approach behind me. A bit awkwardly, I rose to greet
him. I grasped his hand. “It’s a real pleasure to meet you,” I said. “I must say I
have spent many years watching you – by other means.” He smiled. Our hosts
had set aside time after dinner for the two of us to talk at greater length, with no
aides present. But my hope was to begin by establishing simple, human contact;
to signal respect; to begin to create the conditions not to try to kill Arafat but, if
he shared the same goal, to make peace with him. “We carry a great
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responsibility,” I said. “Both of our peoples have paid a heavy price. The time
has come to find a way to solve this.”
In the half hour we spent together later, I could see that, physically, the Fatah
leader from Karameh was not just older. He had a frailty about him. His skin
seemed almost translucent in places. His hands shook slightly, with the early
signs of Parkinson’s. He spoke softly. But despite this ostensibly vulnerable
exterior, I could see how daunting, and frustrating, he must be a negotiating
partner. Henry Kissinger has described how Mao Tse-Tung, rather than engage
directly in discussion or debate, tended to wrap his remarks in parables. Without
stretching the parallel too far, Arafat was like that. While I tried to engage him
on how each of us might help cement the Oslo process, and ensure that the
interim agreement indeed led to a full peace, he responded with stories, or offtopic
remarks, which I was left to unwrap and decipher.
He began our discussion by saying that now that I was Foreign Minister, he
was glad to meet me. He said that he’d heard “reports” from his intelligence
people that when I was chief-of-staff, I had organized a kind of dissident band
of generals who were working to torpedo the Oslo agreements. He compared
this to the OAS, the military cabal in France that had opposed De Gaulle. I
could only laugh. I told him I’d actually spent two months with OAS men years
earlier, in Mont Louis, but that Israel was different. Even at times of the
toughest of disagreements, we were a family. An “Israeli OAS” would never
work, even if I had been crazy enough to contemplate such a thing. Which, I
hastened to add, I was not.
There was another idiosyncrasy I encountered in Arafat. He was constantly
writing notes as we spoke. I didn’t mind that. But it did strike me as slightly
diluting the kind of frankness and openness I would find in most of the one-onone
meetings I went on to have with foreign leaders as Peres’s Foreign Minister.
Maybe he did it just as a kind of aide-memoire. But certainly in later meetings I
had with him, it did have the effect to making me choose my words more
carefully. That, I believed, reduced the prospect of exploring more creatively
the boundaries of each of our official positions. It also helped Arafat to argue, as
he did on more than one occasion, that Rabin, or Peres, or whatever Israeli
interlocutor he chose to name had promised him such and such. He always
implied this was based on his written record, though he never produced any
evidence to that effect. He also never seemed to have recorded anything that he
had promised Israelis.
I tried, with only partial success, to engage some of the other Arab foreign
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ministers when we’d arrived in the banqueting hall. I did have a good talk with
Egypt’s Amr Moussa, and the foreign ministers of Morocco and Tunisia. When
I tried to start a conversation with Syria’s Farouk al-Sharaa, however, he
pointedly, though politely, said he felt that would not be appropriate. President
Assad had broken off talks with us earlier in the year, insisting that we first
commit explicitly to honor Rabin’s “pocket deposit” on the Golan Heights. Still,
in my formal remarks at the dinner, I urged both sides to resume our effort to
negotiate an Israeli-Syrian agreement. Sharaa’s response was, again,
unencouraging. But I did notice, and take heart from, the fact that it was neither
polemic nor overtly hostile towards Israel.
When I returned to Israel, I found that Peres, too, wanted to restart the
negotiating process with the Syrians. The effort took on fresh momentum after a
meeting at Peres’s home in Jerusalem in early December, ahead of his visit to
Washington for talks with President Clinton. Itamar Rabinovich and I had each
met with him separately a few weeks earlier to brief him on how the talks with
the Syrians had gone under Rabin, and why they’d reached an impasse. We
emphasized Assad’s insistence on a preemptive agreement on our leaving the
Golan. Peres now came forward with a plan. It was the diplomatic equivalent of
what the Americans, a few years later in the second Gulf War, would call
“shock and awe.” This was “dazzle and befuddle.” As Peres explained it, we
would flood Assad with proposals: not just on land or security, but everything
from water and electricity to tourism and industrial zones. Assad was in
personal control of the Syrian side of the talks. The mere volume, range and
complexity of the simultaneous engagement Peres had in mind would, he
hoped, dilute his focus on the Golan. “The best results are extracted from
confusion,” he said. Having watched President Assad operate for years, when I
was head of intelligence and chief of staff, I said I was skeptical. I used the
image of a bulldog. “It comes into your living room with one aim: to lock on to
your ankle. You can throw fireworks, cookies, balloons, a tasty bone. But it’s a
bulldog. It’s still going to move another step toward your ankle.” For Assad, the
ankle was the Golan.
I understood why Peres wanted to make a new effort to get peace with Syria.
Obviously, it was something to be desired in itself. It would transform the terms
of our conflict with the Arabs, and maybe even bring within reach the hope of
ending it altogether. But there was a political consideration as well. For all his
other accomplishments, Peres had a record of repeated electoral defeat as head
of Labor. This next election would be the first held under a new set of rules.
Instead of merely choosing lists of Knesset candidates, Israelis would cast two
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votes: one for a party list and one for a directly elected Prime Minister. This
would be a personal test, an opportunity for Shimon to build on the still-tenuous
achievement of Oslo and finally secure the endorsement of the Israeli people.
It seemed, for a while, I might even have a role. A few days later, Peres and I
met again. In Israeli elections, the campaign manager is called head of hasbarah
– media and public-information planning. He told me he still didn’t know
exactly when he would call the election. But he asked me to take on that role.
* * *
Both Peres and I proved to be right about the Syrians. The negotiations did
resume, and two rounds of talks were held at Wye River, on Maryland’s eastern
shore, in December 1995 and January 1996. They did focus on the whole range
of issues in an eventual peace, just as Peres had hoped, and some progress was
made in identifying areas of potential agreement. But the bulldog never took its
eyes of our ankle. There was no escaping the fact that without addressing the
question of our withdrawal from the Golan Heights, we weren’t going to get to
the next stage. So a decision had to be made.
Peres, no less than Rabin, knew what the trade-off would be. Israel needed a
series of ironclad security arrangements, and a genuine peace, rather than just
agreement to a cessation of hostilities. Syria would demand to get back all, or at
least virtually all, of the Golan. Peres now focused on clarifying, in his own
mind, whether we should be willing to agree to trade the Golan for a peace
treaty. Our key meeting took place in early February, in the underground bunker
in the kirya. Peres asked Amnon Lipkin, as chief of staff, and our other top
generals for a presentation on their view of the security arrangements required
with Syria under a peace deal. They recommended that Israel insist on keeping a
sizeable part of the Golan, as well as a range of demilitarization provisions
which reached pretty much to the edge of Damascus. I’d been asked for my
view by Rabin when I was chief-of-staff. Obviously, from a purely military
standpoint, the ideal situation would be to keep the whole of the Golan Heights.
No chief of staff was going to recommend pulling out. But I’d always added a
rider: to withdraw as part of a peace agreement, with all its other likely benefits,
was not a military question. It was a decision for the government. The relevant
question for a chief of staff was whether we could ensure the security of Israel if
the government decided on a withdrawal, to which I answered yes.
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I suspect Amnon would have said much the same thing. But that wasn’t the
question he’d been asked. As the proceedings wound down, Peres looked glum.
Maybe he was anticipating the potential leaks of army concerns about a Golan
withdrawal if we did get closer to a deal, and the venomous political attacks he
could expect from the right. Bibi’s stated view on a deal with Syria at the time
was that we could get peace and keep the Golan. It was classic Bibi, spoken
with verve and conviction as if simply saying it would make it true.
When the presentation was over, Peres called us into a small room in the
bunker reserved for use by the Defense Minister. As Foreign Minister, I was the
only cabinet member with him – along with Uri Savir, Peres’s senior deputy for
peace negotiations and several other Peres aides. If there had been a discussion,
I would have told him that as long as he felt the talks were progressing, he could
ignore Amnon’s presentation. If we didn’t get a deal, it would be irrelevant. If
we did, the military could find ways to deal with the security issues. But he just
looked at us and said” “We’re going for elections.” A few days later, the date
was set for May 29, 1996. Yet that would turn out not to be the end of Peres’s
doubts or difficulties. It was only the beginning.
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Chapter Eighteen
The first attack in the wave of Hamas suicide bombings destroyed a Jerusalem
bus at 6:42 a.m. on February 25, 1996. It left 26 people dead, and nearly 80 injured
from nails and shrapnel packed into the explosive charge. The second was near
Ashkelon. The bomber, dressed in Israeli uniform, joined a group of young soldiers
and blew himself up, killing one of them. A week later, a third suicide attack
blasted the roof off a bus on the same Jerusalem commuter route, leaving 19 more
dead. And on March 4, a 24-year-old Palestinian walked up to the entrance of Tel
Aviv’s busiest shopping center, on Dizengoff Street, detonated 30 pounds of
explosives, and killed 13 people. At the bomb scenes, bloodied survivors and
crowds of pedestrians surveyed a hellscape of twisted metal, shards of glass and
mangled body parts. While most Israelis were too shaken to worry about the
immediate political repercussions – and Bibi was careful, at least in the immediate
aftermath, not to try to score political points –Peres’s reelection campaign seemed
to lie in tatters almost before it had begun.
The attacks were not a surprise. As I’d argued to the Washington think-tank
audience before joining the government, the peace promise of Oslo had been
assailed from the start by a new alliance of Islamist Palestinian violence: mainly
Hamas, and Islamic Jihad on the West Bank. They saw Arafat as a traitor who had
sold out to Israel. For them, the issue wasn’t just Israel’s capture of the West Bank
and Gaza in the 1967 war. It was 1948: they opposed any Jewish state, anywhere in
Palestine. In a campaign of terror that made the first weeks of the intifada seem
almost easy to deal with, they began sending self-styled holy warriors to murder
Israeli civilians, and sacrifice their own lives, in the expectation of Allah’s rewards
in the world to come. During the two years following Oslo, they’d mounted ten
suicide attacks, leaving nearly 80 Israelis dead. The attacks had actually stopped
since the summer of 1995. But when the election date was announced – with Peres
holding a roughly 15-per-cent lead in the polls – political commentators both in
Israel and abroad began speculating about a resumption of terror. For Hamas, the
election presented not just an opportunity to kill innocent Israelis but, by helping
defeat Peres and Labor, perhaps to kill Oslo as well.
Even before the bombings, our campaign was struggling for focus, energy and
even purpose, beyond the aim of getting more votes than Bibi Netanyahu. Despite
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Peres’s assurance that I’d be the campaign manager, that hadn’t happened. I wasn’t
really surprised by that, however. When he offered me the job, I wondered how
he’d managed to clear it with much more established Labor politicians. It turned
out he hadn’t. Haim Ramon, the veteran whom I’d urged Yitzhak to bring back for
the election, was put in charge. Shimon did ask me to head a small advisory team
which reported directly to him, but all the key decisions were taken at weekly
strategy sessions chaired jointly by him and Ramon. I still hoped to make the
campaign a referendum on Yitzhak’s murder, and on the need to recommit Israel to
democracy and dialogue over vitriol and violence. But Haim began with the
assumption that, given Peres’s lead in the polls, we should simply play it safe,
ignore the issue of the assassination, and try to ignore Bibi, too. He described it as
a soccer match. We were leading by two goals, he told our first strategy meeting.
The other side was never going to score unless we screwed up. “To win, we do
what all good teams do. We play for time. We kick the ball around. We kick the
ball into the stands. We wait for the final whistle.” I tried, without success, to argue
that we were underestimating Bibi. “He may be young and inexperienced in
national politics. But I know him from when he was even younger. He knows how
to analyze a task, break it down, work out a plan and execute it systematically and
tenaciously. If we play it safe and don’t define the campaign, he’ll seize on every
error we make and he will define it.”
I wanted us at least to connect with Yitzhak’s legacy. I argued to both Peres and
Ramon that we should promote Shimon as the candidate with the background,
experience and vision to take forward what he and Rabin had begun. I also wanted
us to echo a core assumption in all that Yitzhak did as a military and political
leader: that peace was achievable only if Israel and its citizens felt secure. Even
before the renewed terror attacks, I argued that we had to recognize that, much as
Israelis yearned for peace, many were conflicted and fearful about the Oslo
process. I said our central campaign message should be bitachon ve shalom.
Security and peace. “In that order,” I added. “We should tell voters openly that we
expect groups like Hamas to try to launch attacks. But they don’t want a secure
Israel. They don’t want peace. Don’t play their game.”
Yet the scale and intensity of the bombings threw everything into crisis. After
the bomb in the Dizengoff shopping mall, Peres called an emergency cabinet
meeting at the kirya. He knew that we had to find a way to reassure Israelis we
were getting a grip on the situation. We had got a start in our regular Sunday
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cabinet meeting the day before, by reviving an idea I’d supported under Rabin: to
build a security fence all along the edge of the West Bank, with a series of
controlled crossing points for people and goods. Yitzhak had said no at the time,
because he was worried it would be seen as a de facto border and undermine the
idea of building coexistence. My view then, and even more so now, was that we
would never get to the point of negotiating a final peace with the Palestinians
unless we could stop at least most of the terror attacks before they happened. Peres,
too, had been worried about “undermining coexistence.” But now, he and the rest
of the cabinet were so shaken by the carnage Hamas had left that they approved the
idea of a security barrier.
At our kirya meeting, hours after the latest bomb had exploded less than a mile
away, Peres recognized we had to go further. Under Oslo, we had begun giving the
Palestinians control over internal security in Gaza and parts of the West Bank.
Since the new Hamas attacks, Arafat had been saying the right things. After the
first bomb in Jerusalem, he’d phoned Shimon to offer condolences, telling
reporters afterward that this was “a terrorist operation. I condemn it completely. It
is not only against civilians, but against the whole peace process.” Yet when it
came to action, we saw no sign that he was willing, ready, or perhaps able to crack
down on the Islamist terror attacks. So Peres now announced that, if necessary in
order to detain known terrorists, we would for the first time send Israeli troops
back into areas where control had been handed back. If Arafat didn’t act, we
would.
On the political front, Peres did get some good news: President Clinton, anxious
to preserve the progress he’d worked so closely with Yitzhak to achieve, organized
an unprecedented show of international condemnation of the terror attacks. With
Egypt’s Hosni Mubarak, he co-chaired a “Summit of Peacemakers” in Sharm al-
Sheikh with the participation not just of an equally concerned King Hussein, and of
course Arafat, but leaders of Arab states from North Africa to Saudi Arabia and the
Gulf. The only significant holdout was Syria’s Hafez al-Assad. He objected
because he said the conference was too focused on Israel. As Foreign Minister, I
accompanied Shimon to the summit. A single day’s meeting was never going to
end terror. But it was unprecedented in the breadth of Arab engagement in an
initiative that, as Assad had anticipated, didn’t just condemn terror in general. It
specifically denounced the attacks being launched inside Israel.
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I’d met President Clinton briefly once before, when he received Syrian chief-ofstaff
Hikmat Shehabi and me after our Blair House talks in 1994. But the Sharm
conference provided my first opportunity to spend time with him face-to-face.
When Peres and our delegation were about to leave, a Clinton aide approached and
said the President had asked whether I’d like to join him on the flight back to
Israel. Though as surprised as I was by the invitation, Shimon nodded at me to
signal it was okay, so I headed off for Air Force One. I spent most of the brief
flight talking to the President in the office space carved into the middle of the
plane. I would later discover that he quite often tried to engage with foreign
leaders’ colleagues or advisers on overseas trips, and not limit himself to summit
negotiations. It was part of his voracious appetite for information or insights which
he believed were essential to get a rounded understanding of the complexities of
the issues he was trying to address. Still, it was an extraordinarily fascinating 20
minutes. I got my first real look at Clinton’s natural gift for person-to-person
politics, as well as his mastery of both the detail and nuance of Israel’s
predicament, and of the wider conflict in the Middle East. Looking straight at me,
almost never breaking eye contact, he encouraged me to feel I had something of
value and importance to share with him. In fact, he created the impression that I
was the first sentient, intelligent human being he’d ever met. He made no grand
policy statements. Mostly, he asked me questions: what were the prospects of
Arafat reining in Hamas and Islamic Jihad? How were our relations going with
King Hussein? What was my view of the chances of concluding a peace with
Hafez al-Assad, despite his boycott of Sharm al-Sheikh? If Shimon did go on to
win the election, what new diplomatic opportunities could he as president, and we,
exploit in the search for peace? And, finally, what if Bibi won? I dare say this first
meeting was more memorable for me than for the president. But it would turn out
to provide a foundation for our joint efforts, in a few years’ time, to resolve the
very issues we’d talked about on Air Force One.
* * *
Though the summit restored a small opinion poll lead for Peres, that merely
reinforced Haim Ramon’s soccer-game strategy. I was more convinced than ever it
was wrong. Haim still wanted to ignore Bibi, but I pointed out that for at least one
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reason, that was absurd. Near the end of the campaign, there was going be a headto-head
television debate. In the meantime, though Bibi might be many things, he
wasn’t stupid. He was already telling voters that while Peres was making deals
with Arafat, ordinary Israelis were being left to wonder where the next terrorist
would strike. He would surely ramp up the accusations that Peres was “weak on
security,” especially if there was more violence. To assume that if we just sat back
we would win seemed to me complacent and risky. Yet when I mentioned to
Shimon that a couple of our internal polls still actually had Bibi slightly ahead, he
just laughed. “I have good polls,” he said. “Why should I believe the bad ones?”
Then, however, violence intervened again. It was not Hamas this time.
Beginning on March 30 and escalating sharply 10 days later, Katyusha rockets
rained onto towns and settlements in northern Israel by Hizbollah – the first
sustained attack since the cease-fire in 1994. It was pretty obvious that, like
Hamas, the Iranian-backed Shi’ite militia in Lebanon was not just targeting Israeli
civilians, but Oslo, and Peres’s chances of winning the election. The last thing
Shimon wanted was for tens of thousands of people in the north of Israel to be
cowering in shelters during the final stretch of the campaign. So on April 11, he
ordered a major military operation in Lebanon.
I wasn’t party to the discussions about the operation. But the model chosen was
similar to the one I’d drawn up in 1994: a large-scale air and artillery assault
designed to hit Hizbollah hard, force civilians to flee and persuade the Lebanese
and Syrian governments to commit to a US-mediated end to the rocket attacks.
Again, all of that happened. But not before a tragic accident which brought a storm
of international criticism and hastened the end of the operation. An Israeli specialforces
unit was ambushed while providing laser targeting support for an air force
strike. When it called in artillery support, four of the shells fell on a UN compound
near the Lebanese village of Qana, killing more than 100 civilians seeking shelter
inside.
Peres phoned me a few hours later, distraught not just because the wayward
artillery strike had laid us open to charges of “targeting” civilians in an operation
designed to try to avoid doing so. Also, because the accident seemed likely to deal
a further blow to his efforts to convince Israel’s voters that he, rather than Bibi,
was the man best placed to lead the country. “We’re in trouble,” he said. Yet
within days, it became clear that our basic campaign strategy – ignore Bibi and
“kick the ball into the stands” – was not going to change. I did make one last
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attempt to help put us on the political offensive, after I was asked to record on of
Labor’s TV campaign messages. I knew what I wanted to say. I’d talked it over
with the small group of campaign experts Peres had asked me to assemble
alongside Ramon’s main team. Rather than ignore Bibi, I was going to use my
position as his former commander in Sayeret Matkal, someone who knew him
well, to explain why Peres should lead Israel.
“How many of us can really understand what it means to be a Prime Minister?”
I began. “As head of intelligence, and chief of staff, I have seen, close-up, what it
takes to be a Prime Minister. It is not a game. We’ve had good Prime Ministers:
Ben-Gurion, Peres, Rabin, Begin... Bibi, we know each other well, from the days
when you were an officer under my command. A young officer, and a good one.
Prime Minister is the most important and serious role in this country. Bibi, it’s not
yet you. We need an experienced leader, who will know how to guide us with
wisdom, strength and sensitivity. Shimon Peres is that man.”
Yet we were never going to be able to avoid engaging with Bibi altogether. The
face-to-face television debate between the two candidates was set for May 27, two
days before the election. By American standards, the format was fairly tame. No
direct exchanges were permitted, only a series of questions directed at each
candidate by a leading political journalist, Dan Margalit. Still, it would place
Shimon and Bibi side by side. We spent two days prepping Peres, with Avraham
Burg – an early Peace Now supporter, former Peres aide and Knesset member –
standing in for Bibi. Avraham played the role well, anticipating the lines of attack
Shimon would face. But as I watched, I worried that even he couldn’t replicate one
of Bibi’s key advantages. During his time at the embassy in Washington, and
especially as UN ambassador, Bibi had become a frequent presence on American
television interview shows. Always articulate, he was now also an experienced,
and completely comfortable, television performer. In our debate rehearsals, Peres
sounded well versed on all the issues. Yet I sensed his problem wasn’t going to be
the message, but the medium. He sounded a bit distant, unengaged, almost as if the
TV debate was something he knew he had to go through, but which he thought
slightly sullied the proper purpose of politics.
In the real debate, Shimon seemed to convey the sense that merely being in the
same studio with a pretender as raw and untested as Bibi was offensive. When each
of the candidates was given the opportunity at the end to ask a single question of
the other, Peres didn’t even bother. He did come over as the man with much more
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experience, gravitas, substance. He also had what was probably the best line in the
debate, saying that if Israeli voters were choosing a male model and not a Prime
Minister, Bibi might indeed be their man. Yet Bibi was much the more polished
performer, and the more focused. No matter what question Margalit asked him, he
almost invariably answered with the driving message of his campaign: that because
of Peres, Israeli citizens were living in fear, wondering where the next suicide
bomber would strike or the next Katyusha would land. And unavoidably, there was
another contrast as well: Bibi, who, after all, was 26 years younger, projected
greater youth, energy and confidence. When it was over, and Peres asked us how
he’d done, we all hemmed and hawed. Only Avraham Burg was prepared to offer a
clear verdict. He told Peres that Bibi had been the clear winner.
Still, it remained possible that Ramon’s football-game strategy might work.
Though Peres’s poll lead had been narrowing by the day, he was – just – ahead.
With a large number of voters undecided, however, Bibi pulled one final trick out
of his campaign bag. Under Israeli law, election spending is tightly regulated and
nearly all campaigning is barred during the last 48 hours before polling day. Yet
with the backing of wealthy overseas supporters, the Netanyahu campaign
suddenly flooded Israel with blue-and-white banners under the slogan: Bibi, Tov la
Yehudim. “Bibi is good for the Jews.” Would it swing tens of thousands of votes
among the Orthodox voters who were the main target? It was impossible to say.
But it seemed clear it was going to be a very close election.
I had worried for some time we might lose. That was why Nava and I had
persuaded Michal, our eldest daughter, to bring forward her wedding. She was
marrying her teenage boyfriend, a wonderful young man named Ziv Lotenberg.
They had originally planned it for a week later. But we did want to risk having it
overshadowed by an election defeat. The wedding took place in a beautiful area of
lawns and gardens called Ronit Farm, north of Herzliya. It was how weddings are
meant to be, full of smiles, good food and dancing. Near the end, Shimon showed
up. As he walked over to greet us, one guest after another shook his hand, patted
him on the back, hugged him, wished him luck. It was as if all the pressure and
tension of the campaign had suddenly flowed out of him. He smiled, returned the
embraces, even joined in the dancing. When he left, I told him that he’d done all he
could to secure victory, and that I hoped the voters would make the right choice.
The first exit polls suggested he was going to win. But our internal polling was
less clear. As more and more votes were counted, Shimon’s margin inexorably
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narrowed. It wasn’t until the next morning that the final result was clear: Bibi
Netanyahu had won. By 29,000 votes. If a mere 15,000 of the three million ballots
cast had gone in our column instead of his, Shimon Peres would have remained
Prime Minister.
I knew he’d be feeling crushed. Not just on a personal level, because this latest
electoral defeat had been in was a direct, head-to-head vote for Prime Minister. He,
like all of us who had campaigned for him, knew what was at stake for the country.
It had been barely six months since Rabin was gunned down in Tel Aviv’s main
square, by a fellow Israeli riding a tide of hatred so blinkered that it could paint
Yitzhak – who had worked all his life to create, defend and help develop the
Jewish state – as a traitor, even a Nazi. All because he had decided to try to make
peace with the Palestinians, at the price of ceding control of part of the biblical
land of Israel. Bibi had gone through the motions of urging restraint. But
politically, he had ridden their wave. It was hard not to see his victory over Peres
as a triumph for the ugly intolerance and the venom that had claimed Yitzhak’s
life. In policy terms, it was in large part a rejection of both men’s vision of an
Israel that, while still ready to fight if necessary, could explore compromise in the
search for the ultimate prize of peace. The last time Yitzhak and I had talked, he’d
been confident of defeating Bibi at the polls, and I do believe he would have won.
But despite his differences with Peres, I’m equally certain he would have wanted
Shimon to win, not just for his sake but for Israel’s.
I had got to know Shimon, too, during my years in the kirya. In fact, he was the
Labor leader who first spoke to me openly about one day moving into politics,
something Yitzhak was always punctilious in not broaching before I’d left the
army. Shimon had also taken to including me – usually along with Yossi Beilin
and Shlomo Ben-Ami, a bright young historian who would become our
ambassador to Spain before entering politics himself – in a coterie of “youngsters”
he would bring along to meet visiting dignitaries from abroad. He occasionally
invited me to chat about military and security issues in his and Sonya’s flat in
Ramat Aviv. My personal ties to Rabin were stronger, of course. After I joined the
government, Shimon’s and my relationship became slightly more circumspect. But
since the assassination, some of the old warmth had returned. Not just as his
foreign minister, but in discussions on wider questions of security as well, we
worked closely together.
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Within days of the election, however, there was a new source of potential
friction between us: Shimon’s future, and possibly mine, in leading our opposition
to Bibi and bringing a Labor government back to power.
* * *
The question of Peres’s leadership was unavoidable. Labor’s constitution
mandated a vote for party chairman within 14 months of an election defeat. But the
widespread assumption was that Shimon would run again. A little before midnight
on election day, with the returns beginning to show we might lose, I was invited to
a morning-after breakfast by two senior Labor ministers: Fuad Ben-Eliezer, the
man who had delivered the table-thumping warning that the hatred on the far-right
would lead to a murder, and Avraham Shochat, Finance Minister under both Rabin
and Peres. Both had been in the Knesset since the 1980s. Both were part of two of
Peres’s earlier, failed, election campaigns. Both now said that they weren’t
prepared to see him lead us into electoral battle the next time around. “Everyone in
the party understands the meaning of this defeat. Shimon is done,” Shochat said, as
Fuad nodded his agreement. “You will have to go for the leadership.”
Though their endorsement was a surprise, it would be disingenuous to pretend I
hadn’t been thinking, at some stage in the future, of running for the party
leadership. But my election-campaign differences with Ramon and Peres were not
just for the sake of intellectual argument. I badly wanted us to win: both for Peres’s
sake and the country’s, and to redeem and continue all that Yitzhak had sacrificed.
Despite my misgivings about some aspects of the Oslo process, I did believe there
was a possibility of achieving peace with the Palestinians. I knew, from my
involvement in the talks with the Syrians, that the outline of a possible peace
agreement with Assad was already in place. I frankly wasn’t confident that Bibi
was the man to lead it forward. Yes, he was smart. He was organizationally astute.
He’d been a good sayeret officer. Yet as I’d said it my TV spot, being Prime
Minister required much more than that. I was now an elected Knesset member. But
I had gone into politics in the hope of making a difference to how Israel confronted
its defining challenges of war and peace. The prospect of spending the next few as
a mere opposition foot soldier, making speeches and sitting in committee sessions,
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seemed to defeat the purpose of going into politics in the first place.
Still, I had no appetite for rushing into a challenge to Peres’s leadership, both
because it was bound to be difficult for both of us, and frankly because it seemed
rash, premature and maybe even unnecessary. Bibi was beginning the negotiations
to form a government, and that process was likely to take at least a few weeks.
Shimon had yet to signal whether he did intend to stay on. Still, when he invited
me for a late-night chat at his apartment a week after the election, I was concerned
he might raise the leadership issue and I knew that, if he did, I would have to be
honest and open with him.
The conversation went very differently than I’d expected. After he’d poured
each of us a glass of Armagnac, and offered me a plate of Sonia’s cakes, he spoke
for a while about Bibi, though he could not even bring himself to utter the name.
This man, he said, knew nothing about leadership, much less about running the
country. He would be outmaneuvered, overshadowed and ultimately controlled by
the “real strongman” in the Likud: Arik Sharon. I said I thought we were again
underestimating Bibi’s strength, as well as the effect of the country’s new electoral
system. He was the first Prime Minister to enjoy a direct, personal mandate. That
turned upside down the balance of power and influence in our politics. As he
assembled his coalition, the other parties, if they wanted to be in government,
would have to deal with him on his terms. So, to a much greater extent than before,
would potential internal rivals.
As we talked, I was struck that Shimon seemed resigned to the election defeat,
relaxed, more at ease with himself than at any time since the start of the grueling
campaign. Then, quite suddenly, he said: “Ehud, I understand the meaning of the
election result. “You will have to take on the leadership, and lead the party.” He
said he didn’t plan to spend the rest of his years hanging around the apartment. He
would remain active – “working for peace” – but no longer in the party political
arena. “I understand the meaning of what has happened,” he repeated. “I will pass
the Labor leadership torch to you. We should find a way to do it quickly, and in the
right way.”
It was nearly three in the morning when I left. I was not just surprised, but
touched, by what he’d said. Shimon was now nearly 73. He’d had a life in our
country’s politics, and in Labor, stretching back to before the state, when he’d been
a favored protégé of Ben-Gurion. Walking away was going to be hard. I was
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touched as well by the fact that he had decided to “pass the torch” to me, someone
more in the mold, and closer to, Rabin. But I remained cautious, too. When I got
back home, Nava, knowing where I’d been, was still awake. I told her everything
that Shimon had said. I told her how extraordinary it felt to have the prospect, at
least, of leading Labor in opposition to Bibi, without the need to confront, or to
inflict personal hurt, on Shimon. But I added: “It seems a bit too good to be true.”
It was. The next morning, I joined other ministers and party officials with Peres
in his office. It was as if our conversation a few hours before had never happened.
Shimon set out his strategy for Labor going forward. And the first thing he said
was that the party needed to push back any leadership election beyond the
mandated 14 months.“It’s too early,” he said. He said we needed to focus on two
other strategic imperatives: to reconstruct the party, and consider the issue of
joining a possible “unity” government with Bibi.
Though Bibi went on to form his government without us, in alliance with a
number of smaller Orthodox parties, the idea of a Labor leadership change seemed
off the agenda, at least for now. In early August, I was standing next to Giora Einy
– the “political operative” Yitzhak had sent to help bring me into his government,
and a friend of Peres as well – when Shimon rose to speak to the dozens of wellwishers
at his 73 rd -birthday celebration in Tel Aviv. He was at his old, selfconfident
best. With just a few thousand extra votes, we would have won the
election, he said. He was sure Bibi’s coalition – “a coalition against peace” –
would not survive for long. Giora, smiling, turned to me and said: “It doesn’t
sound like a farewell speech. It seems like he’s ready for the next round. He lost
twice to Begin. He lost once to Shamir. And only once to Bibi. He’s not going to
stop without giving it another go.”
Another of Peres’s old friends, a few weeks later, urged me to press him on the
need to step aside. I’d become closer to the French Jewish businessman Jean
Frydman during the election campaign. Since he had helped organize the fateful
peace rally at which Rabin was shot, he felt – wrongly, but powerfully – a sense of
responsibility for what had happened. He wanted to do everything possible to
ensure that Rabin’s political legacy, and Shimon’s, survived. He invited Nava and
me to visit him for a few days. When he asked about the birthday celebration, I
told him what Peres had said. “He’s making a huge mistake,” Jean told me. “After
every election, he goes through the same process. Always, he’s convinced that next
time he will win.” I said how I dreaded the prospect of being part of an effort to
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force Shimon out. But Jean said he’d been giving a lot of thought to everything
that had happened since Rabin was killed. He felt I was the only potential Labor
leader who could defeat Bibi in an election and “bring back sanity to Israel, lead it
to peace.” He said he was convinced that Peres’s time had passed. “I can say that.
I’m from his generation. And as a very close friend of Shimon, I will be the first in
line to help you.”
Early in September, having let Shimon know through Giora and then phoning
him directly, I declared publicly that I would be running for the Labor leadership.
Though he’d thanked me for telling him beforehand, he said he thought I was
making a mistake, and was still against having a leadership election at all. That
made his public response to my announcement puzzling. He went on Israeli TV
and said he would not be a candidate for Prime Minister in four years’ time. “The
time has come for a change,” he said. But while everyone took that to mean he was
reconciled to a change of party leadership as well, it turned out that we had jumped
the gun. He intended to stay on as chairman.
During the early months of 1997, Shimon and I held a series of late-night
meetings at his apartment to thrash out an agreed course. It was a process that was
hard for both of us, and hurtful for him. He was now at least reconciled to the
inevitability of an election for a new party leader, if only because his protégé Yossi
Beilin had also put his name forward. But he kept proposing to push back the vote.
I insisted that since the deadline under party rules was June 3, it was only right that
all of us abide by that. I do remember a particularly poignant moment from one of
our sessions. Peres had left the room for a minute, and Sonia came in. “Ehud,” she
said to me, “keep your nerve. You’re the only one who can talk to him this way.
He should have retired from politics years ago. You’re the only one around him
who tells him the truth.”
We ended up with a compromise. Shimon accepted that the leadership election
would be held on June 3. I agreed that in the unlikely event Bibi decided to invite
us into his coalition during the three months after the leadership vote, Peres would
select the Labor ministers. Our last meeting ended at nearly four in the morning.
He told me he’d arranged a reception for the party leadership at 10 a.m., in barely
six hours’ time. He suggested we meet in his office an hour beforehand. I didn’t
know what to expect. After months of discussions, I hoped he understood that I
had wanted the process to go differently. I had been open and honest with him
throughout. But I knew that, deep down, he still wanted to stay on, that he believed
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that his long record of service should have earned him that right, and that it would
be painful for him to accept that, by June, there would be a new Labor leader.
He was relaxed and gracious when I arrived. We went through the details of
what we’d agreed, and worked out what each of us would say to reporters. What
came next, as the party faithful filed in, was simple human nature, I suppose.
Seeing some of his oldest supporters, he had second thoughts. His comments to
reporters afterward were more hedged than what we’d discussed. Giora told me
that after all of us had left, Peres turned to him and said: “Look what Barak is
doing to me. What have you been doing?” Giora, who had been a conduit between
us at the very beginning of our discussions, replied: “You asked me to bring Barak
to you.” At which point, Shimon said: “OK. So probably I made a mistake.”
At a convention of 3,000 party activists in mid-May, a few weeks before the
leadership election, he made a final attempt to mitigate that “mistake”. Nissim
Zvili, the secretary-general of the party and a longtime Peres ally, introduced a
motion to vote him into a new post of party president. A couple of Shimon’s
friends urged me to back the idea, describing it essentially as a ceremonial role.
But I feared it was a recipe for prolonging the agony. Whatever powers “President
Peres” would have, the idea of two captains on a ship would almost certainly mean
trouble. I was especially reluctant to go along with it because our particular ship
had been in rough waters for so long. Labor needed to steer a calm, decisive course
toward the next election if we were going to defeat Bibi.
What followed was one of the most painful spectacles I’ve ever witnessed.
When Peres rose to make his case for becoming party president, he said: “I don’t
want powers. I don’t want honors. But I also don’t want insults. I announced my
decision to resign from the position of party chairman. Did someone push me into
it? Am I trying to hold on to my job?”
“Yes!” many hundreds of the delegates shouted back at him.
Stung, he reminded the meeting that it was he who had led Labor back from the
battering it took in the 1977 election against Begin. In 1981, he’d helped us
recover a dozen of our lost seats. Even so, because he hadn’t succeeded in forming
a Labor government, people had called him a loser! “Mah? Ani loser?” he asked,
using the English word. “Am I a loser?”
“Yes! Yes!” came the shouts.
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Yet the saddest note came at the end. “I apologize for being healthy, for not
getting old according to plan,” he said, adding that even without the title of
president, he would keep working for peace.
There were three other candidates for party chairman: Yossi Beilin; Ephraim
Sneh, the friend who’d been the paratroopers’ chief medic when we’d fought at the
Chinese Farm in 1973, and at Entebbe too; and Shlomo Ben-Ami, the academic
and diplomat whom Shimon had taken along with Yossi and me to meet visiting
foreign politicians, and who was now also a newly elected member of the Knesset.
When the vote came, it was assumed by most political commentators that I was
going to win. The only question was whether I’d get the 50 per cent of votes
needed to avoid a run-off, where the outcome might be less predictable. But I got
57 percent against Yossi’s 28, with the remaining 15 percent split between
Ephraim and Shlomo-Ben Ami.
* * *
Now, we had to put ourselves in a position to defeat Bibi and the Likud. Policy
priorities were ultimately what would matter most: strong and credible steps to
confront terror and safeguard our security, allied with the leadership and will to try
to negotiate a peace with Syria and the Palestinians; and, at home, a recommitment
to the values of an open, tolerant democracy. But in at least one important way, I
approached my new role as if it was one of our operations in Sayeret Matkal, or the
need to reshape our armed forces when I was chief-of-staff. My first priority was to
put in place the practical foundations for a successful election challenge against
Bibi. Through Jean Frydman and other business supporters with the means and the
desire to help, my brother-in-law, Doron Cohen, assembled sufficient funding for
us to begin engaging with the strategists who had helped deliver electoral success
for a trio of other centre-left political leaders overseas: Bill Clinton, Tony Blair in
Britain and later Gerhard Schroeder in Germany.
My main early political focus was on holding Bibi and the government to
account in the Knesset, above all on the torturous process of ensuring our security
while implementing the West Bank redeployments agreed in Oslo II. We’d made a
small start under Rabin and Peres, but the three major withdrawal phases due in the
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five-year interim period had yet to begin. In one respect, I had some sympathy for
Bibi’s predicament. The reason I’d tried to get Yitzhak to alter the terms of Oslo II
was that it required us to hand back control before we knew what a “permanentstatus”
peace deal would look like. But where my sympathy ended was in how Bibi
handled the situation. Despite my concerns about the way the Oslo process had
been designed, I never doubted that killing it off would be by far a worse
alternative. Bibi had been elected to lead Israel. Instead, he acted as if he was
playing some sort of pinball match, flipping the ball first one way, then the other,
with no obvious aim beyond keeping it in play – and, where Oslo was concerned,
simply stalling for time. Rather than setting out any vision of where he hoped to
move the negotiating process, he seemed more concerned with keeping the rightwing
of Likud and the smaller, even more extreme parties from turning against
him.
In late September 1996, Bibi and the Likud mayor of Jerusalem, Ehud Olmert,
decided to go ahead with the festive opening of an archeological tunnel that
provided access to a larger portion of the Western Wall of the ancient Jewish
temple. It was a decision that, under both Rabin and Peres, we’d delayed out of
concern about inflaming tensions with the Palestinians. As Shimon rightly said
publicly after the three days of violence that followed, we understood that, at a
minimum, it would need to be coordinated beforehand with Arafat. As the unrest
spread into the West Bank and Gaza, there were media warnings of a “new
intifada,” the difference this time being that the Palestinians newly established
police had entered the fray. By the time urgent US diplomacy, our efforts and
Arafat’s, brought it to a close, 25 Israeli soldiers and nearly 100 Palestinians had
been killed. He did not slam the brakes altogether on the American-led efforts to
move ahead with the Oslo. In early 1997, in fact, he and Arafat reached a separate
agreement on the critically important question, and potential flashpoint, of Hebron.
It stipulated that about 80 percent of the area would be under Palestinian authority,
with Israel retaining control and responsibility for nearby settlements and key
security points. Despite right-wing and settler opposition, it was approved by a
wide margin in the Knesset, with Labor’s backing. But a few months later, in the
spring of 1997, Hamas launched a new campaign of suicide bombings in shopping
areas of Jerusalem and Tel Aviv, leaving 24 people dead. While not suggesting that
Bibi took the human cost of terror lightly, he did use the attacks to drag out further
US-mediated talks on the details of implementing the Oslo II redeployments.
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By November, even his Foreign Minister, David Levy, was making noises
about quitting. He said it would be a waste of time to stay in the cabinet if it was
going to bring the peace process to a halt. I warned Bibi, both in the Knesset and in
a series of speeches, about the alternative on the Palestinian side if those who
wanted a negotiated peace had nothing but stalemate to show for it. And lives, I
insisted, were at stake. Both through closed-door sessions of the Knesset’s security
and foreign affairs committee, and my own contacts in military intelligence, I was
convinced that the result would be a second, much more deadly, intifada. Not with
Molotov cocktails, but guns, and suicide bombs.
I was not out to score political points in keeping the pressure on Bibi to move
forward. In fact, I announced that if Bibi did go ahead and finalize the terms for
our Oslo redeployment, Labor would once again provide the extra Knesset votes
needed for him to get it approved.
Early in 1998, he sent word that he wanted to talk. The message came through
Yaakov Ne’eman, his Finance Minister and a prominent lawyer whom I knew and
liked. He and I held an exploratory meeting at which he proposed talks with Bibi
on the prospect of a unity government that would help move the peace process
forward. I said I’d talk, with one proviso: the discussions would be genuinely
secret, with no leaks. I was not prepared to engage in political gamesmanship. In
May, Bibi sent an assurance of confidentiality through Ne’eman. The first of about
a half-dozen meetings came a few days later at the Prime Minister’s residence in
Jerusalem. Then, we shifted venue, meeting at a Mossad-owned villa north of Tel
Aviv. I brought along Bougie Herzog, a bright young lawyer, and Labor Party
member, who was working in the same law firm and Ne’eman. It was by no means
clear we’d agree on a unity government. To my amusement, if not altogether to my
surprise, I got word that Bibi was putting out separate political feelers to Shimon
Peres. But before long, it became clear there was a specific political motivation
behind his approaching me. It was indeed the peace process. But it wasn’t the
Palestinian peace process, something Bibi still clearly wanted to avoid as much as
humanly possible. It was an attempt to engage with Syria.
He asked me about the talks under Rabin and Peres, and my views on the
possibility of a deal with President Assad. He also wanted my assessment about
whether the army could work out arrangements to safeguard the country’s security
if we handed back most, if not all, of the Golan Heights. If so, what kind of
security arrangements, with what timeline? We met through the summer, as the
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talks with the Americans on the further West Bank redeployments meandered
ahead. We also discussed in detail how a unity government would work. We
agreed it would be presented, like the Shamir-Peres partnership in 1984, as a crossparty
response to an important challenge for the country: in this case, security and
the peace process. I would be both Defense Minister and “Vice-Prime Minister”,
with the understanding that Bibi and I would jointly discuss all major issues before
jointly agreeing to bring them to the full cabinet.
But in August, the talks ended, after news of our talks finally leaked. I
immediately phoned Ne’eman. I reminded him that at the outset, I’d said that
would mean the discussions were over. He did call me back later in the day to say
Bibi insisted that he’d had nothing to do with the leak. My guess was that the
source was my old comrade from the Chinese Farm, Yitzhik Mordechai, who had
presumably heard that Bibi was ready to make me Defense Minister as part of a
unity government. There was, of course, already a defense minister: Yitzhik.
Bibi’s idea to reopen efforts to get peace with Syria didn’t last either. Although
I’d learn of this only a few years later, he’d approved a visit to Damascus by the
American Jewish businessman Ronald Lauder to meet President Assad. The visit
made it clear to Bibi what successive Israeli leaders had learned: a deal might be
possible, but only if Israel was willing to commit in advance to pulling out of the
Golan. Assad told Lauder to come back to him with a detailed map setting out
Bibi’s view on delineating the Israeli-Syrian border under a peace agreement.
Though no one in the cabinet knew the initiative was underway, Bibi realized that
before sending back the map Assad wanted, he would need to tell the two senior
ministers directly affected: Arik Sharon, who had replaced David Levy as Foreign
Minister; and Yitzhik Mordechai. Both of them said no, with Yitzhik pointing out
that a signed map would inevitably become part of the negotiating record. It was a
step that, in future negotiations, could not be undone.
Bibi’s coalition was now creaking. The Syrian option was off. David Levy had
already jumped ship. Yitzhik, increasingly concerned about Bibi’s delay and drift
on Oslo II, seemed to be thinking of leaving as well. Right wing ministers and
Knesset members were no happier: they opposed even the slightest prospect of
movement on Oslo. In October, Bibi did finally try to seize the initiative. He
wrapping up the redeployment details in a summit with Arafat and Clinton and
Arafat in Wye River. But as soon as he got back home, he started backtracking,
rather than risk facing down his right-wing critics in the cabinet. Implementation of
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the deal was due to begin in early November, but he kept putting off a vote in the
cabinet. When the vote came, on November 11, Bibi squeaked through by a margin
of 8 to 4, but with five abstentions. That meant less than half of his ministers had
voted for it.
The easy part for him was Knesset ratification, since I had committed Labor to
supporting Bibi on any move towards continuing the peace process. The day after
the Knesset’s vote, Bibi won the cabinet’s clearance for actual implementation to
begin. But it didn’t. With hard-line ministers threatening to bring down the
government if it did, Bibi again stalled. That was the turning point. I’d made it
clear our parliamentary support would remain for as long as Bibi moved ahead
with what had been agreed at Wye River. It was not intended as a blank check, or
an offer to prop up a Prime Minister who now seemed to be looking for any way
possible not to implement the agreement.
My key ally in what came next was Haim Ramon. Despite our differences over
the direction of the Peres election campaign, we had become effective
parliamentary partners. He had a depth of political experience and knowledge I still
lacked. While I found the details of how the Knesset operated arcane and often
tiresome, Haim knew all of it instinctively. When it came to the need for discreet
discussions or bargaining with other parties, not only could he draw on his
personal relationships with Knesset members across the party divide. He had the
additional advantage of being able to avoid the scrutiny that would follow a direct
approach from me. Before Bibi had gone to Wye, Haim and I had discussed how
we might move to force early elections. The peace process, and the country, were
drifting. There seemed no point in waiting, if we could be confident of lining up
the necessary votes among the growing number of others who were also convinced
Bibi should go. After the Wye summit agreement, I put all that on hold. But now
that Bibi had shifted into reverse, I told Haim to resume his efforts.
In early December, he told me he had enough votes for a no-confidence motion,
under his name, to dissolve the Knesset and pave the way for early elections. The
axe fell on December 20. Bibi had lost the support of the right-wing, who wanted
Oslo ended altogether. He had now lost me, too. I felt his approach to the peace
process was leaving Israel rudderless. The way we were heading, we would not
just forfeit any potential benefits from Oslo. We would be leaving a political and
diplomatic vacuum at a time when a serious new explosion of Palestinian violence
was becoming ever more likely. In the Knesset debate, Bibi made one final bid to
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save himself: by suggesting a delay of 72 hours for talks on a “unity” government.
I said that I was all for unity. But I reminded him that, time after time, we’d saved
his government in order to continue the peace process. We could no longer help
out a “government that is not interested in upholding the Wye agreement, but only
in its political survival.”
The vote of no-confidence went against him by the yawning margin of 81 to 30,
with nine Knesset members abstaining or staying away. A few days later, the date
for the election was announced: May 17, 1999.
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Chapter Nineteen
A few hours before Haim Ramon introduced his no-confidence resolution, he
came to see me in my office in the Knesset. He was worried. Not about the vote,
but about what would come after. “Ehud, I’m sure we can topple the government,”
he told me. “But only you know whether we’re ready – whether you’re ready – to
defeat Bibi in an election.”
“I’m ready,” I said. “We are going to win.”
Few agreed. In fact, there had been times during my first year-and-a-half as
Labor leader when I wondered if I’d be able to hang on to the job. I was in charge
of a party whose grassroots were on the left. I was, by intellect and instinct, a
pragmatist and a centrist. I did share Labor’s vision of a socially just and
democratic Israel. Especially after seeing far-right rabbis egg on the fanaticism that
ultimately killed Yitzhak Rabin, I felt strongly that we needed to separate
organized religion from our day-to-day politics. But I’d been raised with a deeper
respect for our Jewish traditions than many on the left. Right after Yitzhak’s
murder, I’d gone to see Zevulun Hammer, the leader of the National Religious
Party. It had been part of both Labor and Likud governments ever since 1948,
though not Rabin’s. The NRP, too, had been drifting steadily rightward. But it still
basically subscribed the idea of a strong, democratic Israel under the rule of law. I
wanted to bring the NRP back into the government under Peres, as part of the
widest possible political alliance against the assassination and the campaign of
hatred that had fostered it. Sadly that didn’t happen, in part because of the anger
against all Orthodox politicians after Rabin’s murder. Yet in my readiness to
engage politically with Orthodox leaders who did not reject the very idea of peace
negotiations – whether in the NRP, or the increasingly influential Sephardi
religious party, Shas – I was outside Labor’s mainstream, and its comfort zone.
On my approach to peace as well, I differed from many on the left. Though I
was determined to pursue any realistic avenue to negotiations, I was convinced that
security considerations had to be paramount in what we were prepared to give up
or accept in negotiations. I was cautious about ceding too much too soon, in case
the Palestinians or the Syrians proved either unequal to, or uninterested in, making
the hard decisions required for peace. That was an approach with, like Yitzhak
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before me, provoked more left-wing parties like Meretz to suggest that if I really
wanted peace, I’d be ready to give away more, and more quickly.
My position wasn’t helped by the way I had come over in the media during my
first months as Labor leader. A number of newspaper commentators wrote that
while they found talking with me stimulating, I seemed to be operating in a world
of my own, either unable or unwilling to give straight answers and a single, clear
message. They were right about that. If asked a question, especially one which
obviously involved an issus of nuance, my instinct was not to come up with a
sound bite. It was, as best I could, to answer fully and accurately. The difficulties
that could sometime cause hit home in an interview with a leading Israeli journalist
in the spring of 1998. He asked how my life might have turned out if I’d been born
and raised not as a kibbutznik, but a Palestinian. I answered: “At some stage, I
would have entered one of the terror organizations and fought from there, and later
would certainly have tried to influence from within the political system.” I did
hasten to add that I abhorred terrorists, describing their actions as “abominable…
villainous.” But that was lost in the political storm that followed. All I’d done was
answer as honestly I could. What if I had been one of the Palestinian babies in
Wadi Khawaret, but with the same mind and same impulses that had defined my
life as an Israeli? I assumed that instead of becoming an Israeli soldier and
politician, I would have become the closest thing to a Palestinian equivalent. Still,
as even my brother-in-law, Doron Cohen, told me when he phoned a couple of
hours later, it was not the most astute thing to say as a potential candidate for
Prime Minister.
None of this might have mattered if I’d been able to show I was bringing Labor
nearer to defeating Bibi. But the only measure of progress that the media paid
attention to was the opinion polls. Briefly, in late 1977, I did pull ahead, during the
period leading up to Bibi’s agreement to pull out of most of Hebron. But for much
of 1998, I was running behind, and questions about my leadership surfaced
publicly by the summer. The media commentators spoke of the need for a Labor
“liftoff.” Why, after a full year as leader, had I failed to deliver it?
* * *
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There was a part of politics for which I was naturally suited after my life in the
army: to plan an operation, prepare and execute it. An ability to get the lie of the
land, assess your own and your rivals’ strengths and vulnerabilities, and to win.
And the “lie of the land” struck me as more encouraging than many Israeli
commentators believed. When I became Labor leader, I didn’t expect Bibi to fall
anytime soon. But I believed it was inevitable that at some point he’d have to make
tough choices about the peace process, and I doubted his coalition with the more
right-wing Orthodox parties would survive. I also took encouragement from the
fact that the political winds in other developed democracies seemed to be blowing
in our direction. Bill Clinton had won in the United States. In Britain, which had a
parliamentary system much closer to Israel’s, Tony Blair, as leader of a party
renamed as New Labor, had ended eighteen years of Conservative rule and swept
to victory. Behind the scenes, I immediately made sure that, with financial help
from Jean Frydman and other supporters, we began the practical work of learning
from the experience of center-left parties in other countries.
Within weeks of my election as Labor chairman, I used my acquaintance with a
British Jewish businessman named Michael Levy to see what lessons our Labor
party might learn from Tony Blair’s. Levy had been an early supporter of Blair and
persuaded the Prime Minister to welcome me through the famous black door of
Number 10 Downing Street. After chatting in the front hallway, the British Prime
Minister led me into the back garden to discuss how he had refashioned his party
and brought it back into government. In addition to modifying or abandoning
rigidly left-wing positions that most British voters had rejected, he had created a
formidable campaigning team under an ally and adviser named Peter Mandelson.
When I asked Blair whether it would be possible to meet Mandelson, he said he
couldn’t “give me Peter.” But he did put me in touch with Philip Gould, the polling
expert and strategist who had partnered Mandelson in designing and running the
election campaign.
We met at Labor headquarters in Milbank Towers so Philip could show me the
“war room” – modelled, in part, on Bill Clinton’s campaign operation – from
which the victory had been planned and executed. It was a large, open-plan space,
nothing like the warren of offices and conference rooms from which Labor in
Israel operated. Pride of place went to an advanced computer system, the heart of a
“rebuttal unit” which charted every statement from the Conservative Party so it
could be answered, neutralized or used to adjust Labor’s own campaign. I was
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struck by how different the approach was from our campaign for Peres. As I filled
my notebook with the details, Philip added a final bit of advice. “If you want to
win, have it run by the best professionals you can find. Not politicians. They
always have personal agendas. Focus is everything. Distractions and arguments
and infighting can be fatal.”
Philip recommended one professional, in particular, to get us started: Stanley
Greenberg, the pollster who had advised not only Blair’s campaign, but Clinton’s.
Doron used his contacts in New York to put us in touch not only with Greenberg
but the strategist behind the Clinton victory, James Carville, and another leading
Democratic Party consultant and speechwriter, Bob Shrum. We began working
with all of them well before the no-confidence vote in the Knesset. Philip had a
wonderfully British understatement and reserve. Stanley, with his eyeglasses and
demeanor too, came over as slightly professorial. With Bob, it didn’t take long to
understand why he was such a gifted speechwriter. He loved words, especially the
way they could be used to inspire a connection with important campaign themes:
above all with the idea of hope, and new beginnings. Carville was the human
equivalent of a volcano. If he hadn’t been a campaign strategist, he could have
made a living as a hybrid of a cowboy and a stand-up comedian. But they all
shared the easy, infectious self-confidence of people who were very good at what
they did, and knew it.
When I went to New York with Doron to meet Carville in Feburary 1988, my
confidence as Labor leader was taking some fairly hard knocks. But from the
moment he walked through our hotel-room door, it was impossible not to like him.
He showed up in a T-shirt and tennis sneakers, walked straight across the room,
slouched into a chair and said: “General Barak, I don’t get it. You’re a known
public figure, with a great mind and a great military record. It’s already been a
year-and-a-half since Israel got Netanyahu. What have you done to go after him?
Why haven’t you gone on the attack?” He said it was time for me to wake up, and
change tack. “Can you run through your stump speech for me,” he asked,
motioning me toward the center of the room like a film director.
“I don’t have one,” I said. To which he replied briskly that I should have had
one months ago.
When Stanley paid a preliminary visit with Philip to Israel, they, too, urged me
to sharpen my message and pay more attention to my image with the public.
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Stanley was worried by polling data that suggested most Israelis saw Bibi as
“strong.” I argued that strength was one area where we wouldn’t have to worry.
“No way, in a campaign, he’ll end up coming over looking stronger than me.”
Stanley seemed not entirely convinced.
Both in “strength” and other ways, I think my background did prove an
advantage. The 35 years I’d spent in the military had given me a singleminded
determination to set goals, follow through and achieve them. After Haim Ramon
came to my office before the no-confidence vote to ask whether I was sure I
wanted to go ahead, and I answered with an unhesitating “yes,” Haim had told a
couple of reporters: “Barak has balls of steel.” In truth, I was puzzled he’d even
asked me. As when I was in uniform, it would never have occurred to me to ask
him to try to line up the necessary votes if I hadn’t thought it through and intended
to go ahead with it.
Still, my military background was not always an asset as I found my feet as
party leader and prepared to take on Bibi in the election campaign. In searching for
the tools, the structure, and the people I felt would give us the best chance to win, I
sometimes failed to pay due attention to the party’s existing apparatus and
institutions. This alienated a number of established Labor politicians, eventually
including Haim himself. So as the campaign approached I tried to shore up my ties
with the party establishment. I drafted in Bougie Herzog to act as my regular
liaison with leading figures in the party. I was careful to include a number of Labor
politicians in our campaign team as well, though, as Philip Gould had
recommended, I made sure they didn’t actually run it.
The closest equivalent to the role Haim had played in Peres’s campaign went to
a young businessman, PR professional and Labor supporter named Moshe Gaon.
As spokeswoman, we brought in someone who, though she’d been a messenger of
doom during the Tze’elim controversy that engulfed me before joining Rabin’s
government, had undeniable experience and ability which I valued and respected:
Yitzhak’s former media aide Aliza Goren. As campaign coordinator, I chose Tal
Silberstein, who at the time was in charge of a citizens’ group called Dor Shalem
Doresh Shalom: “A Whole Generation Demands Peace.” I relied on frequent, less
formal input from political friends whose judgement I had learned to trust, like
Eitan Haber and Giora Eini. Also playing a key role was a group of four young
women, led by Orna Angel, a successful architect and a former soldier in Sayeret
Matkal. She built from scratch an army of nearly 20,000 volunteers who helped
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organize events and contact voters during the campaign. We outfitted our own war
room in an open-plan floor of offices on the edge of Tel Aviv. Philip called it
“Milbank South.” As organizational head of the campaign, I chose Chagai Shalom.
An industrial engineer by training, he was a reserve army general who, when I was
chief of staff, had been in charge of the logistics branch of the military. I gave him
Sayeret Matkal backup as well, in the person of Danny Yatom, my longtime friend
and former sayeret deputy.
* * *
But all that was process. Winning or losing would come down to how our
message, our ability to forge alliances, and my own personal and political appeal,
measured up against Bibi.
The new system of separate elections for party and Prime Minister meant that in
order to win a majority, I would need the support of voters outside Labor as well. I
set out to establish a broader movement, a big tent under which a majority of
Israelis could coexist politically. I realized this risked provoking anger among
some Labor activists. But I wanted to convey to voters that I was reaching out
beyond my core party constituency: to “soft” right-wingers nearer the political
center; to the Sephardim who since 1977 had overwhelmingly voted Likud; to the
growing number of Russian immigrants who had helped Bibi defeat Peres; and to
those among the Orthodox who still subscribed to tolerance and moderation in the
mold of the old-style National Religious Party in the first few decades of the state.
Though the candidates on our Knesset election list would all be from Labor, I ran
the Prime Ministerial campaign under the broader banner of Yisrael Ahat – One
Israel. I envisaged it as an alliance of at least several different parties with Labor at
its center.
I began with Bibi’s jettisoned Foreign Minister, David Levy. He was a
Moroccan-born 1950s immigrant whose career had begun at the grassroots, in the
northern town of Beit She’an, but who went on to become a key part of Begin’s
victory in 1977. The leading Sephardi figure in the Likud, he was at one point
mentioned as a future leader. Many Israelis, especially on the left, now portrayed
him as a figure of ridicule. But I’d always had a higher opinion of him. During the
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1982 Lebanon War, with two sons fighting on the ground, he’d been a rare voice of
common sense, and caution, in the Begin cabinet. I’d also seen him operate in
Shamir’s inner security cabinet, when I would come, as deputy chief of staff, to
present military operations for approval. I remember one occasion when an air
force general laid out the details of a planned helicopter-borne mission into
Lebanon. I added a few remarks in summary. Raful Eitan and Arik Sharon were
both ministers. Within seconds, they were peppering the general and me with
questions. Why were the aircraft taking one route north instead of another? Why
not closer to Mount Hermon? Shouldn’t they fly lower? Levy interrupted.
“Gentlemen,” he said, “we are not in company commanders’ course. We’re in the
inner cabinet of the government of Israel. We have a chief of staff and other
generals and military professionals. It’s their job to decide the operational details.
Our job is to balance the reasons for doing an operation against the risks as
presented to us.”
I met with him in the Knesset cafeteria before Bibi went off to the Wye River
summit. Levy now headed a small breakaway faction from Likud called Gesher,
Hebrew for “bridge.” Without explicitly suggesting we join forces, I explained my
hope to run my eventual campaign for Prime Minister in alliance with a few other
parties. I told him I wanted to make my candidacy a legitimate choice for voters
from the center-right, the Orthodox, as well as the Russian community. I took a
napkin and drew a big umbrella to illustrate what I had in mind. He said he
understood – though he did tell me to make sure I tore up the napkin. There came a
point, at the end of November when it looked like my overture had failed.
Scampering for a way to shore up his coalition, Bibi tried to lure Levy into the fold
back by offering him the Finance Ministry. But with resistance from other
ministers, Bibi broke off the talks with Levy, leaving him humiliated and furious. I
met with him several more times, and we brought in Gesher as our first “One
Israel” partner. The second to join us, early in the new year, was a small religious
party called Meimad, inspired by an openly pro-peace Orthodox rabbi named
Yehuda Amital and including a former Chief Rabbi of Norway, Michael Melchior.
By the end of January 1999, several months before the real campaign, I was
feeling better about where we stood, in part because of a series of hits Bibi was
taking from former friends and allies. The first salvo was fired by Misha Arens,
who had helped engineer Bibi’s move into national politics. He announced he was
going to put himself forward for the Likud leadership before the election, saying
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that he and others were convinced Bibi couldn’t win. A couple of weeks later,
Yitzhik Mordechai seemed on the verge of becoming the latest of Bibi’s ministers
to resign. He was openly flirting with the idea of joining a new centrist party that
had been formed by Likud’s Dan Meridor. Bibi struck back with a mixture of
subtlety and venom. He fired Mordechai, accusing him of being driven by personal
ambition. Then he offered the Defense Minister’s job to Misha Arens.
Yitzhik did join the Center Party, as did Amnon Lipkin, who had ended his
term as chief-of-staff and, with initial opinion poll numbers suggesting he’d do
well, even briefly entered the race for Prime Minister. Now, he endorsed Yitzhik
Mordechai instead: a man not only with strong military credentials, but of Sephardi
background and religiously observant, and a proven politician and cabinet minister.
It was clear that he would be going after many of the same votes I needed to win.
That situation wasn’t ideal, to put it mildly. But all I could do at this stage was
to put our own campaign house in order. I hoped that if we ran the campaign I
expected, there wouldn’t be a run-off.
* * *
At the start of April, the final list of candidates was set. There were five. In
addition to Bibi, Yitzhik and me, Benny Begin had decided to run on the right.
Also in the contest was Knesset member Azmi Beshara, the first Israeli Arab
citizen to seek national office.
When we chose “One Israel” as the name of our campaign alliance, it was not
meant just as a catchy phrase. Though now a half-century old, the country had
rarely seemed so diverse, and in many ways divided. It was not just the old fault
line between Labor and Revisionist Zionism that defined our politics, or even the
Ashkenazi-Sephardi gulf that had predominated since the late 1970s. There were
new, younger, more assertive, more right-wing and more pro-settlement voices
among the Orthodox. There was the contrast between the overwhelmingly secular,
politically and socially liberal, and culturally Western Tel Aviv, with its lively
cafés and restaurants, and the constellation of wealthy suburbs to the north; and
smaller Israeli towns and cities in the interior, Jerusalem as well, not to mention
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the settlements on the West Bank. Since the fall of the Soviet Union, hundreds of
thousands of Russians had also flowed into Israel. Most were Jewish in culture
more than religious observance, but they were instinctively inclined to support
candidates – Rabin in 1992, and Bibi the last time around – who they felt were
likely to take a tough line in any peace negotiations with the Arabs.
I was never going to get the backing of many West Bank settlers, or of core
supporters of the Likud and parties even further to the right. But I would need to
make at least some dent in Bibi’s hold on the Russian voters who had supported
him by a wide margin in 1996. I focused first on Yisrael Ba’Aliyah, the main
Russian immigrant political party. It had been set up by the iconic Soviet-era
refusenik Natan Sharansky – or, as he was then known, Anatoly Sharansky. He’d
been an ally of Andrei Sakharov, an outspoken human rights advocate and, until he
was finally released and allowed to leave in 1986, a political prisoner in the gulag.
Though Natan’s party was not going to offer a formal endorsement for any
candidate, I met with him to press the case for “security and peace,” the message
I’d tried to advance with Shimon three years earlier, and to emphasize the need to
bring unity and shared purpose back to the country. Though I think he would have
been receptive anyway, it didn’t hurt that he, like me, was a mathematics graduate
– from Moscow’s Physics and Technology Institute. He was also a chess
aficionado. When I was rash enough to face him across the board, as I recall, it
took him all of five minutes, and seven moves, to checkmate me.
But I also made dozens of visits to Russian community groups, and met with
individual families whenever I could. Often, I found myself talking to older men
and women among the immigrants about the military details of the Great Patriotic
War, as the Russians called World War Two. On a number of occasions, I accepted
the invitation to sit down and play on a sitting-room piano. I think the first time I
got a sense that any of this might be having an impact was in a quote from a
Yisrael Ba’Aliyah official in an Israeli newspaper. Though still stopping short of a
formal endorsement, the official was quoted as saying: “A month ago, young
Russians thought Barak was a boring, left-wing socialist party leader who doesn’t
look good on TV and mumbles a lot... Today, they see him as a high-ranking
Israeli general who knows how to play the piano. The Russian immigrants like
strong, cultured people.” Except for the bit about mumbling, I couldn’t have
wished for more.
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The next key moment in the campaign involved something I did not do. This
time, the Israeli television debate came earlier in the campaign, a month before the
election. Bibi, Yitzhik Mordechai and I were all invited, as the three main
candidates. But I told the TV people I had a conflicting personal engagement. I
figured I had nothing to gain by going. To join a three-way debate risked creating
the impression this was a genuine three-man race, and I still held out hope it would
come down to just me and Bibi. Besides, I thought a debate between the other two
would help me. Yitzhik knew Bibi well. He had served in Bibi’s government.
Though not a natural orator, he was always forthright, and often pugnacious, in
making his points. And he couldn’t stand Bibi.
Unlike the 1996 debate, this time there was a knock-out blow, and Bibi was the
one left on the canvas. It was a bit like Senator Lloyd Bentsen’s killer riposte when
Republic vice-presidential candidate Dan Quayle compared himself to John F.
Kennedy in their debate, a few months earlier: “Jack Kennedy was a friend of
mine. Senator, you’re no Jack Kennedy…” Bibi entered his television showdown
with Yitzhik Mordechai with much the same strategy he’d used against Peres. He
went on the offensive. He tried to portray himself as an indispensable bulwark
against those, like Yitzhik or me, who he said would cosy up to Arafat and Assad
and endanger Israel’s security. But Yitzhik was up for the fight. He also knew that
only months earlier, Bibi himself had been exploring the idea of giving up the
Golan Heights to the same President Assad. He didn’t actually refer to the secret
mission by Ronald Lauder, or explicitly accuse Bibi of hypocrisy. But his reply –
and Bibi’s visible discomfort – were just as effective. Smiling sardonically, he
said: “I know your outbursts, and they won’t do you any good.” He challenged
Bibi to just “look me in the eye” and admit what he really thought about the future
of the Golan. The media verdict was unanimous. Mordechai had won. Which
meant I had won.
Though my American and British brains’ trust had little input into our day-today
campaign, they did play a role in the thrust and strategy. I tried to drive home
two things as we entered the two-week homestretch in May. My first, broad
message was an echo of James Carville’s central theme in the Clinton Presidential
campaign: “change, versus more of the same.” It had worked in the US not because
it was clever, but because it resonated with large numbers of voters. I sensed from
the start of the campaign that it was true of Israel as well. Different groups had
different gripes, and different ideas of what they hoped I would provide as Prime
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Minister. But fewer and fewer Israelis were enthusiastic about four more years of
Bibi. But I also was keen to convey the substance of what my premiership would
be about. Domestically, I spoke of the need to narrow gaps in education and
opportunity – particularly, though not only, the continuing disadvantage of many in
the Sephardi communities who had arrived in the early years of the state. I wanted
to try to build bridges between the secular and religious as well. My hope was to
begin to recreate the “One Israel” of my youth.
In terms of policy, I believed my primary job would be deliver “security and
peace” – in that order. I declared my commitment to continue, and build on, Oslo
and to make a new push in negotiations with Syria. Deliberately following the
model Philip Gould had used in Tony Blair’s election campaign, we also
distributed nearly a million copies of a six-point policy “pledge card”. It included a
promise to hold a referendum on any peace deal we reached with Syria or the
Palestinians, as well as several domestic policy pledges, including an end to
discrimination against Russian immigrants whose Jewish religious status had been
called into question.
Yet the most widely reported promise was that I would pull out all Israeli troops
from Lebanon within a year. I realized that even among those who knew that made
sense, voices would be raised both in the Knesset and the kiyra against
withdrawing. As with the Bar-Lev Line before the 1973 War, the longer the
“security zone” was in place, the more difficult that politicians had found it to say
it was a mistake. Yet it had now been there for nearly two decades. The main
argument for keeping it – that it protected the security of northern Israel – was
undermined by the fact that thousands of Katyusha rockets had been fired over it.
And in the low-grade war we were fighting against Hizbollah inside the security
zone, around 20 Israeli soldiers had been dying each and every year. When I’d first
visited our positions in south Lebanon in the early 1980s, chatted with the troops
and asked them how they were doing, the invariable response was: we’re OK.
We’re just worried about our young kids back home. Now, those children were
manning the same outposts, facing the same danger, in a sliver of land on which
we had no claim, which we had no desire to hold, and which was, at best, of
questionable security value.
* * *
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I’d tried not to pay too much attention to newspaper polls during the campaign,
perhaps because even the “good” ones, to use Shimon’s phrase, had me with just a
narrow lead, with Yitzhik Mordechai’s 10 or 11 percent still likely to prevent
outright victory in the first round. But in the second part of May, our internal
polling showed things were moving in our direction. In mid-May, they had me
above 40 percent. A final batch of internal polls, on the Friday before election day,
had me just short of 50 percent. But I told our pollsters that under no circumstances
were they to divulge the results to anyone in the campaign team. This wasn’t just
because I wanted to guard against complacency. It was because, deep down, still I
didn’t trust the numbers.
I retreated to Kochav Yair on Friday evening. On Saturday, two days before the
election, I had a surprise visitor, someone I knew from Yitzhik Mordecai’s team.
He said he had a letter for me, with terms of a proposal under which Yitzhik would
announce an eleventh-hour withdrawal from the race. I still could not be absolutely
confident I’d win, at least in the first round. Yitzhik’s pulling out would help. But
if I did win, I wanted to start the process of assembling a coalition with a blank
slate and an open mind. Doing a deal was not the way to begin. I didn’t accept or
open the envelope. “Go back to Yitzhik,” I said. “Tell him, as he knows, that I
have a lot of respect for him. But this is a decision that he has to make on his own.”
The next day, less than 24 hours before the polls opened, all of the three other
candidates announced they were pulling out. Benny Begin and Azmi Beshara were
never going to affect the outcome. But Yitzhik’s withdrawal very possibly would.
When he spoke to reporters, he said it had been one of the most difficult decisions
he’d had to make, but that he’d concluded he wouldn’t get enough votes to reach
his “primary goal” of defeating Bibi. “The prime minister was given a chance and
he failed,” he said. “We must give Barak a chance.”
I got up early on May 17, confident we’d done everything we could to put
ourselves in a position to win, but also aware, from Shimon’s defeat, that the
smallest of details, and the narrowest of margins, might determine the outcome.
After the 1996 election, I’d learned of cases where Peres volunteers outside polling
stations in the Negev or the north of the country had left early, in order to make
sure they’d be back to Tel Aviv in time for the “moment of victory.” Now, I sent
out word that all our volunteers must stay in place until the polls had closed. After
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Nava and I voted, we attended an event for Labor supporters north of Tel Aviv,
before flying to Beersheva to spend the final hours in the Negev. I’d arranged for
Shlomo Ben-Ami to go to Kiryat Shmona in the north – emphasizing, as
throughout the campaign, our determination to broaden our support beyond
Labor’s heartland. The polls closed at 10 o’clock. I knew Bibi would be staring at
the same Channel One newscast as I was, each of us ready to put the best spin on
things, especially if there was no clear sign at this stage which one of us had won.
But the exit poll findings came as a shock: Barak, of One Israel, 58.5 percent;
Netanyahu, Likud, 41.5 percent. It was a landslide.
The full impact hit me only when I got to the fifth-floor suite in the Dan Hotel
in Tel Aviv, our election-night headquarters. My three brothers, and Nava and our
daughters, were waiting for me. Leah Rabin, too. Our eyes teared up as we
embraced. My parents were by now too frail to come. But I’d promised to phone
them, whatever happened. “We did it,” I told my father, who said mazaltov with a
depth of feeling which had become rare as his health began to fail. My mother had
always been a bit conflicted about my going into politics, despite her lifelong
belief that the issues of politics mattered, especially after Yitzhak had been cut
down and killed for following the path on which I hoped to continue. Still, I could
hear the pride, and relief, in her voice when I said: “Remember, ima. I did promise
you that if I ran, at least I’d make sure to win.”
When we’d finished speaking, Bibi called. He had conceded publicly as soon
as the exit poll was out. He had also stunned the Likud crowd by immediately
resigning as party leader. “Congratulations,” he said, sounding, more than
anything, tired. “I accept that the voters have spoken.” I thanked him for taking the
trouble to call. I said I appreciated the contribution he’d made to the country, and
that we’d meet in the next few days to discuss how best to handle the political
transition. “Thanks,” Bibi said. “And again, mazaltov.”
By the time I got off the phone with Bibi, the TV was showing pictures of tens
of thousands of people celebrating the results in the central Tel Aviv square, now
renamed in Rabin’s memory, where he had been murdered nearly four years
earlier. Before leaving to join them, I fielded a stream of calls: from friends, other
Israeli party leaders and leaders from abroad, including Tony Blair and Bill
Clinton, both of whom not only offered warm congratulations but said they looked
forward to working with me as I tried to move Israel forward and to finish the
work Yitzhak had begun.
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At the start of my brief remarks at the hotel podium before going to Rabin
Square, I had to call for quiet when I mentioned the phone call from Bibi. “No,” I
said, raising my voice to be heard above the boos, “we will not boo an incumbent
Prime Minister of Israel… A short time ago, I spoke with Prime Minister
Netanyahu and thanked him for his service to the State of Israel.” Then – with both
Leah and Shimon Peres at my side – I paid tribute to “that one special person who
had a unique role in our reaching this moment – somebody who was my
commander and guide, and the person who led me into politics: Yitzhak Rabin. I
pledged to fulfil his legacy, and complete the work he’d started. And I extended a
hand to “secular and religious, the ultra-Orthodox and the residents of the
settlements, to Israelis of Middle Eastern origin and Ashkenazi extraction, to
immigrants from Eithopia and the former Soviet Union, to the Arabs, the Druze,
the Circassians, the Bedouin. All, all of them, are part of the Israeli people.”
It was not long before sunrise when I reached the square. As the crowd shouted
and sang, I began with a line borrowed from Bob Shrum. It seemed particularly
apt: “It is the breaking of a new dawn,” I said.
But was it? As I paid tribute to Rabin – “in this place where our hearts broke” –
and dedicated myself to completing the work he’d begun, I could feel the
thousands in the square willing me on. Even in my more nuanced comments on the
talks with the Palestinians: the need to achieve peace, but at least for now by
disengaging rather than joining hands with the Palestinians, ensuring we had
military and border provisions to safeguard our security, and with the stipulation
that Jerusalem would remain our undivided capital, under Israeli sovereignty. But
some in the crowd were carrying posters saying “No to the charedim” – the strictly
Orthodox. Others were chanting, in anticipation of the negotiations needed to put
together a coalition: Rak lo Shas! Anyone but Shas! It was a reference to the
Sephardi Orthodox party, which in addition to being more nuanced and flexible
than other religious parties on the issue of peace talks, had been the big winner in
the election. It had gained seven seats and now had only two fewer than the Likud.
I did not specifically mention Shas. But I said: “I tell you here that the time has
come to end divisions. The time has come to make peace among ourselves,
whether we are traditionalists or secularists… We must not be enemies of each
other.” Paying tribute to all those in the square who had worked for our election
victory, I added: “I know it would not have been possible without your support.
But I also know it would not have been possible without the support many in the
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Likud. I appreciate that as well. And I undertake to be rosh hasmemshalah shel
kulam: Prime Minister for all Israelis.
Yet as fervently as I hoped to be able deliver on that pledge, I knew, even as I
spoke, that actually fulfilling it was going to be much, much tougher.
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Chapter Twenty
As Prime Minister, I would sometimes be criticised as emotionally buttoned up,
even stoic, and there was some truth in that. It was partly just a reflection of who I
was: a kibbutznik who’d grown up in the early years of the state, and had then
spent most of his life in the army. But while it may not have shown, I felt a churn
of emotions when I formally presented my government to the Knesset in July 1999
as Nava, our three daughters, her parents and mine looked on proudly from the
gallery. Even more so, when I entered the office of the Prime Minister. I’d been
there before: as head of military intelligence, chief of staff and a cabinet minister.
Yet to sit behind the vast wooden desk and know that the buck now truly stopped
with me – to become just the tenth person in Israel’s history to have that honor –
was very different.
What I felt most powerfully, however, wasn’t the honor. It was the
responsibility. I knew that Israel faced two deepening crises. The first was
domestic. Though Yitzhak Rabin’s assassin was now in jail, the divisiveness and
hatred of which he was a product and symbol had not gone away. Nor had other
rifts: between the privileged and disadvantaged, Ashkenazim and Sephardim, and,
perhaps most of all, secular and religious. The second, more immediate challenge
was on our borders. The peace process was stalled. If we were going to revive it,
we were running against the clock. President Clinton, a key player in any hope of
turning the promise of Oslo into real peace, had only 18 months remaining in
office. In terms of Israel’s security, the timetable was even less forgiving. From my
very first intelligence briefings as Prime Minister, I was even more convinced of
what I’d been warning Bibi for months: without a political breakthrough, a new,
much more deadly intifada was only a matter of time.
That would have been reason enough to make peace efforts my first priority.
But even as I was addressing the victory rally in Rabin Square, I sensed that the
simple arithmetic of the election results would leave me no other choice. I was
entering office with the largest electoral mandate in our history. But that was
because of Israel’s new voting system, with separate ballots cast for Prime Minister
and party. That system had had precisely the opposite effect on party voting. In
previous elections, most Israelis had chosen one of the two main parties, knowing
that only they had a realistic chance of forming a government. Now they could
directly choose the Prime Minister, giving them the luxury to vote in much greater
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numbers for an array of smaller, issue-specific parties. The result: though I’d won
by a landslide, and One Israel had the largest number of Knesset seats, even with
our natural left-of-center ally, Meretz, we would have only 36 Knesset seats – well
short of the 61 needed for a majority. Even if we included a few smaller parties,
there was no choice but to bring in one of the two larger ones: the Sephardi
Orthodox Shas, with 17 seats; or Likud, which, after Bibi’s sudden resignation,
was now led by Arik Sharon, and had 19.
It wasn’t just a math problem. It had a critical policy implication. If I wanted to
tackle the domestic challenge – to reassert the values of secular-led democratic
government over increasingly assertive religious involvement in our day-to-day
politics – that would mean choosing Likud over Shas. But it would also signal the
effective end of the peace process. Even though Arik assured me privately that he
understood my determination to reopen peace efforts with Arafat and Hafez al-
Assad, I knew Arik. The path toward peace agreements, assuming they were even
possible, would be tough. Sooner or later – and certainly if we faced the need to
consider painful compromises in the negotiations – I was certain that Arik would
act as a kind of opposition from within. That was why, over the angry opposition
of Meretz leader Yossi Sarid, I decided to go with the Sephardi Orthodox party. I
realized that even Shas might walk out if the scale of any land-for-peace
concessions proved too high. But it was the least extreme of the major religious
parties on the question of peace with the Palestinians. In my conversations with the
party’s spiritual leader and guide, the 79-year-old rabbi and Talmudic scholar
Ovadia Yosef, I was struck by his intelligence, erudition and subtletly of thought –
but, above all, his commitment to the core Jewish principle of sanctifying human
life over the specifics of Oslo redeployments, where his inclination seemed to be to
trust the judgment of those with the experience and expertise to evaluate the
security implications.
To Meretz’s additional consternation, I included two smaller, right-of-center
Orthodox parties in the coalition. It was not just to make good on my pledge to be
Prime Minister for all Israelis. Knowing that I was going to put top priority on the
peace process, I wanted to avoid an undiluted left-of-centre, secular thrust to the
government. When I’d stood in front of the tens of thousands of cheering
supporters in Rabin Square after the election, I thought to myself: they think that
with Bibi gone, peace is around the corner. I wanted a coalition broad enough to
keep Meretz, and Labor ministers as well, from forgetting a crucial fact: the
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compromises that we might have to contemplate during peace negotiations were
still anathema to many other Israelis.
* * *
Syria was always my first negotiating priority, as it had been for Rabin and, for
a brief period, Bibi as well. This was not just because the shape of a final
agreement with the Syrians was clearer, to both sides, than with the Palestinians. It
was because I was determined to make good on the main specific policy pledge of
my campaign: to bring our troops home from Lebanon. No matter what the
increasingly emboldened fighters of Hizbollah said publicly, our withdrawal would
be bad news for them. It would deprive them of their “anti-occupation” rationale
for firing Katyushas into towns and settlements in northern Israel, and free us
politically to strike back hard if that proved necessary. It was clear to me that
Hizbollah would try to make the withdrawal as difficult for us as possible. But the
real power in Lebanon rested with the Syrians, who, along with Iran, were
Hizbollah’s main backers. If we could get a peace agreement with Assad, there
seemed every reason to hope he would rein in Hizbollah, and perhaps open the way
to a peace treaty with Lebanon as well.
Still, there was no way of hiding an additional attraction in getting a deal with
Syria first: it would increase our negotiating leverage with the Palestinians. That
would certainly not be lost on Yasir Arafat – one reason that I realized the
importance of an early meeting with him, to convey my commitment to keeping
the Oslo process alive, and, if possible, achieving a full and final Israeli-Palestinian
peace.
* * *
I went to see Arafat a few days after taking office. We met for well over an
hour at Erez, the main crossing point into Gaza. It was swelteringly hot inside. At
least I was in an ordinary business suit, but I couldn’t help wondering how Arafat
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was coping in his trademark military uniform. Still, the mood music going into the
meeting was encouraging. After the election, Arafat had tried to use his ties with
the ayatollahs in Iran to get them to release 13 members of the tiny Jewish
community in Shiraz who had been jailed on patently absurd accusations of spying
for the “Zionist régime.” Iran had told him no. Given its support for Hizbollah, and
its serial diatribes about destroying the State of Israel, this was hardly a surprise.
But it was a gesture nonetheless, and I told him I appreciated it. I also arrived with
a gift: a leather-bound volume with both the Hebrew Bible and Koran. I began our
meeting with what I felt I most needed him to hear: that both of us were trying to
achieve something hugely important, nothing less than a new relationship between
Israelis and Palestinians based on trust. As I would discover in the months ahead –
as Yitzhak had found as well – Arafat responded warmly to such general appeals
of principle. He replied that he viewed me as a partner, and a friend. But the key
issue of substance – the difference between how I envisaged taking Oslo forward
and what he wanted – was impossible to avoid.
I emphasized that I was committed to the further Wye River summit
redeployments Bibi which had agreed, although not implemented, as well as to a
release of Palestinian prisoners agreed at Wye. Yet then came the more difficult
part: explaining my view of how we could best move toward a full peace
agreement. I said I was convinced the prospects would be much better if we
delayed the redeployments and brought forward the start of the real negotiations:
on “permanent-status” issues like final borders, settlements, Jerusalem, refugees. In
any case, I said, I’d need a few months for a thorough assessment of the issues
involved, and to reach a settled view with my negotiating team on how to proceed.
Arafat seemed to accept the idea of a pause for reflection and planning. But he held
firm in his opposition to any further delay in the Wye redeployments. More
worryingly for the longer-term prospects of an agreement, he ignored altogether
my suggestion that we move ahead toward the permanent-status talks.
Speaking to reporters, I was careful to accentuate the positive. I said the reason
I’d come to see Arafat so soon was because of the importance I attached to his role
in “shaping peace in the Middle East.” I said I would not waver in continuing on
the path which Rabin and he and begun. And while the security of Israel would be
my paramount concern in negotiations, “I also want each Palestinian to feel
secure.” Both sides, I said, had suffered enough. The open question, however, was
whether I had done enough to persuade Arafat that his exclusive focus on
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redeployments – on only the land part of a land-for-peace deal – meant we risked
ignoring the core issues that would determine whether a full peace agreement was
achievable.
More urgently, I knew from our diplomats in the US that the Americans would
not necessarily be receptive to a further delay in moving ahead with Oslo, even if it
meant focusing on trying to make peace with Syria. That made my first visit to see
President Clinton as Prime Minister especially important.
* * *
It was billed as a “working visit” and work we did. After a gala dinner for Nava
and me in the White House, we helicoptered to the presidential retreat at Camp
David. President Clinton and I spent more than 10 hours discussing shared security
challenges in the Middle East, especially terrorist groups and states like Iran that
were backing them, and, of course, how best to move forward our efforts to
negotiate peace. These face-to-face meetings set a pattern that would last
throughout the time he and I were in office. On almost all key issues, my
preference was to deal directly with the President, something I know sometimes
frustrated other senior US negotiators like Secretary of State Madeleine Albright
and Mideast envoy Dennis Ross. This was not out of any disrespect for them. It
was because the decisions on which negotiations would succeed or fail would have
to be made at the top, just as President Clinton and I would ultimately carry the
responsibility, or the blame, for errors, missteps or missed opportunities.
Our first meeting ran until three in the morning. When the President asked me
how I saw the peace process going forward, he smiled, in obviously relief, at my
answer: I wanted to move quickly. He had only a limited time left in office, and I
was determined that we not waste it. Much is often made about the personal
“chemistry” in political relationships. Too much, I think, because the core issues,
and the trade-offs of substance, are what truly matter when negotiating matters of
the weight, and long-term implications, of Middle East peace. Still, chemistry does
help when moments of tension or crisis arise, as they inevitably do. My first few
days with President Clinton laid a foundation that allowed us to work together even
when things got tough. I benefited, I’m sure, simply by not being Bibi. The
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president and his negotiating team had spent the previous few, frustrating years
trying alternately to urge, nudge and cajole him – and, of course, Arafat – toward
implementing Oslo. Clinton did finally succeed in getting the Wye River
agreement. But it, too, remained to be implemented.
Nava’s presence, and Hillary Clinton’s, contributed to an informal, familial
atmosphere. Before my first round of talks with the President, we joined Bill and
Hillary for dinner. Though I would work more closely with Hillary in later years,
when she was Secretary of State under President Obama, this was the first time I’d
had the opportunity to engage in anything more than small talk with her. She was
less naturally outgoing than her husband. Yet not only was she bright and
articulate. She was barely less informed on the ins and outs of Middle East peace
negotiations than the President. She, and Bill as well, also spoke with us about
things well beyond the diplomacy of the Middle East: science, music, and our
shared interest in history. What most struck Nava and me, however, was the way
the Clintons interacted with each other. The scandal surrounding Monica Lewinsky
was still fresh. I suppose we expected to see signs of tension. Whether they were
there, we had no way of knowing. But what the two of them did palpably have was
a deep respect for each other’s intelligence, insight and creativity in looking for
solutions where so many others saw only problems. It was impressive.
Still, there was little small talk in the long discussions I had with the President.
From the outset, I wanted him to know exactly what I hoped we could accomplish
and how, in my view, we were most likely to get there. I wasn’t trying to impose
“ground rules” on the President of the United States, something I neither would nor
could do. But I was explicit with him about my own approach the negotiations. I
assured him I was prepared to be flexible. But I said I’d be relying on two critical
assumptions. The first was that when we and the Americans agreed a position on a
specific issue, there would be no unilateral “surprises” – by which I meant, though
didn’t say, things like the unfortunate American redefinition of Yitzhak’s “pocket
deposit” assurance regarding the Golan. The second assumption, I know, may
seem overly legalistic. It was that, until and unless we reached a full and final
agreement with either Syria or the Palestinians, any Israeli negotiating ideas or
proposals would not be binding. If no agreement was reached, they would become
null and void. I wanted to avoid a situation, as had happened so often in past
negotiations, where an Israeli proposal was rejected by the Arab side but then
treated as the opening position in the expectation of further concessions in later
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talks. I did realize that, “null and void” or not, our proposals or suggestions would
not simply disappear from memory. But I felt the point of principle was essential if
Israel was going to be able to consider the kind of far-reaching concessions which
final peace deals might require.
In the end, I realized that we might simply discover that Assad, and certainly
Arafat, were not willing or ready to make peace. We might, initially at least, have
to settle for a more incremental step. “Right here in Camp David, Begin, Sadat and
Carter couldn’t complete the process,” I pointed out. “They signed a ‘framework
agreement’ and it took months of further diplomacy to reach a peace treaty. Maybe
we’ll end up doing the same.” But I told the President I was convinced that if we
didn’t try to get agreements, we’d have no way of knowing whether the will to
make peace was there on the other side. Assad, I suspected, was the more likely to
reciprocate. That was a major reason I wanted to start our efforts with him. But so
far, his true intentions had never been tested, beyond his obvious determination to
get back the Golan. Nor had Arafat’s, beyond his focus on the detail and extent of
West Bank redeployments.
President Clinton did not object to an early effort to reopen our efforts with the
Syrians. But he was worried about the effects of ignoring the already-creaking
prospects of fulfilling the promise of Oslo. If we were going to delay focusing on
that, Clinton told me, he needed to be able to assure Arafat the wait would be
worth his while. What could we give the PLO leader in return for putting off the
Wye redeployments further, he asked. And then, the real question on his mind:
“Ehud, when we get to the final redeployment and a peace deal, how much of the
West Bank are you prepared to hand back?”
I simply didn’t know at this stage. Much would depend on whether we could be
sure Arafat could or would deliver a final peace. But even if I had known, I would
have been reluctant to name a precise percentage. Though I had full trust in
President Clinton, I knew that everything he and I said would be shared with at
least a few of his closest policy aides and negotiators. Sooner or later, word would
get to Arafat. When we did begin negotiations, he’d take whatever number I gave
as a mere starting point. Still, I knew I had to signal the President that I was serious
about negotiating with Arafat when the time came. I also knew the main source of
his concern. In order to get the agreement at Wye, the President had signed on to a
provision that the dimension of the third and final redeployment phase would be
determined by Israel alone. By that stage, when we got there, Arafat would have
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control of something like 40 percent of the West Bank. That meant – at least in
theory – that Israel could limit phase-three to a mere token pullout, leaving the
Palestinians with less than half of the territory.
“I don’t know what percentage, exactly,” I replied. “But one of my cabinet
ministers thinks that a formula of 70-10-20 would work, meaning 70 percent for
the Palestinians, ten percent to allow us to retain and secure the largest of the
settlement blocs, and the rest to be worked out in further talks.” When he nodded, I
added: “Peres thinks it could end up at 80-20, and says he thinks Arafat would find
it hard to walk away from getting control of four-fifths of the West Bank. But it’s
not about the number. It’s about the area needed for the major settlements, and
whatever else is required to safeguard our security. Beyond that, we don’t need a
single inch of the West Bank, and we won’t ask for a single inch.”
I replied in much the same vein when President Clinton urged me to help kickstart
new talks with Assad by formally reaffirming Yitzhak’s “pocket deposit” on
the Golan Heights. As with the Palestinians, I was not going to cede a major
negotiating card – our only real negotiating card – before we had any indication
Assad was serious about making peace. But I did feel it was necessary to reassure
Clinton that I was serious. I told him that, if and when the Syrians showed real
signs of readiness to address our needs in a peace agreement, I would reaffirm the
“pocket deposit.”
I’d come to Washington hoping that President Clinton would be with me on the
main issues of substance. But what I needed most at this point was his support on
the procedural decisions I’d made in order to get to real peace negotiations:
engaging with Syria first, and shifting the emphasis on the Palestinian track away
from the redeployments toward the core permanent-status issues we’d have to
resolve in order to get a peace agreement. What emerged from my first meetings
with President Clinton was essentially a trade-off. He knew I would be ready to
make concessions in pursuit of genuine peace. I was confident that on the route
that I was proposing to take, he would have my back.
But what I couldn’t be sure of was whether my own government would have
my back. On paper, we had a comfortable Knesset majority: 75 out of the 120
seats. But I knew it was inherently vulnerable, both to friction between the
Orthodox parties and assertively secular MKs from Meretz and inside Labor, and
to possible defections over the concessions we might have to consider in peace
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negotiations. The first stirrings of discontent had begun even before I went to see
Clinton. On the basis of my commitment merely to try for peace, Arik Sharon had
presented a no-confidence motion in the Knesset. It was never going to pass. But
only days after I’d made him Interior Minister, Natan Sharansky let it be known he
was going to vote against us. He didn’t. He stayed away from the chamber, in
effect abstaining. But I’d been put on notice.
I did lose my first coalition partner in September: the small United Torah
Judaism party, with five Knesset seats. It wasn’t over land-for-peace. In an echo of
a similar crisis that brought down the government during Rabin’s first spell as
Prime Minister in the 1970s, it was over a violation of the Jewish Sabbath. It
turned out that Israel’s state electric company had been transporting a huge steamcondensation
machine from the manufacturing site near Haifa to a power plant in
Ashdod. The unit was the size of a small apartment. It weighed 100 tons. It
couldn’t be driven across the country without bringing weekday traffic to a
standstill. The obvious solution was to do it when road use was lightest, on
Shabbat. Precisely the same procedure had been followed – 24 times – under Bibi.
But when I asked a United Torah Judaism leader why he’d seemed happy when
Likud had waved it through, he replied: “Past sins cannot pardon future ones.” Eli
Suissa, one of the Shas ministers in the cabinet, took his side, saying: “Every hour
is good for the keeping of Shabbat.” Most other ministers agreed with me that we
should stand firm. So I did. But UTJ walked out of the government. Shas did
remain. But I was now increasingly certain that at some stage its ministers, too,
would leave.
In the midst of the Sharanksy rebellion, Haim Ramon, who was the minister in
charge of liaising with the Knesset, insisted I “punish” him for his political
grandstanding. “You should fire Sharansky. Act like a leader!” I just laughed. “The
coalition doesn’t need a leader,” I replied. “It needs therapy.” In truth, I suspected
that if we ever got near to a peace agreement with Assad or Arafat, even therapy
might not help. But that was a main reason that I’d promised a referendum on any
final peace deals. I believed that in the choice between concessions, even painful
ones, and a genuine peace deal with Syria or the Palestinians, by far most Israelis
would choose peace.
I relied on a strong, close team around me, people I knew well and who shared
my determination to stay focused on the central goal: to put Israel in a position
where its citizens could be given that choice. I made Danny Yatom, my former
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sayeret deputy, my chief of staff. The negotiating team also included Uri Saguy,
former head of military intelligence; Gilad Sher, a gifted lawyer I’d known for a
quarter of a century and who had been a company commander in my armored
brigade in the 1970s; and Amnon Lipkin, the paratroop commander at Chinese
Farm and my successor as ramatkal when I left the army. Also, Shlomo Ben-Ami,
the Moroccan-born, Oxford-educated historian and diplomat who had run against
me for the Labor leadership. Shlomo had a gift for systematic analysis and keen
judgement, especially on security issues, which I highly valued.
It did not escape the attention of Israeli commentators, or other politicians, that
almost all of them were former soldiers whom I’d known from my time in uniform.
But that observation missed a more important point: we were all members of the
“generation of 1967 and 1973.” We had been soldiers during the Six-Day War. In
the years immediately after it, like almost all Israelis, we had allowed ourselves to
believe that our victory had been so comprehensive, and so quick, that any threat
from the defeated Arab states was gone for good. We assumed that inevitably,
inexorably, they would realize they needed to sue for peace, and that there was no
particular urgency on our part to do anything more than wait. Then, on Yom
Kippur 1973, all of that had been turned on its head. We had not only learned the
lessons, of 1973. We had internalized them. Even had we not known of the danger
of a new Palestinian campaign of terror, the option of simply watching and waiting
– and assuming that our military strength, which was now even greater, could
make events around us stand still – would not have made sense to us. Besides, as I
remarked to Danny and others, to do so would run against the founding purpose of
Zionism: to establish a state where Jews would no longer be victims of events, but
would take control of their destiny and try to shape them.
* * *
Yet making peace, like making war, takes two. Much as I’d wanted to begin
with Syria, until well into the autumn of 1999 President Assad was holding firm on
his insistence that without our “deposit,” without a prior agreement that he’d get
back the Golan, there could be no substantive progress. This was particularly
frustrating because I was getting reports from our intelligence services, and
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Western envoys who had seen the Syrian president, that Assad’s many years of
health problems had left him almost skeletally frail, even at times disoriented.
Even my own negotiating team urged me to concentrate on the Palestinians
instead. President Clinton kept stressing the importance of showing Arafat at least
some movement on the Oslo front. In September 1999, I took a first, significant
step in that direction. I agreed to a timetable that would deliver the Wye
redeployments by the end of January 2000, while also committing us to negotiating
a framework agreement, on the model of the Begin-Sadat Camp David accords, on
the “permanent-status” peace issues. In early November, I joined Clinton and
Arafat for talks around an event in Oslo – a deliberate echo of the optimism with
which the peace process had begun, held on the fourth anniversary of Rabin’s
assassination. Both Leah Rabin and Peres came with me. Its centerpiece was a
memorial service, at which Leah spoke very movingly of the need for both sides to
finish the work Yitzhak had begun, a responsibility I pledged that we would do
everything in our power to fulfill. Only Arafat struck a discordant note. He paired a
tribute to Rabin with a polemic call for an end to “occupation, exile and
settlements.”
After the ceremony, he, President Clinton and I met at the American
ambassador’s residence. I was still struck by Arafat’s public comments: by his
apparent desire, or need, to play to hardliners back home in what was supposed to
be a time to remember and honor Yitzhak. I didn’t raise his remarks directly, but I
told him that each of us was approaching a moment of truth for the future of our
people. The decisions required wouldn’t be easy politically, for either of us. “But if
we don’t have the courage to make them, we’ll be burying thousands of our
people.” Worse, I said, those deaths would not advance his people’s position, or
mine, by a single inch. When future Palestinian and Israeli leaders did finally prove
equal to the challenge of making peace, they’d be looking at the same conflict,
requiring the same compromises. “The only difference will be the size of our
cemeteries.” Arafat nodded occasionally. But he said little, beyond saying that he
considered Rabin to have been a friend, and repeating his now-familiar,
nonspecific, pledge to “do what is necessary” for peace.
“The hardest part won’t be the tough decisions in negotiations,” I continued. “It
won’t be facing each other. It will be facing our own people.” We would need to
make the case openly, honestly, strongly that the peace agreement we reached was
in the interest of both Israelis and Palestinians. And in this, each of us had a
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responsibility to support the other. With President Clinton looking on, I steered
Arafat toward the window of the ambassador’s fifth-floor apartment. “Look
down,” I said. “Imagine that we each have parachutes, and we’re going to jump
together. But I have my hand on your ripcord, and you are holding mine. To land
safely we have to help each other… And if we don’t jump, many, many innocent
people who are now walking the streets of Gaza and Ramallah and Hebron, Tel
Aviv and Jerusalem, will die.” Arafat again just nodded, leaving me, and the
President, unsure whether anything I’d said had struck home.
The true test of that would come only when we got to the stage of negotiations
when the “difficult decisions” could not be evaded. Yet only weeks after I returned
from Oslo, the focus did finally shift to the Syrians. President Assad suddenly
signalled his willingness to resume talks without any preconditions – a message he
delivered first to my British Labor Party friend Michael Levy, who was visiting
Damascus as Tony Blair’s roving Mideast envoy, and then to Secretary of State
Madeleine Albright. Assad said he would send Syrian Foreign Minister Farouk al-
Sharaa to meet me for initial talks in Washington in December, ahead of a fullscale,
US-mediated attempt to negotiate peace at the start of the new year.
* * *
The broad terms of a potential deal had long been clear, both to us and the
Syrians. The danger was always that the process would get derailed, or never really
get started, due to domestic political opposition. Syria had a tightly state-controlled
media and an intelligence service concerned mainly with crushing any signs of
dissidence. That meant Assad’s main concern was to ensure broad support, or at
least acquiescence, from top military and party figures. In Israel, however, every
sign of a concession would risk igniting charges that we were “selling out” to
Syria. The Likud and the political right would obviously denounce the idea of
giving up the Golan Heights, even though Bibi had been ready to do just that when
he was Prime Minister. But even on the left, there was little enthusiasm for
returning the Golan. There were far fewer Israeli settlers there than on the West
Bank, not even 20,000. But most of them, far from being religiously motivated
ideologues, were Labor supporters. And almost no Israel, of any political stripe,
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viewed Hafez al-Assad as a natural partner for peace. For years, he’d been a
constant, sneering presence on our northern border, denouncing not only Sadat but
any Arab leader who’d shown willingness to engage or negotiate with Israel. Amos
Oz, one of our finest writers and a cultural icon for Labor Zionists, probably put it
best. He said the Syrians seemed to think that “we will give them the Golan, and
they’ll send us a receipt by fax.” The consensus was: forget Assad. Keep the
Golan. In fact, before I left for the US, the Knesset voted on whether it supported
my attempt to negotiate an agreement with Syria. We could muster only 47 votes,
14 short of a majority. An opinion poll found only 13 percent of Israelis favored a
full withdrawal from the Golan.
The message I drew from this was not that we should give up on the chances of
a peace agreement. After all, before Begin and Sadat went to Camp David in 1978,
an almost equally tiny minority of Israelos had been in favor of withdrawing from
the Sinai. Yet once they had seen the other side of the equation – full, formal peace
with our most powerful neighbor – the opposition all but evaporated. The problem
I saw was that if we and the Syrians couldn’t find a way to insulate our
negotiations from leaks, speculation and a swirl of opposition to our efforts at
home, we’d never get to the key issues of substance.
I’d been making that point to the Americans for weeks. At first, I tried to
persuade them to hold the talks at Camp David, ensuring the same, media-free
isolation that had yielded the historic Israeli-Egypt agreement. But Dennis Ross
replied that the very association of Camp David with that breakthrough meant it
would be a non-starter for President Assad. I then suggested we consider sites
outside of the US: NATO’s Incerlik air base in Turkey, for instance, a British base
in Cyprus, an American naval ship in the Mediterranean. Even, half-jokingly, an
abandoned missile silo in South Dakota. Yet the point I was making was serious, in
fact critical, I believed, if the talks were going to have a chance.
In the end, the Americans settled on a beautiful, and undeniably remote, town in
West Virginia called Shepherdstown. But from the outset, I was worried it couldn’t
provide the kind of environment we needed. As soon as our plane landed at
Andrews Air Force base outside Washington, I got a call from the head of our
advance team. He told me the news media were already there and that reporters –
Israeli, Arab, American and European – could be seen chatting with American,
Israeli and Syrian officials in the town’s coffee shops. I knew the press would have
to publish something about potential concessions as the negotiations proceeded.
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Whether the stories were true wouldn’t matter. They would still make the real
bargaining necessary for peace far more difficult, perhaps even impossible.
I also had doubts whether Assad was ready for real peace: embassies, open
borders, personal contact between Syrians and Israelis, and ideally an
internationally backed free-trade manufacturing area on the Golan to give Syria a
tangible stake in ensuring the peace lasted. In earlier talks, under Shimon Peres,
Syrian negotiators had at one stage brought a message from Assad. What did we
mean, he wanted to know, with all this emphasis on peace, peace, peace? Syria had
peace with El Salvador, but without any of the trappings we were insisting on.
Peace, in Assad’s mind, seemed to mean merely an absence of war. Plus, of course,
getting back the Golan.
I did, however, come ready to negotiate. Though I was still not prepared to
reconfirm Rabin’s “pocket deposit” as a mere ticket of admission, my position
remained essentially the one I had worked out with Yitzhak in formulating the
deposit: IAMNAM, “if all my needs are met.” Meaning that if Assad showed a
readiness to deal with Israel’s requirements in a peace deal, I did, of course,
recognize we would leave the Golan Heights. In addition to early-warning
facilities, we envisaged an open border with a demilitarized area on either side, as
well as guarantees that important sources of water for Israel would not be blocked
or diverted. As Assad knew, despite his presumably feigned puzzlement about
Syria’s arrangements with El Salvador, we also needed the agreement to embody a
mutual commitment to real peace: through elements like an exchange of
ambassadors and the establishment of the free-trade zone. As with the Begin-Sadat
peace, we assumed that our Golan withdrawal would come in phases, parallel to
the implementation of the other provisions of the treaty.
In our initial meetings in Shepherdstown, Foreign Minister al-Sharaa showed no
inclination even to talk about these other issues. So on the second afternoon we
were there, I suggested to President Clinton the Americans try to break the logjam
by drafting a paper of their own. It would detail all the issues in an eventual
agreement, with parenthetical references to those on which we and the Syrians still
differed. Then each side could respond with a view toward narrowing the gaps.
The President liked the idea. So did Al-Sharaa. Three days later, the President
presented the eight-page American draft. With his customary eloquence, he
emphasized the need for us to use it as a springboard for peace, not to score
political points, and each side agreed to take a couple of days to look through it. It
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seemed to me we might finally be on a path to substantive negotiations. There was
obviously not going to be a deal at this round of talks, but I agreed with President
Clinton that when they ended, he could phone Assad and tell him that I had
confirmed Rabin’s “pocket deposit.”
Yet by the time we left for home, the prospects suddenly looked much worse –
for the reason I’d feared from the moment we arrived. There were two major leaks.
The first came in an Arabic-language newspaper in London. Given the thrust of the
story, it had presumably come from the Syrians. But it was more annoying than
truly damaging. The second leak, however, was in the Israeli newspaper Ha’aretz,
which published the entire US negotiating paper. This was unwelcome for us, since
it confirmed we were ready to go far in return for peace. But for the Syrians, the
fact the final-border section was still a work-in-progress, with the parentheses to
prove it, created the impression that they’d decided to negotiate the details of a full
peace without first nailing down the return of the Golan Heights. Assad’s image as
a strongman, implacably tough on Israel, had been built and burnished over his
three decades in power. The embarrassment of being seen as amenable to talking
about a Syrian embassy in Israel without an agreement on the Golan struck me as a
potentially fatal blow to the prospects for a deal, since it dramatically narrowed the
scope for the flexibility needed by both sides to negotiate. I can’t say I was
surprised when Clinton phoned me when we got back to Israel to say that Assad
had refused to send Al-Sharaa back, as planned, for a further round of talks in 10
days’ time.
I didn’t give up, however, and neither did President Clinton. In February, at the
Americans’ request, I sat down with Danny Yatom and US Ambassador Martin
Indyk in Jerusalem to draw up a “bottom line” proposal on a withdrawal from the
Golan Heights. Since I’d already empowered Clinton to reaffirm the “pocket
deposit”, I saw no reason not to do this. If only because of Assad’s failing health, I
believed it was the only way we could know whether an agreement was possible.
We worked on a large satellite map of the Golan and the valley below, and drew
our proposed border in red. We marked out a strip of several hundred meters on the
far side of the Sea of Galilee. It included, or came near to, a handful of Syrian
villages that had been there before 1967. But we were careful to adjust the line to
exclude any area where buildings had stood. We compensated – with slightly more
territory – by bending the border westward to give the Syrians part of the slope
overlooking the lake, in what was now Israel. We also included the hot springs at
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al-Hama, which I knew Assad had said he considered rightfully Syrian during talks
held under Rabin.
But the details turned out not to matter. President Clinton agreed to present the
map to Assad in what we both hoped would be a step to reopening the path for
peace. The two of them met in Geneva in late March. Though the President also
came with full details of our positions on the other negotiating issues, he began by
telling Assad that I had agreed to the Syrians’ longstanding point of principle on
our future border: it would be “based on the June 4, 1967 line” before the Six-Day
War. Then, the President unfurled the map.
It was shortly after five in the afternoon in Israel when Clinton phoned me. He
sounded as if he’d been punched in the stomach. “Ehud, it’s not going to work,” he
said. “The moment I started, he tuned out. He just said: ‘Do I get my land?’ I tried
to get him to listen, but he just kept repeating: ‘Do I get all my land?’ According
the President, Assad would countenance nothing less than being able to sit on the
shore of the Sea of Galilee and “dip his feet in the water.” Clinton said he’d done
his best, and that was true. “I understand the effort is over,” I replied. “Probably,
he’s too frail and ill by now.” In fact, Assad would die of leukemia barely two
months later. His immediate focus was on ensuring an uncontested succession to
his son, Bashar.
When Dennis Ross came to see me in Jerusalem, I think he expected to find me
more distraught than I felt. Of course, I was disappointed. But I told him I was
grateful that Clinton had stayed with a negotiating effort that had been frustrating
for all of us. When I became Prime Minister, I’d assured the Americans that as
long as our vital security interests were protected, I was ready to go further than
any previous Israeli leader to get peace with Syria, and with Arafat too. I might
fail, but it would not be for lack of trying. I believed that even a “failure” would
tell us something: whether the other side was truly ready for peace. With Syria, I
told Dennis, “It’s not what we hoped for. But at least now we know.”
* * *
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My own negotiating team, not to mention the Americans, assumed I would now
turn my attention to the Palestinians. Arafat was pressing for us to go ahead with
phase-two of the Wye redeployments. In fact, he now wanted us to add the transfer
of three Arab villages on the edge of east Jerusalem: Eizaria, El-Ram and, most
importantly, Abu Dis, since from there you could see the golden dome of the
mosque above the Western Wall in the Old City. I understood why the villages
were politically important for him. But in practical terms, I also knew I’d have to
secure the support of the cabinet and the Knesset for what the Likud, and the main
religious parties too, would interpret as a first step toward “handing back
Jerusalem.”
For me, this underscored the problem at the heart of Oslo. We were transferring
land to Arafat, yet still without any serious engagement from the Palestinians on
the “permanent-status” questions, like the furture of Jerusalem, that were critical to
the prospects for real peace. They were critical, in fact, even to reaching a
framework agreement, or a declaration of principles, as a basis for a final treaty. I
probably should have seen the crisis-ridden spring of 2000 as a harbinger of the
difficulties when we finally got to that stage. I did make a first major effort to find
compromise ground on the main issues. I sent Gilead Sher and Shlomo Ben-Ami to
begin back-channel talks with a Palestinian team led by Abu Ala’a and Hassan
Asfour, the architects of Oslo. But as I prepared to seek Knesset approval for
returning the three additional villages to the Palestinians, my main Orthodox
coalition partners, Shas and the National Religious Party, as well as Sharansky’s
Yisrael ba’Aliyah, all threatened to walk out of the government. I did manage to
keep them on board, but only by getting the Knesset vote classified as a noconfidence
motion. That meant that if we lost, the government would fall and there
would be new elections. That was something none of them wanted. They feared
that Arik and the Likud would do better this time around, and they would end up
with fewer seats.
Still, even that didn’t avert a different kind of crisis. The vote was on May 15.
For the Palestinians, this was also Al-Naqba Day, the annual marking of the 1948
“catastrophe” of the founding of the State of Israel. Danny Yatom told me the night
before there were intelligence reports of large protests planned for the West Bank
and in Gaza. President Clinton immediately got the American consul to deliver a
message to Arafat, saying that the President expected him to intervene against any
sign of violence. But Arafat’s reply was that, while he’d do what he could, he
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couldn’t guarantee anything. In the months ahead I would come to understand what
that meant, because it would happen again. I don’t think Arafat himself
orchestrated the violence. Maybe he couldn’t have stopped it completely. But I
have no doubt – nor did President Clinton – that he stood aside and let it happen.
Even worse – since he did have control over them – his security forces, with
arms that Israel had provided as part of Oslo, fired on our troops as they tried to
keep order. All of this, while I stood in the Knesset battling to get approval to give
him the villages. As news arrived in the chamber of gunfire just a couple of miles
away, it was not just Likud or other right-wing MKs who were furious. I certainly
was. Yet I also knew that the price of losing the vote would be the fall of the
government. We did win the vote, by a margin of eight, meaning that I now had
full authority to return the three villages. Fuming over what had happened,
however, I called President Clinton and told him I was going to delay the
handover. I was not about to return the villages under gunfire, or reward Arafat for
breaking even his existing security commitments.
That meant that prospects for serious negotiations with the Palestinians were
again on hold. But another, immutable, priority would probably have delayed any
new initiative anyway: my pledge to get our soldiers out of Lebanon within a year
of the election. I was determined to go ahead with it not just because I’d promised
Israelis to do so. It was because I knew from experience that without setting a
deadline and sticking to it, it wouldn’t happen. I had been against keeping the
security zone from the start. Over the years, many Israelis, both inside the military
and beyond, had come to accept we would be better off pulling out. It wasn’t just
the attritional loss of Israeli soldiers’ lives, but the fact that there was no obvious
point, and no obvious end, to our mission there. Especially when major tragedies
occurred – like the collision of two Israeli helicopters a couple of years earlier,
leaving scores of young soldiers dead – there was talk about a withdrawal. Yet
there was always a reason to reconsider, to put it off: a Hizbollah attack in the
security zone, accusations of weakness from right-wing politicians, or simple
caution in the kirya. The only way to get it done was to decide, and to do it.
My self-imposed deadline for the pullout was now just eight weeks away.
Hizbollah had already begun escalating pressure on our outposts in south Lebanon
with the obvious aim of making the withdrawal as difficult as possible. They were
also targeting our local surrogates, the Maronite-led South Lebanese Army militia.
I’d been meeting regularly with Shaul Mofaz, the former paratroop officer who
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was now chief of staff, to ensure we had a plan to get our troops out as quickly and
safely as possible once the order was given. But complex though the operational
issues were, that was not the most difficult part. The withdrawal had not just a
military aim, but a critical political one: to denude Hizbollah, with full
international support, of its “occupation” fig-leaf for targeting and terrorizing the
towns and villages of northern Israel. Shaul and a number of other generals in the
kirya tried to make the security argument for keeping several small hilltop outposts
just north of the border. But I insisted not a single Israeli soldier or emplacement
remain on Lebanese soil. Throughout the spring, we had been coordinating every
detail of the planned pullout with UN cartographers on the ground, to ensure that
they, too, recognized it would be a full withdrawal to the border, fulfilling the
terms of the Security Council resolution adopted after the 1982 Lebanon War.
Ordinarily, an operation on this scale would have been carried out over a period
of weeks. But when we handed over a pair of military strongholds to the South
Lebanon Army, and Hizbollah promptly moved in to take them over, it was clear
that even several days might risk chaos, and casualties, as we left. The head of the
northern command now supported an immediate withdrawal, and I agreed.
Frustratingly, we did have to hold off for a further 36 hours, in order to ensure the
UN staff on the ground could complete their verification process. But on the
afternoon of May 23, alongside Shaul Mofaz at a command post on the border, I
ordered the pullout of all Israeli troops, vehicles and other equipment within the
space of 24 hours. I then flew back to Jerusalem for an urgent meeting to secure
formal cabinet approval. The field commanders ended up getting it done in less
than 24 hours, mostly overnight, without a single Israeli casualty. For nearly two
decades, our troops had been serving and dying on a strip of land on which we had
no claim, no settlements, and for which there was no rational security need.
Finally, we were out.
As I should have anticipated, there were accusations from Hizbollah and its
allies that our UN-verified withdrawal was incomplete. At issue was a cluster of
villages where Lebanon meets Syria, known as the Sheba’a Farms. But as I knew
first-hand, they were not part of Lebanon. I’d met their Syrian inhabitants when I
helped “capture” the villages at the very end of the 1973 war on the Golan. When
Syria now publicly supported Hizbollah’s efforts to get the UN to say the area was
in fact part of Lebanon, I decided to call their bluff. Through the Americans, I
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suggested that Damascus confirm in writing that this part of the Golan was indeed
Lebanese. The Syrians never responded.
Equally predictable were the prophets of doom on the Israeli right, who said the
Lebanon withdrawal would bury northern Israel in Katyushas and in blood. The
reality was that in the half-dozen years following the pullout, the Israel-Lebanon
border was quieter than at any time since the late 1960s. The main personal impact
of the withdrawal, however, was to remind me of why I’d run for Prime Minister in
the first place. Despite the challenges, and inevitable setbacks and frustrations, of
my first year in office, I was in a position to act on what I believed to be critical
issues for my country’s future. On Lebanon, I’d succeeded, mainly because the
withdrawal was something we could do unilaterally. With Syria, I’d tried hard to
get an agreement, only to find that Assad was unwilling, unable, or perhaps too ill
to join in the search for a deal.
I still recognized, however, that no issue was more important to Israel’s future
than our conflict with the Palestinians. I knew that resolving it would be even
tougher than the talks with the Syrians. But the only way to find out whether peace
was possible was to try. So on the final day of May 2000, with the Lebanon pullout
complete, I flew to Portugal – the site of a US-European summit – to see President
Clinton.
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Chapter Twenty-One
President Clinton and I met the next morning. My aim was to persuade him that
the time had come for a make-or-break summit with Yasir Arafat.
I suspected it would not be easy to convince him, and it wasn’t. But I made the
argument that if we were to have any hope of moving Oslo forward, we now faced
a stark choice. We were three years behind the timeline for starting work on a
“permanent status” agreement, and only six months from an American election that
would choose President Clinton’s successor. We could, of course, pursue the Oslo
process along its current, meandering path. But even though Bibi had slowed it
down, that would inevitably mean Israel handing back yet more West Bank land to
Arafat – in return for familiar, but still unfulfilled and untested, verbal assurances
that he wanted peace. Each successive Israeli withdrawal reduced his incentive to
engage of the core issues like final borders, refugees, or Jerusalem. I could not in
good conscience justify that, either to myself or my country. The second option
was the summit. I realized there was no guarantee it would succeed. But it would
finally force Arafat to negotiate on the core issues – before the departure of an
American President who had a grasp of the all issues and characters involved, and
a personal commitment to converting the promise of Oslo into a genuine peace.
The obvious political risk, for both Clinton and me, was that after convening a
summit – with all the heightened expectations and pressures it would bring – we’d
fail to get an agreement. Though I’d be more directly affected, however, it was a
more straightforward choice for me. In part because I’d been in front-line politics
so briefly, but mostly because of what I’d done for the three-and-a-half decades
before then, I viewed the political risk as just one of many, and by no means the
most important. That was an obvious weakness in me as a traditional politician. I
would indeed pay a political price later on for having given too little heed, and
perhaps underestimated, the reaction in Israel to the summit and what came after it.
Yet as I tried to impress on President Clinton, there were risks in not holding a
summit as well, along with the obvious reward of a full and final peace if it
succeeded. If it failed? At least we would know a peace agreement with Arafat was
impossible. In fact, amid the diplomatic drift since Oslo, it was clear there was no
other way that we could know.
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Walking with the President in Lisbon’s spring sunshine, I tried to summon up
an image that would bring both of us back to the starkly different reality of our
conflict with the Palestinians. Only two weeks earlier, Arafat’s own police force,
with weapons we had given them, had opened fire as I was trying to get Knesset
approval for returning three villages that he wanted. After I took office, I’d ordered
a full-scale intelligence review of the security situation with the Palestinians. The
sobering conclusion had been delivered to me six months earlier: plans were well
underway by cells in the West Bank and Gaza for armed attacks against Israeli
soldiers and terror strikes inside Israel. “It’s like two families living in the same
house, and it’s on fire,” I said. “All of us are rushing to put it out. But there’s this
veteran firefighter who arrives on the scene – a firefighter with a Nobel Peace
Prize – and we have no way of knowing whether he’s got matches and gasoline in
his pocket.” We had to find that out, I said. We had to establish whether we were
all firefighters, and could put out the flames.
Clinton and I had got to know each other well. In one-on-one conversations like
this, we called each other by our first names, though I was careful to address him
as “Mr President” when others were there. We’d been through a lot together. I had
no doubt that he wanted to put out the fire every bit as much as I did. But I also
realized he had emerged frustrated, and bruised, from our last joint effort at
peacemaking: with Hafez al-Assad. I was the one who had been pushing the
hardest for him to meet Assad in Geneva, over the objections of some of his closest
aides that it was likely to go wrong. Not only were the aides right. Assad had
ended up delivering an extraordinary personal rebuff to the President of the United
States. Now, I was again asking President Clinton for a summit, and I knew
Madeleine Albright, Dennis Ross and others would be highly sceptical. “I
understand they’ll have doubts. I understand their reading of the risks,” I told
President Clinton. “But I’m convinced crucial issues are at stake, which justify the
risks. Let’s move forward.”
But Clinton was skeptical, too. He said that without some sign of diplomatic
progress between us and the Palestinians, he could see no way of holding a
summit. With Arafat due to see him in Washington in a couple of weeks, he said
that I first had to give the Palestinian leader something: the three villages, a
prisoner release, or perhaps unfreeze tax revenues which we’d been holding back
as leverage for at least some progress on the core issues. Otherwise, Clinton said
he was certain Arafat would refuse to attend a summit. And even if he said yes,
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Clinton felt we would need a draft document with broad areas of agreement before
a diplomatic “endgame” could begin. I disagreed on that. I argued that if we tried
to produce such a document, there would never be a summit. In fact, we’d never
get a draft document worth anything. “Neither side is going to commit itself on
issues like borders, refugees, or Jerusalem,” I said, pointing out that even in our
back-channel talks, the only forum in which there had been a hint of progress,
those issues had barely been touched.
He did accept that “pre-negotiation” would never crack the main issues. But he
still said that before he could contemplate a summit, he would need Madeleine
Albright and Dennis Ross to talk in detail with us and the Palestinians. “There had
to be a firm basis to work on,” he said. Even then,m he said, he was almost sure
Arafat would resist the idea of a summit. And on that last point, he proved right. I
spoke to the President by phone after Arafat’s trip to Washington. “He thinks
you’re trying to trap him into a summit, and that when it fails, I’ll blame him,” he
told me.
The very next day, the stakes increased dramatically. For months, military
intelligence had been warning of the potential for violence if we couldn’t find a
long-term political resolution of the Palestinian conflict. But the report which
landed on my desk on June 16, 2000 was more specific. It said Arafat had called in
his security people and said: “My strategic understanding is that Israel is not
interested in reaching a deal. Therefore, we are preparing ourselves for a violent
and prolonged confrontation.” A few days later, we got an even more worrying
report, saying the security officers had been told to begin “intensive training.”
Arafat was quoted as saying: “The Palestinian Authority is confronted by a strong
and dangerous Israel, headed by a Prime Minister who is not interested in real
peace. The proof of that is that when he was Chief of Staff, he was the only senior
officer to oppose the Oslo Agreement.” I summoned my security team: Mofaz as
chief of staff; the heads of military intelligence, Mossad and the Shin Bet. I told
them that Arafat was wrong. My inalterable “red line” would always be Israel’s
national and security interests. But as long as those were protected, I wasn’t just
interested in reaching an agreement with the Palestinians. I was determined to do
everything possible to try to get one. But I also said that we had to make sure we
were fully prepared for responding to “Palestinian violence and, at some stage,
full-blown terror.”
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* * *
A few days later, the “pre-endgame” around the summit began. Not in
Washington or Jerusalem or Ramallah or Gaza, but in Kochav Yair. Nava and I
still spent almost all our weekends there. We valued the quiet, or at least the
slightly quieter, time away from Jerusalem or Tel Aviv. Some of my oldest army
friends lived there as well: Danny Yatom, as well as Shaul Mofaz and Uzi Dayan,
who was now deputy chief of staff. Newer colleagues, too, like Yossi Ginossar, a
Shin Bet veteran who spoke fluent Arabic and, after working in the West Bank and
Gaza in the late 1960s became one of the first Israelis to hold secret talks with
Arafat, building up a personal relationship with him. Under both Rabin and Peres,
he had been a valuable liaison with the Palestinian leader. Nowm under my
Premiership as well.
The summit seemed to me more important than ever, but I knew that only
President Clinton could make it happen. Short of giving the Palestinians the whole
list of short-term rewards they wanted, including the three villages, I knew Arafat
was never going to be enthusiastic. But if Clinton was persuaded that a peace
agreement was within reach, I had confidence he would make the effort. I had
allowed Gili Sher and Shlomo Ben-Ami to go to Washington the week before for
exploratory talks with Dennis Ross. Shlomo, as I knew he’d done in the backchannel
talks with the Palestinians, had gone beyond anything that I would or
could say at this stage in order to probe the edges of where an eventual
compromise might be possible. Now Clinton had sent Dennis to Israel, with
Madeleine Albright to follow at the end of the month, and I had to assume that
their impressions would be critical to his decision on whether to bring me and
Arafat to Camp David.
We agreed to meet Dennis and his team at Danny’s house in Kochav Yair. By
the time I’d made the pleasant Shabbat-afternoon stroll from our house, a few
streets away, they were in the back garden sipping lemonade and munching on
popcorn. I’d met often with Dennis during my year as Prime Minister, and I liked
him. He was smart, knowledgeable and experienced. He’d worked under three US
Presidents: Carter, Bush Senior and now Clinton. No American diplomat had been
more indefatigably involved in the search for Middle East peace. And whatever his
occasional frustrations, he also recognized I was ready to go further than any
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previous Israeli leader in trying to get that peace.
I knew that he would press me to tell him how far that actually was. He didn’t
ask directly. But each of his ostensibly theoretical questions was aimed at
establishing whether I could give him enough for a summit to bridge the gaps on
key issues. Could I accept a “trade-off between sovereignty and time?”
Translation: could I give the Palestinians sovereignty over a larger part of the West
Bank if we signed an agreement that would phase in their control? Could I accept
the principle of land swaps? This meant giving Arafat land in areas bordering the
West Bank, or in the Negev near Gaza, to compensate, at least partially, for the
area we would keep for the major settlement blocs. What about applying my
principle of “disengagement” between Israel and the Palestinians to Jerusalem?
Meaning Arafat getting control of the predominantly Arab neighborhoods in the
east of the city.
Dennis knew my long-standing reluctance to commit to concessions until we
got to real, final negotiations with Arafat. “We’ll not reveal anything you tell us,”
he assured me. “We won’t turn what you say into opening negotiating positions for
Arafat. But if there is going to be a summit, the President wanted some answers.”
To Dennis’s frustration, however, I could give him no specifics, beyond telling
him: “You know me, Dennis. You know I’m serious about this. Of course, we will
protect our vital security and national interests. But the problem in making peace
won’t be us, on the Israeli side, as long as Arafat shows a capacity and a will for
decision.” The translation of that, as I hoped and trusted he understood was that if
and when Arafat demonstrated that he wanted a comprehensive peace between a
new Palestinian state and the State of Israel – a definitive “end of conflict” as the
international lawyers would describe it – I would place nothing, except our security
and core national interests, in the way of getting an agreement.
Madeleine Albright visited at the end of June. When she came to see me a day
after meeting Arafat, she carried a request from the Palestinian leader: two weeks
of “preparatory” talks before a summit. Again, I knew her mission was to bring
back enough progress for the President to feel a summit was worth it. But again, I
couldn’t give her what she wanted. “I know what will happen in preparatory talks,”
I said. “We’ll raise new ideas, which the Palestinians will reject, and ask for
more.” I don’t know what she told Clinton, or Arafat. But Dennis called me the
following day. He said that Arafat had agreed to attend a summit, and would leave
the date up to the President.
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When Clinton phoned me at the beginning of July, however, he still hadn’t
finally decided to hold the summit. I needed him to know that, on my side, he’d
have a truly willing partner, aware of the political risk he’d be taking. Like Dennis,
the President tried to probe my position on land swaps, and Palestinian sovereignty
for at least some Arab neighborhoods in Jerusalem. Finally, he asked if I would
rule out those possibilities if they represented the difference between success or
failure at a summit. I did not give him a definitive “yes.” I said we could think
through those issues together. But when he phoned again, on July 4 from Camp
David, I felt I had to go further. I said that, for his ears only, I was willing to give
him the assurance that, assuming that Arafat was willing to move toward us on
core issues, I would consider limited, symbolic moves on both land swaps and
Palestinian sovereignty in part of East Jerusalem.
Clinton replied: the summit was on. It would begin at Camp David in one
week’s time, on July 11.
* * *
Two days before leaving for the US, I brought my ministers together. “We can’t
know what will happen at a summit,” I said. “But we have a responsibility to give
it a chance, and recognize the situation in which we find ourselves. If we sit idle
and don’t even try, we’ll face an eruption of violence, and never know whether we
could have avoided it. If, God forbid, we fail to reach an agreement, there will also
be violence. We will face a new reality more difficult than you can imagine. But if
we do manage the strike a deal, we are going to change the map and history of the
Middle East.” I reminded them it would be up to Israelis to say yes or no, in a
referendum, to the terms of any agreement we negotiated. “If we achieve a
breakthrough, I’m confident they will do so, by a landslide.”
I said I would hold fast to a number of principles. There would be “no return to
the 1967 lines,” meaning that we would draw a new border with the West Bank to
accommodate the largest settlement blocs. They were mostly around Jerusalem, or
just beyond the 1967 border. In practical terms, over the years they had become
part of Israel. Tens of thousands of people lived there. As the Americans and even
the Palestinian negotiators recognized, no Israeli government, Labor or Likud,
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would agree to make them part of a Palestinian state. The second principle was that
“Jerusalem will remain united.” It would not be cut into Jewish and Arab halves as
had happened between 1948 and 1967. That, I knew, might prove tougher to carry
through on. But even if I had to concede a degree of Palestinian control in parts of
east Jerusalem, I expected to be able to retain Israeli sovereignty over the city. The
third principle was that there would be “no foreign army west of the Jordan River.”
In other words, if we did hand back at least the major part of the West Bank, it
would be demilitarized and we would have security control over the Jordan Valley.
Finally, we would not “accept responsibility for the birth of the refugee problem
and its solution.” Though there could be a “right of return” into a new Palestinian
state, we would not agree to rewrite the history of the 1948 war by sanctioning the
resettlement of hundreds of thousands of Palestinians inside the State of Israel.
I think it was the very fact we were talking about a comprehensive peace
agreement that made it so hard for my Orthodox and right-of-center coalition
partners. They didn’t see the attraction of coming to final terms of peace. They
knew it would mean concessions. There would be a Palestinian state. We would
give up the great majority of Biblical Judaea and Samaria. While most of the
settlers would remain, since they lived in the major blocs, those in more isolated
settlements around the West Bank would have to be moved. They saw the prospect
of a final peace only in terms of what we were giving up. They didn’t see what we
would gain: not just peace, and international recognition and endorsement for it.
But normalcy: the central aim of Zionism. Jews living in a state like any other.
Ever since 1967, we had been in control of the daily lives of hundreds of thousands
of Palestinians on the West Bank and in Gaza. That was bad for them. But it had
been bad for us too. Fifty-two years after the birth of our state, we still didn’t have
a permanent, internationally recognized border. Rather than dealing with our
economic and social issues like other states, we were beset by internal divisions
that were in no small part a result of our unresolved conflict with the Palestinians.
Shas, the National Religious Party and Sharansky’s Yisrael ba’Aliyah were all
threatening to pull out of the government because of the summit. Nothing I said
could change their minds. Sharansky was the first to declare he was leaving. A few
hours later, Shas and the NRP followed suit. If the Likud mustered the required 61
votes for the no-confidence motion it was introducing before I got on the plane to
the US, the government would fall. If the parties that had left the coalition, with a
total of 28 seats, went along with Arik Sharon, it wouldn’t be close. As if that
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wasn’t enough, David Levy, my Foreign Minister, told me he would not be joining
me at Camp David. He wasn’t resigning, at least not yet. But he knew that the final
decisions at the summit would be mine, he feared it would fail, and didn’t want to
share in the consequences.
None of this meant I wasn’t going. Even if the no-confidence vote succeeded,
the new Israeli electoral system, with its separate vote for Prime Minister, meant I
would remain in office, at least until the summit was over. In a nationally televised
message, I reminded the country that I’d been elected with nearly two million
votes. I felt I had a responsibility, and a mandate, that went beyond party politics.
“I must rise above the political arguments, and seek out all possibilities on the way
to a peace agreement that will end the conflict, and the blood, between us and our
neighbors.” I made the same points before the Knesset. I did, of course, want
parliamentary support. But I was acting on a mandate from the people of Israel. It
was they, in a referendum, who would ultimately decide on anything we might
agree. When the Knesset votes were counted, thanks to the fact two dozen MKs
abstained, both sides lost. Arik fell seven votes short of a majority. So the
government survived. But those opposed to the summit got more votes than we
did: 54 to 52.
There were several consolations as I prepared to fly out from Ben-Gurion
airport. Shas leader Eli Yishai passed me an envelope on the tarmac. Inside was a
note from Rabbi Ovadia Yossef, the Shas spiritual leader whom I’d met with
privately after the election and a number of times since. He wanted to wish me
good luck. Nearly 30 reserve generals also issued a public message of support.
Perhaps most encouragingly, a newspaper poll found a majority of Israelis – 55
percent to 45 – believed I was right to go to Camp David and that I had a mandate
to make concessions in return for peace.
David Levy came over to talk before I boarded. “I doubt we’ll get an
agreement,” he said. I told him what I was telling other ministers, what I’d told
reporters and, in fact what I had told Nava. “The odds are fifty-fifty.” The reporters
took this as coy, or deliberately deceptive. So I added that it was not because I
knew something they didn’t. “It’s because there are two possible outcomes, and I
don’t know which one will happen.” The gaps of substance were bridgeable. The
question was whether both sides wanted peace, and whether each had made a
serious, strategic decision to go for it. I’d made that choice. But I had no way of
knowing whether Yasir Arafat had.
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I was confident of finally answering that question at the summit. Camp David
was different from Shepherdstown. No reporters would be there. Mobile phones
were banned. Each delegation had one landline. We’d also be operating under a
time constraint. President Clinton was due to leave for a G8 summit in Japan on
July 19. The gave us barely a week. I did wonder whether that would be enough,
even if both sides were committed to reaching a peace agreement. Yet I hoped it
would at least provide the possibility, as it had for Begin and Sadat twenty-two
years earlier, to reach a framework agreement that open the door to a final peace
treaty.
Not just the time, but the numbers were limited. We and the Palestinians could
have only a dozen members in our negotiating teams. Some of my choices were
automatic: Danny Yatom; Shlomo Ben-Ami, whom I’d made acting Foreign
Minister in Levy’s absence; Amnon Lipkin and Attorney-General Elyakim
Rubinstein; Gilead Sher and his chief negotiating aide, Gidi Grinstein. I also took
along a strong security team, including Shlomo Yanai, head of strategic planning
the kirya, and Israel Hason, a former deputy-head of Shin Bet. There was another
important, if less obvious, inclusion: Dan Meridor. A leading member of the Likud
before he’d formed the Center Party at the last election, Dan was not just a friend.
He was a man of rock-solid integrity, with a strong moral and ethical compass,
who put principle over party. He was also a lawyer, and had been Minister of
Justice under Bibi. Along with Attorney-General Rubinstein, I knew I’d have a
gifted legal team if we got to the point of considering the specifics of a peace
agreement. There was another consideration as well. Both Dan and Elyakim were
right-of-center politically. I felt I needed their voices as a kind of litmus for the
tough decisions, and concessions, I might have to consider if an agreement did
prove possible.
I was not nervous as we crossed the Atlantic, though even those who knew me
best assumed I would be. Nava had sent me off with a list of dietary instructions,
almost like a surgeon general’s warning that Camp David might prove hazardous
to my health. But I felt prepared. I’d gone to every source I could find about the
Begin-Sadat summit. I knew there would be periods of crisis and that at certain
points I’d have to allow leeway for my own team to explore possible compromises
beyond our set negotiating limits. Yet none of this altered my belief that holding
the summit was the right thing to do, nor my confidence in being able to play my
part. I did feel a huge responsibility. Decades after our conflict with the
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Palestinians had begun, seven years after Oslo, I was making an attempt, with the
participation of the President of the United States, to shape the final terms of
peace. I knew I carried the conflicting hopes and fears of Israelis with me.
And the odds really were 50-50. Either we’d come home with an agreement, to
be placed before the country in a referendum. Or we would know that, at least for
now, it was beyond reach.
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Chapter Twenty-Two
If I believed in omens, I might have turned back as soon as we got to the
summit. We reached Camp David a little before ten at night on July 10, after
helicoptering from Andrews Air Force base near Washington. When we arrived, it
was pouring with rain. The cabin assignments were also a surprise. I was given the
one that Anwar Sadat had at the first Camp David summit in 1978. Arafat got
Menachem Begin’s. Still, the cabins themselves, each named for a tree, were large
and pleasant. Mine was called Dogwood. It had a bedroom, two large sitting rooms
and a terrace. I took it as a good omen that it was the same one where Nava and I
had stayed during our visit with the President Clinton and Hillary right after I’d
become Prime Minister.
With just eight days to address the core issues of decades of conflict, we got
down to work the next morning. Clinton began by meeting Arafat, as I went
through the Americans’ strategy for the negotiations with Madeleine Albright,
Dennis Ross and Martin Indyk. Then I met the President in his cabin, which was
called Aspen. He told me that while Arafat still thought I was trying to “trick him”
into an agreement, and didn’t think we’d necessarily get a deal, he did accept I was
serious about trying. My fear was still the opposite, that Arafat was not serious.
Yet my hope was that the isolated environment of Camp David, and the wide
public expectation that we would accomplish what Sadat and Begin had done there
before, would deliver the breakthrough that I believed ought to be possible. For
that to happen, I told the President, I believed it was essential that Arafat truly
understood the importance of what was at stake. Not just the cost of failure, but
what was potentially on offer: the creation of the Palestinian state he sought, with
the full acceptance of Israel and the support of the world.
I wish I could say I was optimistic when Clinton led the two of us into Laurel
Lodge, the larger cabin a few hundreds downhill from Aspen, for the opening
session of the summit. The scene at the front door – with me bustling Arafat ahead,
with the intention of allowing him to enter before me – yielded the best-known
image from the summit. Captured by the television crews allowed into the
compound for the ceremonial opening, it spawned a cottage industry of political
speculation and armchair psychoanalysis purporting to decipher what it meant.
Some said it was an encouraging sign of “chemistry” between me and Arafat, a not
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unreasonable guess, since both of us were grinning throughout. Others concluded
that because each of us was trying to nudge the other to go in first, it was a sign of
underlying conflict: neither of us wanted to allow the other the privilege of
appearing to be polite. Still others, bizarrely, said that it was an ornate Middle
Eastern power play, with the aim of demonstrating that I was ultimately in control
of proceedings. In fact, it would turn out to be a singularly apt image of what
happened in the days that followed: a reluctant Arafat, an engaged and expectant
Prime Minister of Israel, a smiling and hopeful Clinton.
We did begin on a note of optimism. In my opening statement, I said: “Now is
the time for us to make a peace of the brave, to find a way to live together side by
side with mutual respect, and to create a better future for our children.” Arafat said
he hoped that the peace Begin and Sadat had made at Camp David would prove an
auspicious example. “With the help of President Clinton, we could reach a deal
that is good for both sides.”
But it was going to take more than noble words. The details of a peace treaty, or
even a framework agreement, were going to require negotiation. Both Arafat and I
arrived fully aware of the shape of the “hard decisions” I’d referred to months
earlier when we met in Oslo. On his side, it would come down to whether he was
prepared for a comprehensive, final peace. A true “end of conflict,” with no get-out
clauses, no strings left untied, no further claims on either side. In concrete terms,
this would mean abandoning his claim for a notional hundreds of thousands of
Palestinian refugees to resettle inside the pre-1967 borders of the State of Israel.
And what were Israel’s difficult decisions? In return for the end of conflict, I
would have to deal away the maximum possible part of the West Bank, certainly
well above the 80 percent I’d quoted Shimon Peres as suggesting when I’d first
met with President Clinton. I would have to accept the idea of land swaps, if
necessary, in order to bring the overall percentage as near as possible to the
equivalent of the whole of the West Bank. I would have to be flexible on the
arrangements to ensure Israeli security oversight over the Jordan Valley. And if a
true peace was really on the table, both Arafat and I would have to consider some
form of compromise on the most emotionally and symbolically difficult issue of
all: the future governance of Jerusalem.
On the first evening, we met as an Israeli delegation to discuss our position for
the days ahead. Gili Sher and Danny Yatom helped me keep a clear overall picture
of proceedings throughout the summit. Our secure landline was operated by a Shin
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Bet technician. I assumed that, one way or another, the Americans could listen in,
but was fairly confident we were beyond the electronic earshot of the Palestinians.
I kept myself fully informed of, but at a distance from, the specific work of our
five negotiating teams. Though I could not have stayed engaged with all of them at
the same time, I also hoped the arrangement would give them an opportunity to
explore any realistic opportunity for a breakthrough and any sign of flexibility on
Arafat’s side – without committing me until there was such flexibility.
Yet for the first couple of days of the summit, there was not only no sign of
flexibility. There was little meaningful engagement. Dennis Ross and his team
drew up a paper setting out the main issues. For those on which we differed, our
positions were marked with “I” and “P”. It wasn’t until around midnight on daytwo
that the we got a first look at the American draft. The main, unhappy, surprise
was Jerusalem. This crucial issue was not marked with “I” or “P”. It said outright
that there could be two capitals, one Israeli and one Palestinian, within the city of
Jerusalem. I was not opposed to the Palestinians calling Jerusalem the capital of
their state. But even in follow-up talks after Oslo, when Yossi Beilin and Abu
Mazen had explored avenues toward a possible resolution of the Jerusalem
question, the maximum understanding was that Israel might expand the existing
city limits to accommodate the “two capital” solution. The Palestinians’ capital
would be in Abu Dis, one of the villages Arafat had asked me to hand back in May.
The way the American document was worded suggested dividing Jerusalem as it
now was: something ruled out by all Israeli politicians, of all parties, ever since
1967.
When I phoned President Clinton, he asked me to come talk. We sat on the back
terrace of his cabin, looking out incongruously on a beautifully tended golf hole
installed by Dwight Eisenhower. I told the President that after all the hours we had
spent together, I’d felt blindsided by the inclusion of a proposal on Jerusalem that
went beyond anything we’d talked about. “It was my mistake,” he replied,
obviously already aware through his negotiators of the error. He said that he’d put
pressure on his negotiators to get the document finished, and that Dennis hadn’t
had time to read it through. But it was already being fixed: the word “expanded”
would be added to the Jerusalem section. I was grateful for that, but told Clinton I
was concerned that even this “I and P” paper might have the unintended effect of
delaying any real progress. “Since it’s an American document, it gives the
Palestinians no incentive to compromise,” I said, suggesting that it might be better
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simply to withdraw the paper. Clinton’s answer encouraged, and surprised, me.
“We agree,” he said. “The paper no longer exists.” It soon turned out the
Palestinians were unhappy with it too, but for another reason. On the lookout for
validation of Arafat’s insistence that Camp David was an Israeli “trap”, they were
convinced that the paper had Israel’s fingerprints all over it. That wasn’t true. The
one change we’d insisted on was because it misrepresented our position on
Jerusalem. Still, since Dennis had added the word “expanded” to the Jerusalem
section in longhand, the Palestinians were convinced of Israel co-authorship.
In fact, three days into the summit, the mood among the Palestinians seemed
increasingly aggrieved. Not just the Americans, but some members of my own
team, were urging me to show more “personal warmth” towards Arafat. I did
always exchange greetings and pleasantries with him at mealtimes in Laurel
Lodge, but even there, I admit, that I didn’t exactly show enthusiasm, much less
ebullience. After one dinner, when I’d been placed between the Palestinian leader
and Chelsea Clinton, the President’s National Security Adviser, Sandy Berger,
asked me why, rather than talking to Arafat, I’d spent almost the entire time
chatting with Chelsea. My response was only half-joking: “Given the choice, who
wouldn’t?”
It wasn’t only that I believed a charm initiative would come over as contrived. I
didn’t want to risk misleading Arafat, the other Palestinians and possibly the
Americans as well, by giving them the impression I was satisfied with the progress
of the summit, or felt that we were heading towards any serious engagement and
compromise on the core issues. I had met Arafat many times before Camp David. I
had made it clear in all of those meeting that, despite differences on a range of
difficult issues, I did want a final peace agreement and that I was ready to consider
the tough decisions necessary to make it possible. At Camp David, I was not
against meeting Arafat as a matter of principle. I simply felt the time for such a
meeting, if it came, would be at the moment that we saw at least some signal of a
readiness on his part to negotiate seriously.
Still, given the strength of feeling among some of my own negotiators, I felt a
responsibility to give it a try. I told Yossi Ginossar, the former Shin Bet officer
who was closest to the Palestinian leader among the Israelis, to set up an informal
meeting. I added, to Yossi’s obvious satisfaction and surprise, that I’d be willing to
have the meeting in Arafat’s cabin if that’s what he preferred. The next afternoon, I
went there for tea and baklava. Abu Mazen, his top political adviser and the main
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Palestinian architect of Oslo, was with him, along with a more junior aide who
served the tea and sweets. At least this time, Arafat didn’t take notes as we spoke.
The mood was friendly. We talked about a whole range of issues. With ony one
exception: what was really happening, or what should happen, in the summit talks.
I found the exercise disappointing as a result. But Yossi Ginossar assured me it
would help the atmosphere, and would eventually translate into negotiating
progress. “I hope so,” I said.
It wasn’t until day-four that real talks began. The Americans arranged for
negotiating teams from both sides on borders, the refugee issue, and Jerusalem to
meet with President Clinton. The Palestinians participated, but showed no sign at
all of a readiness to compromise. Borders should have been the most
straightforward. Assuming we wanted a deal, it was about sitting down with a map
and working out how to address both sides’ arguments. But Arafat’s representative
in the meeting – the Oslo negotiator Abu Ala’a – said he wouldn’t even discuss
borders without a prior agreement to land swaps ensuring Palestinian control over
an area equivalent to 100 percent of the West Bank. Shlomo Ben-Ami did try to
find a way around this. He suggested the Palestinians assume that to be the case for
the purposes of the meeting, so that at least there could be meaningful discussion
of the border, including the provisions Israel wanted in order to retain the major
settlement blocks. President Clinton agreed that made sense. He said that without
talking about the substance of such issues, there wasn’t going to be a deal. Even
Abu Ala’a seemed receptive, according to Shlomo. But he insisted that he would
have to ask Arafat first whether it was okay.
On refugees, pretty much the same thing happened. The Americans, and I
assumed at that point even the Palestinians, knew that a peace deal would be
impossible if we agreed to hundreds of thousands of refugees entering Israel – in
effect leaving the state created in 1948 with a Jewish minority. But when President
Clinton began trying to narrow down details of a compromise resettlement package
– how many refugees would return, where they would go, and how to arrange
international financial support for them – Abu Mazen insisted that nothing could
be discussed until without a prior Israeli acceptance of the “principle of the right of
return.” On Jerusalem, according to Gilead Sher, the President didn’t even try to
find common ground on the core issue: sovereignty. Instead he used the formula
Shlomo Ben-Ami had suggested, telling each side to proceed on the assumption
sovereignty was decided in its favour, and to concentrate instead on how everyday
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municipal functions and daily life would be divided between Israel and the
Palestinians under a peace agreement.
When I convened our negotiators in my cabin to take stock of the logjam, I was
getting more and more skeptical of finding a way to get to actual negotiation on the
“hard decisions” I assumed both sides knew we’d have to make. I told our team we
could not play that game. Until there was at least some movement from Arafat, I
didn’t want them suggesting any Israeli concessions. We’d obviously get nothing
in return. The summit would fail. Despite my repeated insistence both to the
Americans and Palestinians that, without an agreement, any Israeli suggestions
would be null and void, that didn’t mean they would simply be forgotten. The
result is that we’d actually be in a worse situation than before Camp David.
Politically, I’d find myself in much the same position as President Assad, after the
leak of the American draft from Shepherdstown: apparently ready to consider
giving Arafat the great majority of the West Bank, without the slightest sign Arafat
was ready for a full and final peace. But that wasn’t my main concern. It was that
anything that we put on the table here would handcuff future Israeli governments if
and when an “end of conflict” agreement became possible.
Still, when Dennis Ross learned from my negotiators what I’d decided, he was
frustrated and upset. He came to see me on Saturday morning – day-five of what
was looking increasingly like a stillborn summit. “This summit was your idea,” he
said, reminding me that the President had agreed to it over the reservations of a lot
his own aides. He told me that at a minimum, I had to help give it a chance: by
giving him my true negotiating “red lines.” Either that, or give my negotiators
more leeway to explore compromises. I did not want to make Dennis’s job any
more difficult than it already was. And I told him I was still ready to engage fully
if we ever got to the real substance of a possible deal. “But I can’t do what you’ve
asked me,” I replied. “Not when Arafat is simply holding firm and not showing a
willingness even to look for compromises.”
Fortunately for my relationship with the President – though not for the
prospects of an agreement – Clinton had considerably more sympathy with my
position after his next meeting with both sets of negotiators that afternoon. It was a
return encounter with Abu Ala’a on territory and borders. Shlomo Ben-Ami now
produced a map of the West Bank with our proposed breakdown into the areas that
would be controlled by a Palestinian state, the part Israel would retain to
accommodate the major settlements, and territory which we suggested would go to
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the Palestinians after a transitional period. The part we had earmarked for
Palestinian control was now a bit over 85 percent of the West Bank, more than I’d
indicated to the President in our first meeting a year earlier. But while Abu Ala’a
had told Clinton he would ask for Arafat’s permission at least to negotiate, he
clearly hadn’t received it. He refused to talk about the map, or even respond to
Clinton’s suggestion that the Palestinians present a map of their own, until we did
two things: accept the principle of land swaps and reduce the size of the territory
we were suggesting for the settlement blocs. To Shlomo’s, and I’m sure even more
so to Abu Ala’a’s, astonishment, the President exploded. He told Abu Ala’a that to
refuse to provide any input or ideas was the very opposite of negotiation. It was an
“outrageous” approach. He stormed out.
It was late that evening when the first move toward the “make-or-break”
situation I had hoped for seemed to occur, though still with much more likelihood
of break than make. The President decided the only way to make progress was to
sequester a pair of negotiators from each side overnight. Their task would be to
search honesty for the outlines of a possible peace agreement. They were to update
Arafat and myself and then report to Clinton the next day. Then, we’d see where
we were. I agreed to send Shlomo and Gili Sher, my former “back-channel”
negotiators. I knew that whatever guidelines I gave them, they would probe beyond
them, just as they’d done in the back-channel talks. They were negotiators. They
were also smart, creative, badly wanted an agreement and, like me, believed it
ought to be possible. Though I would retain the final word to approve or reject
what they suggested, I knew that only in a legal sense could it be null and void. I
also recognized, however, that we had to be willing to push further, both to find
out for certain where the Palestinians stood and to convince the Americans we
genuinely wanted an agreement.
Shlomo and Gili left a little after midnight for Laurel Lodge. Marine guards
were posted at the doors, with orders that neither negotiating team was to leave
until morning without notifying the President’s staff. Mother Nature provided a
further incentive to stay inside, since it was again bucketing down with rain. The
negotiators talked not just through the night, but the next morning as well. It
wasn’t until early afternoon that Shlomo and Gili came to my cabin to report on
how they’d gone. As I’d anticipated, both of them had ventured beyond
concessions that I was ready to consider, at least at a time when we weren’t even
near to a final peace deal. Taking the President’s instructions to heart, they’d said
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they were willing to consider full Palestinian sovereignty over two Arab
neighborhoods in East Jerusalem, and even some form of Palestinian authority and
control in the Christian and Muslim quarters inside the walls of the Old City. They
had dropped our insistence on Israeli control over the Jordan Valley, suggesting
that we hold on to only a small segment of the border with Jordan. They had gone
beyond the share of the West Bank allocated to a Palestinian state on the map that
Abu Ala’a wouldn’t even look at. Now, they suggested around 90 percent. But
when I asked what the Palestinian negotiators, Saeb Erekat and Mohammed
Dahlan, had proposed in return, the answer was almost nothing. They had taken
notes. They had asked questions. The one Palestinian proposal, from Saeb Erekat,
was on Jerusalem: Palestinian sovereignty over all the city’s predominantly Arab
areas, and Israeli sovereignty over Jewish neighborhoods. In other words, a
division of the city.
Even though I was concerned that Gili and Shlomo had gone so far, especially
on Jerusalem, I’d reached the point where I doubted that even that would matter.
We were now in day-six of the summit, barely 48 hours from President Clinton’s
departure for the G-8 summit, and we were negotiating only with ourselves.
Knowing that the President planned to go see Arafat, I sat down and wrote him a
note – emotional not just because I did it quickly, but because of how deeply let
down I felt by the Palestinians’ deliberate avoidance of a peace deal which, with
genuine reciprocity, should have been within reach. “I took the report of Shlomo
Ben-Ami and Gilead Sher of last night’s discussion very badly...” it began. “This is
not a negotiation. This is a manipulative attempt to pull us to a position we will
never be able to accept, without the Palestinians moving one inch.” I reminded
President Clinton that just as he was taking political risks, I was too. “Even the
positions presented by our people last night, though they are not my positions,
represent an additional risk,” I said.
I said I doubted there would be another Israeli leader willing to engage in
serious efforts for a final peace agreement with the Palestinians after what had
happened here. Unless things changed dramatically, I was not prepared for us to
throw out further suggestions, or consider painful concessions. “I do not intend to
allow the Israeli state to fall apart, physically or morally. The State of Israel is the
implementation of the dream of the Jewish people, for generation upon generation.
We achieved it after enormous effort, and at the expenditure of a great deal of
blood and sweat. There is no way I will preside at Camp David over the closing of
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this saga.” I told the President that I still believed that we were facing a “moment
of truth.” But only if he could “shake” Arafat, and get him to sense the enormity of
the stakes – an independent Palestinian state, versus more, and undoubtedly
deadlier, violence.
And if it did come to armed conflict? “When the people of Israel will
understand how far we were ready to go, we will have the power to stand together,
unified, in such a struggle, however tough it will become, even if we will be forced
to confront the entire world. There is no power in the world that can force on us
collective national suicide. Peace will be achieved only if there is a willingness to
negotiate on both sides. I am sure the people of Israel, and the American people,
will understand it when the details will be revealed.”
Clinton had already left for Arafat’s cabin by the time Danny Yatom went to
deliver the letter. But the President, too, was in a more sober and downbeat mood
by the time that meeting was over. Late that night when, having now read my note,
he joined me on the balcony of Dogwood. He looked exhausted. “It was the
toughest meeting I’ve ever had with Arafat,” he said. Clinton said he had told the
Palestinian leader that only one side, the Israelis, had so far been negotiating in
good faith. If Arafat was not prepared to make a genuine effort to reach an
agreement, then there was no choice but for all of us to go home. Now, it seemed,
both the President and I were left to wait and see what, if anything, Arafat came up
with in reply.
“I’ve been through battles, and danger, in my life,” I said. “But in terms of my
responsibility, today, for me as well, was probably the toughest. Shlomo and Gili
went beyond what I could live with. If this offer can’t move him, then I believe we
are left to prepare for war.” I told the President he didn’t even need to phone me
after hearing from Arafat if all he offered was some clever half-reply. Only if it
was serious and substantive. I also reminded him that while he’d promised Arafat
that he would not “blame” the Palestinians if the summit failed, that had been on
the basis of negotiating in good faith. I hoped that, if the summit collapsed in these
circumstances, he would keep to that standard.
Finally, I touched on an immediate concern if the summit broke up. For months,
the Palestinians had been talking about simply “declaring” a Palestinian state. The
Americans had insisted neither side should resort to unilateral action in a conflict
whose resolution depended on mutual agreement. The Europeans had been less
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explicit. I told President Clinton I could speak only for how I would respond if a
state was indeed declared without a peace deal. “We will extend Israeli sovereignty
over the major settlement blocs. We will establish a security zone in the Jordan
valley, and let them know that there will be a heavy price should they attack any of
the outlying settlements.” In other words, Palestinian unilateral action would
prompt unilateral Israeli action. “And the confrontation will begin.”
* * *
Clinton seemed, if not completely revived, considerably more upbeat when he
came back to see me an hour later. He told me that he had received the
Palestinians’ answer. The way he described it to me, Arafat had agreed to leave
President Clinton to decide the amount of West Bank land that would go to a
Palestinian state, a figure he now told me that he was assuming would end up at
around 90 to 92 percent. The trade-off, he said, would be a limited, “symbolic”
land swap. Arafat also wanted control of the Jordan Valley, but had agreed to
begin negotiating on Israeli security needs there as soon as possible. Then, came
Arafat’s counter-conditions, which appeared to bother the President much less than
they did me. Everything would be contingent on an unspecified, “acceptable
outcome on Jerusalem.” And despite Clinton’s emphasis that any meaningful
agreement had to include a formal declaration that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict
was “over,” Arafat was insisting that could come only after the terms of whatever
we agreed were fully implemented.
Still, it was at least a step forward. Clinton seemed genuinely encouraged, and I
didn’t want to risk closing off this first chink of light. I suggested, for instance, that
we could address Arafat’s reluctance about an “end of conflict” statement by
providing an American guarantee that the terms of the deal would be implemented.
Still, it very soon became clear that any hope of real progress rested on by far
the most difficult issue: Jerusalem. Across party boundaries, even across divisions
between religious and secular, nearly all Israelis viewed the city as not just our
capital, but the centrepiece of the state. It had been divided after 1948. The Old
City, and the site of the ancient Jewish temple, had been under Jordanian rule for
19 years when our forces recaptured it in the Six-Day War. It was under a Labor
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government that the area around the temple’s surviving Western Wall, left uncared
for under the Jordanians, was cleared and a stone plaza put in place for worshipers
– at the expense of parts of the old Moroccan Quarter. It was under Labor, too, that
Israel unilaterally expanded Jerusalem’s city limits to take in more than two dozen
adjacent Arab villages on the West Bank. No Israeli government since then, Labor
or Likud, had deviated from a shared pledge that Jerusalem would remain Israel’s
undivided, sovereign capital under any eventual peace agreement.
Yet when I met Clinton the next morning in Laurel Lodge, he insisted we had to
find some room for flexibility. He said that, of course, Israel would retain
sovereignty over the Temple Mount: the site of the Western Wall and, above it, the
Al-Aqsa mosque complex. “But without damaging your sovereignty,” he argued,
“we have to find a way to draw a picture for Arafat that includes some measure of
Palestinian control in part of the city.”
“Could you agree to Arafat having an office, maybe, inside the walls of the Old
City,” he asked me. What about a form of administrative control in some of the
outlying Arab neighborhoods in East Jerusalem? I replied that I couldn’t possibly
answer any of his questions until and unless it was clear that Arafat accepted our
sovereignty over – and our national and religious connection with – the Temple
Mount. Yet I said I understood that we would have to reach some compromise
agreement on the city if we were ever going to have a chance of a peace
agreement. “But it’s an issue that is difficult for every Israeli,” I told him. Before I
could even begin to see whether there was a way forward, I would have to take it
through with my entire negotiating team. Then, we could discuss it.
It turned out to be the most open, serious, searching discussion I was a part of
during all my years in public life. It began, on the terrace of my cabin, at two in the
afternoon and went on until sundown. I introduced it by saying what each of us
already knew: Jerusalem was the most emotionally charged and politically
complex issue of all. Our maximum position coming into the summit had been that
we would again expand the municipal boundaries of the city, as we’d done after
the 1967 war, in order to accommodate two separate “city councils.” One would be
in Abu Dis, just to the southeast of the Old City, almost literally in the shadow of
the Temple Mount. The understanding was the Palestinians would be free to
rename the village, referring to it by the Arabic name for Jerusalem: Al Quds. I
said that we should use that position as a starting point, and discuss how, or
whether, we might go further. All I added was the need to be aware of what was at
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stake. I didn’t know whether peace was within reach. I was still deeply skeptical.
But if it was, we had to accept that Jerusalem would be key. And if the summit
failed, for whatever reason, what inevitably awaited us was “confrontation.”
Israel Hasson, the Shin Bet veteran, spoke first. He saw two choices. Either we
could retain Isrsaeli sovereignty over a “united Jerusalem” with functional, day-today
autonomy for the Palestinians in their neighborhoods, or we could in effect
divide the city. “Divide sovereignty.” He didn’t say which he favored, only that it
was essential that we made the decision now if we could, however difficult or
reluctant Arafat was as a negotiating partner. If we waited, we’d end up having to
deal with Islamists: Hamas and Islamic Jihad. Oded Eran, the career diplomat
whom I’d put in charge of frustrating, formal talks with the Palestinians in the
months preceding the summit , said he was convinced that we should give the
Palestinians full sovereignty over at least the “outer” Arab neighborhoods in East
Jerusalem, which had become part of the city only when we’d expanded the city
boundaries after 1967. He said that was in Israel’s own interest. We had no historic
connection to these Arab villages, and something like 130,000 Palestinian lived
there. “Why should we want to annex them,” he asked. It would be like accepting
the “right of return” through the back door.
Dan Meridor’s voice, for me, was especially important. I knew he was as
determined as I was to try to get a peace agreement with the Palestinians. But he
was also a former Likudnik, and a native Jerusalemite. “I’m against any
concessions when it comes to Israeli sovereignty,” he said. “Any attempt to divide
Jerusalem would be a serious blow, and not just for Jews in Israel.” For centuries,
Jewish communities all over the world, had looked to Jerusalem, prayed for
Jerusalem. The yearly Seder meal, on Passover, ends with the Hebrew phrase:
Shanah haba b’Yerushalaim. Next year, in Jerusalem. “What we decided here in
Camp David,” Dan said, “also affects Jews in New York. In Moscow. In
Johannesburg.” He urged us to focus instead on offering Arafat as attractive as
possible a package of concessions on all the other issues. “Then let him decide.
But even if sovereignty over Jerusalem means that the deal collapses, I’m not
willing the pay that price.”
No voices were raised. It was the rarest of political discussions. People offered
their views, and listened to others’. Amnon Lipkin pointed out that a large area of
what was now came inside the boundaries of Jerusalem was not part of the city
he’d known before 1967. Echoing Oded Eran, he said: “It’s in our interest for as
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many as possible of the Arab inhabitants to come under the authority of the
Palestinians, and as few as possible under our rule.” Amnon’s bottom line was that
we could not give up Israeli sovereignty over the Temple Mount, which, although
he was a non-observant Jew, he called “the cradle of Jewish history.” But equally,
we couldn’t and shouldn’t “run the Al-Aqsa mosque.” He was also in favor of
agreeing to what Clinton had asked of me: giving Arafat a base in the Muslim
Quarter of the Old City. His one caveat was that we should not do any of this
unless it was part of a genuine, final, peace agreement with the Palestinians.
Danny Yatom urged us to move beyond our emotions and look for a practical
solution. “We all know how the boundaries of Jerusalem were drawn,” he said,
referring to the post-1967 expansion of the city. “They’re not holy. It is important
to get down to our real red lines.” Eli Rubinstein, the attorney general, agreed.
Even though he was an observant, Orthodox Jew, and more sympathetic politically
to Likud than Labor, he concluded that we needed to include “as few Arabs as
possible” under Israeli sovereignty, and to cede the outer villages to the
Palestinians, adding: “This is a moment of truth.”
It was nearly five hours before I brought the discussion to a close. “This is as
grave a decision as when Ben-Gurion accepted the partition plan in 1947; the
declaration of the state; or the most tense moments of the Yom Kippur War,” I
said. “Or the decisions which Begin took in this same place.” Of course, Begin
hadn’t even been willing to enter into discussion on Jerusalem. But we were in a
different situation. If we were going to get a true end to our conflict, the question
of Jerusalem had to be addressed. “We can’t delay the decision. We can’t avoid it.
We will have to decide.” My own red line was the same as Amnon Lipkin’s:
“sovereignty over the site of our First and Second Temples.” Even shared
sovereignty elsewhere within the Old City seemed to me a step too far at this stage,
but I didn’t rule it out as part of a full peace. “Without disengagement from the
Palestinians, without an end of conflict,” I reminded our negotiating team, “we’re
heading toward further tragedy. We can’t pretend we don’t see the iceberg.”
I asked several members of the team, under Shlomo Ben-Ami, to draft a paper
based on our discussion. Since I knew that Clinton, and Arafat too, could do
nothing of substance until I’d resolved how far to go on Jerusalem, I went to see
the President. I told him about our session. I said that we were now crystallizing
what had been said into a formal position, and I hoped to be able to return in a few
hours with “the furthest point we can go.” Clinton said that would be a critical
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moment in the summit. If we could find common ground, he said, Israel would
have achieved what had eluded it under Rabin, and even Ben-Gurion: “end of
conflict, and Jerusalem recognized internationally as your capital.” I told him that
the discussion with my negotiators had been moving and illuminating. “I could see
how much it weighed on everyone.” But I added that I still did not feel anything of
a similar nature, or remotely as serious, was happening on the Palestinian side. I
also said that in deciding how to proceed, I couldn’t ignore political realities back
home. I would have to get any major change in our position concerning Jerusalem
through the Knesset, even before putting a peace agreement to a referendum.
“When will you get back to me with your paper?” he asked. I said I’d try by
midnight. I also asked him whether he could delay going to the G8 summit in
Japan, for which he was due to leave Camp David on the morning of the 19 th . That
meant we had just one full day left. I said even if the plan was to resume our talks
afterward, I couldn’t move on Jerusalem right before we recessed. It would mean
“putting my last and best offer on the table” and running the risk of leaks in Israel
while Clinton was gone. He said that he had to go to the G8, but would try to put
off leaving for a further day. Then, he asked me to draw up a list of questions for
him to present to Arafat so that we could solidify our understanding of how far he
was ready to go for peace.
I had Shlomo get busy on the list of questions. But it took time. We reconvened
around eleven at night, to discuss both the questions and the Jerusalem package.
Though it retained Israeli sovereignty over the entirety of the Old City, it did give
the Palestinians a greater measure of control over other areas of East Jerusalem
than any Israeli government had been willing to consider in the past. Still, almost
everyone in the negotiating team could live with it, assuming it became the critical
element in a final peace. Dan Meridor, alone, remained firmly opposed, though
Elyakim Rubinstein also had some reservations. Even Dan said he understood the
importance of getting a peace agreement, if indeed it was possible, and our
readiness to discuss new proposals on Jerusalem.
When I left for Clinton’s cabin at about 1:00 am on Wednesday, I had no idea I
was about to enter the most difficult meeting – and the only real fight – I had with
him during our long effort to achieve a Middle East peace. I brought Shlomo and
Danny with me, which meant that Madeleine Albright, Dennis and Sandy Berger
stayed as well. I sensed tension in all of them, in large part, I soon discovered,
because they took exception to the more than twelve hours we had spent discussing
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and refining our position on Jerusalem. I think Clinton expected a formal offer
from us. Since I’d been guided by his request for a list of questions for Arafat,
however, that is what we came to him with. As we’d discussed, I wanted finally to
elicit some sign of whether Arafat, too, was ready to make difficult decisions.
The questions were specific. “Will you accept an agreement that stipulates the
following...” it began, and proceeded to outline the kind of peace we could accept
and still hoped for. The points included not just Jerusalem, but areas I knew would
also be sensitive for Arafat, such as the “right of return” and formal agreement to
an end of conflict. We went further than before in some areas. One of the outer
East Jerusalem neighborhoods would be under Palestinian sovereignty. The rest of
the city would remain under Israeli sovereignty, but most of the other Arab villages
would be subject to a system of Palestinian administration. The Haram al-Sharif,
the mosque complex above the wall of the Jewish temple, would be under
Palestinian “administrative and religious management.” We also suggested
“special arrangements” implying a Palestinian presence in the Old City, but again
under Israeli sovereignty. The questions envisaged eventual Palestinian control in
the Jordan Valley, with an Israeli security zone for 12 years, rather than our
proposal in pre-summit talks for 30 years. Then, explicitly, we proposed a question
to Arafat to confirm my understanding with Clinton that the “right of return”
would apply not to Israel proper, but to a Palestinian state on the West Bank and
Gaza. Finally, the document said: “I understand that such an agreement constitutes
an end of conflict.”
After he read it, the President blew up. Far from the “bottom lines” he’d
apparently hoped for, but which I’d never thought were expected at this stage, I
seemed to be retreating from ideas Shlomo and Gili had presented in their all-night
session with the Palestinians. Given the ground rules of that exercise, they’d felt
able to go beyond anything we’d actually agreed, and in some areas beyond what
they knew I could support. As a result, the list of questions assumed Israel would
keep a little more than 11 percent of the West Bank, nearly one percent more than
Shlomo had mentioned. Shlomo and Gili had also raised the possibility of up to
three of the outer Jerusalem villages coming under full Palestinian sovereignty.
“You keep us, and Arafat, waiting for 13 hours,” Clinton fumed, his face nearly
scarlet. “And you want me to present something less than you’ve already offered.”
He said he wouldn’t do it. “This is not real. It’s not serious.” He said that he’d
gone to Shepherdstown in search of what was supposed to be an endgame with the
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Syrians. Then to Geneva to see Assad, “where I felt like a wooden Indian, doing
your bidding. I will not let it happen here. I will simply not do it.”
I tried to keep my voice steady when I replied. I explained that the issues we
were addressing went to the heart of Israel’s interests, its future security, its
identity and definition as a nation. I had a responsibility to tread carefully. Then,
my voice rising too, I came back to what I felt was the real problem. Arafat and his
negotiators had been sitting and waiting for me and my team, and probably Clinton
as well, to deliver more and more concessions with no sign that they were willing
to move on anything. “I find that outrageous,” I said. I did not expect Arafat to
respond with equal concessions. After all, Israel had most of the tangible assets.
“But I did expect him at least to take a small step once we had taken ten. We have
not seen even this. This is the kind of behavior parents would not tolerate in their
own children! We don’t expect Arafat to accept this, but I do expect him to present
a counter-position.”
Clinton remained adamant he couldn’t go to Arafat with a retreat from our
earlier ideas. “My negotiating team moved beyond my red lines,” I told him. The
overnight talks were supposed to be non-binding and assumed that both sides
would make a genuine attempt to get an agreement. “I can’t see any change in
Arafat’s pattern. We take all the risks.” I said I doubted that Arafat expected to
hear that we had decided to “give him Jerusalem.” In any case, the Israeli public
hadn’t given me a mandate to do that. But I would still move in Arafat’s direction,
if and when I got any sign he was willing to do the same.
The President’s anger eased. He suggested he caucus with his negotiators and
figure out what to do next. I felt bad about what had happened: not about the list of
questions, or my insistence that we could not offer major concessions with no sign
of reciprocity. But I did regret that it had left the Americans so frustrated, and
Clinton so angry. He had invested not just huge amounts of time and brainpower,
but political capital, in the search for peace.
He phoned me at about 3:30 in the morning and asked me to come back. This
time, I went alone. We sat on the terrace of Aspen. He said again he couldn’t go to
Arafat with the list we’d drawn up. But having met with his negotiators, he
suggested they draft a more forthcoming list of their own – consistent with what
Shlomo and Gili had proposed. I agreed, as long as they kept in mind that it had to
be something I could ultimately live with, and that it be presented to Arafat as an
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American proposal. I suggested the President could tell Arafat that he’d try to get
me to agree to it, providing Arafat first showed a readiness to move.
The American questions did go further than ours. They asked Arafat whether he
would negotiate on the basis of getting Palestinian sovereignty over all the outer
Jerusalem neighborhoods, as well as the Muslim Quarter of the Old City and a
“custodial role” over the holy sites. But Arafat said no. He insisted on Palestinian
sovereignty over all of East Jerusalem, including the Old City and the holy sites.
For a few hours after Clinton’s fruitless meeting with Arafat, Dennis and the
American team engaged in a rescue effort, adding another carrot. They included
the Christian Quarter as well, meaning Palestinian sovereignty over nearly half of
the Old City, including the areas where almost all Arab residents lived. Dennis
gave the proposal to Shlomo and Amnon Lipkin to bring to me, and asked two of
the Palestinian negotiators to take it to Arafat. Even offering sovereignty over the
Muslim Quarter went beyond anything I’d proposed. So did a lot of the other
American questions. Still, I said we’d be ready to consider them in discussions
with the US negotiating team – with the exception of the Christian Quarter. But
that, too, turned out not to matter. Arafat did not even respond.
Clinton called me to say we’d reached the end of the road. There were only two
options: end the summit and announce we’d tried and failed, or defer Jerusalem
and try to get agreement on the rest of the issues. I asked for time to think it over,
and he said he’d come see me when I was ready. I was tempted to put off
Jerusalem. In the admittedly unlikely event we could get a deal on the other issues,
that would undeniably be an achievement. But I couldn’t help thinking that
Arafat’s lack of engagement on Jerusalem was yet another sign that he was not
ready for the almost equally tough compromises required to resolve the other core
issues. And there was no escaping the reality that without a deal on Jerusalem, no
agreement we reached would truly represent an “end of conflict.” Moreover,
Jerusalem wasn’t just a Palestinian issue. It was of fundamental interest to the
whole Muslim world. If we left it unaddressed, we would be putting future Israeli
governments in the position of having to negotiate on Jerusalem after we’d given
back our key negotiating assets and all our leverage.
I accepted now that the search of a full peace treaty, or even a framework
agreement, looked all but impossible. Even Shlomo’s and Gili’s freelancing had
produced only a series of no’s from Arafat. But I felt I couldn’t give up. Much as
I’d been resisting it, I believed I needed to give Clinton my true bottom lines, even
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with Arafat still mute and unresponsive. That was the only way we could know
with certainty whether peace was possible. If it wasn’t, it would also demonstrate
powerfully to the Americans that we were not the party who had prevented an
agreement.
The President came to see me in Dogwood a little before 11 at night on the 18 th ,
less than 12 hours before he was due to take his delayed flight to the G8. I told him
I’d decided to do what Rabin had done with Syria. I was going to give him a
“deposit” to keep in his pocket, which he would be free to use as the basis for a
further, American proposal to Arafat, assuming it was part of an agreement with a
“satisfactory resolution” of the refugee issue and an explicit end-of-conflict. He
could present it as something which he could tell Arafat he was confident of
persuading Israel to accept. It went well beyond what I’d offered before, on all the
major issues. I proposed Palestinian rule over 91 percent of the West Bank. I was
ready for a Palestinian state to have sovereignty over 85 percent of the border in
the Jordan Valley as well, and our security zone there would stay in place for “less
than 12 years.” Seven out of the nine outer Arab neighborhoods of Jerusalem
would come under Palestinian sovereignty. The inner neighborhoods would be
under Palestinian civil authority: including planning and zoning, and lawenforcement.
For the mosques on the Temple Mount, I proposed a shared
custodianship to include the new state of Palestine, Morocco and the chair of the
Higher Islamic Commission in Jerusalem. I also agreed to consider Palestinian
sovereignty over both the Muslim and Christian quarters of the Old City.
Clinton, arching his eyebrows and smiling, said what I’d offered was a package
of genuine concessions. It was more than he had expected and, he assumed, more
than the Palestinians could have hoped for. It had the makings of a potential
breakthrough toward a fair and final peace. I told him I hoped so. But given
Arafat’s behavior so far, I had my doubts.
Now, it was our turn to wait. The President invited Arafat to Aspen and, from
what we heard soon afterwards, got no hint of any readiness to reciprocate. He
agreed only to talk to his negotiators and get back with an answer. Overnight, the
Palestinians sent messages to the Americans asking questions on each of the
concessions, though still with no indication from Arafat of a response. Finally, he
sent a suggestion that since Clinton was about to fly off to the G8, we take a twoweek
break to allow Arafat to consult with Arab leaders. To his credit, Clinton
knew an escape act when he saw it. He recognized that only by confronting the
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issues raised by our proposals and showing a willingness to find common ground
would we have any hope of success. No recess, Clinton said. He needed a straight
answer. Again, not full acceptance necessarily, but agreement to treat the proposals
as a basis for negotiating an Israeli-Palestinian peace. Arafat’s answer came shortly
before dawn. It was “no”.
Clinton couldn’t quite believe it. He went back to see Arafat, telling him he was
making an error on the scale of 1948, when the Palestinians had rejected the
partition of Palestine and the creation of an Arab state; or in 1978, when by
negotiating on the basis of Sadat’s Palestinian-rights framework, they would have
ended up with a mere 5,000 Israeli settlers on the West Bank instead of nearly
200,000. What most astonished Clinton was that Arafat was saying no even to
using the package as a basis for negotiations. Still, Arafat would not budge.
As Palestinian negotiators tried to salvage things by suggesting another trip by
Madeleine and Dennis to the Middle East, it was clear that even the Americans
were fed up. They knew that one side, at least, had been trying to get an agreement.
They couldn’t understand why Arafat was unwilling even to accept the “pocket”
proposals as a basis for further talks. When Yossi Ginossar, our most reliable
conduit, went to see Arafat, he found him sitting alone and, in Yossi’s description,
“paralyzed.” Clinton finally decided to have one last go. When he did, Arafat not
only remained unwilling. To the President’s astonishment, he insisted that the
ancient Jewish temple hadn’t been in Jerusalem at all, but in the West Bank city of
Nablus.
I was getting a bite to eat in the dining room in Laurel Lodge when Madeleine
showed up. She didn’t bother defending Arafat. She was as frustrated as I was. Her
message was that after the summit, it was important not to make things worse. A
negotiating process had to be kept alive. Then, Clinton sat down with me. He
delivered a similar message, but with even greater feeling. “You’re smarter than I
am,” he joked. “You’re certainly experienced in war, and I’m not. But I’m more
experienced in politics, and there are a few things I’ve learned along the way. The
most important is not to corner your adversaries, and not to corner yourself.
Always leave yourself a way out. Don’t lock yourself into a losing option.” I could
see that he was right. I also believed, as strongly now as before the summit, that
Israel’s own interests and its security were not served by an unresolved conflict
with the Palestinians. The problem was that, in the absence of an equal
commitment on Arafat’s side, any continued negotiating process seemed futile.
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I packed my bags. I told Danny Yatom to inform the Americans we were
leaving and to get our plane ready to take us back to Israel. I let the others in our
team know that we were going. A number of them, and several of the Americans as
well, urged me to reconsider. But I said I saw no point in staying. What I didn’t
know, however, was that one of the Palestinians’ original Oslo negotiators, Hassan
Asfour, had approached Dennis Ross with a new proposal: that we ask Arafat to
accept everything except the proposal on the holy sites as a basis for negotiation.
Sovereignty over the Temple Mount would be addressed in later, international
negotiations. When Dennis brought this to me, my instinct was to say no. Like so
much else at the summit, it was an inherently skewed formula: it would involve
major Israeli concessions on all the other main issues, without securing our
absolute minimum need in Jerusalem: sovereignty over the Temple Mount. I didn’t
say yes. Still, with Clinton’s words of advice still on my mind, I said that I’d think
it over.
When I met the rest of the Israeli team, almost all of them felt we should stay.
The consensus was that especially if violence broke out after the summit’s
collapse, we didn’t want to feel we’d left any stone unturned. At about 11 pm, I
phoned the President and told him that we would stay until he returned from
Okinawa. He was clearly pleased, and asked us to keep working in his absence.
When I resisted that, saying that any substantive talks needed his involvement, we
finally agreed that talks could continue in search of a formula for the holy sites. On
all the other issues, only informal discussions would be held until and unless a way
ahead on the Temple Mount was found. If that happened, and if Arafat finally
accepted the “pocket” proposals as an agreed starting point, formal negotiations
could resume. Clinton accepted this formula. He went to see Arafat and secured –
or thought he had secured – his agreement as well.
One of the President’s great strengths was his genius for blurring the edges of
potential differences in search of common ground. But when edges had to be
sharpened, this could lead to confusion. Before leaving for the G8, the President
neglected to mention to Arafat our explicit understanding that, with the exception
of the talks on the holy sites, nothing would happen until he accepted the
concessions that President Clinton and I had delivered as at least a basis for further
negotiations. As a result, Arafat’s team now set about happily asking questions and
probing my negotiators – pushing us to go further – but with no more inclination
than before to produce any concessions of their own.
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When I learned what was happening, I told my negotiators they were not to
hold any further formal meetings during the four days Clinton would be away.
Dennis’s initial response was frustration. Madeleine Albrights’s was fury. They
both made no secret of their view that I was needlessly stonewalling. It wasn’t until
a few hours later that Madeleine apparently saw the stenographer’s record of my
conversation with the President before he’d left, confirming the condition that
Arafat accept the “pocket” at least as a basis on which to proceed. That evening,
she apologized to me for the misunderstanding, and explained the mix-up to the
full Palestinian and Israeli negotiating teams.
I spent most of the remaining three days in my cabin or, when the rain relented,
walking through the woods. The Americans appeared to think I was sulking. I
wasn’t. I was trying to find the least diplomatically damaging way to navigate the
period until the President’s return. I couldn’t see showing up at Laurel at every
mealtime, mingling and joking with the Americans and Palestinians, but refusing
to enter into any form of negotiations. That would compound the awkwardness of
the situation, and also be a direct affront to Madeleine. I liked and respected her.
But I could not in good conscience help her out in her efforts to find at least some,
informal, way of moving the summit along in Clinton’s absence. If Arafat had
failed to show even a scintilla of movement with the President in the room, I knew
there was no way that he was going to do so with the Secretary of State. For the
Palestinian negotiators, who were predictably in favour of her efforts, the
definition of “new ideas” was whatever further movement they might cajole out of
our negotiators. Still, on day-three of Clinton’s absence, I got a note saying that
Secretary Albright was on her way to my cabin. I didn’t want the needless
diplomatic difficulty involved in again telling her I could not sanction freewheeling,
and decidedly one-sided, negotiations while Arafat hadn’t moved a
single inch. So I made myself scarce. Fortunately, I was wearing sneakers. I told
Danny to inform the Americans I was out jogging around the perimeter of the large
Camp David estate, and went off to do just that.
I told my own delegation I was taking time out to assess where we stood. I did
continue meeting with Gili Sher and Danny Yatom. Yet for much of time, I read. I
also did a lot of thinking. I considered the “pocket” concessions I’d agreed to, the
uncertainties and risks I’d been prepared to run, and the need to decide how to deal
with the fact that Arafat, when he had engaged at all, had said “no”.
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Once it was clear to the Americans there would be no talks until the President
returned, however, Madeline began urging me to go see Arafat personally. The two
members of our team who were the least pessimistic about Camp David’s outcome,
Shlomo Ben-Ami and Yossi Ginossar, also said they thought it was a good idea. It
was they who’d pressed me to go see Arafat for tea and sweets earlier in the
summit. But that meeting had produced not even a glimmer of negotiating
flexibility from the Palestinian leader. Yossi had said at the time that it would help
the atmosphere, and pay dividends later on. But that hadn’t happened either.
“Madam Secretary,” I told Madeleine, “eating more baklava with Arafat isn’t
going to help. The situation is simple: he needs to answer whether he views the
President’s proposal as a basis for going forward.”
When Clinton returned, he promptly got back down to business: making one
last push to see whether a peace deal was possible. He phoned me around midnight
on the 24 th of July, a few hours after he’d arrived. He told me he had sent an even
more far-reaching package to Arafat, expanding on my proposals. Now, all of the
outer Arab neighborhoods in East Jerusalem would come under Palestinian
sovereignty, in addition to the Muslim and Christian quarters in the Old City. And
Arafat would be given “custodial sovereignty” over the Muslim holy sites on the
Temple Mount. I didn’t object. Though it was further than I felt I could go, it was
within the spirit of my “pocket deposit”. The same ground rules still applied: these
were American proposals, which the President was telling Arafat he would try to
deliver if he accepted them as a basis for serious negotiations. But when Clinton
phoned me back, around 3:15 in the morning, it was to tell me that Arafat had
again said no.
The curtain had finally come down. What remained now was to clear up the set.
I did meet Arafat once more, in a joint session with President Clinton, but only for
closing statements. The President and I spoke as much in sorrow and frustration as
anger. Both of us said we thought an historic agreement had been within our grasp,
and that far-reaching proposals had been tabled to make it possible. Arafat
responded with words both of us had heard before: effusive toward Clinton,
rhapsodic about his “old partner” Rabin and fulsome in his ostensible commitment
to keep trying for peace. But it was just words. We knew he was not willing even
to talk about the kind of compromises a real, final peace would require.
The President’s remarks to the media were, by the standards of post-summit
diplomacy, unmistakably clear in making that point. He praised me and the Israeli
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negotiating team for courage and vision. Essentially, he thanked Arafat for
showing up. That was some consolation. But it didn’t alter the weight of the
message we were carrying home. Arafat either would not or could not make peace,
at least on terms any Israel leader could accept or the people of Israel would
endorse.
There were only two potential deal-breakers on our side, as Arafat had known
from the beginning. The first involved the “right of return.” We were never going
to sign a peace agreement accepting the return of hundreds of thousands of
Palestinians within our pre-1967 borders. Demographically, that was a recipe for
the inexorable end of Israel as a majority-Jewish state. It would also imply a
rewriting of the history of how Israel was born: in a war, with an almost equal
number of refugees either fleeing or forced to leave on both sides, after the Arab
world had unanimously, and violently, rejected a UN partition that would have
created a Palestinian Arab state as well. I did accept a “right of return” to the
Palestinian state we had hoped to create, as part of a final peace deal, on the West
Bank and in Gaza. I also supported the idea of a multi-billion-dollar international
fund to compensate or resettle Palestinian refugees, and was ready to commit Israel
as a party to that effort. The other critical issue was Jerusalem. I had stretched our
negotiating position almost to breaking point. The “pocket” ideas Arafat ended up
rejecting challenged a longstanding Israeli political taboo. In practical terms, they
amounted to a breach of the assurances which I and every other Israeli Prime
Minister since 1967 had given: never to re-divide Israel’s capital. Had we actually
got an end-of-conflict deal, I would have had to justify it to Israelis in a
referendum. I think I could have done so. But one thing I could not give up was our
sovereignty over the Temple Mount, the centerpiece of our history as a people and
Israel’s as a state. It was our connection with our past, a focus of what we had gone
through, what we had achieved, and what we had left to accomplish. It was
essential to who we were.
Arafat never even engaged in a discussion on the “right of return”. On the
Temple Mount, however, he was explicit. Any peace, any basis for negotiation
toward peace, had to begin by confirming Palestinian sovereignty. Besides, as he’d
told the President of the United States, he had persuaded himself there never was a
Jewish temple in Jerusalem. When I heard about that remark, I was less shocked
than Clinton. It struck me as just another way Arafat had of conveying his bottom
lines. It was a bit like stories he liked to tell about visiting his aunt in Jerusalem as
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a young boy and seeing religious Jews walking through the streets of the Old City.
I don’t know whether those stories were true. But the point was that while he had
no problem with Jews in their long coats and black hats praying in the holy city,
Jews exercising authority or sovereignty, or a Jewish state, was something else
entirely. Camp David had made it clear it was something he was not prepared to
accept.
The question which I now had to confront was what to do next.
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Chapter Twenty-Three
It didn’t fully hit me how draining our efforts had been until the morning that
the summit collapsed, when President Clinton called me to come talk to him in the
living room at Laurel Lodge. When I arrived, Madeleine was already there, sitting
on the edge of the sofa. She greeted me with a resigned shrug and a valiant but not
altogether successful effort at a smile.
“We tried,” Clinton said quietly as I took a seat in a wooden chair opposite his.
“We gave it everything.” The nominal reason for the meeting was to brief me on
the communiqué the Americans were going to issue: mostly boilerplate assurances
that both sides remained committed to seeking peace, but with an additional
“understanding” that neither would take unilateral actions in the meantime. But
mostly, Clinton wanted to reinforce his message of a few days earlier: don’t “lock
yourself into a losing option.” Don’t close the door. Don’t give up. “I won’t,” I told
him, an assurance I echoed in remarks to reporters a few hours later, when I said
that while the peace process had “suffered a major blow, we should not lose hope.
With goodwill on all sides, we can recuperate.”
But I told the President that we couldn’t just ignore what had happened at Camp
David. Yes, in the event Arafat suddenly had second thoughts about the potentially
historic achievement he’d passed up, he would know where to find me. But until
and unless that happened, I told Clinton that I assumed my “pocket” concessions
would now be firmly back in his pocket. And while we couldn’t erase them from
memory, I said it was important both of us make it clear that, in legal and
diplomatic terms, they were not going to provide Arafat a new starting point from
which he could make his customary demand for more.
“And I have to tell you that, given what has happened, there’s no way I can
justify handing him control of more land. I am not going to go ahead with the Wye
redeployments in these circumstances.”
“You don’t have to,” Clinton replied. “I’ll back you.”
Though I never discussed internal Israeli politics with any foreign leader, even
the closest of allies, I didn’t doubt that the President’s support was partly a
recognition of what awaited me once I got home. The compromises I’d been
willing to consider had gone further – much further, on the politically combustible
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question of Jerusalem – than any Israeli leader in the search for peace. Even before
I’d left for Camp David, the defections from our coalition meant we’d been left
with only 42 seats in the Knesset, nineteen short of a majority. Amid the first,
sketchy media reports that we were even talking about sharing control of parts of
Jerusalem with the Palestinians, there was a chorus of denunciation from rightwing
politicians back home. Bibi Netanyahu had largely kept out of the public eye
since his resignation after the election. Now, he issued a statement accusing me of
having “broken all the red lines held by all Israeli governments.” During the
President’s final push to save the prospects for a summit agreement, Bibi called a
news conference. He said he was determined to prevent what he called an
impending disintegration of Israeli society. “What we hear from most of the reports
out of Camp David does not answer our hopes,” he said.
It hadn’t answered my hopes either. But I had gone into the summit with my
eyes open. Frustrated though I was by the way the summit had ended, I had no
regrets about going as far as I had in trying to reach, at the minimum, a framework
agreement. In that sense, it is true the summit had failed. But when I’d urged
President Clinton to convene it, I made the argument that if genuine peace was
ever going to be possible, we at least had to know whether Arafat was interested in,
or capable of, playing his part. That question had, for now, been answered. At least
as importantly for Israel, the President of the United States and almost the entire
international community recognized we’d done everything realistically possible to
reach an accommodation. Diplomatically, the ball was in the Palestinians’ court.
There was a final achievement as well – little noticed or remarked upon in the
days immediately after Camp David, but hugely significant. A taboo had been
broken. For the first time, all Israelis recognized what their political leaders, both
Labor and Likud, had long known: a formal, final peace with the Palestinians, if
and when it came, would require us not just to withdraw from the great majority of
the West Bank, but to find a formula for sharing power in Jerusalem. Many Israelis
still believed that was a price too high, and not just Likudniks. A couple of weeks
after the summit, Leah Rabin told an Israeli newspaper that her late husband would
be “turning in his grave” if he’d known the concessions I’d been ready to consider
on Jerusalem. I found the remarks hurtful, but I understood them. In a way, they
drove home the point I’d made to Clinton during the summit: all Israelis had a
deep, emotional attachment to our historic capital. “Yitzhak would never have
agreed to compromise on the Old City and the Temple Mount,” Leah said,
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“because for him, Jerusalem was sacred from a strictly national and historic point
of view.” It was for me as well. In fact, I think its religious significance probably
resonated more strongly. Still, the major change from the summit was that even
those Israelis who found a compromise on Jerusalem unacceptable recognized that,
if they did want to negotiate a definitive end to the conflict, talking about it was
unavoidable.
At least for now, however, there wasn’t going to be a peace deal. As our El Al
707 descended over the Mediterranean for our approach back to Ben-Gurion
Airport, I faced the more immediate issue of ensuring my government survived.
This was partly in case, against all odds, Arafat showed a readiness to revive the
search for peace – but also because of the real prospect he would choose violence
instead.
* * *
Since the Knesset was about to go into recess until late October, I would have a
three-month window to reshape and stabilize my coalition – but only if we could
weather a no-confidence motion introduced by Arik Sharon after Camp David. We
did weather it, barely. Arik needed a majority of the Knesset’s 120 seats to bring
down the government. The vote ended in a 50-50 tie. The other 20 MKs abstained,
or didn’t show up. This was not because of any enthusiasm for my efforts to get an
agreement at Camp David, but because of a lack of enthusiasm for an early
election in which they feared losing seats.
Still, that did allow me to focus on the challenge of the inevitably altered
situation with Arafat after the summit’s collapse. My main concern was the
possibility of violence. Even before returning home, I’d phoned Shaul Mofaz and
Avi Dichter, the former Sayeret Matkal officer who was now head of the Shin Bet.
“Let’s hope the violence doesn’t come,” I told them. “But if it does, make sure we
are ready.” Though there was no sign of violence in the weeks immediately after
the summit, there was equally little sign of diplomatic engagement by Arafat.
Obviously relieved at the way Camp David had ended, he returned to Gaza to a
hero’s welcome, proudly proclaiming that he had refused to “give up” Jerusalem. It
was vintage Arafat: the “general” in his starched uniform and kefiyeh, fresh from
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the diplomatic equivalent of the battlefield, triumphant against the odds. It was the
role he liked and played best. His next move was to take the show on the road: to
Arab, European and world capitals, pleading that he had been the “victim” of
summit chicanery in which President Clinton and I had presented him with a deal
no self-respecting Palestinian could accept. He was also campaigning for
international support for a move, in contravention of the final Camp David
communiqué, to “declare” a Palestinian state unilaterally in mid-September.
I spoke personally to Tony Blair and French President Jacques Chirac, and also
dispatched Shlomo-Ben Ami, Amnon Lipkin, Yossi Beilin and Shimon Peres, who
was Minister of Regional Cooperation in the coalition, on a series of diplomatic
visits to make sure the true story of what had happened at the summit was
understood. As a result, the globetrotting Arafat received an almost unanimous
rebuff for the idea of a unilateral declaration of stateheood. He was told that if he
really wanted a state, he should return to the negotiating table with Israel.
By the time I went to New York in early September – joining the largest
collection of world leaders ever assembled, for the UN’s Millennium Summit –
there seemed little chance of that happening. I met privately with a number of
world leaders before delivering a brief address to the more than 150 presidents and
prime ministers. I was at pains to take the high road. None of the foreign leaders I
met had expressed any doubt that we’d gone much further than they had expected
at Camp David, and that the onus for putting diplomacy back on track rested firmly
with the Palestinians. Looking straight at Arafat from the UN podium, I said: “We
are at the Rubicon, and neither of us can cross it alone.” Jerusalem, “the eternal
capital of Israel,” was calling out for a “peace of honor, of courage and of
brotherhood” – a peace recognizing that the city was also sacred to Muslims and
Christians the world over. When Arafat spoke, it was almost as if the summit had
never happened. “We remain committed to our national rights over East Jerusalem,
capital of our state and shelter of our sacred sites, as well as our rights on the
Christian and Islamic holy sites,” he declared. He didn’t mention Jews, beyond a
bizarre reference to the 2,000 th anniversary of the birth of Christ “in Bethlehem,
Palestine.” I couldn’t resist remarking to one of the American negotiators that I’d
always thought Jesus grew up as a Jewish boy, making thrice-yearly visits at
festival time to the temple in Jerusalem, at a time when there was not a church,
much less a mosque, in sight.
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Still, in my meetings with Clinton, I assured him I was not giving up altogether
on the prospects for peace. Not only did I feel that would be wrong, as long as
there was a scintilla of hope. I believed that our continued diplomatic engagement
might provide a counterweight to any moves by Arafat to revert to violence. It was
also critical for Israel to retain the diplomatic, political and moral high ground we
had earned in the eyes of the international community from the concessions we had
been willing to consider. When the President suggested drafting a final American
paper, based on Camp David though presumably with an even more generous
proposal for the Palestinians, I agreed. I figured even Arafat might realize at some
point that if he did want a negotiated peace, the time for dithering was over.
Clinton would no longer be president in five months’ time. Unless I could find an
alternative way to refortify my coalition over the coming weeks, it was entirely
possible I’d have to form a “unity” coalition with Arik and the Likud. Still, I told
President Clinton I doubted the ticking clock would make a difference to the
Palestinian leader. If it didn’t, I believed at some point all our talk about an “end of
conflict” would give way to conflict. The only question was when.
Tragically, I got the answer only weeks after my return from the UN.
* * *
At the urging of the Americans, I invited Arafat and his negotiating team to a
private dinner in Kochav Yair on the 25th of September. The atmosphere was
surprisingly warm, for which a lot of the credit, as well as culinary praise, has to go
to Nava. “Very cordial, even congenial,” Nabil Shaath told reporters after the
dinner, nearly 45 minutes of which I spent talking alone with Arafat on the stone
terrace out back. Each of us spoke to Clinton for about 10 minutes near the end,
and the President was obviously pleased to hear us sounding upbeat about trying to
narrow any differences on the forthcoming American negotiating paper. On the
substance of our differences, by mutual agreement, Arafat and I didn’t say much to
each other. I did try to impress on him that time was getting short. His
monosyllabic reply – yes – was at least better than the alternative. I chose to
believe we could both now focus on trying again.
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The request that had come across my desk a few days earlier need not have
changed that. Even though Arik had failed, for now, to bring down the
government, he was keen to make political capital from the collapse of Camp
David. He now declared his intention to pay a visit to the Temple Mount. The
Mount – or as it was called in Arabic, Haram al-Sharif – was part of Israel. The
unsubtle point of Arik’s visit was to dramatize his determination to keep it that
way. The target of this political theatre was not Arafat or the Palestinians. It was
the Israeli public, me, and my government. In an all-perfect world, I would have
liked to find a way to block the visit. In a democracy, it wasn’t that easy. The only
way I could do so was on the grounds it was a threat to public order or security, a
judgement in the hands of our police and security services. I duly asked for the
views of Avi Dichter of the Shin Bet, and Shlomo Ben-Ami, who in addition to
being interim Foreign Minister was Minister of Internal Security, in charge of the
police. Both came back with the same answer: though we’d all be happier if Arik
stayed down on his farm in the Negev, there was no reason to expect his visit
would pose a major public-order issue, and no basis for blocking it. When Shlomo
contacted Jibril Rajoub, Arafat’s West Bank security commander, Rajoub asked
only that two conditions be imposed, and Shlomo agreed. The first was that the
visit not occur on a Friday, when the mosques would be full of worshipers; the
second, that Sharon not set foot in either of the mosques on the Haram. Our chief
of police informed Sharon that if he didn’t accept the conditions, we’d deny him
permission to go. But he agreed. When he went, for about half an hour under
police escort on Thursday morning the 28 th , he complied.
At first, we thought it would prove a one-off media stunt. But that evening,
Danny Yatom brought me an intelligence report with evidence that Arafat’s
Palestinian Authority was planning for wide-scale violence after Friday prayers, in
protest over Sharon’s visit. Danny called Dennis Ross. Madeleine Albright called
Arafat, to urge him to ensure this didn’t happen. But as Dennis would remark later,
“Arafat didn’t lift finger to stop it.”
The trouble began the next day, shortly after Friday prayers. It was also the eve
of the Jewish New Year, and the Western Wall area was crowded. As people
poured out of the mosques, a number began hurling stones, some of them the size
of small boulders, onto the Jewish worshippers and police below. One knocked out
the highly experienced, steady-handed commander of the Jerusalem police, which
I’m sure contributed to making the confrontation that followed even worse. By the
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end of the day, dozens of Israelis and Palestinians were injured. Five Palestinians
lay dead. Though the media almost instantly labelled it a new “intifada”, this one
was very different. It was not a burst of anger, however misdirected, by stonethrowing
youths convinced that a road accident in Gaza had been something more
sinister. There had been no serious unrest on the day of Arik’s visit. We would
later learn this was a deliberate campaign, waged with guns and grenades, by
Hamas and Islamic Jihad, the Fatah offshoot Tanzim, and Arafat’s own police
force.
The media had changed, too, in the 13 years since the first intifada, with the rise
of twenty-four-seven news broadcasters, including the Arabic-language Al Jazeera.
Images of pain and suffering and fear stoked anger on both sides. None, in the first
days of the violence, was more powerful, or heart-rending, than the picture of a
terrified 12-year-old Palestinian boy named Mohammed al-Durrah, sheltered by
his father as they took cover from the crossfire in Gaza. The facts of the incident,
as best we could establish immediately afterwards, were that the Palestinian
security forces had opened fire on Israeli troops near the settlement of Netzarim.
Ten Palestinians, including the little boy, lost their lives when the soldiers returned
fire. We later established with near certainty that the boy had in fact been killed by
Palestinian gunfire. But even if we’d been able to prove that at the time, I’m sure
that in the increasingly poisonous atmosphere, it would have made little difference.
Nor would it have changed the next, deeply disturbing escalation: the spread of
the violence into Israel itself, with unprecedentedly serious clashes between our
own Arab citizens and the police in the Galilee, in Wadi Ara, in the main mixed
Arab-Jewish cities, and the Negev. Beyond the political implications, the
demonstrations of solidarity with the Palestinian violence presented a security
challenge of a different order: to the ability of the Israeli police, and by extension
the government, to ensure basic law and order inside our borders. The worst of the
clashes lasted barely a week. But they left thirteen Arab Israeli protestors dead,
sparking demonstrations as far afield as Jaffa, as well as ugly incidents of mob
violence by Israeli Jews against Arabs in some areas.
President Clinton tried his best to help us halt the violence on the West Bank
and in Gaza. I doubted the Americans would succeed, but was fully ready to join in
their efforts to try. About ten days into the new intifada, I attended a crisis meeting
with Arafat, mediated by Madeleine Albright and Dennis Ross, at the US
ambassador’s residence Paris. It was nominally under the aegis of President
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Chirac, but the understanding was that Madeleine would be in charge. Far from
showing any willingness to end the violence, Arafat at first simply lied. He said the
Palestinian violence was in response to an unprovoked assault by Israeli troops,
and demanded an international “protection” force. There was a particularly bizarre
moment when I read out the names of individual Tanzim leaders whom we had
intercepted organizing the attacks. Arafat pretended he’d never heard of any of
them, almost as if I was reading from a zoology textbook about species of polar
bears. This was a man who had been awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. What he
really deserved was an Oscar.
But people were dying. Needlessly. We ended up agreeing to a US-led factfinding
commission, as well as a number of steps to separate the Palestinian
attackers and Israeli units. I reaffirmed our policy of insisting that Israeli soldiers
use live fire only if they felt their lives were under threat. Arafat undertook to order
his security forces and Tanzim not to launch further attacks. He even phoned Gaza
with what we were given to understand were explicit orders. But it was all for
show, as we discovered when we were invited to the Elysée Palace to meet Chirac.
The French President had clearly received advance word from Arafat about his
demand for an international “protection” force, presumably with a role for the
French. To my surprise and frustration, and Secretary Albright’s as well, Chirac
insisted that no agreement was acceptable without that happening. Then, he turned
to me, demanding to know why the violence had left nearly 400 Palestinians dead,
but barely two dozen Israelis, if the Palestinians were the aggressors. “Mr
President,” I said, “just several weeks ago we were prepared to go very far in order
to put this entire conflict behind us. It is Mr Arafat who rejected the proposal, even
as a basis for negotiations. Just a basis to seek peace. He then deliberately turned to
terror. We are protecting ourselves, and our soldiers. Are you really saying that
you’ll be happy for us to sign an agreement to end it only when another 350
Israelis are killed? I’m not playing that game. Arafat started this. He has to stop it.
We know he can, and we hold him responsible if that does not happen.”
It did not happen. We tried all we could to prevent a further deterioration. I
approved moves, in co-ordination with the Palestinian police, to lower our security
profile where possible. We made sure Israeli police were not visible from the
mosques on the Haram al-Sharif. But after the next Friday prayers, a crowd made
its way to a police post at the edge of the Old City and attacked it. In Nablus, the
burial site of Joseph had long been a source of tension. Shlomo Ben-Ami reached
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an agreement with the Palestinians to replace an Israeli troop cordon there with
Palestinian police. But on the morning of Saturday October 7th, hours after the
Palestinian police took over, a mob attacked, burned and ransacked the site. They
destroyed the Torah scrolls. A few hours later, our soldiers found the body of a
rabbi from a nearby settlement. He had gone to survey the damage to the
synagogue.
That evening, I delivered an ultimatum: “If we don’t see a change in the
patterns of violence in the next two days, we will regard this as a cessation by
Arafat of the peace process.” That did, briefly, have an effect. When Clinton
reinforced my message later in the day, Dennis told me that for the first time, he
sensed that Arafat realized he had to act. But again, it was not enough, nor in
anything like a sustained manner. And with an appalling act of murder three days
afterwards, it was too late. That outrage came in Ramallah. Two Israeli reservists
took a wrong turn and ended up driving into the town. They were taken to the
Palestinian police station. Hundreds of people broke in and stabbed them, gouged
their eyes out and disembowled them. In a chilling image broadcast around the
world, one of the murderers brandished the bloodstained palms of his hands in a
gesture of triumph. Since I was Defense Minister as well, I spent the hours that
followed in the kirya. We ordered attack helicopters into action for the first time,
though with advance warning to local Palestinians in the areas we targeted. We
destroyed the Ramallah police station, as well as a militia base near Arafat’s
headquarters in Gaza. But Arafat emerged to tell a cheering crowd: “Our people
don’t care. They don’t hesitate to continue their march to Jerusalem, the capital of
the Palestinian independent state.”
Israelis did care. It is hard to say which emotion was more powerful: disgust or
fury. But if the opinion polls were to be believed, a large majority wanted us to hit
back with the full force of the Israeli army. Still, my overriding aim remained to
end the violence if possible, not make it worse. When Clinton asked me to join
him, Arafat, King Abdullah of Jordan and UN Secretary General Kofi Annan for a
summit in Sharm al-Sheikh, I agreed. We worked out a series of steps to
disengage. Arafat was finally supposed to order the Palestinian Authority security
forces and Tanzim to cease fire, and establish no-go perimeters around our army
positions. We would reopen Gaza airport and, over a period of two weeks, pull
back our forces to where they had been before the violence began. But again, it
didn’t happen. The Palestinian attacks intensified and, as I’d made clear at the
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summit, we responded. The only, brief, lull came when Arafat feared the
Americans would cancel his scheduled visit to Washington to see Clinton on
November 9. I was due to follow him three days later.
I met Clinton and Dennis Ross over dinner in a little kitchen area attached to the
Oval Office, and both seemed surprisingly upbeat. The President said he’d told
Arafat the broad points that would be in the new American negotiating paper. It
was Camp David-plus. Assuming all issues in a final peace were agreed, the
Palestinians would now end up, after a land swap near Gaza, with a “mid-90-
percent” share of the West Bank. On Jerusalem, the guiding principle would be
“what is Arab will be Palestinian, and what is Jewish, Israeli.” On the Temple
Mount, the Haram al-Sharif, each side would have control of its own holy sites.
Finally, though Palestinian refugees would be free to return in unlimited numbers
to a new Palestinian state, there would be no “right of return” to pre-1967 Israel.
The President told me that after he’d run all this by Arafat, he and Dennis had
asked whether “in principle” these were parameters he could accept. Arafat had
said yes.
I assume they expected me to say the same. But I told them I couldn’t give them
an answer. What concerned me now was the violence. Until it was reined in, I
would not be party to rewarding Arafat diplomatically. I urged the Americans to
make ending the violence their focus as well, because if they didn’t get tougher on
Arafat’s noncompliance with anything resembling a de-escalation, Israel would do
so.
* * *
Since the Knesset had returned before my trip to Washington, I’d needed first to
make sure my government would survive. The obvious, or at least the most
mathematically secure, choice would have been a deal with Sharon. Especially
since the lynching in Ramallah, there were calls from politicians on all sides for a
unity coalition between Labor and Likud. Arik definitely wanted in. The main
issue reamined the peace process. I didn’t find Arik’s specific objections to Camp
David hard to deal with. As I’d said from the start, the fact that we’d failed to reach
an agreement at the summit meant that any concessions I’d considered were now,
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in legal and diplomatic terms, null and void. The package Arafat had ultimately
rejected had not even been presented by me. It was an American proposal. Besides,
it was obvious no serious negotiations were going to happen anyway for the
foreseeable future. Arik, however, said he wanted not just a “full divorce” from
Camp David. He insisted we formally declare an end to the entire Oslo process.
I told him that was a price I was not prepared to pay for his support. Despite the
failure of the summit, and the terrible human cost from Arafat’s choice of violence
over diplomacy, there was a wide international recognition that it was the
Palestinians, not Israel, who were responsible. For us to end the Oslo process
meant inviting accusations we’d never intended to reach a peace agreement in the
first place, and that it was Israel that was closing the door. We would also risk
forfeiting the American support we’d secured by our efforts to reach a peace deal,
an asset all Israeli governments would benefit from in other circumstances and
contexts in the future.
Fortunately, I had an alternative to a coalition with the Likud. Alarmed at the
prospect of a having Sharon in the government, the Oslo-era doves in Labor, led by
Yossi Beilin, worked out a new deal with Shas. The Sephardi Orthodox party was
still not prepared to rejoin the cabinet, but it did promise a “safety net” in the
Knesset to ensure we would not have to worry about no-confidence votes while
confronting the Palestinian violence. I knew Shas’s support would waver if there
was a resumption of serious peace negotiations. Still, as Clinton continued to insist
we make one final attempt to get a deal, I felt we had a responsibility to play our
part. I wasn’t prepared to put us in the position of appearing to stoneweall his
efforts, and encourage the false narrative that Israeli “intransigence” was somehow
frustrating Arafat’s readiness to make peace.
The Palestinian campaign of violence was getting worse. An Islamic Jihad car
bomb near Mahaneh Yehudah market in Jerusalem injured nearly a dozen people
and left two dead. Hamas blew up a school bus in one of the Gaza settlements,
killing two more people. In Hadera, halfway up the coast from Tel Aviv to Haifa, a
car bomb on a main street left two people dead and more than 60 injured.
Palestinian snipers from near Bethlehem began opening fire on Gilo, one of the
post-1967 Jewish suburbs of Jerusalem, and home to more than 30,000 people. Yet
despite all this, I authorized Shlomo Ben-Ami, Gili Sher, Amnon Lipkin and Yossi
Ginossar to continue talks with Palestinian negotiators on the terms of the
President’s last-ditch peace proposal.
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By the end of November, I believed that the chances of a peace agreement with
Arafat were so microscopic as to border on non-existent, and that my own
prospects for retaining sufficient support to be an effective Prime Minister much
beyond Clinton’s departure were not much better. It was not just Arik and the
Likud, but other parties on the right that were actively attempting to bring down
the government. I was being squeezed politically: by opposition to the concessions,
especially on Jerusalem, I’d been willing to consider in pursuit of a peace
agreement, and by the ever-worsening Palestinian violence. Shlomo Ben-Ami put
it best, saying that in the view of most Israelis, “Arafat’s response to Camp David
was not peace, it was an intifada.”
By the second part of November, there were five separate motions of noconfidence
working their way through the Knesset. I could have quashed them all
at a single stroke, since Arik, both publicly and privately, was conveying to me his
continuing interest in joining a unity coalition. But I again decided against it, at
this stage not so much because I expected a peace deal, but because I believed
continued Israeli engagement in the peace process was essential to preventing
Arafat from evading his responsibility for making a deal impossible.
I could also have wrongfooted my opponents by insisting that any early election
be not just for a new Prime Minister but for a new Knesset, something very few
existing Knesset members were anxious to see happen. I did, in fact, do precisely
that at the end of November, delaying an immediate move to try to topple the
government. But I immediately regretted doing it. The game-playing side of
politics was the part I least understood, and most disliked. I recognized that to
bring down the Knesset along with me would be unfair to the country, not to
mention my own Labor Party, which still had the largest number of parliamentary
seats. In pursuing my peace efforts with Hafez al-Assad, and at Camp David, I’d
insisted I was acting on the mandate I’d received in the Prime Ministerial election.
If the peace efforts had failed, or if a significant part of the country felt I was
wrong to have tried in the way I did, surely the responsibility for that, too, should
fall on me.
I remained confident I had been right to make the efforts with Arafat, with
Assad, and, of course, to have followed through on my pledge to withdraw our
troops from Lebanon. But believing that you are right, even if later events might
bear you out, was not all that mattered in politics. You had to be able to bring the
public with you. It was clear my support was ebbing away. Looking ahead to the
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challenges Israel would face during Clinton’s final period in office and afterwards,
I knew I could not go further without seeking a fresh mandate from the country,
however unlikely the prospects now seemed.
Deciding to do so was a decision that was probably easier for me than for other
politicians. Privileged though I felt as Prime Minister to be able to pursue what I
felt deeply were Israel’s national interests, the trappings of office were not that
important to me. I’d gone into politics to do things, not for the photo opportunities.
I did still believe it was important to see the final diplomatic push by Clinton
through to its end. But I knew an early election for Prime Minister wouldn’t
happen overnight. It would involve a couple of months’ preparation.
* * *
When I called a news conference on December 9, the media, and the country,
assumed that it was about the Palestinian violence and the ups and downs of the
Clinton initiative, and I did talk about both. But at the end, I said: “There are those
who doubt the mandate I received from the citizens of Israel. I have decided to
seek a new mandate – to lead the state of Israel on the road to peace, security and a
proper civic and social agenda.” I said I would go see the Israeli President the
following morning. “I will formally resign, and run for a special election, at the
head of the Labor Party, for the Prime Ministership of Israel.”
The election was set for February 2001. The last act in President Clinton’s
attempt at a breakthrough actually came after the American election, and just a
month before George W. Bush would succeed him. Since, in practical terms, any
final agreement would almost certainly come under President Bush, Clinton’s final
negotiating paper was framed as a set of paramaters which, if agreed to by both
sides, were intended to set the stage for a final deal. On December 23, Clinton
presented the draft to both sides’ representatives at the White House. I wasn’t
there. But the accounts I got from Shlomo, Gili and Dennis Ross afterwards made
me feel as if I was. The president said he would read through the document and
then leave the Israeli and Palestinian teams with Dennis to make sure they’d
recorded each detail. He said this was no longer the starting point for further
argument on the basic shape of a peace deal. This was his considered judgement of
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what would constitute a fair agreement. He was presenting it on a take-it-or-leaveit
basis. If either side said no, he would withdraw it, and it would not be binding on
President Bush.
He proceeded to lay out his proposal. It now envisaged the Palestinians ending
up with between 95 and 97 percent of the West Bank. Israel’s military presence in
the Jordan Valley would be for a maximum of six years, after which our soldiers
would be replaced by an international force. On refugees, the solution Clinton
proposed would “make it clear there is no specific right of return to Israeli itself”
but recognize “the aspiration of the Palestinian people to return to the area.” He
proposed a joint endorsement by Israel and the Palestinians of the right of refugees
to return to a new Palestinian state. In Jerusalem, Arafat would have sovereignty
over the entirety of the Old City except for the Jewish Quarter and, of course, the
Western Wall and the “holy space of which it is a part.” Finally, the President said,
this would be a final peace: an end of conflict and, once implemented, an end to
any further claims. He wanted replies from Israel and the Palestinians within five
days. Dennis added that, while both sides could come back with reservations, if
any of these fell outside the substantive limits of President Clinton’s parameters,
the response would be interpreted as a “no” and our search for an agreement would
be over.
Clinton’s latest proposals went beyond even what I was willing to have him
keep in his pocket at Camp David. Opposition politicians in Israel, and even a few
of our cabinet ministers, promptly objected to the formula for Jerusalem. I told the
critics – as I knew I’d have to argue to the country in a referendum, in the
vanishingly unlikely event we actually reached an agreeement – that making peace
was not like making love. It was something you did with enemies. I, too, would
have preferred to say no to Clinton’s ideas on Jerusalem. But to reject them would
have placed Israel in the position of rejecting the entire Clinton paper, something I
was not prepared to do.
I sent word to the President that we accepted his ideas. We did raise
reservations – twenty-eight in all, about how various parts of the agreement would
work on the ground. But none fell outside his parameters for a peace agreement. At
first Arafat asked the Americans for more time. Then he went to Washington to see
Clinton. There, he presented his “reservations”. They were not just outside the
Clinton parameters. They rejected two key elements. Arafat said there could be no
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Israeli sovereignty over the Western Wall of the ancient temple. Nor would he
agree to any compromise on the “right of return.”
For me, that was the final answer. As one Palestinian leader remarked to me
amid the still-escalating terror attacks a couple of years later, the Palestinians had
“needed a Ben-Gurion, but we got an Arafat.” He didn’t mean Ben-Gurion the
Zionist, but the statesman who at crucial moments like the partition vote in 1947,
could give up his maximalist hopes and dreams in order to secure a better future
for his people. Arafat felt much more comfortable, more secure, when the suicide
bombers were calling the tune. Then he could whip up the crowds with promises of
“marching on Jerusalem” or jet around the world telling everyone that Israel was
denying his right to a state.
* * *
Though I now knew an agreement was impossible, for many on the Israeli left,
my ostensible allies in the forthcoming election campaign against Arik, that was
hard to accept. Particularly for Yossi Sarid of Meretz, and to a certain extent Yossi
Beilin too, the only explanation for our failure to get a deal had to be that we
hadn’t negotiated well or creatively enough. The idea that Arafat simply didn’t
want a two-state peace was anathema to them. So was the political platform I said
that I hoped to implement if I was re-elected as Prime Minister. Maybe, at some
point in the future, a negotiated peace might be possible. We had accomplished
something of importance at Camp David. We’d made clear our red lines. We knew
where Arafat stood. But for now, I believed we had to move on, both in order to
keep the situation on the ground from getting worse and to act in Israel’s own longterm
political and security interests. I said we should unilaterally disengage from
the West Bank and Gaza.
The idea was straightforward. The Palestinians’ unwillingness to accept even
the final Clinton parameters, driven home with murderous ferocity by the
explosion of violence since Camp David, should not be allowed to paralyze Israel
politically. I proposed that we map out the area we required to retain and secure the
major settlement blocs, as well as the outer East Jerusalem suburbs; a further
security strip along the Jordan River; and several other strategically important
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points. It would amount to retaining control over around 20 percent of the West
Bank, but none of the major Arab towns or cities. Though deliberately stopping
well short of share of the West Bank Arafat could have secured through a
negotiated peace, it would remove Israeli troops and settlers from most of the
territory. It would give the Palestinians ample room to set up a state if they so
chose, and conceivably to expand its area if some future leader had more of the
“Ben-Gurion” in him than Arafat. Until then, it would allow both of our peoples to
get on with their lives and focus on their own political and social and economic
challenges.
There was a second, critically important part to what I was proposing: the
construction of a physical security fence along the new “disengagement line” with
the West Bank. It was the suggestion rejected under Rabin, accepted under Peres
amid the Hamas bombings in the 1996 election campaign, but never followed
through on. Even under the new arrangement I envisaged, Israeli troops would
retain the freedom of action to respond to, or pre-empt, terror attacks with targeted
operations inside the West Bank. But the physical barrier would hugely increase
our ability to halt the attackers before they could strike.
Yet even if I’d been able to bring those on the left of Labor behind the plan, this
election campaign was going to be a lot tougher than in 1999. Since Knesset
members weren’t running for their seats, the Labor machine lacked its usual
incentive put up posters, knock on doors, or get out the vote. Arik, however,
benefited from the enthusiasm of Likudniks and other right-wing activists who saw
an opportunity to retake control of Israel’s political agenda.
Long before election day, I realized my time as Prime Minister was up. Before
the campaign began, an old friend of mine, a leading Israeli journalist, tried to talk
me into withdrawing. “You’re going to lose, Ehud,” he said. “Why, after making
all this effort for peace, after doing your best, do you want the last act to be losing
to Arik?” I’d never seen the objective as just staying in office. If that had been the
case, I wouldn’t have put the chances of a peace deal with Syria to their final test. I
wouldn’t have gone to Camp David. I also would have accepted Arik’s serial
offers to join a unity coalition. But never in my life had I walked away from a
challenge. I certainly wasn’t going to retreat in the midst of Palestinian violence,
and when Israel still faced key decisions on how to move on from Arafat’s
unreadiness to negotiate an end to our decades-old conflict.
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I did regret being unable to rely on the support of two key constituencies that
had helped deliver my landslide victory barely 18 months earlier: my own Labor
Party and the Arab citizens of Israel. I had no trouble understanding the reasons
many Israeli Arabs were abandoning me. The clashes in the Galilee at the start of
the new intifada had left more than a dozen of their community dead. As an official
inquiry would later conclude, there was blame on all sides. A number of Arab
members of the Knesset had played a part in inciting the violence. Yet the police
had been unprepared, and they had used excessive force. As I said publicly before
the election, I, as Prime Minister, was ultimately responsible, and I formally
apologized for what had happened. Yet the roots went deeper, to the economic and
social disadvantages still faced by many Arab citizens, and the difficulty in
resolving those problems calmly and collectively as long as Israel remained in a
state of war with its Arab neighbors.
For Labor and the political left, it was as if, despite Arafat’s repeated rejections
of ever more forthcoming terms of peace, they still couldn’t bring themselves to
believe he really meant it. By default, they were inclined to blame me for not
delivering peace. I was accused of relying too much on a close circle of aides and
negotiators I’d known from my time in the army, of not giving a negotiating role to
Labor veterans of the Oslo negotiations like Yossi Beilin, and of being
insufficiently sensitive to Arafat’s needs in the negotiating process. Typical of the
argument was a broadside by the journalist and historian Tom Segev, in Ha’aretz,
which accused me of an “incredible arrogance” which had “led to an historic
mistake. Rather than continue on the Oslo road, Barak put it into his head that he
could reach a final settlement and try and impose it on the Palestinian Authority
President.” I did not try to “impose” anything on Arafat. I did, quite consciously,
abandon the “Oslo road” because it was inexorably leading to a situation where,
after the final Wye redeployments, Arafat would have control over the great
majority of the West Bank without having to commit to any of the assurances that
even most on the Israeli left would define as the minimum required for peace.
Now, of course, we knew that was something the Palestinian leader was not
prepared to do.
When election day came, not that many of my critics on the left actually voted
against me. Nor did the Israeli Arabs. Yet in very large numbers, they simply
didn’t vote. In percentage terms, Arik’s victory was even more decisive than mine
over Bibi. He got more than 62 percent of the vote. I received barely 37 percent.
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Yet the turnout was the lowest in Israeli history. Arik received fewer votes than I
had in 1999. Around half of the 1.8 million people who had supported me stayed at
home.
I conceded defeat after the first exit polls and said I would be stepping down as
head of the Labor Party. Still, since the election had been only for Prime Minister,
Labor remained the largest party in the Knesset. Mathematically, Arik might be
able to cobble together the required 61-seat majority with an assortment of smaller
parties. But without Labor as ballast, his government would be even more
precarious than mine. When I triggered the election, he’d let it be known that if he
won, he hoped to include Labor in his government, with me as his Defense
Minister. Even though I’d announced I was stepping aside, he phoned me the
morning after the election to make that argument again. He said Israel needed a
strong government, especially to confront the escalating violence. Having a person
with my background, whom he knew well and trusted, in the defense portfolio was
important. I didn’t say yes. Unfortunately, I failed to do what I should have done: I
didn’t immediately say no.
When the public learned about Sharon’s interest in a unity government, Labor
descended into bickering. Some of my former ministers, like Yossi Beilin and
Shlomo Ben-Ami, were against the idea of joining any Likud-led government.
They were especially disgusted by the prospect of doing so under Arik, the
architect of the 1982 Lebanon War. Most of the Labor’s central committee did
seem in favor of joining. But given the scale of my election defeat, many wanted
do so without me. For a few days, Arik kept phoning me. I did feel that the
substance of the arrangement he suggested made sense. But over that first week, I
realized that, understandably, he had little interest in addressing my policy
concerns. I decided to focus instead on ensuring a properly organized transition to
a new Labor party leader, and publicly confirmed that I would indeed be resigning.
Several weeks after Arik formed his government – including Labor, with Simon
Peres as one of four deputy prime ministers – he invited me to his office. He
wanted to ask my views on a specific security question. That took barely 15
minutes. But I raised another issue that I argued would have more far-reaching
implications. It was the idea of building the security fence along the West Bank.
I’d tried to make the case for doing so during the election campaign, and I’d lost
the election. “Now I’m turning to you. When I left office, 39 Israelis had been
killed in the terror attacks. Now, there are 70. When the number reaches 700,
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there’s no doubt you’ll decide to build this fence. But to your dying day, you won’t
be able to look yourself in the mirror and explain why you waited for another 630
Israelis to die first.”
He did eventually start building it, but only in the wake of an act of terrorism
which, even by the standards of this new and still-escalating intifada, was truly
obscene. In March 2002, suicide bombers murdered 30 people, mostly elderly, as
they were celebrating the annual Passover Seder in a hotel dining room in Netanya.
Arik hit back two days later with Israel’s largest military operation on the West
Bank since 1967. Israeli forces retook major Palestinian towns, placed Arafat
under de facto siege in his headquarters in Ramallah and imposed curfews and
closures. In June, the government formally approved the security fence. Still,
another year would pass before the major part of the barrier was in place, by which
time some 500 Israelis had been murdered in the terror attacks. Only then did the
number of casualties begin to fall.
I tried to steer clear of public criticism of Arik’s government. One of the lessons
I’d learned as Prime Minister was how easy it was to second-guess from the
outside. No Prime Minister can act exactly as he might plan or want to. The most
you can do is make sure you understand and analyze the issues and follow your
instincts, experience and conscience to come as near as possible to doing what you
believe is right. You will inevitably make mistakes and misjudgements. I certainly
did. At least some of the criticism I received was deserved. I was at times too
inflexible. I tended to limit my focus to a small group of trusted aides and advisors.
I was less good at schmoozing with – or, perhaps more importantly, delegating to –
others in the government or the party. I suspect it’s no coincidence that the man
who brought me into government in the first place was often criticized for the same
things. By character, instinct and experience, Rabin, too, remained less a politician
than a military man. Yet towards the end of his second period as Prime Minister,
he did get better at delegating to people around him, and creating an atmosphere
that encouraged teamwork, even when he knew he could not accept or act on
everything they might suggest. During my term as Prime Minister, I was much less
good at that.
But another thing Yitzhak and I shared was a determination to set ourselves
specific goals and do everything we could to achieve them. I promised to get the
army out of Lebanon. With the Palestinians, I arrived in office convinced that the
process begun in Oslo was both a huge opportunity and a potential dead-end. I was
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determined to focus on the end goal: initially, at least, a framework agreement, and
over time a final political resolution of our conflict. Ever since the outbreak of the
Palestinians’ first intifada, I believed this was as much in Israel’s own interest as
theirs. Yet when I entered office, we had no way of knowing whether Arafat
wanted two states living side-by-side in peace. I felt it was my duty to find out,
and, if the answer was yes, to put a peace agreement in place. I felt the same about
way about Syria and Hafez al-Assad.
When I left office, I believed I had achieved the most important goals of my
premiership. We were out of Lebanon. Though we couldn’t achieve the peace
agreements I had hoped for, it was not for lack of trying. Along the way, Israel had
demonstrated to the world that it was able and willing to consider painful
compromises, and that it was the Arab leaders who, at least for now, were unequal
to the challenge of making peace. If I’d been able to retain the backing of the
voters who made me Prime Minister in 1999, we might even have moved ahead on
unilateral disengagement from the Palestinians, dramatically altering the trajectory
of our relationship. Yet even without that, Camp David did delineate the terms of
any future peace arrangement. When and if conditions allowed a resumption of
serious negotiating efforts, the shape, and indeed most of the details, of a final
peace between our peoples were now clear.
I was on holiday in the summer of 2001 when Clinton phoned me. The New
Times had run a piece on how and why the summit, and the subsequent
negotiations through the end of the year, ended in failure. When I later read the
article, by the Pulitzer Prize-winning reporter Deborah Sontag, I found it a
meandering mix of opinions garnered from an assortment of Americans,
Europeans, Israelis and Palestinians, including Arafat himself, with the overall
conclusion that Clinton and I had not offered as generous a deal as was assumed
and that it was somehow unfair to suggest the Palestinians deserved blame for
rejecting it. There had been several other articles in various publications along the
same lines. I didn’t see much point at this stage in setting the record straight. To
the extent the content of the Times piece bothered me, it was a simple, but
important, error of fact. Quoting Arafat himself, Sontag wrote that during the backpatio
discussion I had with him at the dinner in Kochav Yair shortly before the new
intifada, he’d “implored me to block Mr Sharon’s plans” to visit the Temple
Mount. Arafat didn’t raise the issue at all, and presumably knew that we had
consulted his West Bank security chief to ensure it happened quickly, avoided the
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mosques on the Haram, and would not become a catalyst, or in this case a pretext,
for violence.
Yet the revisionist history about our peace efforts left Clinton not just
frustrated, but genuinely puzzled. What the hell were these people talking about, he
asked me. Why were they missing the forest for the trees. “The true story of Camp
David,” he said, “was that for the first time in the history of the conflict, you and I,
the Prime Minister of Israel and the President of the United States, placed on the
table a proposal, based on Resolutions 242 and 338, very close to the Palestinian
demands. And Arafat refused to accept it as a basis of negotiations, walked out of
the room, and deliberately turned to terrorism.” All the rest, President Clinton said,
was gossip.
All of it was now irrelevant, too. His parameters were off the table. Palestinian
violence against Israelis was getting ever deadlier. And I was out of politics. When
I delivered my final remarks to a Labor Party meeting, I was asked whether I was
leaving politics for good. I replied that I would always remain a member of Labor.
But I saw my role as a bit like when I’d left the army. “I’m a reserve officer,” I
said, adding that I hoped I would not be called back to duty any time soon.
I had been Prime Minister for only 21 months. But I’d been in politics for six
years, and in uniform for nearly thirty-six: in public service for more than four
decades. Now, suddenly, I was a private citizen. And for a few years, I actually
stayed that way.
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Chapter Twenty-Four
I had only a general idea of what I would do next. “Something in business”
describes it best. But I sought the advice of a friend who, rather than leaving
politics, had just entered it. Colin Powell was now the second President Bush’s
Secretary of State. “Why don’t you go on the lecture circuit?” he said. The short
answer was that it hadn’t occurred to me that I’d be any good at it. But it proved
energizing and interesting both for me and, it seemed, the audiences I spoke to. It
was also lucrative. I would deliver four lectures over the span of a week and end up
making twice what, until that point in my life, I had earned during a full year. I was
also invited onto a number of company boards. I turned down some, in order to
avoid even the appearance of a conflict of interest. But I did get involved in an area
where I believed my range of experiences might be relevant: investment decisions,
and venture capital.
The result was a dramatic change in lifestyle. Nava and I got to spend more
time with our daughters. We vacationed overseas for the first time. We also
decided to build a new home, and the place that we chose gave me my first
experience of how far I was from being a “private citizen” in the eyes of the Israeli
public. When it became known we were planning to move to Kfar Shmaryahu near
Tel Aviv, one of the wealthiest places in Israel, all hell broke loose. How could
you, I was asked. I couldn’t resist joking that I just wanted to be close to our
voters. Likud supporters were about as rare in Kfar Shmaryahu as panhandlers.
Along with Mishmar Hasharon, it was the only place where I’d polled over 80
percent even in my loss to Sharon.
Israel had changed dramatically from the kibbutz-centered pioneer society of
my youth. Greater Tel Aviv, in particular, was thriving economically, and the
rising crop of millionaires, whether from traditional business or in the bourgeoning
technology sector, included its fair share of former kibbutznikim. Still, socially and
culturally, a puritanical streak remained, a sense that there was something not quite
right about people raised on a socialist ideal becoming personally well off. I
accepted this. I recognized that I was not just a former kibbutznik. I had been head
of the Labor Party. And Prime Minister. Still, I did feel much of the personal
criticism was unfair. I had devoted more than four decades of my life to serving
my country. I’d behaved with scrupulous honesty while in office, and was avoiding
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any business involvement that could present a conflict of interest now that I had
left. Frankly, I saw nothing wrong with earning money through honest endeavor,
and using the proceeds to provide economic security for myself and my family,
and to give our grandchildren a better start in life than Nava’s or my own parents
had been able to do.
In the end, we didn’t move to Kfar Shmaryahu. But that was because of an even
more profound change in my life: I separated from Nava, after more than 30 years
together. When we had begun plans to move, I laughed off a warning from a
psychologist friend of mine that decisions like building a new house could lead to a
deeper reassessment of your life. But that is at least in part what happened. There
were also other changes that caused me to stop and take stock. I was no longer
Prime Minister. My father had passed away soon after I left office. Professionally,
I was exploring new areas and developing new interests. Nava and I had been
happily married since our twenties. We had three wonderful daughters, and a first
grandchild. Yet the more I thought about where we were in our lives, the more I
felt our future paths were pulling us in different directions. For both of us, the
separation was difficult, though it was made a bit less painful because Nava knew
that it had nothing to do with another woman, or another relationship. I did
imagine that I might one day meet someone else. But I was equally prepared for it
not happening. I certainly didn’t expect it any time soon.
When it did, it began by accident. A few weeks after our separation, I was
visiting the Knesset for a discussion about fixing Israel’s broken electoral system.
In the audience was a member of one of the civic associations pressing for reform:
Nili Priell, my first, and only, serious girlfriend before I met Nava. We spoke for a
few minutes afterwards. We agreed to meet again, and catch up with each other’s
lives, a week or so later. Both of us now had grown children. We were both on our
own. There is, I assume for everyone, something impossible to replicate about a
first love. Nili and I were given an unlikely second chance. That seemed to me an
extraordinary gift. It still does.
Yet if my personal life seemed full of new promise, the same could not be said
of the country I’d served for my whole adult life, or of the political party I’d led
into government. The continuing construction of the security fence along the West
Bank finally did begin to reduce the sheer number of Palestinian attacks: from
nearly 50 in 2002, to about half that number in 2003. But the suicide bombers who
did get through – from Hamas, Islamic Jihad and Fatah’s “Al-Aqsa Martyrs’
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Brigade” – struck wherever they could inflict the most terror, and death: at bus
stations, on buses, in shopping centers, restaurants and cafés. Over a 12-month
period, beginning with a bombing of Tel Aviv’s main bus station at the beginning
of January 2003, they murdered 145 men, women and children. It would not be
until two years’ later, with the West Bank fence in place and a range of other
security measures, that the attacks, and the deaths, were finally brought down
dramatically.
The Labor Party had finally left Arik Sharon’s coalition in late 2002. But in
Israel’s 2003 election – reverting to the old rules again, with a single vote for party
and Prime Minister – Arik and the Likud won resoundingly. They doubled their
Knesset seats, to 38. Labor, now with only 19 seats, against turned to Shimon
Peres, as interim party leader.
I didn’t miss the political limelight. But by mid-2004, with the first sign of a
major change in policy toward the Palestinians, I felt I had a contribution to make.
What first prompted me to dip my toes back into politics were the ever more
obvious signs throughout 2004 that Arik’s coalition, and his hold on the Likud,
were unraveling. Part of his problem was a steady drumbeat of corruption
allegations around what had become a kind of family political operation: Arik and
his two sons, Omri and Gilad. But Arik also seemed to be undergoing a welcome
political conversion, to the need for the more profound political “disengagement”
with the Palestinians which I’d long been advocating. He had endorsed the Bush
Administration’s “road map” for resuming the peace process. Yet with Yasir
Arafat ageing, ailing and even less inclined to consider the difficult decisions he
had shirked at Camp David, Arik went one, dramatic step further. He raised the
idea of unilaterally withdrawing Israeli forces and settlements from Gaza –
ensuring a showdown with the rank and file of the Likud, and other parties on the
right. His main Likud rival, very much back in front-line Israeli politics, was his
Finance Minister: Bibi Netanyahu. Though Bibi remained on board until the last
moment, he dramatically resigned for the cabinet in August 2005, a week before
the Gaza withdrawal, declaring: “I am not prepared to be a partner to a move
which ignores reality, and proceeds blindly toward turning the Gaza Strip into a
base for Islamic terrorism which will threaten the state.”
To this day, Bibi, along with many Israelis across the political spectrum, draws
a direct line between our pullout from Gaza, Hamas’s takeover and its violent
purging of Fatah’s old guard there, and the periodic wars we’ve had to fight since
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then in response to Hamas rocket fire into Israel. The moral: Arik was wrong to
withdraw. But the Islamists’ ascendancy was happening anyway. After all, it was
Hamas attacks that provided the spearhead of the intifada of terror launched in the
wake of Camp David. Arafat’s own influence was also inexorably on the wane by
the time he passed away, in Paris, at the end of 2004, to be succeeded by Abu
Mazen. I do not know of a single senior figure in Israel with any military
experience who believes that we would be more secure today if we still had
thousands of soldiers and settlers inside Gaza. Surprised though I was by Arik’s
decision to leave, I had no doubt that the fundamental security judgment he was
making – that a disengagement was in Israel’s own interest – was the right one. I
was encouraged, too, by his parallel announcement of a small, token withdrawal
from a few small West Bank settlements. My regret at the time was that he did not
go further toward the kind of major West Bank disengagement I’d been arguing
for, and that even in Gaza the pullout seemed insufficiently prepared or thought
out. The model, I believed, should have been our withdrawal from Lebanon –
involving detailed prior consultation with, and political support from, the UN and
key international allies. I also felt it was critically important to ensure that, while
we would obviously need offshore patrols to prevent arms and munitions from
getting in, we allowed and encouraged an environment in which the Gazan
economy could function and grow after we left. None of that happened. Though we
left Gaza, we effectively sealed off and blockaded one of the most densely
populated, economically strapped and politically febrile strips of land on the face
of the earth.
Still, I did see it as an important first step toward the kind of wider
disengagement that would prioritize Israel’s own security interests, and political
and social cohesiveness, until and unless conditions allowed a for a serious new
effort for a final peace deal. I was heartened when Shimon led Labor back into
Arik’s coalition at the start of 2005 to ensure he’d have the support necessary to go
through with the Gaza withdrawal. And while I did make a brief attempt to return
as party leader later in the year, when it was clear I wasn’t going to win, I threw
my support behind Shimon and against the other challenger, the longtime laborunion
leader Amir Peretz, who was running on a platform to take Labor out of
Sharon’s government.
But Peretz won the leadership election. He did leave the cabinet, forcing Arik to
call an early election for March 2006. And that, along with the most ambitious and
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ill-fated Israeli war in Lebanon since 1982, was the reason I ultimately found
myself back in the Israeli government.
* * *
It began on July 12, 2006, when Hizbollah fired rockets from southern Lebanon
as cover for an ambush of two Israeli Humvees on our side of the border. Two
soldiers were killed, and two others abducted. A few hours later, when an Israeli
armored unit crossed to look for the kidnapped soldiers, an explosive charge blew
up one of our tanks, killing four of its crew members.
Arik was no longer Prime Minister by then. With Bibi marshalling opposition
inside the Likud to the Gaza disenagegment, he had formed a new centrist party
called Kadima, along with prominent Likud moderates and buttressed by a Labor
heavyweight: Shimon Peres. But before the election, Arik suffered a pair of
strokes, lapsing into a coma from which he would never emerge. His notional
deputy, the veteran Likud politician and former Jerusalem mayor Ehud Olmert,
found himself as Prime Minister. Kadima did comfortably win the May election. It
ended up with 29 seats, followed by Labor with 19 and leaving the Netanyahu-led
Likud with only 12. Olmert formed a coalition, including Labor, which had
undeniable political ballast: Shimon was one of his deputy Prime Ministers, along
with Haim Ramon. The gifted lawyer, longtime Likudnik and strong backer of the
Gaza plan, Tzipi Livni, was Foreign Minister. Amir Peretz, as head of Labor, was
given the Defense Ministry. But without Sharon himself at the helm, the
government was now about to face a military crisis with virtually no military
experience around the cabinet table.
Olmert called an emergency cabinet meeting on the evening of the Hizbollah
attack, and just before it was due to convene, my phone rang. It was Shimon, who,
though with no first-hand army experience, did at least have the political
experience in war that none of Olmert’s other ministers could offer. He’d been by
Ben-Gurion’s side during the 1956 war, had been in Golda’s government in 1967,
and was Defense Minister after the 1973 war, through Entebbe, until Begin’s
defeated Labor in the 1977 election. Despite our own battles inside Labor, Shimon
and I had become closer again of late, especially after I’d supported him in his last
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Labor leadership contest. “Shalom, Ehud,” he said when I answered the phone and,
without small talk or preliminaries, asked me: “What do you think we should do?”
I said I couldn’t offer specific suggestions. “It’s a detail-related question, and I
don’t know the details.” But I advised him on the process I felt would be needed to
come up with the right answer when the chief-of-staff, the former air force chief
Dan Halutz, briefed the cabinet. “Halutz will propose what to do. Push him,” I
said. “When he presents his recommended action, ask him for his assessment of
what Hizbollah will do in response. When he, or the head of military intelligence,
has given you the range of possibilities and told you which is the most likely, say,
OK, let’s assume that happens. What’s our next step? How is that going to lead us
to our main objectives? And what are the objectives?” Newspaper reports the next
morning said that Shimon, and only Shimon, did indeed press the chief-of-staff
about each further stage of the operation and about the aims that we wanted to
accomplish. But Halutz finally fobbed him off by saying that once they got to the
later phases, they could discuss it.
From the first reports I received through my army contacts, I feared the
operation would go badly. There was no doubt we could inflict damage on
Hizbollah. But there were no clear answers to the questions Shimon had raised.
The initial Israeli air force response had been put in place more than five years
earlier, when I was Prime Minister. Codenamed “Operation Cinnamon Sticks,” it
was designed to take out all of the fixed Hizbollah missile sites we had been able
to identify. We knew its limitations. A lot of the rockets were fired from mobile
launchers. But in one exercise, the known “Hizbollah” sites were replicated in the
Galilee. They were destroyed in 43 minutes. I had no doubt that part of the plan
would succeed. In the early hours of July 13, it took only 34 minutes to destroy the
nearly 60 launchers we had pinpointed over the previous five years.
But Operation Cinnamon Sticks had been intended as a first step in a far wider
assault on Hizbollah and other targets, including a number of infrastructure
installations, deeper inside Lebanon. It was part of a plan for a full-scale war, if the
government decided that was necessary. As the early public statements by Olmert
and other ministers made clear, they did not intend to start a war, at least at the
outset. They certainly didn’t have a coherent plan for one. But they would soon
find themselves in Israel’s longest single armed conflict since 1948. When
Hizbollah fired hundreds of missiles at Israeli towns and cities, our operation
intensified not by plan or military logic, but improvisation. As a former Prime
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Minister, I felt it was not my place to criticize Olmert publicly when Israeli troops
were in action. Two days in, in fact, I told a television interviewer that the
government had every right to respond and was doing so effectively. Olmert
phoned to thank me. When he, like Shimon, asked what I thought the government
should do next, I was straightforward: “Do your best to bring things to an end as
soon as you can.” I said that Halutz and the other generals would be caught up in
the operational details, which made his role and that of the cabinet even more
critical. “In any operation, you’ll have an idea about what represents a satisfactory
exit point. But there will be a temptation, when you get close to that point, to take
just one more step, to keep going until you’re absolutely sure you’ve reached it.”
Resist that temptation, I told him. I said there was a danger that, before they knew
it, he and the other minister would be in way over their heads.
In pure military terms, there were just two realistic choices in responding the
Hibzollah attack: a deliberately limited and fairly brief operation, or a full-scale
war. We ended up doing neither. The result was an operation that lasted 34 days,
nearly twice the length of the Yom Kippur War. Our air force flew 12,000
missions, more than in 1973 and nearly twice as many as in the 1982 Lebanon
War. Hizbollah fired about 4,000 rockets into Israel – from a stockpile we
estimated to number nearly 20,000 – and not just at the border settlements but as
far south as Hadera and Haifa, keeping hundreds of thousands of Israelis under
effective siege. More than 120 Israeli soldiers and 44 civilians were killed. So were
hundreds of Hizbollah fighters and, inevitably, many Lebanese civilians as well,
with a predictable surge of criticism from much of the outside world. Only
President Bush and Britain’s Tony Blair steadfastly reminded the critics of how the
war had actually begun.
The one putative victory for Israel was the UN cease-fire resolution that Tzipi
Livni helped to negotiate in August. At least on paper, it contained a commitment
to a “long-term solution” including the disarmament of Hizbollah and the
“unconditional release of the abducted Israeli soldiers, which has given rise to the
current crisis.” But as Israeli newspapers began speaking to the returning soldiers
and officers, a picture emerged not just of a long and difficult war, but a lack of
clearly communicated military objectives, and an often-chaotic chain of command,
which ended up costing Israeli lives. Our final advance, alone, shortly before the
cease-fire, claimed the lives of some 30 soldiers. And for what, many Israelis were
soon asking themselves. One of the newspapers most supportive of the operation at
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the beginning summed up the feeling of most of the country at the end: “If you
don’t win, you lose... Hizbollah survived. It won the war.”
Without the botched handling of the war, I might well have remained a mere
member of the Labor Party and a private citizen. But when the commission of
inquiry released its report in April 2007, three people were singled out: Olmert,
Amir Peretz and Halutz. Olmert was portrayed as a military novice who’d gone
into battle without understanding the wartime role and responsibilities of a Prime
Minister. Halutz’s “excess of charisma” was held responsible for keeping
ministers, and military officers as well, from questioning his judgement or pressing
him for alternatives. Amir Peretz was found to be the wrong man in the wrong
cabinet post at the wrong time. Of the three, only Halutz seemed ready to take
personal responsibility. Even before the report came out, he resigned. Olmert and
Peretz were determined to stay put, despite calls to quit not just from the
opposition but from Tzipi Livni. Inside Labor as well, the war produced a clamor
for change. When a vote for party chairman was held in June 2007, I was chosen to
return in Peretz’s place.
Within days, I replaced him as Defense Minister as well. Yet the main item in
my in-box would no longer be Lebanon. I had been briefed a few weeks earlier by
Olmert on a threat hundreds of miles further away: a construction site in northeast
Syria, along the Euphrates River, where Mossad had uncovered evidence that the
Syrians, with technical help from North Korea and funding from Iran, were
building a nuclear reactor.
* * *
I had got to know Olmert fairly well over the years, initially when I was in the
kirya and both he and another rising Likud politician to whom I became closer,
Dan Meridor, were members of the Knesset’s defense committee. But from the day
I returned to the Israeli government in June 2007, there was growing tension
between us over dealing with the Syrian nuclear threat. It was not about whether
we should take military action to destroy the reactor, before the fuel rods arrived
on site and it could begin producing bomb-ready material. Just as under Menachem
Begin in 1981, when we’d launched our preemptive strike on Saddam Hussein’s
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reactor near Baghdad, there was never any question that we would take any and all
possible measures to prevent Syria from getting a nuclear weapon. An immutable,
core assumption in Israel’s security strategy was the need to retain our ability to
deter, and if necessary defeat, our enemies. A nuclear Syria – or Iraq, or Iran –
would dramatically alter the balance of power in the region, at obvious risk to
Israel. Syria posed a particular threat, as part of an increasingly close alliance with
Iran, and with Hizbollah in Lebanon.
The question, however, was how and when to strike the reactor. Olmert wanted
to attack within days. He seemed to assume that, as a former chief of staff, I’d nod
enthusiastically and go along with him. I did understand the reasons for his sense
of urgency. Not only did we have to make sure we attacked before the fuel was on
site. There was always the risk the Syrians would find out that we were aware of
their nuclear facility, putting them on even higher alert. But the operational
challenge was complex. We need a fail-safe plan to destroy the reactor. We had to
do it in such a way as to avoid a full-scale military confrontation with Syria if
possible. And we had to ensure we were ready for that, if it did happen. It took
very little time for me to realize that none of those prerequisites was yet in place.
Not unlike the recent Lebanon war, we were choosing between two off-the-shelf
plans from the kirya. One involved using a large military force, and would almost
certainly draw us into a major conflict with Syria. The other was a smaller,
targeted operation. But it remained untested, and there was no certainty it would
actually destroy the reactor.
Over the next few months, Olmert got more and more frustrated with the fact
we hadn’t yet attacked, and frustrated with me as well. We held dozens of
meetings, sometimes two or three a day, chaired by the Prime Minister, sometimes
by me as Defense Minister, or by the chief of staff or service commanders.
Invariably, I began my remarks by saying: “We have to destroy the reactor.” This
was not because I felt that any of us seriously doubted that. It was because Olmert
was beginning to suggest to the few ministers and senior officers aware of our
planning that I was against attacking the reactor. In fact, I was working with the
military and Mossad to ensure we had a plan that would succeed, with the
minimum possible risk of drawing us into a major clash with the Syrians after the
facility was destroyed. I was also working – with the help of the Americans – to
make sure we could get the forces and munitions in place in the north of Israel to
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deal with a major conflict with the Syrians. All of this, under a tight seal of
secrecy.
Finally, in early September 2007, everything was in place. Olmert briefed the
cabinet, and secured the ministers’ approval to destroy the reactor, with the
understanding that the precise timing of the operation would now be left to the
Prime Minister, the Defense Minister and the Foreign Minister: Olmert, me and
Tzipi Livni. The three of us met immediately after the cabinet discussion. Olmert
argued that the risk of leaks justified attacking that night, and I agreed with him.
Tzipi was reluctant, but Olmert turned to her and said: “Are you sure you’re
comfortable with an attack being ordered by me and Barak, while you chose to
abstain?” She thought it over, and added her approval.
We struck just after midnight, in an intricately coordinated air attack that
evaded not only a Syrian response, but Syrian notice. The reactor was destroyed.
Although even today the exact details remain subject to Israel’s military secrecy
regulations, accounts published abroad in the weeks and months that followed
painted a surprisingly accurate picture, including the pioneering use of electronic
warfare capabilities to deal with risk of radar detection. But in the immediate
aftermath of the attack, Israel deliberately made no public comment. We refused to
say whether we’d had anything to do with an attack. As we he had hoped, this
allowed the Syrian President, Bashar al-Assad, both the space and a good reason to
deny that it had ever happened, deny that he’d been trying to make a nuclear
weapon, and thus feel no compelling reason to retaliate.
* * *
The reactor operation, however, marked the start of an increasingly tough
period in both my and Tzipi’s relationship with Olmert. Policy was not the
problem. There were no major security crises in the months ahead. But in the
spring of 2008, it became known that the Israeli police were investigating Olmert’s
relationship with an American businessman named Moshe Talansky. The
suggestion, initially in a New York paper and then the Israeli press, was that
Olmert was guilty of taking bribes. In his first public response, he didn’t deny
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receiving money from Talansky. But he insisted it was all a part of election
campaign contributions.
Publicly, I reserved judgement. “I hope, for everyone’s sake, and for Prime
Minister Olmert’s sake, that the suspicions now circulating turn out to be
baseless,” I told a reporter. “Let’s be patient.” Privately, I urged him to take a leave
of absence and clear his name. Yet with other ministers convinced that would
make things worse, I held off doing anything else until there seemed to me no
choice, after Talansky gave evidence in Jerusalem’s District Court. Though he
genuinely seemed not to have expected anything specific in return, he said he had
given Olmert something like $150,000 in cash. I called a news conference the next
day. I didn’t say whether or not I thought Olmert was guilty. I did say that I
believed he couldn’t continue leading the country while resolving his “personal
matters”. Things finally came to ahead in September 2008. When Kadima held
fresh leadership elections, Tzipi Livni won. Olmert confirmed he would step aside
for his successor. But under Israeli law, he would remain Prime Minister until she
either succeeded in forming a new government or called early elections. She opted
in the end for Option B, and the election was set for February 2009.
That meant Olmert would still be Prime Minister for another three months.
We’d long been discussing the increasingly worrying situation in Gaza. After Arik
pulled out, an election had placed Hamas in power, after which the Islamists
embarked on a violent purge of Fatah loyalists. Arms smuggling through tunnels
from the Sinai had become rife. Rockets from Gaza were now landing on southern
Israel. Hundreds of thousands of Israelis were living with the reality of a warning
siren and a rapid dash into their shelters. For a while, amid negotiations through
Egypt to end the rocket fire, we limited ourselves to sending small ground units
into Gaza to target the source of specific rocket attacks. But that was always going
to have only a limited effect. It also ran the risk of our soldiers being abducted, or
killed.
Pressure was building for a major military operation. With the election drawing
nearer, Bibi Netanyahu was reminding voters that he’d been against the pullout
from Gaza, and saying that we should now hit Hamas hard. Both Olmert and Tzipi,
along with most of the cabinet, were also in favor of doing so. But my long-held
view, reinforced by the recent war against Hizbollah in Lebanon, was that we had
to begin by deciding what we wanted to accomplish, and what was possible. Only
then could we take action. I told the cabinet that, operationally, we were perfectly
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capable to taking over Gaza. But what then, I asked. Unless we were prepared to
resume open-ended Israeli control, we’d be left with no one to run Gaza
afterwards. The obvious candidate, Egypt, was even less interested than we were in
assuming responsibility for the more than one-and-a-half million Palestinians who
lived there. I doubted that even Arafat would have been ready to do so. But
relations had only worsened, since his death in 2004, between the Fatah old guard
in the Palestinian Authority on the West Bank and the Hamas overlords in Gaza. I
doubted very much that Abu Mazen would want to get involved. I did send an aide
to see him to ask whether, in principle, he was open to reassuming control of Gaza
following an Israeli takeover. His answer was unsurprising and unequivocal: no.
I secured cabinet support for the more limited aim of restoring a period of calm
for Israeli citizens in the south. I said the military operation had to be as sharp and
short as possible, and end with some kind of political understanding that the
rockets would stop for a significant period of time. The final plan was presented to
ministers a few days before the operation. It would begin with surprise air strikes
and a naval bombardment, followed by a limited ground incursion to hit remaining
Hamas targets outside of the major refugee camps, which I was determined to
avoid. The whole operation was intended to last for two weeks at the most.
Hopefully, closer to a week, with diplomatic efforts through Egypt to secure a
lasting cease-fire and, ideally, prevent Hamas from resupplying its rocket
stockpiles through its smuggling tunnels from the Sinai.
When we launched Operation Cast Lead on the morning of December 27,
nearly all the Hamas forces were where we’d expected them to be. Two waves of
air strikes, with over a hundred jets and attack helicopters, killed 350 Hamas
fighters. We destroyed Hamas’s headquarters and dozens of its government and
police installations. The attacks continued in the days that followed. We took a
range of actions designed to minimize civilian casualties. We dropped leaflets
before bombing sorties, phoned residents, and fired light missiles before heavier
ordnance was used. Still, I realized that civilian casualties were unavoidable – if
only because Hamas, like Hizbollah in Lebanon, was deliberately firing its rockets
from civilian areas, sometimes even near schools or hospitals. Civilian casualties
were obviously tragic in themselves. They also made it inevitable that the longer
the operation went on, the more likely we were to face international criticism, and
diplomatic pressure to bring it to an end. That was an additional reason I had
insisted that the operation be well defined and time-limited.
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But both Olmert and Tzipi soon fell prey to the same self-defeating temptation
that had worried me during the meandering war against Hizbollah. Our ground
incursion began a few days into the operation. The intention was to stay for a few
more days and then, responding to inevitable international appeals, call a halt to a
campaign that had already achieved nearly all of its targets. Perhaps wanting to
balance the failures in Lebanon there with “success” in Gaza, Olmert wanted us to
continue, and expand our attacks deeper into Gaza. I reminded him that we’d
agreed the aims beforehand. The longer we stayed, the less clear any gains would
be. Yes, our ground forces had so far faced virtually no resistance or casualties.
“But that’s because we’re outside the main populated areas,” I said. “The deeper
we get in, the better it will be for Hamas. They gain simply by surviving, like
Hizbollah.” Yet Olmert kept insisting that we’d succeeded so far, so let’s not stop.
It wasn’t until January 17, three weeks after the operation began, that we
announced a cease-fire. Militarily, the operation was a success. While Hamas
launched nearly 3,000 rockets into Israel in the year before our attack, there were
only 300 in the year that followed. But politically and diplomatically, the extra
week reduced, rather than helped, the chances of reaching an understanding for a
longer-term reduction of the attacks. To the extent there was any political gain, it
was to burnish Tzipi Livni’s credentials as a tough potential Prime Minister ahead
of the election. That was not her intent. Of all the politicians I’ve known, she is
among the least interested in such games, especially with lives at stake. But it was
one of the effects.
She won the election, in a photo finish, with opinion polls suggesting she’d
been effective in shaping the campaign as a choice “between Tzipi and Bibi.”
Kadima got 28 Knesset seats, to 27 for Bibi and the Likud, which gave her the first
crack at forming a government. There’s no way of disguising the fact that Labor’s
result in my first election back in charge was a disappointment. We went down six
seats, to 13. The big gainer was a far-right, stridently anti-Arab party called Yisrael
Beitenu, led by a former Likudnik named Avigdor Lieberman. Tzipi’s attempt to
form a coalition became less a political process than a contest between rival stalls
in a Middle Eastern bazaar. Bibi was holding parallel talks with the Orthodox
parties critical to assembling a parliamentary majority. He was matching and
raising every assurance of a ministerial seat or budgetary concession that Tzipi was
prepared to offer. In the end, she threw up her hands, saying she refused to draw
out a process which was not so much a negotiation as organized extortion. I am
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sure she won the respect of many Israelis for taking an all-to-rare stand of
principle. She certainly won mine. But I was not alone in wondering whether it
was worth the price that she, Kadima, and the country would pay as a result: Bibi’s
return as Prime Minister in a Likud-led coalition.
Though I was not surprised when he asked me to remain as Defense Minister,
and to keep Labor inside the coalition, that was not an easy argument to make to
my reduced Knesset contingent. They saw joining Bibi, especially in a government
with the right-wing Lieberman as Foreign Minister, as a betrayal of all the efforts
that they and I had made to achieve peace with the Palestinians. Still, the decision
on whether to join the coalition ultimately rested with the party central committee,
almost every one of whose members was on a local government council. For them,
the choice was between a share of power, however limited, and the wilderness of
opposition. So we joined Bibi’s government.
I was personally in favor of our doing so, but for more complicated reasons. I
knew that Bibi’s background, his instincts and his undeniably powerful political
rhetoric were all firmly rooted on the political right. I recognized that he was often
more interested in politics than policy, and perhaps above both of those, in the
tactical maneuvering required to consolidate his political position. But I had known
him long enough to dismiss the suggestions of many of my colleagues that he was
intellectually shallow. I felt he was capable of doing what was best for Israel, and
that he had a basic pragmatism that would guide how he got there. All that,
however, was just a reason for not saying “no” when he asked me and Labor to
stay on. The reason I felt it was right to say yes had to two with specific policy
challenges. The first was to ensure there at least some peace process with the
Palestinians. But that, in turn, was in large part because I believed it would win us
the diplomatic support, especially from the Americans, needed to tackle a more
urgent threat. It again involved an enemy state trying to get nuclear weapons. But
not Syria. The Islamic theocracy of Iran.
We’d been aware for a number of years about Iranian efforts to go nuclear. The
Mossad had notched up a series of successes in delaying the Iranians from getting
there. But they were getting inexorably closer. In fact, when I’d taken over as
Defense Minister under Olmert, I formally directed the new chief-of-staff, Gaby
Ashknazi, to get to work on a plan to attack the most important facilities in the
Iranians’ nuclear network, with the aim of pushing back the point at which they
might develop a bomb by five to six years. But it became clear we didn’t have the
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operational capacity to mount such an attack, in part because we lacked the
necessary bunker-busting bombs and the tanker aircraft to get us to Iran and back. I
did seek help from the Americans. I met Defense Secretary Bob Gates, CIA
director Mike Hayden, National Security Adviser Steve Hadley and even President
Bush himself. While not explicitly mentioning that we were planning military
action against Iran, I sounded them out on the prospects of getting more heavy
munitions, and possibly leasing several US tanker aircraft.
Yet in our final meeting with President Bush, during a visit to Israel in June
2008, he made it clear to Olmert and me that he knew what we were up to. Olmert
hosted a private dinner for the President. Afterwards, Bush asked to talk privately.
Olmert poured us each a glass of whiskey and lit a cigar, and we sank into brown
leather armchairs. Smiling, the president looked straight at me, and said to Olmert:
“This guy scares the living shit out of me when he tells me what you want.”
He told Olmert how I’d asked for heavy munitions, tankers and a variety of
other military equipment. “Remember. I’m a former F-16 pilot,” he said. “I know
how to connect the dots.” Then, turning more serious, he added: “I want to tell
both of you now, as President, the formal position of the US government. We are
totally against any action by you to mount an attack on the nuclear plants.” The
effect was all the more dramatic because of his Administration’s support for our
attack on the reactor in Syria the year before. “I repeat,” Bush said, “in order to
avoid any misunderstanding. We expect you not to do it. And we’re not going to
do it, either, as long as I am President. I wanted it to be clear.”
Olmert said nothing, so I replied. “Mr President, we’re in no position to tell you
what the position of the United States should be. But I can tell you what I believe
history will have to say. I’m reminded by what we call, in field artillery,
‘bracketing and halving.’” I said that in the wake of the Al-Qaeda attack on the
Twin Towers, he had fired one shell long, in Afghanistan, and another one short, in
Iraq. “But when the time came to hit the real target – Iran – it ended up you’d
already spent two terms, and all your political capital.” He seemed neither insulted
nor unsettled by my remark. He simply nodded. Perhaps, in part, because he was
pretty sure that we lacked the ability to attack the Iranian facilities anyway.
We still lacked that capacity when I became Defense Minister in Bibi’s
government in May 2009. But the main reason I’d stayed in the job, and my main
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focus from the day Bibi’s government took office, was to do all I could to change
that.
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Chapter Twenty-Five
I had hoped that in facing down the nuclear threat from Iran, I could nudge Bibi
towards a reengagement with the Palestinians – not with great enthusiasm, but as
an act of pure political pragmatism. There were only two ways we could stop the
Iranians from getting a nuclear weapon: for the Americans to make sure that
happened, or not to hinder Israel from doing so. Either was going to be a lot harder
if there was tension with the new American president, Barack Obama, over moves
to revive the peace process with the Palestinians.
I didn’t expect it to be put to the test so soon. Yet within weeks of our taking
office, President Obama launched an effort to restart negotiations, declaring it
“intolerable” that there was still not a Palestinian state. He was explicit about what
Israel needed to do. In an Oval Office meeting with Bibi in May 2009, and in a
speech in Cairo the next month, he called for a total halt to settlement construction
on the West Bank. US opposition to settlements wasn’t new. For years,
Washington’s position had been that they represented “an obstacle to peace.” The
main issue wasn’t even the creation of new settlements, since there had been
almost none in recent years. It was the expansion of existing ones. The Jewish
population on the West Bank had been about 190,000 when I became Prime
Minister. In the decade since then, it had grown to 315,000 – more than half-amillion
if you counted the Jewish neighborhoods built inside the expanded, post-
1967 boundaries of Jerusalem. The expansion – “natural growth” as we
euphemistically described it to the Americans – was what President Obama now
wanted Bibi to end.
I had no illusions about how hard it would be to get him to agree. With each
passing year since Camp David, the pro-settlement right wing in Israel had become
more confident and influential. In a way, the settlers and their supporters –
passionately devoted to a “Greater Israel” and opposed to any Palestinian state –
had become the 21 st -century equivalent of the kibbutz avant-garde of a half-century
earlier. The rise of Avigdor Lieberman’s Yisrael Beiteinu party was the latest sign,
alongside a move rightward within the Likud itself. For Bibi to say yes to a
settlement freeze would mean putting aside his own short-term political interests in
recognition of the importance of our alliance with the Americans. He’d actually
done this, twice, during his first term as Prime Minister. He had agreed to give the
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Palestinians control of most of Hebron, and accepted further withdrawals under the
Wye River agreement. But amid predictable protests from the right, he had
promptly retreated from his Wye commitments. I knew that his default response to
Obama’s call for a settlement freeze would be “no.” And it was, delivered first to
the cabinet and then to the public, as soon as he got back from his talks with the
President.
In my repeated meetings with Bibi in the weeks that followed – both one-onone,
and within the informal group of close ministers and aides known as the
Group of Eight – I tried to persuade him that, if only because of America’s key role
on Iran, we needed to show some sign of engagement with Obama’s efforts. I was
not entirely alone. One ally was an old friend: Dan Meridor, who had rejoined the
Likud before the election. Another was more unexpected: Avigdor Lieberman. He
was never going to accept a settlement freeze. Not only did his heart, and political
interests, lie on the West Bank. He lived there. But like many in the party he led,
he had come to Israel from the former Soviet Union, shaping a worldview that in
many ways remained European, and pro-Western. He was worried about creating
the impression of blanket Israeli intransigence toward a popular new American
President, and isolating ourselves internationally, if we didn’t go some way
towards helping to restart talks with the Palestinians.
Though Bibi showed no signs of retreat on the settlement freeze, he did accept
that broader point. Ten days after Obama’s Cairo speech, he publicly accepted the
idea of a Palestinian state for the first time, having ruled it out as recently as the
month before in his White House talks with the President. The shift was dismissed
as trivial not just by the Palestinians, but by many in my own Labor party and
almost everyone else on the left. I disagreed. I knew how deep, genuine and
longstanding Bibi’s resistance to Palestinian statehood was. But I had another,
serious concern about the “peace plan” he announced: an entirely new precondition
he insisted the Palestinians must meet if peace was ever going to be possible. He
said they must “clearly and unambiguously recognize Israel as the state of the
Jewish people.” On a whole series of levels, that made no sense to me. We hadn’t
asked Egypt or Jordan to grant us explicit recognition as a Jewish state when we
made peace with them. Even when Bibi himself had briefly tried to open
negotiations with Damascus in his first period as Prime Minister, we’d never felt
the need to ask it of the Syrians either. To the extent there was any logic in
demanding it of the Palestinians, Bibi’s reasoning seemed to be that this would
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neutralize any recidivist claims to all of Palestine, especially since we had around
1.5 million Arab citizens living inside our pre-1967 borders. But as I told Bibi, that
was a red herring. There was a more straightforward, legally binding answer: a
peace treaty which, as with Egypt and Jordan, declared an end to our conflict and
to any further claims on either side.
My main concern was more fundamental. Bibi’s new approach contradicted the
central thrust of Zionism: that after centuries of powerlessness and persecution,
Jews would finally take control of their own destiny. We now had our state. It was
more than six decades old. “Why do we need the Palestinians, or anyone, to
validate us as a Jewish state? Why propose something that implies the Palestinians
somehow have a say in what kind of state we choose to be?” Yet the more I
pressed him, the clearer it became that the substance didn’t much matter to Bibi.
His move was political, and tactical, aimed at staking out a position of power in the
diplomatic process. Besides, he didn’t expect any new negotiations to make real
progress anyway.
As Defense Minister, I had scope for taking steps with the Palestinians on my
own. With Bibi’s knowledge and tacit acceptance, I established a particularly
strong relationship with Abu Mazen’s Prime Minister, Salaam Fayyad. A respected
economist, he operated on the assumption that neither violence nor negotiations
seemed likely to lead the Palestinians to statehood as things now stood. He saw his
role as doing an end-run. He would put in place the institutions, the infrastructure,
the economy, the internal security and the stability needed for an eventual state to
succeed. He was trying to do for the Palestinians what Ben-Gurion had done before
1948. He and I met and talked often but discreetly – sometimes in his office in
Ramallah, sometimes in mine, sometimes over dinner in the 31 st -floor flat I was
renting in central Tel Aviv. I remember one dinner in particular. I led him onto the
terrace after we’d eaten. It was a startlingly clear night. You could see as far north
as Lebanon and, since the West Bank was barely a dozen miles away, the
twinkling lights of Ramallah as well. He gazed in that direction, then at the bright
lights of the avenues and restaurants and cafés far below us. Smiling, he said:
“Ehud, why do you need Ramallah when you’ve got Tel Aviv?” I smiled back.
There was no need to reply. He knew my views. Not only didn’t Israel need
Ramallah. I was more convinced than ever that it was in our own interest, by treaty
if possible and unilateral disengagement if not, to remove Israel from all of the
major towns and cities of the West Bank.
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I issued a standing directive in the kirya that we should agree to anything
Fayyad asked for, as long as there no security reason to say no. We ended up
arranging a direct source of fuel supply to Jenin, on the northern edge of the West
Bank, and built new terminals to handle it. We facilitated construction permits for
a new industrial zone. For a conference of international economists and business
people, we set up VIP treatment at Ben-Gurion Airport, and limousine transport to
the conference venue. I believed that if Fayyad succeeded in what he was trying to
accomplish, it would be a benefit not just for the Palestinians, but for Israel too.
Bibi was agnostic on Fayyad’s efforts. Yet he recognized they did no harm. And in
a way, my support for them was politically convenient. To the extent the
international community, especially the Americans, appreciated our efforts to help
the Palestinians, Bibi and others in the government could, and did, claim credit.
When there were complaints from the right, Bibi could and did say: “It wasn’t me.
It was Barak.”
My part in our relations with the Americans was more politically delicate. As I
continued to prod Bibi toward accepting a settlement freeze during the summer and
autumn of 2009, my de facto role became to help smooth over the increasingly
rough edges in our ties with the Obama administration. I knew key figures from
earlier incarnations in their public lives and mine: Secretary of Defense Bob Gates,
who had been President George H. W. Bush’s deputy security adviser in the first
Iraq war and then head of the CIA; and Hillary Clinton, now Secretary of State.
During a series of early trips to the US as Defense Minister, I met Gates, Hillary
and other senior figures in the administration both formally and informally. In part
because they were aware I favored agreeing to a settlement freeze, they clearly
found it a lot easier to talk to me than to Bibi. On one visit, to my regret and Bibi’s
evident frustration once I’d got home, the press highlighted this dramatic
difference in mood. Emerging from talks with me at the State Department, Hillary
told reporters that our talks had gone “wonderfully.” She added: “As longtime
friends do, much was said. And much didn’t need to be said.” Still, I was careful to
avoid any explicit criticism of Bibi in my meetings in the US. I would point out the
domestic political pressures on him in deciding how to proceed. And in any case,
the Americans knew that no matter what I might say to them, it was Bibi’s actions
that ultimately mattered. He, not I, was Prime Minister.
I was as surprised as they were when he finally announced a settlement freeze
in November 2009. As with nearly everything else he did regarding the peace
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process, it was hedged with several conditions. The freeze would not be openended,
but last for 10 months, as a way of boosting the effort to restart
negotiations. It would apply to new construction, not work already underway. And
it would exclude the post-1967 neighborhoods inside the expanded city limits of
Jerusalem. Like his other moves, it was also dismissed as insignificant by the
Palestinians. Though there was a formal restarting of the talks, they went almost
nowhere during the period of the freeze, which Bibi cited as a reason for not
extending it further. From then on, the negotiations produced even less. I didn’t
buy the narrative that this was entirely Bibi’s fault. Abu Mazen remained
steadfastly, deliberately passive. Obviously not inclined to take the risk of further
widening his rift with Hamas in Gaza, he was content to echo the Obama
administration’s argument that nothing could happen until there was a settlement
freeze. Once the freeze was announced, he went through the motions, avoiding all
the difficult issues, in the expectation Washington would ensure the freeze was
renewed. President Obama’s initial Mideast moves had made it much easier for
Abu Mazen to avoid any serious engagement. In contrast to past presidents, Obama
had placed almost all of the onus for progress on Israel. But the end result also
suited Bibi. Though I never entirely gave up hope of persuading him it was in
Israel’s interest to seek a resolution of our conflict with the Palestinians, it became
more evident as the months went on that his aim was simply to keep things ticking
over, and avoid any major new crisis.
He appointed an old personal friend – a corporate lawyer named Yitzhak
Molcho – as our negotiator. I finally realized how pointless the exercise was when,
during a visit to the United States, I found myself in New York at the same time as
Molcho. We met at the Israeli consulate. We spoke in detail about the state of the
negotiations. With Molcho still in the room, I phoned Bibi in Jerusalem on the
secure phone line. I said I’d just been updated on the talks, and it seemed clear
there were a number of suggestions Israel could make, with no domestic political
risk but with every prospect of improving the atmosphere and accelerating
progress. “Yitzhak is one of Israel’s top lawyers,” I said. “He’s struck dozens of
deals in his life. But he strikes a deal when that’s what his client wants. You are the
client. If you tell him: bring me back the best deal you can – not a peace treaty, just
a deal on a specific issue – he’ll do it. But if his brief is simply to negotiate, he can
go on negotiating forever. And it’s pretty clear me that’s his brief.” Bibi insisted I
was wrong. He said that what I saw as time-wasting was simple prudence, to make
sure the negotiations bore fruit. But his approach never changed. Whenever it came
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up in our inner Group of Eight discussions, I could usually count only on Dan
Meridor, and occasionally a handful of others, to argue in favor of any form of
initiative on our side. In private meetings, Bibi did sometimes engage in discussion
about what Israel might do. But he invariably steered the conversation elsewhere,
insisting that the real issue was the Palestinians’ lack of any interest in making
peace.
My main worry wasn’t the immediate future of the negotiations. For now, the
chances of an agreement seemed close to zero. It was the longer-term damage
Bibi’s approach would do in further delaying any serious move by Israel to put our
relations with the Palestinians on a more stable and sustainable footing. The
dithering, delay and deadlock suited him politically. Ironically, my own efforts on
the security front had also made it easier for us to do next to nothing. Intermittent
outbreaks of violence always remained a threat. Yet the West Bank security fence,
along with our military, police and intelligence measures, meant it was very
unlikely we’d see a return to the full-blown terror war of the second intifada. I was
also working to secure US support for our development of increasingly effective
anti-missile weapons to reduce the threat from Hamas in Gaza. The overall result
was that for many, if not most, Israelis, the conflict with the Palestinians didn’t
impact on their day-to-day lives. It was unseen and largely unfelt.
Still, the effect of the stalemate on our relationship with Washington did matter:
both for our security cooperation on things like the anti-missile weapons and,
crucially, the challenge which had led me into Bibi’s government in the first place:
keeping Iran from getting a nuclear weapon.
* * *
It was a race against time. The Iranians were producing more and more
yellowcake, building more advanced centrifuges, accumulating more low-enriched
uranium. They were getting better at hiding and protecting the network of facilities
being used to try to produce a nuclear weapon. And in the early months of Bibi’s
Prime Ministership, the question we faced wasn’t even whether to take military
action against Iran – something I knew, from Bob Gates and others, that the
Obama administration viewed no more favourably than George W. Bush. It was
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whether that would even be possible to strike before the Iranians entered their
“zone of immunity” – the point at which the amount of damage we could do to
their nuclear program would be too negligible to be worth the operational, political
and diplomatic risks from such an attack. In the early months, my priority was to
ensure we at least had a military option. A full year before joining Bibi’s
government, as Defense Minister under Olmert, I’d first tried to put an operational
plan in place, only to find that the lack of heavy munitions and refuelling aircraft
made it impossible. That was especially frustrating because at that point, our
experts calculated that a successful strike could have set back the Iranian nuclear
effort by about six years. Given the Iranians’ knowledge we could attack again,
and their need to restart clandestine efforts to secure key components abroad, that
meant a very real prospect of ending the nuclear program altogether. On joining
Bibi’s government, I began working, both with the kirya and the engineers and
technological experts in our military industries, to make sure we had the weaponry
and equipment, and an operational plan for a surgical strike. It was not until mid-
2010, a year into Bibi’s government, that I was confident we’d reached that point,
in part thanks to Israeli-produced heavy bombs and tanker aircraft. Our experts
estimated we would still be able to set back the Iranian nuclear efforts by up to
four years, almost certainly enough to end them indefinitely.
Yet making military action possible proved to be the easy part. The question
now became whether we should be prepared to launch a strike against Iran’s
nuclear facilities. Answering it was like a contest of three-dimensional chess,
involving both an internal debate among Israel’s political and military leadership
and discussions with an Obama administration whose priority remained to
negotiate an end to Iran’s nuclear program. On major security decisions in Israel,
two ministers always mattered the most: the Prime Minister and Defense Minister.
Neither Bibi nor I doubted we had to ready to strike if that proved necessary. Nor
did Foreign Minister Lieberman. Even for us, it was an option to be considered
only when all other ways to rein in the Iranians were failing. We also agreed on
two other preconditions. We would have to secure international legitimacy, most of
all from the Americans, for what would be a clear act of self-defense. And we’d
need to demonstrate an imperative urgency to act, with the approach of the “zone
of immunity” that would take any military option off the table for good.
Ideally, we hoped the US-led campaign of economic and diplomatic pressure
would get Iran to abandon its nuclear ambitions, as Libya had done in the wake of
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its terror attack on a Pan American airliner in the late 1980s. Or, as in South
Africa, that a change in nuclear policy might come from a change in régime in
Tehran. Yet realistically, we couldn’t count on either. And there was no doubt in
our minds that a nuclear Iran represented a hugely serious threat. If the Shi’ite
Muslim regime in Iran did get a nuclear weapon, Sunni Arab states like Egypt and
Saudi Arabia, and Turkey as well, would try to go nuclear. Neither they nor we
could assume that Iran was developing a bomb as a mere act of deterrence. We
couldn’t exclude the possibility that, especially in a crisis threatening the survival
of the ayatollahs’ rule, Iran would use the weapons it was developing. It could
even send a nuclear device in a container smuggled on board a commercial vessel
docking in one of Israel’s ports.
While few in Israel disputed the seriousness of the threat, a number of top
political and military figures had deep misgivings about military action. Given the
need for secrecy, most of our discussions took place within the so-called Group of
Eight, often also including the chief of staff and other top generals from the kirya.
Both Dan Meridor and Benny Begin, Menachem Begin’s son and a minister
without portfolio, were opposed to an Israeli attack from the start. They were
convinced that the implications for the region, and for our relations with the wider
world, were difficult to predict and potentially dire. Dan raised a further concern.
He feared an Israeli attack might actually intensify Iran’s effort to get a nuclear
bomb, only now with political cover, because it would argue it was acting in selfdefense.
The view of those opposed to an Israeli strike was that we should rely on
American economic and political pressure to deal with the threat. And, if that
failed, on American military action.
In November 2010, the internal debate came to a head, at a meeting involving
the Group of Eight as well as the chief of staff, the head of military intelligence
and the commander of the air force. We convened in a villa that the Mossad kept
for clandestine foreign visitors, near the coastal road north of Tel Aviv. The
meeting began with a presentation by the generals of our attack plan. There was
still a core of ministers opposed: chiefly Dan Meridor and Benny Begin, but also
Boogie Ya’alon, a former Sayeret Matkal commander and chief of staff who
Minister of Strategic Affairs. But the confidence and detail with which the plan
was laid out, and the fact that Bibi, Lieberman and I were in favor of being
prepared to act, gave me the sense that a majority would back military action if it
became necessary. The proviso would be the need for the chief-of-staff, and ideally
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the heads of military intelligence and Mossad, to sign off on the operational
viability of the plan.
That was what now ended any prospect of military action, at least for a few
months. Bibi, Lieberman and I withdrew into a side room to talk with the chief of
staff, Gaby Ashkenazi, as well as the heads of military intelligence, the Mossad
and and Shin Bet. We emphasized that no final decision on whether to attack had
been taken. That would require a further meeting with the Group of Eight, and then
the full cabinet. But we asked each of them for their views on the operation. We
knew they had political reservations, along the lines of those voiced by Dan
Meridor. On an issue of this magnitude, it was accepted practice that military and
intelligence commanders could weigh in on the political implications as well. But
their formal role was operational and professional. Ashkenazi and the other
generals did concede that in every area – planning, materiel, training and
intelligence – our attack plan was far ahead of where it had been a year earlier. Yet
Ashkenazi, in particular, concluded that the preparations had not yet “crossed the
threshold of operational capability”.
I was furious. I respected the considered opposition of ministers like Dan or
Benny Begin. I had no problem with the chief-of-staff or other generals expressing
similar views on the political or geo-strategic implications of an Israeli attack, even
though our intelligence assessments suggested the concerns were almost certainly
unfounded. Yet what I found astonishing was Ashkenazi’s suggestion that the
“operational threshold” had not been crossed. Yes, this would be a demanding
mission. It was not without risks. No operation was. But having followed every
stage and detail of the preparations – and as a former chief of staff and intelligence
chief myself – I believed it was simply wrong on a professional level to say that
we lacked the capacity, and a workable plan, for a military strike if the order was
given.
Ashkenazi’s objection did mean there was no way we were going to attack at
least until well into the new year. Our discussions would continue, as would our
refinement and strengthening of the attack plan. So would Iran’s progress toward
its “zone of immunity,” which we now believed would begin late in 2012, a couple
of years away. As that point drew closer, we’d face an ever-more-pressing need to
decide finally whether military action was necessary.
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Yet the delay in getting to that point had serious implications for my role as
Labor Party leader. Since the negotiations with the Palestinians were stuck in
neutral, I was under increasing pressure from within Labor to pull out of Bibi’s
government. What on earth was the point of staying, they asked. All I was doing,
from their perspective, was giving Bibi political cover for abandoning any serious
effort to get a peace agreement. Their argument was entirely reasonable. My
frustration was that, due to the need for military secrecy, the counter-argument was
impossible for me to make: that I felt I had a responsibility to stay at a time when
there remained a real possibility Israel might need to take military action against
Iran. To a mix of consternation and anger among many Labor colleagues, I ended
up taking what seemed to me the only realistic option. In January 2011, I left the
Labor Party. With three other of our ministers in the government – who were, of
course, aware of the ongoing Iran discussions – I set up a new “centrist, Zionist”
party called Ha’Atzmaut, or Independence. We remained in Bibi’s government.
* * *
My main focus was now on the Americans. In order to secure the “international
legitimacy” any Israeli attack required, we had to win at least their understanding
that we might feel it necessary to act. Fortunately, I had built up a good
relationship with the key figures in the Obama administration. That had not always
been easy, given the tension between the Americans and Bibi. That wasn’t just
because of the deadlock in the peace process, still a priority for President Obama.
There were other complications. Ever since the initial pressure for a settlement
freeze, right-wing politicians and commentators, and Bibi himself, had taken to
portraying President Obama as fundamentally unsympathetic to Israel. After the
Republicans’ victory in the mid-term Congressional elections in November 2010,
Bibi went a step further. He began cozying up to congressmen and senators on the
other side of the aisle. This overt meddling in the internal politics of our closest
ally was not just a breach of longstanding tradition, but of common sense.
Members of the Administration began privately calling Bibi “the Republican
senator from Rechavia” – a reference to the Jerusalem neighborhood where the
Prime Minister’s residence was located.
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Yet especially with my main points of contact in the administration – first Bob
Gates and then his successor, Leon Panetta, as Secretary of Defense –our broadly
shared views, mutual respect, and the strength of the US-Israeli alliance
outweighed any of that. Neither they, nor indeed President Obama, wavered from
their commitment to the principle that Israel needed to retain our “qualitative
military advantage” over any combination of threats we might face, nor to the $3
billion package of annual US aid that underpinned it. We were even able to agree
on additional US backing for our increasingly effective range of anti-missile
systems: the Arrow, against long-range ballistic missiles, developed in
coordination with the US defense contractor Raytheon; “David’s Sling,” to target
enemy forces’ mid-range missiles, cruise missiles and aircraft; and our new Iron
Dome system, integrating sophisticated Israeli radar and guidance technology and
designed to deal with the missile threat from Hizbollah on our northern border and
Hamas in Gaza. It had not yet been used in battle. But from test firings, we were
confident it could destroy incoming rockets with nearly 90-per-cent success.
By late 2011, the issue of Iran had taken on much greater urgency. There was
still no sign the American-led diplomatic efforts were succeeding in removing the
nuclear threat. As for an American military strike, though the President
intermittently declared that “all options” remained on the table, I knew from senior
administration members that it was extremely unlikely to happen. Iran, meanwhile,
had been acquiring thousands more centrifuges, more uranium, and heavier
protection around its key sites. And the “window of vulnerability” was now only
about a year away.
Operationally and politically, at least now a majority of the key players in Israel
agreed that we had to be prepared to take military action if there was no alternative
way to rein in the Iranians. Ashkenazi’s successor as chief-of-staff, Benny Gantz,
had signed off on the attack plan. While the Iranians were getting ever closer to
nuclear-weapons capability, the strike force that we were assembling was also
better equipped, trained and prepared to mount a complex, yet almost certainly
successful, operation. The damage to Iran’s nuclear ambitions would be
considerably less than if we had acted earlier. But our intelligence analysts still
estimated we could set back the Iranians’ program by about two years.
The immediate problem turned out to be timing. A major joint military exercise
with the Americans, agreed on two years earlier, was due to take place in Israel in
April 2012. It would include Patriot missile batteries, naval vessels, and thousands
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of uniformed US personnel. The focus was, of all things, on defense against a
missile attack from Iran. I contacted Leon Panetta to see whether we could delay it.
The official reason cited by the Americans, when they agreed to do it, did have the
merit of being true: that Bibi was coming under pressure to shift our budgetary
priorities away from defense toward social and economic issues. But Panetta
understood that my request for a delay meant we were at least considering military
action. He also realized that if we did launch an attack, it was in the Americans’
own interest for their troops be as far away from Israel as possible. We agreed to
reschedule the exercise for October 2012. That meant that if we did decide to
attack, we’d have until well into September, when significant numbers of US
troops would begin arriving.
As we weighed our final decision, I held a series of high-level meetings in
Washington: with Panetta, national security adviser Tom Donilon, Hillary Clinton,
and President Obama himself. Though not explicitly saying we were ready to
attack, I left no doubt that we were seriously considering it, and explained the
reasons we believed our country’s fundamental security interests might make it
necessary. The message from all of the Americans I met was that the
administration shared our basic goal: to prevent, or at least seriously impair, Iran’s
drive to get a nuclear bomb. But they continued to believe that non-military
pressure was the best way to do it.
The Americans knew we were skeptical that the non-military route would work,
and that we were deeply worried about the implications of not taking military
action if it failed. I discussed our thinking – and, in general terms, our plans – in
my meetings with Panetta. He already had a pretty good idea of the broad contours
of what we were contemplating, since US radar systems and electronic intercepts
had been recording the volume and nature of air force exercises we’d been
conducting over recent months. Leon and I had by now got to know each other
well, having first met when he was in charge of the CIA at the start of the Obama
administration. In one of our early meetings at CIA headquarters in Langley, there
had been a small bunch of grapes on his desk and I plucked a few in my mouth
with obvious enjoyment. Now, at the Pentagon, he had a big bowlful ready
whenever we met. The fact that he opposed an Israeli military operation made him
no less of a pleasure to deal with. He was unfailingly calm and even tempered. He
had an encyclopedic grasp of issues of defense, intelligence, budgets and policy.
He was always rock-solid in America’s commitments to Israel. It’s worth
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remembering that, in spite of Israel’s insistence from 1948 onward that we would
never ask others to do our fighting for us, even as Leon and I were meeting, US
radar operators were working around the clock to provide us with early warning
against any incoming Iranian missiles. Patriot batteries were ready to deploy in
Israel within 72 hours of any attack. AEGIS naval vessels were within 96 hours of
our shores, to reinforce Israel’s Arrow missile defense system with sea-launched
weapons.
Panetta made no secret of the fact he didn’t want us to launch a military strike,
effectively killing off the many months of intensive work the Americans had
devoted to building international political and economic pressure on the Iranians.
He urged me to “think twice, three times,” before going down that road. But he
recognized that Israel would be affected far more dramatically by a nuclear Iran.
“It’s your conflict. It’s your neighborhood,” he said. At one point, he asked me
outright: “If you do decide to attack the Iranian facilities, when will we know?” I
told him we couldn’t give him more than a few hours’ notice. Otherwise, the
Americans would have to alert their bases in the Gulf, and worldwide. That might
well put Iran on guard before our operation was launched. But I did recognize our
responsibility not to leave the Americans in the dark, not only because they were a
key ally but because their own military and naval personnel might be at risk from
any Iranian retaliation. “We know your command-post deployment and the
communications protocols with your forces,” I told him. “We’ll make sure you
have enough time to tell your people,” I said. “We won’t endanger a single
American life, any of your positions or your personnel.”
My most important meeting was with the President. Though I knew him less
well than I did Panetta, we had met on a number of occasions. The first time was
when he was still Senator Obama, on a visit to Israel during the 2008 presidential
campaign. As Defense Minister, I escorted him to Sderot, the town in southern
Israel bearing the brunt of Hamas rocket attacks from Gaza. Back in Jerusalem, we
spent a half-hour talking in my office: about Iran. I argued that a nuclear Iran was a
challenge not only for Israel and the Middle East, but for America, too. I urged
him, if elected, to commission an early study of what the Iranians were seeking to
do and what could be done to stop them either by diplomatic means or, if
necessary, by force. Also, what the Iranians could, or more relevantly could not, do
in response to an American or indeed an Israel attack, since our intelligence
assessments suggested their options for retaliation would be fairly limited. Obama
423
/ BARAK / 138
struck me from that first meeting as strong, cool-headed, highly intelligent and
intensely cerebral. Though we didn’t go into the details of the Iranian nuclear
threat, he did talk at some length about the implications for the region, and about
broader Middle Eastern security challenges. He displayed a grasp of the cultural
and political nuances of an increasingly diverse and complex world that was more
impressive than many of the other American political or military leaders whom I’d
met.
When he and I now returned to the issue of Iran, in the White House, he had an
undeniable command of the details of Iran’s nuclear program, and of the American
military options, should he choose to use them. He opened by summarizing the US
position. He emphasized that his and our objective was the same: the keep Iran
from developing a nuclear weapon. We were already cooperating to achieve that,
for instance through cyber-attacks to slow down the nuclear program. The
difference, he said, was that Israeli leaders seemed to feel an urgent need to reach a
decision on military action. In Obama’s view, such a move would be both
premature and potentially harmful to the coalition he’d helped assemble to exert
diplomatic and economic pressure on Iran.
Maybe you had to be an Israeli truly to understand our urgency about Iran. In
the early years of the state, the explanation we gave for our preoccupation with
security – our near-obsession, as some non-Israelis saw it – was that we were
surrounded by Arab countries pledged not just to defeat us, but erase us from the
map. Egypt or Syria, Jordan or Iraq, could afford to lose an Arab-Israeli war.
Israel’s first defeat, however, would be its last. That picture had changed
dramatically over the decades. We no longer had to worry about the prospect of
losing a war. The “qualitative edge” we possessed over all enemy armies in the
region ensured that. As Israel’s chief of staff, Prime Minister, and now Defense
Minister, I had made it a major priority to safeguard that advantage, not just
through our alliance with the US but with the remarkable domestic resources we
possessed in military engineering, manufacturing, design, invention and high-tech.
But the new-order challenge represented by Iran was not just theoretical or
academic. Though we had a policy of not commenting on on our own nuclear
status, it was widely assumed in the Arab world and internationally that Israel had,
at the very least, the capacity to manufacture nuclear weapons. But whatever
nuclear capability we might possess was for deterrence. Even when threatened
with conventional defeat, however briefly, in the Yom Kippur War of 1973, it is
424
/ BARAK / 139
worth noting that the conflict remained conventional. Iran was different. Only the
most naïve observer would exclude the possibility that if the Iranians did get a
nuclear weapon, they might use it. And even if they didn’t, the entire strategic
picture would change, with the need to find a response not just to a nuclear Iran,
but potentially a nuclear Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Turkey.
I was not about to lecture President Obama on this. While Bibi liked to portray
him variously as weak, naïve or tone-deaf to interests and security of Israel, I knew
from our previous meetings that he was none of these things. Yet I did, in a
deliberately non-didactic way, raise the issue of our different perspectives on the
Iranians’ getting nuclear arms. “You see it in the context of the whole world,” I
told the President. “If Iran, in spite of all our efforts, gets a nuclear weapon, yes, it
will be bad. But for you, it’s just one more nuclear state. It won’t dramatically
change the situation for America. For us, it can turn into a real, existential threat.”
He agreed that we inevitably looked at the situation differently. But after
pausing a few seconds, he said: “Ehud, think of it this way. You get to school in
the morning and there’s this big, nasty bully. You can take him on, maybe give
him a black eye. But you have this bigger, stronger friend, who can knock him out
cold. The only problem is that your friend won’t be there until the afternoon.”
I would have liked nothing more than to wait for our “bigger, stronger” friend,
especially since I knew through my contacts in the American military and
intelligence establishment how much bigger and stronger an American attack
would be. During the first couple of years that Israel was working on acquiring the
capability for a military strike, the Americans had been no more ready than we
were. They did have the tanker aircraft and the heavy bombs. But their plan – a
kind of Iraq-style shock and awe – was so obviously prone to lead to a wider
conflict that it would never have received the go-ahead from President Obama, or
probably any president. I used to joke with colleagues in the Pentagon that while
Israel’s idea of a “surgical operation” was the equivalent of a scalpel, they seemed
to favor a chisel and a ten-pound hammer. By the time I met the President in 2012,
that had changed. Under Gates and then Panetta, an intensive research-anddevelopment
effort and enormously improved planning and training had yielded
results. The Americans now had high-precision heavy munitions we couldn’t
dream of, and stealth air-attack capabilities we also lacked. They had an
operational plan which, within a period of hours, could push the Iranian nuclear
425
/ BARAK / 140
program back by years. And even if the Iranians knew it was coming, they’d be
able to do nothing to stop it.
“Our problem, Mr, President,” I said, “is that we can’t be sure our friend will
show up. Since Iran is already very nearly in a zone of immunity against an Israeli
attack, we can’t afford to wait until the afternoon. By then, with our capabilities,
we won’t even be able to give the bully a black eye.” I said I trusted what he’d just
told me. “I’m sure it genuinely reflects your intentions now. But there are no
futures contracts in statesmanship. There’s no way that you, or any leader, can
commit yourself to what will happen in a year or two. When the moment of
decision arrives, nothing will be able to free you from the responsibility to look at
the situation as it is then, with American interests in mind.”
He accepted the point. But he reiterated his view that “kinetic action” – US
security-speak for a military strike – would not only remove his ability to exhaust
the non-military alternatives. He said it wouldn’t be in Israel’s interests, either.
“We hear that even people high up in your military, in military intelligence and the
Mossad, are against it.”
That, I couldn’t deny. “We highly respect our top people in the military, and in
intelligence. We make a point of listening to them before taking action,” I said.
“But here’s the difference. When they look up, they see Netanyahu, or me. When
Bibi and I look up, we see heaven. Whoever is up there, we clearly can’t go to
them for advice. We are responsible for Israel’s security.”
The president smiled, but brought the discussion back down to earth. When he
again urged us to consider the American position in any decision, I replied: “Mr
President, I feel compelled to tell you frankly how I see the situation. We highly
appreciate, and are grateful, that America supports Israel in so many ways. I
believe we’re doing our best to support American interests in the Middle East as
well. But when it comes to issues critical for the security and future of Israel, and
in a way for the future of the Jewish people, we can’t afford to delegate
responsibility even to our best friend and ally. When we face such situations, we
have to decide on our own, and act on our decisions. I would expect the United
States, and you as its president, to respect that position.” He did not seem
especially happy with what I’d said. But he showed no anger. Though we differed,
it was clear that he understood and respected our position. In any case, I believed it
426
/ BARAK / 141
was important to convey to him honestly, face-to-face, where Israel stood on Iran.
Or at least where I stood.
* * *
With our joint exercises pushed back until the fall, the logical time for us to
attack was the summer of 2012, when the atmospheric and weather conditions
were optimal. Operationally, everything was ready. Politically, those ministers who
were against military action had not changed their minds. If anything, they seemed
more strongly opposed. Ironically, they now argued that because we’d waited so
long, the Iranians were too close to their “window of immunity.” Even some senior
members of the military and security establishment, though in agreement over the
technical aspects of the attack plan, retained political reservations. But as I’d told
President Obama, now that we had the operational support of the military and
intelligence professionals, the decision in effect rested with Bibi and me. The fact
we were ready to go ahead in those circumstances was not unprecedented. When
Menachem Begin ordered the bombing of Saddam Hussein’s nuclear reactor in
1981, he had acted against the advice of the then-heads of both the Mossad and
military intelligence, the chairman of our nuclear energy commission, and of
Shimon Peres, who was head of the Labor opposition.
But as we neared our final, formal decision, we were forced into another delay.
In the summer of 2012, an unrelated flare-up of tensions in the Gulf caused Iran
and several of its neighbors to place their forces on heightened alert. Though the
peak-alert phase passed quickly, Iran’s military was still not back on a fully normal
footing by the start of September, and when small American advance teams began
arriving for the joint exercises, Iran’s alert level went up again. Technically, we
could still have gone ahead with the attack. In all probability, it would still have
succeeded, setting back the Iranians’ program by at least a year and, depending on
how quickly they could rebuild and resupply clandestinely abroad, perhaps for
significantly longer.
But as more and more American soldiers and sailors arrived, I finally decided
against an Israeli strike – not because I doubted the damage it would do to Iran’s
nuclear efforts, but because of the damage it would surely do to our ties with the
427
/ BARAK / 142
US. No matter how we might explain our attack, with the joint exercises soon to
begin, it would come over as a deliberate attempt to implicate our most important
ally in a potential conflict with Iran, against the explicit wishes of President
Obama. I felt this even more strongly when, a few weeks later, I was contacted by
one of Bibi’s close political allies. He sounded me out on the possibility of
launching our strike against Iran after the joint exercise: barely two weeks before
the 2012 US election. Politically, he argued, Obama would then feel compelled to
support Israel’s action, or at the very least to refrain from criticizing it. In other
words, we would be setting a political trap for the President of the United States. I
couldn’t quite believe he was suggesting it. But my reply to this last-gasp
suggestion of a way for us to attack the Iranian sites required no hesitation, and
only two words: “No way.”
Bibi would have known I would oppose such a ploy. But as with so much else
in the years I spent in his government, I think it was the politics of the scheme,
more than the substance, that enticed him. Almost everything he did seemed
increasingly about creating a kind of grand narrative to secure his position on the
right, solidifying a base which he figured would sustain him in office. At its core,
the narrative presented a picture of vulnerability and victimhood: a kind of
“fortress Israel” threatened by terror, missiles on its northern and southern borders,
and now potential nuclear annihilation from Iran, while our main ally, the United
States, was under the sway of a President who neither understood nor
fundamentally supported us. In day-to-day policy terms, this allowed Bibi to insist
we couldn’t risk serious engagement with the Palestinians. On domestic issues as
well, like the widening gap between those at the top of our high-tech economy and
a painfully squeezed middle class, the sense of crisis he encouraged gave him
license to hunker down, warn of impending doom, and do virtually nothing.
Effective though the narrative was for him politically, it bore no resemblance to
reality. Yes, President Obama disagreed with us on issues of policy, both the peace
process and on how to deal with Iran. But he was unquestionably committed to
America’s alliance with Israel. I had dealt face-to-face with four US presidents:
both of the Bushes, President Clinton and now President Obama. In terms of Israeli
security, none had proved as consistently supportive and helpful as Obama. And
yes, Israel did face an array of security challenges. A nuclear-armed Iran would
undeniably make things worse. But far from being under existential threat, we
428
/ BARAK / 143
were a regional superpower, with a military as effective as any in the world, and a
high-tech economic sector justifiably compared to Silicon Valley.
Every few weeks, Bibi, Lieberman and I would meet for a wide-ranging
discussion on the patio of the Prime Minister’s residence. Shortly after we’d
abandoned the idea of a military strike, I raised head-on my objections to the
skewed image Bibi was promoting of our country. It wasn’t just inaccurate, I said.
Especially when his rhetoric was in full flight, and he compared the prospect of a
nuclear Iran to a new “Holocaust,” it struck me as a betrayal of the core tenet of
Zionism: an state in which Jews were in control of their own destiny. “We are in
that position now,” I said. It was nonsensical to argue we were so threatened by
everything around us, for instance, that we couldn’t “risk” taking the initiative
required to disentangle ourselves from the Palestinians on the West Bank. “I don’t
get you,” I said, turning to Lieberman as well. “Your rhetoric suggests you have
spines of steel. But your behavior is living proof of the old saying that it’s easier to
take Jews out of the galut, than take the galut out of the Jews.” Galut is Hebrew for
the diaspora. “The whole Zionist project was based on the idea of taking our fate
into our own hands, and actively trying to change the reality around us. But you
behave as if we never left the galut. You’re mired in a mindset of pessimism,
passivity and anxiety, which in terms of policy or action, leads to paralysis. Of
course, there are risks in any action, or any policy initiative. But in the situation
where Israel finds itself, the biggest risk of all is being unable or unwilling to take
risks, as if we somehow on the brink of destruction.”
I was especially upset by Bibi’s increasingly use of Holocaust imagery. “Just
think of what you’re saying,” I told him. “You’re Prime Minister of the State of
Israel, not a rabbi in a shtetl, or a speaker trying to raise funds for Israel abroad.
Think of the implications. We’re not in Europe in 1937. Or 1947. If it is a
‘Holocaust,’ what’s our response: to fold up and go back to the diaspora? If Iran
gets a bomb, it’ll be bad. Very bad. But we’ll still be here. And we’ll find a way of
dealing with the new reality.”
Yet “fortress Israel” was irresistibly comfortable for Bibi politically. I now had
to accept that, while he and I had known each other for more than half-a-century,
nothing I could do or say was going to change that. With the next Israeli election
months away, in January 2013, I confided to Nili, and then to my closest aides, that
I was not going to run for a seat in the Knesset. Israeli military action against Iran
429
/ BARAK / 144
was off the agenda. The diplomatic process with the Palestinians was stalemated. I
could see no point in remaining in the government.
Like my last period in Olmert’s government, my final few months were
dominated by finding a way to end Hamas attacks from Gaza. During one 24-hour
period in November, Hamas launched more than 100 rockets at towns in the south,
while also attacking two military units across the border. Especially since our
military response would be the last during my time as Defense Minister, I was
determined that, this time, it would have a strictly defined objective and a finite
time frame. The overall objective hadn’t changed since Olmert’s premiership: to
hit Hamas hard, bring down the number of rocket attacks to as near zero as
possible, and reach an agreement, through the Egyptians, which established a
period of calm on our border for as long as we could. Bibi’s “victimhood”
narrative notwithstanding, one aspect of the military balance in the south was now
dramatically different. With my backing as Defense Minister, we now had Iron
Dome, which I was confident would help deal with the inevitable shower of Hamas
rockets that would follow our initial attack. Again, I felt it was essential to start
with a quick, unexpected, damaging first strike. Then, through sustained air
bombardment, to keep up enough pressure to secure the political arrangement we
wanted. And, unlike under Olmert, to end the operation as soon as we’d achieved
its aim.
On the afternoon of November 14, we launched a targeted air strike on Hamas’s
de facto chief of staff, Ahmed Jabari. We’d gone after Jabari in the past but, for
one reason or another, had failed. We also hit nearly two dozen other Hamas
targets, including all of the main missile sites we had identified. The whole
operation lasted a week. Hamas fired nearly 1,500 rockets into Israel, not just
locally manufactured Qassems but longer-range Iranian Fajr-5s and Russian Grads.
For the first time since the 1991 Gulf war, several were targeted at Tel Aviv and
Jerusalem. Fortunately, they were not significantly more accurate than in the past.
More than half landed in fields or orchards. And with Iron Dome deployed around
our major towns and cities, more than 80 per cent were intercepted.
We hit nearly 1,500 targets over the seven-day period, mostly launch-pads,
Hamas government installations and weapons stores, but also a number of
apartment complexes being used by Hamas as bases or firing points. Bibi rightly
pointed out that we were forced to fight a fundamentally asymmetric battle. While
Israel began with the principle of directing our fire away from civilian areas,
430
/ BARAK / 145
Hamas based its launchers in precisely those places. So it was not easy. At one
point, we announced a call-up of reserves. We hinted at a possible ground
incursion. But both Bibi and I knew we were going to avoid that if at all possible,
and we did. Though there were inevitable civilian casualties, most of the
Palestinians killed were Hamas fighters and leaders, including not just Jabari but
the head of Hamas’s rocket program. By limiting ourselves to air strikes and naval
fire, the Palestinian death toll was around 150, about one-tenth of what it had been
in 2008. Six Israelis, including four civilians, lost their lives. On the 21 st of
November, the cease-fire was announced.
Yet with the election approaching, and my time in public life drawing to a
close, I had no illusion that this latest military operation, or future ones, would
bring us closer to the negotiating peace with the Palestinians that had eluded us
since Oslo. Nor was I confident that, having been unable to mount a military strike
of our own on Iran, Obama’s “bigger, stronger kid” in the schoolyard would take
military action. I did trust him to do all he could to use diplomacy to constrain
Iran’s efforts to get a bomb. I feared he might fail. Even if he succeeded, I figured
the best case would be an agreement that, at least on paper, delayed the Iranians’
development of a weapon. My hope remained that Israel’s relationship with the
Americans would be sufficiently strong for us to reach a formal understanding of
what form of surgical military strike each of our countries might take if Iran didn’t
honor the terms of a negotiated deal.
When I first left political life after my election defeat in 2001, I’d described my
status as the equivalent of a reserve officer. I said, and believed, it was unlikely I’d
return for the foreseeable future. But I knew it wasn’t impossible. This time was
different. When I announced publicly that I was leaving politics, five days after the
Gaza cease-fire, I pointed that I had spent the greater part of my life as a soldier.
I’d never had a burning desire to be a politician. Though I believed that what I’d
attempted, and achieved, in government would prove to have safeguarded and
strengthened Israel, I knew that important challenges and decisions still lay ahead.
So did our unfulfilled dream of being a country that was not just strong, secure and
prosperous, but socially just and at peace. Yet I believed it was right to draw my
time on the front line of politics to an end. Though I didn’t say so, I thought to
myself: this time doesn’t feel like a step back into the reserves, but genuinely like
the end of something. Though my dedication to a secure, strong, just, democratic
and ultimately peaceful Israel would not change, whatever contribution I might
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/ BARAK / 146
make to our getting there would no longer be on the battlefield, in the kirya or
around the cabinet table.
As a number of reporters pointed out, when I made the announcement I was
relaxed. I looked content, and I was smiling.
432
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019396.txt,"Department of Economics, Harvard University, v. November 9, 2009

Economics 1545: International Financial and Macroeconomic Policy

Professor Kenneth Rogoff

Time and Place: Fall 2009; M, W, 1—2:30 pm., Sever Hall 203
Office Hours: Littauer Center 216. Mondays 3-4 PM, or by appointment

Email: SE (V8. When sending an email pertaining to this course, please put
""1545"" in the subject header.)

Teaching Assistant: Thomas Sampson
Staff Assistant: Jane Taha iii

Overview:

This is an advanced international finance and macroeconomics course that uses a mix of
theoretical, empirical and policy frameworks to analyze topical problems in international finance.

Prerequisites:
Economics 1011b (preferably) or 1010b (Knowledge of basic calculus will be assumed.)
Background Texts: (On reserve at Lamont Library, and available for purchase at the COOP)

e Foundations of International Macroeconomics, by Maurice Obstfeld and Kenneth Rogoff, MIT
Press, 1996.

e This Time Is Different: Eight Centuries of Financial Folly, by Carmen Reinhart and Kenneth
Rogoff, Princeton University Press, 2009, (selected chapters).

Readings:
Readings can be accessed online or are available on Reserve at Lamont Library.

Primary readings are denoted by an * symbol. Supplementary readings will be summarized in
class but are not required.

Problem Sets:

Students are encouraged to work with others on the problem sets, and it is permissible to hand in a
single answer sheet for up to three students, with all three receiving the same group grade.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019396
"
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IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028523.txt,"This email was sent to jeevacation@gmail.com

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Intelligence Squared (UK) Ltd - Newcombe House - 45 Notting Hill Gate, London W11 3LQ - United Kingdom

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028523
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IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011774.txt,"/ BARAK / 17

the deal was due to begin in early November, but he kept putting off a vote in the
cabinet. When the vote came, on November 11, Bibi squeaked through by a margin
of 8 to 4, but with five abstentions. That meant less than half of his ministers had
voted for it.

The easy part for him was Knesset ratification, since I had committed Labor to
supporting Bibi on any move towards continuing the peace process. The day after
the Knesset’s vote, Bibi won the cabinet’s clearance for actual implementation to
begin. But it didn’t. With hard-line ministers threatening to bring down the
government if it did, Bibi again stalled. That was the turning point. I’d made it
clear our parliamentary support would remain for as long as Bibi moved ahead
with what had been agreed at Wye River. It was not intended as a blank check, or
an offer to prop up a Prime Minister who now seemed to be looking for any way
possible not to implement the agreement.

My key ally in what came next was Haim Ramon. Despite our differences over
the direction of the Peres election campaign, we had become effective
parliamentary partners. He had a depth of political experience and knowledge I still
lacked. While I found the details of how the Knesset operated arcane and often
tiresome, Haim knew all of it instinctively. When it came to the need for discreet
discussions or bargaining with other parties, not only could he draw on his
personal relationships with Knesset members across the party divide. He had the
additional advantage of being able to avoid the scrutiny that would follow a direct
approach from me. Before Bibi had gone to Wye, Haim and I had discussed how
we might move to force early elections. The peace process, and the country, were
drifting. There seemed no point in waiting, if we could be confident of lining up
the necessary votes among the growing number of others who were also convinced
Bibi should go. After the Wye summit agreement, I put all that on hold. But now
that Bibi had shifted into reverse, I told Haim to resume his efforts.

In early December, he told me he had enough votes for a no-confidence motion,
under his name, to dissolve the Knesset and pave the way for early elections. The
axe fell on December 20. Bibi had lost the support of the right-wing, who wanted
Oslo ended altogether. He had now lost me, too. I felt his approach to the peace
process was leaving Israel rudderless. The way we were heading, we would not
just forfeit any potential benefits from Oslo. We would be leaving a political and
diplomatic vacuum at a time when a serious new explosion of Palestinian violence
was becoming ever more likely. In the Knesset debate, Bibi made one final bid to

303
HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011774
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029864.txt,"From: Richard Kahn 
Sent: 9/17/2015 10:00:33 PM 
To: jeffrey E. [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Subject: SS 
Attachments: SHBRK Scann15091717260.pdf; Untitled attachment 318284.htm 
Importance: High 
in case you, unlike Donald Trump, would like to collect Social Security 
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age 70 3,587 per month 
Richard Kahn 
HBRK Associates Inc. 
575 Lexington Avenue 4th Floor 
New York, NY 10022 
tel 
fax 
cell 
Begin forwarded message: 
From 
Subject: Message from KMBT_C253 
Date: September 17, 2015 at 5:26:38 PM EDT 
To: 
Reply-To: 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 029864 
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020271.txt,"119

almost all the FBI files there. The conspirators escaped and kept their identities secret for over 42
years.

Self-definitions also do necessarily produce a distinction between whistle-blowers and
conventional spies. Consider, for example Philip Agee. Agee left the CIA in 1969 for what he
described “reasons of conscience.” Specifically, he said he objected to the CIA’s covert support
of Latin America dictators. After contacting the Soviet Embassy in Mexico City, he defected to
Cuba, where he leaked information that exposed CIA operations. Although Agee insisted he was
a whistle-blower, and he adamantly denied offering any secrets to the Soviet Union, the KGB
viewed him as a conventional spy. According to Oleg Kalugin, the top Soviet counterintelligence
officer in the KGB in Moscow, who defected to the U.S., Agee offered CIA secrets first to the
KGB residency in Mexico City in 1973 and then to Cuban intelligence service. Agee provided the
KGB with a “treasure trove” of US secrets, Kalugin revealed. “I then sat in my office in Moscow
reading the growing list of revelations coming from Agee.” Despite this disparity, Agee still
defined himself to the public as a whistle-blower because he also had exposed CIA operations to
the public.

The Snowden case blurs the demarcation line even further. Unlike other whistle-blowers who
uncovered what they considered government malfeasance by virtue of their job, Snowden, by his
own admission, took a new job in 2013 specifically to get access to the SCI files concerning NSA
sources that he stole from the Threat Operations Center. Switching jobs in order to widen one’s
access to state secrets us an activity usually associated with penetration agents, not whistle-
blowers. While the technical distinction between a whistle-blower and a spy may still serve the
media in the case of Snowden, it does not help in solving the counterintelligence conundrum.

Untangling the strands of the Snowden conundrum is no easy matter. A complex burglary
of state secrets had been successfully carried in a supposedly-secure site. The only known
witness, Snowden, had escaped to Russia, where he could be of help in reconstructing the crime.
The stolen data was kept in the equivalent of sealed “vaults”
drives that were not connected to the NSA Network ever there was a locked room mystery, this
was it.

which were actually computer

The perpetrator Snowden pierced these barriers by using passwords that belonged to other
people and using credentials that allowed him to masquerade as a system administrator. However
it was carried out, it was feat required meticulous planning. As in the earlier example ofa
hypothetical diamond theft from locked vaults, what is needed is to explain how a perpetrator,
who did not himself have the combinations to open them or the means to remove their content,
succeeded in the theft.

To address such a mystery, a counterintelligence investigation starts with a tabula rasa,
stripping away all the previous assumptions, including that Snowden was the lone perpetrator.
Once back at square one, it builds alternative scenarios to test against the known facts. To be

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020271
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011012.txt,"Now I'll try to pull this together. Stock prices collectively, meaning all shares at
current prices, is called “market cap.” (Cap is capitalization.) Market cap does not
measure the whole underlying value of the issuers, meaning firms that issued the
stock, since there are debt claims that must be paid off first. It measures the equity
residue. It measures that imperfectly because some inefficiency and chicanery are
here to stay. Itis more volatile than the debt claims because it is leveraged, but
probably less volatile, given the observed reality of trends showing smoothed-out
reaction of share prices to news over time, than what would be bid for the
underlying assets, including intangibles, subject to the same debt claims that must

be paid off first.

National accounts measure market-valued (physical) capital by beginning with
market cap. They then add the market value of debt claims on the same issuers,
along with equity and debt claims on the rest of the business sector, and then the
same for the housing sector. The sum is “private wealth.” Consumer durables such
as cars and refrigerators are excluded as impractical to price. Government wealth

net of national wealth is tracked separately, and tends to show as slight or negative.

Finding the Free Growth Index for Stock Markets

My concern in this chapter is the stock market as a data source for testing free
growth theory. Here (4.2) would read total return in place of (net) output, while
growth would be in market cap. Consumption in (4.2) would become dividend yield
in the sense net of capital concurrently raised in new stock issues. The Global
Financial Data website summarizes the history of world stock markets from
inception in about 1700 for U.K., about 1800 in U.S., and later elsewhere. A nice
feature of this data source, and most other sources for stock and security
performance, is that market values are shown from the start. This left no need to
correct for the inevitable lags in depreciation accounting, which gets the news only

in purchases or sales.

Chapter 4 Mill’s Idea 1/11/16 21

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011012
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018936.txt,"Attorney: Police gave media ‘distorted view’

> EPSTEIN from 1B

They did that Monday via Gold-
berger and a Los Angeles publicist
for Miami criminal defense attorney
Roy Black, who also has represented
Epstein in the case.

“We just think there has been a
distorted view of this case in the me-
dia presented by the Palm Beach po-
lice,” Goldberger said.

Reiter has consistently declined
to comment on the case and did not
respond to a request for comment
Monday.

The implication that State Attor-
ney Barry Krischer was easy on Ep-
stein by presenting the case to a
grand jury rather than filing charges

directly against him is wrong, Gold-
berger said.

The Palm Beach Police Depart-
ment was “happy and ecstatic” that
the panel was going to review the
evidence, “I think what happened is
they weren’t happy with the result.
They decided to use the press to
embarrass Mr. Epstein.”

But records show that Reiter
wrote Krischer on May 1 — well be-
fore the case went to the grand jury —
suggesting that Krischer “consider if
good and sufficient reason exists to
require your disqualification from the
prosecution of these cases.”

Rather than flat-out decline to
charge Epstein, Krischer referred
the case to the grand jury to “ap-

pease” the chief, Goldberger said.

A state attorneys spokesman
would say only that the office refers
cases to the grand jury when there
are issues with the viability of the
evidence or witnesses’ credibility.

Both the state attorney and the
grand jury concluded there was not
sufficient evidence that Epstein had
sex with minors, according to Gold-
berger. “It was just a childish perfor-
mance by the Palm Beach Police
Department,” Goldberger said.

The defense attorney said one of
the alleged victims who claimed she
was a minor was in fact over the age
of 18. Another alleged victim who
was subpoenaed to testify to the

grand jury failed to do so. Epstein’s

(@) lay. fells#pbpst com

Epstein investigation

Read a letter from Palm Beach Police
Chief Michael Reiter to State Attorney
Barry Krischer on the Epstein probe.
PalmBeachPost.com

accusers, he added, have histories of
drug abuse and thefts. “These wom-
en are liars. We've established that.”

But why would they all invent
their stories about meeting Epstein
for sexual massages?

“I don’t have an answer as to what
was the motivation for these women
to come forward and make these al-
legations,” Goldberger said.

&

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018936
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027085.txt,"THE PRODUCT CASE FOR FC2

1) Only FDA and WHO approved Female Condom and as a result approved for bulk
procurement by UNFPA and USAID

2) The strong preference for FC2 due to its non allergenic material nitrile and long
standing reputation

3) FC2 is has been distributed to 144 countries.

4) The backup support, materials, training provided by FHC

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027085
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023189.txt,"OUP CORRECTED PROOF - FINAL, 12/9/2014, SPi

Pa

7 * Nazareth “sJ
-
GENEVA ACCORDS ¢
(2003)
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CORRIDOR

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Jerusalem

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SOURCES: The Geneva Initiative and ""The New

© IPI (Map by Miklos Pinther}

Map 16. Geneva Accord 2003

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023189

"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014943.txt,"priceline.com (PCLN)

Our price objective is $1,920 based on 22x our 2018 adj. EPS estimate. The 22x
multiple is towards the upper end of Priceline’s historical multiple range of 13-23x and
represents a PEG of 1.4x. We think a 22x forward P/E multiple is appropriate given mid-
teens EPS growth, strong booking trends, Priceline’s leadership position in the global
online travel sector, track record of EPS upside, and increased access to the China
market via the Ctrip investment.

Risks to our PO are 1) a global economic downturn, especially macro-weakness in
Europe, leading to fewer travel bookings and pressure on room rates, 2) competition for
traffic lowering the company's growth or margin opportunity, 3) hotels favoring their
own distribution channels, 4) FX volatility, 5) increased competition from Expedia,
TripAdvisor and potentially Google, and 6} the impact of terrorism/disease on global
travel trends. The stock has been subject to heavy volatility in the past based on travel
industry trends and this volatility could increase due to greater economic uncertainty,
especially with macro-trends in Europe.

Quotient Technology Inc (QUOT)

Our $13 price objective is based on a 16x 2018E EBITDA, a premium to eCommerce
peers (11x}, which we think is justified given stickiness of the Retailer |Q platform and
the slightly higher growth of 14% in FY17 vs. eCommerce group at 11%). Quotient is a
lead operator in online couponing, has a strong technological platform, relationships
with CPGs and a platform that is slowly spreading across grocers in the U.S.

Downside risks are: 1} further delays in point-of-sale system rollout with retailers, 2)
loss of major retailers or CPG, 3) higher-than-expected R&D and S&M costs due to
investment, and 4) limited float may contribute to volatility.

Upside risks to our analysis are: 1) additional retailers launching on their point-of-sale
system, 2) quicker-than-expected transition to digital couponing, 3) new additional
digital coupon retail clients (such as Walmart). and 4) targeted couponing lifting average
transaction pricing.

Snap (SNAP)

Our $25 PO is based on our DCF model as we do not expect the company to be
profitable until mid- to late-2019 and any earnings-based valuation exercise would
require discounting back future earnings. Our DCF assumes approximately $28bn
revenue by 2027 based on 525mn DAUs and $50+ in ARPU. Our PO implies 15.5x EV /
Revenue, above the peer group at 4x, as we believe Snap's early stage of ad
monetization and potential future leverage in the business model warrants a premium
valuation multiple to the social media group.

Upside risks to our PO are: 1) greater than expected reacceleration in North America
DAU growth, 2) more rapid monetization of existing user base with increased ad load
and/or new ad formats, and 3) better traction and monetization in International markets.

Downside risks to our PO are: 1) further deceleration in user growth that would raise
concerns on long-term revenue opportunity, 2) pressure on usage due to competing
services, and 3) performance into the first lock-up expiration on 7/29/17.

TripAdvisor (TRIP)

Our price objective of $40 is based on 25x our 2018 non-GAAP EPS estimate. This
multiple represents a modest premium to the group for possibly depressed margins and
re-accelerating top-line growth.

Downside risks to our price objective are: 1) increasing competition (e.g. Yelp), 2) macro-
economic factors (e.g. recession in Europe) impacting the travel industry, 3) challenges

Bankof America

Merrill Lynch Internet/e-Commerce | 06 April2017 57

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014943
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017094.txt,"4.2.12
WC: 191694

I bring to this task a strong and dynamic world view that has been shaped by my life experiences
and which has, in turn, shaped my life experiences. In looking back on my life, I am inevitably
peering through the prism of the powerful ideology that has provided a compass for my actions.

Ideology is biography. Where we stand is the result of where we sat, who we sat next to, what
we observed, what happened to us, and how we reacted to our experiences.

Ideology is complex. Its causes are multifaceted and rarely subject to quantification. The
philosopher, Descartes, who famously said, “I think therefore I am” got it backwards. I am—I
was, I will be—therefore I think what I think. The ability to think is inborn—a biological and
genetic endowment. The content of one’s thinking—the nature and quality of our ideas—is more
nurture than nature. Without human experiences there could be no well-formed ideology, merely
simple inborn reflexes based on instinct and genetics.* There is no gene, or combination of genes,
that ordains the content of our views regarding politics, law, morality or religion.* Biology gives
us the mechanisms with which to organize our experiences into coherent theories of life, but
without these experiences—which begin in the womb and may actually alter the physical
structures of our brain over time—all we would have are the mechanics of thought and the
potential for formulating complex ideas and ideologies. It is our interactions—with other human
beings, with nature, with nurture, with luck, with love, with hate, with pleasure, with pain, with
our own limitations, with our mortality-—that shape our world views.

Among the most enduring and influential human encounters are those experienced at an early age.
These include the accidents of birth: to which family, in which place, at which time we happen to
come into the world. It is true that most people die with the religion and political affiliation into
which they were born (or adopted). Identical twins, separated at birth, may share a common
disposition, IQ and susceptibility to disease, but they are likely to share the religious and political
affiliations of their adoptive parents. There is little genetic about the factors that directly influence
religious, political or other ideological choices. They are largely a function of exposure to
external factors.°

Many of these external factors are totally beyond the control of the person. They may involve
decisions made by others, often before they were even born. Probably the most significant
decisions affecting my own life were made by my great grandparents on my father’s side and my
grandparents on my mother’s side: the decision to leave the shtetls of Poland and move to New
York. Had they remained in Poland, as some of my relatives did, I would probably not have
survived the Holocaust, since I was three years old when the systematic genocide began.’ That

3 Quote Steve Pinker

“EN on Mark Hauser “Moral Minds.” Drew Weston, George Lakoff.

> Kafka once quipped that “the meaning of life is that we die,” and when God told Adam and Eve that if they eat
from the tree of knowledge, they will die, he meant they will obtain the knowledge of mortality—which elevated
humans above other species.

° This is not to deny the likely influence genetics and biology may have on a predisposition toward homosexuality
or other orientations. Nor is it to deny that biological predisposition may influence ideology through the prism of
experience. See [cite] [expand]

’ Perhaps, of course, had my forbearers remained in Poland, my father might not have met my mother (although
their families lived in neighboring shtetls). Accident, timing and luck determine virtually everything relating to
birth.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017094
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015485.txt,"NAUTIL.US

TEXT SETS

‘““Wecan be as dark as

you want or.as green

Boyayian.

chemical reactors. One turns the syngas into methanol.
The next makes methanol into a molecule known as
dimethyl ether, or DME in chemist-speak. In the third
reactor, catalysts known as zeolites knit DME into gas-
oline, in the most expensive and energy-intensive part
of the process. The fourth reactor eliminates some of
the unwanted byproducts that cause the resulting fuel
to congeal at low temperatures.

The key is the zeolites, porous minerals made up of
aluminum, silicon, and oxygen that allow the desired
chemical reactions to take place. Both Primus and a
conventional oil refinery employ zeolites to manipu-
late hydrocarbons. At an oil refinery, these catalysts
help crack and sort hydrocarbons broken down from
crude oil. At Primus, heat and pressure allow zeolites
to build gasoline hydrocarbons from the smaller mol-
ecules of syngas. Such “catalysts are a bit of a dark art,”
says Boyayian. He spars with Fang over whether or not
the company will one day make their own. Fang does
not accept Boyayian’s need for secrecy, and would be

as you want,” says

more than happy to reveal all those dark arts—a pros-
pect that makes the affable Boyayian nervous and tight-
lipped. For now, the fledgling company buys the neces-
sary catalysts off the shelf and must sign agreements
not to examine these zeolites too closely.

Using different catalysts mm the reactors, Fang notes,
the company could spit out diesel or jet fuel instead
of gasoline. And for every 100 kilograms of syngas,
he says, Primus can make 30 kilograms of gasoline or
more, using a continuous looping system within the
machine that eliminates the need for wasting energy
to convert gases to liquids along the way. Little red
containers of Fang-made gasoline record its charac-
teristics, scrawled on masking tape affixed to the sides:
low vapor pressure, a higher-than-average octane con-
tent of around 93, and a favorable absence of sulfur
or benzene. Oil prices have been rising over the last
month, and are currently at more than $100 per barrel;
the company estimates that its gasoline costs as Irttle
as that derived from oil at $65 per barrel—and could

25

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015485
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023406.txt,"In re: TERRORIST ATTACKS ON SEPTEMBER 11, 2001., 2012 WL 257568 (2012)

present at the time of death or injury to recover under NIED. Bovsun, 61 N.Y.2d at 233. Here, plaintiffs -- many of them the
surviving family members of 9/11 victims -- allege that the defendants’ knowing material support of al-Qaeda was
instrumental in allowing the organization to develop and perpetrate the 9/11 attacks, e.g., JA3779-80, and fit easily under the
bystander theory.

*145 Given the express allegation of a duty of care in plaintiffs’ pleadings, the clear existence of defendants’ duty under
traditional tort principles, and the deferential standard afforded to the complaint at the motion to dismiss stage, Matson, 631
F.3d at 72, the Court should vacate the dismissal of plaintiffs’ negligence and NIED claims.

B. The District Court Wrongly Dismissed the Intentional Tort Claims

The district court dismissed plaintiffs’ intentional tort claims for assault, battery, and ITED for a number of equally misguided
reasons.

1. Plaintiffs’ Claims Are Not Time-Barred.

The court first held that all of the Federal Ins. plaintiffs’ claims are barred because they were filed outside of New York’s
one-year limitations period that applies to these intentional torts. SPA232 n.6 (Terrorist Attacks V); SPA210 (Terrorist
Attacks IV); SPA101-02 (DMI-Kamel); SPA87-88 (Terrorist Attacks I); SPA53 (Terrorist Attacks J) (citing Holmes v.
Lorch, 329 F. Supp. 2d 516, 523 (S.D.N.Y. 2004)); N.Y. C.P.L.R. 215(3) (McKinney 2002)).

The court failed to recognize, however, that certain of the Federal plaintiffs’ claims arise from injuries suffered in
Pennsylvania and Virginia. Applying New York choice-of-law principles, the district court should have *146 found the
Virginia and Pennsylvania-based claims timely under those States’ two-year statutes of limitations. Fin. One Pub. Co. v.
Lehman Bros. Special Fin., Inc., 414 F.3d 325, 331 (2d Cir. 2005) (where “jurisdiction is grounded in diversity, we apply the
forum state’s choice-of-law rules”); Neumeier v. Kuehner, 286 N.E.2d 454, 457-58 (N.Y. 1972) (where the plaintiff and
defendant are domiciled in different states, New York courts generally apply the law of the state where the injury occurred.);
Va. Code § 8.01-243(A) (two-year default statute of limitations for personal injury claims); Luddeke v. Amana Refrigeration,
Inc., 387 S.E.2d 502, 504 (Va. 1990) (under Virginia law, both intentional infliction of emotional distress and assault and
battery claims are subject to a two-year statute of limitations.); 42 Pa. Consol. Stat. §§ 5524(1) (two-year statute of
limitations for assault and battery actions) & 5524(7) (two-year default statute of limitations for personal injury actions);
Bougher v. Univ. of Pittsburgh, 882 F.2d 74 (3d Cir. 1989) (applying two year statute of limitations to a claim for intentional
infliction of emotional distress); SPA53-54 (Terrorist Attacks I) (recognizing that the Federal plaintiffs filed their complaint
less than two years after the 9/11 attacks).

*147 For those claims that are subject to New York’s statute of limitations, the district court should have applied equitable
tolling principles. All of plaintiffs’ claims arise from the defendants’ participation in the conspiracy to conduct terrorist
attacks against the United States, which was designed to hide the identity of the participants from disclosure to the outside
world. As a result, the statute of limitations was tolled until the plaintiffs reasonably should have become aware of the
defendants’ involvement in the conspiracy, itself a question of fact to be determined through discovery. Yeadon v. New York
Transit Auth., 719 F. Supp. 204, 209 (S.D.N.Y. 1989) (If “a defendant has concealed facts that are critical to a cause of
action, then the statute of limitations is tolled until plaintiff discovers or with reasonable diligence should have discovered his
clain’’); In re Issuer Plaintiff Initial Pub. Offering Antitrust Litig., 00 CIV 7804 (LMM), 2004 WL 487222, at *5 (S.D.N-Y.
Mar. 12, 2004). Given the clandestine nature of the conspiracy in which the defendants participated, equitable principles
require that the statute of limitations be tolled. See Johnson v. Nyack Hosp., 86 F.3d 8, 12 (2d Cir. 1996) (holding that
“Te]quitable tolling allows courts to extend the statute of limitations beyond the time of expiration as necessary to avoid
inequitable circumstances”).

*148 1. Plaintiffs Pleaded That Defendants Materially Supported al-Qaeda.

WESTLAW

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023406
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021880.txt,"Oo O DN OO FF WwW NY =|

NO RO PO PNP NM NO | S| S| HS SF S| S| S| S| S|
non BP WO NO -|- ODO OO WDN OO OT BP WO NYO —

57

assertion --
A. Sure.
Q -- but purpose of this question --
A. For purposes of this question.
Q -- I'm accepting it.

Putting aside what you claim is privileged, I
want to know everything that's the factual basis for
including the allegation about other minors.

A. Okay. The privileged information which I'm
not disclosing in any way would have interacted with a
vast body of other information. The vast body of other
information would have started with an 89-page police
report from the Palm Beach Police Department that showed
for about a six-month period in 2005, there was sexual
abuse of minor girls going on on a daily basis, in --
whenever Jeffrey Epstein was in his Palm Beach mansion.

And on some cases, it waS going on, not once,
not twice, but three times during the day. That -- let
me just be clear. I mean, I referred to the 89-page
police report. I have offered to put it into the record
if it would speed things up.

Let's just talk about some of the things that
are in that 89-page police report. This was a very
intensive investigation that the Palm Beach Police

Department put together. They did, for example, what

ROUGH DRAFT ONLY

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021880

"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025754.txt,"Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 08/30/18 08:13:20 AM (557334800)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: D3AECA63-918A-43D1-B504-C726502B98CC

Message: ripe

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 08/30/18 08:14:04 AM (557334844)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 6F99FC5C-FI1IC-452E-B542-4CC9402DC036

F

Message: Whole South America Brazil Venezuela Argentina. Don't know why they are so
dirty given the fact that there are so many maids

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 08/30/18 08:14:58 AM (557334898)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 6AAFESF8-E07A-48AE-93F1-ABA2F8499B5D

Message: soon to be the best investment of a lifetime

Time: 08/30/18 08:15:09 AM (557334909)
Flags: 1060865
Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 2EC971E9-426B-4188-BE22-AlFEBFCEC52E

Message: Brazilian parartrooper my man

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 08/30/18 08:15:13 AM (557334913)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 2FCO18A1-0160-4E77-93F3-A91EC47D86CC

Message: Venezuela. More oil reserves than Saudi

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025754
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026614.txt,"In 1993, Marjorie Margolies-Mezvinsky, then a freshman Democrat in
Congress, cast the deciding vote that got President Bill Clinton’s
controversial tax package through the House of Representatives.

In March 2001, Mezvinsky was indicted and later pleaded guilty to 31
of 69 counts of federal criminal bank fraud, mail fraud, and wire fraud.

Ed Mezvinsky embezzled more than $10 million dollars from people
via both a Ponzi scheme and the notorious Nigerian e-mail scams.

He was found guilty and sentenced to 80 months in federal prison.

After serving less than five years in federal prison, he was released in
April 2008 and remains on federal probation.

To this day, he still owes $9.4 million in restitution to his many
victims.

About now you are saying, “So what!”

Well, this is Marc and Chelsea Mezvinsky.
(is

yyBLoT

seneve

~ &

That’s right; Ed Mezvinsky is Chelsea Clinton's father-in law.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026614
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012094.txt,"16

<3) ROCKEFELLER & CO.

ROCKCO.COM insights@rockco.com

New York, NY Washington, DC Boston, MA

10 Rockefeller Plaza 900 17th Street NW 99 High Street

3rd Floor Suite 603 17th floor

New York, NY 10020 Washington, DC 20006 Boston, MA 02110
212-549-5100 202-719-3000 617-375-3300
Rockefeller Trust Company, N.A. The Rockefeller

10 Rockefeller Plaza Trust Company (Delaware)

3rd Floor 1201 N Market Street

New York, NY 10020 Suite 1401

212-549-5100 Wilmington, DE 19801

302-498-6000

http://www. koreatimes.co.kr/www/nation/201 7/05/356_229150.html
https://www.nytimes.com/2017/03/04/business/south-korea-samsung- bribery-lee.html
https://www.nytimes.com/2017/03/04/business/south-korea-samsung- bribery-lee.html
http://www.acga-asia.org/upload/files/research_preview/20161014021202_3.pdf

http://www.eastasiaforum.org/201 1/07/08/corporate-governance-reform-in-korea/

“Reform of Corporate Governance,” in Economic Crisis and Corporate Restructuring, Cambridge University Press, 2003, p. 308.
http:/Awww.acga-asia.org/upload/files/CG%20Watch%20201 2. pdf

https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm ?abstract_id=1195313

https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2824303

1°""Reform of Corporate Governance,” in Economic Crisis and Corporate Restructuring, Cambridge

""Asian Corporate Governance” Asia Pacific GS Sustain, April 11, 2017.

'2""Asian Corporate Governance” Asia Pacific GS Sustain, April 11, 2017. University Press, 2003, p. 287. “Asian Corporate Governance” Asia Pacific GS Sustain,
April 11, 2017.

© Orn aoak oH =

Cover image: Getty Images

Certain information contained in this document may constitute “forward-looking statements.” No representations or warranties are made as to the
accuracy or completeness of such statements, and actual events or results may differ materially from those reflected or contemplated. This document is
provided for informational purposes only and is not intended, and should not be construed, as investment, tax or legal advice. This document does not
purport to be a complete statement of approaches, which may vary due to individual factors and circumstances. Company references are provided for
illustrative purposes only and should not be construed as investment advice or a recommendation to purchase, sell or hold any security. Although the
information provided is carefully reviewed, Rockefeller & Co., Inc. cannot be held responsible for any direct or incidental loss resulting from applying any
of the information provided. Past performance is no guarantee of future results and no investment or financial planning strategy can guarantee profit or
protection against losses. These materials may not be reproduced or distributed without Rockefeller 4 Co., Inc.’s prior written consent.

Copyright 2017 © Rockefeller & Co., Inc. All Rights Reserved. Products and services may be provided by various subsidiaries of Rockefeller & Co., Inc.

GLOBAL FORESIGHT THIRD QUAPTER 2017

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012094
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024369.txt,"Table of Contents

ANNEX

100K MILESTONE GIFT

On September 10, 2018, we announced a commitment by our chief executive officer, Ermest Garcia III, to contribute 165 shares of Class A
common stock to us from his personal shareholdings for every one of our then-existing employees upon their satisfying certain employment tenure
requirements. In connection with these contributions, we have made corresponding grants of 165 restricted stock units under our 2017 Omnibus Incentive
Plan to each employee who has satisfied the requirements and intend to make grants to the remaining then-existing employees as they satisfy the
requirements (the “100k Milestone Gift” or “Gift”). Under U.S. GAAP, the 100k Milestone Gift is treated as compensation expense, a portion of which
relates to the production of our used vehicle inventory and is therefore capitalized to inventory and subsequently recognized within costs of sales when the
related inventory is sold.

NON-GAAP FINANCIAL MEASURES

To supplement the consolidated financial statements, which are prepared and presented in accordance with GAAP, we also present the
following non-GAAP measures: gross profit ex-Gift, gross profit per unit ex-Gift, EBITDA ex-Gift, and EBITDA margin ex-Gift. We believe the
presentation of both GAAP and non-GAAP financial measures provides investors with increased transparency into financial measures used by our
management team, and it also improves investors’ understanding of our underlying operating performance and their ability to analyze our ongoing operating
trends. All historic non-GAAP financial measures have been reconciled with the most directly comparable GAAP financial measures.

GROSS PROFIT EX-GIFT AND GROSS PROFIT PER UNIT EX-GIFT

Gross profit ex-Gift and gross profit per unit ex-Gift are non-GAAP supplemental measures of operating performance that do not represent and
should not be considered an alternative to gross profit, as determined by GAAP. Gross profit ex-Gift is defined as gross profit before compensation expense
related to the 100k Milestone Gift included in cost of sales. Gross profit per Unit ex-Gift is Gross Profit ex-Gift divided by units sold. We use Gross Profit
ex-Gift to measure the operating performance of our business and Gross Profit per Unit ex-Gift to measure our operating performance relative to our units
sold. We believe that Gross Profit ex-Gift and Gross Profit per Unit ex-Gift are useful measures to us and to our investors because they exclude the expense
associated with the 100k Milestone Gift recognized in cost of sales. We expect the 100k Milestone Gift to be a one-time award program for which we will
recognize varying amounts of expense beginning in the second half of 2018 and continuing through the first half of 2020, and therefore we believe the
related expense does not reflect our core operations, is not included in our past operations, and may not be indicative of our future operations. Additionally,
the shares issued to settle the 100k Milestone Gift are offset by share contributions from Mr. Garcia to Carvana, therefore we expect the impact on shares
outstanding to be nearly zero. We believe that excluding it enables us to more effectively evaluate our performance period-over-period and relative to our
competitors.

- 60 -

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024369
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020546.txt,"87

Another case in point is the World Journal (#5 Hig), for years the premier Chinese-
language paper in the United States serving immigrants from Taiwan and only one of
the six newspapers owned by the United Daily News (UDN), Taiwan’s most influential
newspaper company. The paper once dominated news coverage in Chinatowns across
America, and it acted as the voice of the Chinese Nationalist Party of Taiwan. Unlike
PRC-controlled outlets, the World Journal did cover events such as the death of the
jailed Chinese human rights advocate and Nobel Peace Prize laureate Liu Xiabo. But
the Journal's coverage has shifted in recent years and become more pro-PRC ina
variety of areas, such as China’s militarization of the South China Sea and its handling
of Taiwan and Hong Kong. Sources at the Journal observe that the paper’s owners in
Taiwan are interested in growing their business in China, which may help explain
the paper’s evolving editorial stance. For example, in March 2004, the World Journal
published recruitment notices on the front page, announcing its intention to establish
a mainland news group and recruit reporters in China. In a 2015 essay, an executive*!
at Qiaobao, one of the Journal’s main competitors, noted the Journal's shifting editorial
stance. “No longer do they only report negative news about the mainland,” he wrote.”
According to sources inside the newspaper, Chinese consulates in both New York and
San Francisco have pressured World Journal’s local offices not to publish ads related to
the religious sect, Falun Gong, which has been outlawed in China. The New York office
has already acquiesced in full for the East Coast edition. The West Coast edition now

only runs Falun Gong ads in throwaway sections of the paper.

Ming Pao is another formerly independent newspaper that has fallen under Beijing’s
control. For years, its US edition was popular among Cantonese-speaking immigrants
in the United States. In January 2007, the Hong Kong Ming Pao Group announced a
$600 million merger with the two largest Chinese-language media outlets in Malaysia,
the Xingzhou Media and Nanyang News. The merger was welcomed in Beijing. Guo
Zhaojin, then president of the China News Service, said the new company would
develop into one of the largest Chinese print media platforms in the world, with more
than five newspapers in major cities in North America, Southeast Asia, and Greater

China and a daily circulation of more than one million copies.

China’s efforts to dominate Chinese-language media coincided with two other
developments in the 1990s. The Chinese immigrant community boomed in
the United States, as hundreds of thousands of mainland Chinese became US
citizens, transforming the complexion of a community that had been dominated

by immigrants from Hong Kong and Taiwan. Second, Taiwan’s political system

Section 6

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020546
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021658.txt,"Default Contract Code Bs | SI
CALL DETAIL RECORDS -I 2
All Facilities -
06/30/08 TO 10/10/08: INMATE PHONECALLSTO[ :
Originating Number Dialed Type Term Dest Recorder
_ Date Eiskup Bosiibet aittagt ; Stap Phone# CC Nomber  Faellity Loeatlon Minutes Gus wade Code : Channel Bask Ne, ow
THERE ARE NO RECORDS FOR THE CHOSEN SET OF CRITERIA. x
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* 200KDG17 11:57:53 Form: INOO4WEB Version: 1.000 2 Page | 3

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021658

"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022718.txt,"“Tf you had a billion dollars I would think the last thing you should be
worried about was money, in truth money was what you most worried about.
How to make more of it, how to give away more of it, how to protect you
children from it, how to hide it from your wife or husband, how to minimize
your taxes on it. The traditional wealth service structure, an accountant, and
investment advisor, a personal lawyer, and an idiot brother-in-law, became
hopelessly outdated as amounts exponentially increased.

“You can’t spend a billion dollars, you can just relocate it to a different
investment class. And you can’t give away a billion dollars without a vast
staff, in effect going into the business of giving away money, yet another
business you are likely to know little about.”

At just about this point in the narrative, the questions or the
incredulity begins in social circles and eventually in the media. He begins to
acquire the major symbols of riches but does this without position, public
holdings, or obvious paper trails. In essence, the formulation is, how can a
person have enough money to merit increasing attention, but no clear way of
having gotten it. Epstein gets stuck in that tautology. He may be rich, but he
is without institutional protection or bona fides. He 1s a questionable
substrata of wealth. He’s a freelancer.

That’s the rub: he doesn’t work for anyone. Without institutional
credentials he’s...well, nobody knows what.

For a period, one part of his activities he says is recovering monies for
countries looted by exiled dictators or military strongmen. If early in his
career he might seem like a sort of George Peppard (there’s a physical
resemblance) in Breakfast at Tiffany’s, a charming hustler, later he’s George
Peppard in Banacek, a smart and astute operator.

Then, in his telling, he’s representing a series of vastly wealthy people
and families. He’s not just doing their bidding or their investing, he’s
helping them to imagine the ambitions of their wealth. They’ve
satisfied their business dreams. Now there are the separate
challenges and possibilities of their actual wealth.

In essence, as he becomes more public the response to this, as a
function of envy and the media’s need for definition, is “bullshit.” True,
there is no clear alternate narrative. No one is accusing him of anything,
accept, sometimes, guilt by association. (In addition to Robert Maxwell, who
will be accused of fraud, there’s Steven Hoffenberg, briefly a New York high
flyer, who went to jail for a Ponzi scheme, for whom Epstein acted as a
consultant.) But the characterization persist: if it’s not clear, it must be

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022718
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016605.txt,"Code Enforcement Board Meeting Minutes 04/17/08

SECONDED BY MS. DUEMLER
MOTION PASSED UNANIMOUSLY

C. Case # 08-2479, 2299 E. Ibis Isle Road, 2299 E. Ibis Isle Road LLC
Violation of Chapter 42, Section 42-86 of the Town of Palm Beach Code of
Ordinances, unsightly, unsafe or unsanitary conditions not allowed and properties
to be maintained in good condition.

Code Enforcement Officer Gerry also presented the facts of this case and said the
violation had been discovered in his normal routine patrol of the area. The
property owner was cited and given until April 10, 2008 to come into compliance.
He said the property owner had been cited previously on March 23, 2006, October
30, 2007 and November 14, 2007 but had not been brought before the Code
Enforcement Board because the owner would come into compliance prior to the
date given. He said the Town’s recommendation is a finding of non-compliance,
administrative costs of $150.00 and the violator given until April 19, 2008 to come
into compliance.

MOTION BY MR. FRIED TO FIND THE VIOLATOR IN NON-
COMPLIANCE, ASSESS ADMINISTRATIVE COSTS OF $150.00 AND
GIVE THEM UNTIL APRIL 19, 2008 TO COME INTO COMPLIANCE.
SECONDED BY MS. GREENBERG

MOTION PASSED UNANIMOUSLY

D. Case # 08-2480, 1089 S. Ocean Blvd., Leonard Schneider
Violation of Chapter 122, Section 122-53 of the Town of Palm Beach Code of
Ordinances: the Town Council authorizes the Director of Public Works to order
curtailment of the use of water for certain nonessential purposes including
specifying certain days and hours when lawns and shrubbery may be watered.

Code Enforcement Officer Weymer said this case concerned a water violation. A
written warning had been issued for a violation which occurred on March 15,
2008. A second violation then occurred on March 29, 2008 at 11:33 a.m. and the
notice was issued by certified mail. The fine had been paid this morning so the
Town recommends a finding of non-compliance, acceptance of the payment of the
fine and no further action be taken.

MOTION BY MS. GREENBERG TO FIND THE VIOLATOR IN NON-
COMPLIANCE, ACCEPTANCE OF THE PAYMENT OF THE FINE AND
NO FURTHER ACTION TAKEN.

SECONDED BY MR. FRIED

MOTION PASSED UNANIMOUSLY

E. Case # 08-2481, 247 Chilean Ave., Frederick W. Hoberg
4

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016605
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022351.txt,"A sale to an IDGT is a tax-efficient way to transfer future appreciation of an asset
Intentionally Defective Grantor Trust (“IDGT”)

e Grantor makes arm’s length sale of assets to an irrevocable trust

e Grantor receives a note for the fair market value of the asset plus interest at current AFR

e Grantor pays income taxes generated by trust assets

e After the note is paid, remaining trust assets pass to heirs gift tax free

e Additional considerations
— trust should be “pre-funded” by grantor to provide sufficient coverage for the note
— having the loan guaranteed by trust beneficiaries may be beneficial
— advisable to allocate GST exemption to trust in order to maximize benefit to heirs

J.P Morgan i

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022351
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028912.txt,"Arabia and the Gulf States, Jordan,
Egypt and perhaps even Turkey (which
is not Arab). The focal interest is the
struggle against radical Islamic
terrorism and against Iran's hegemonic
and nuclear intentions.

¢ The challenge for us is based on
there being, apparently, only one way
to achieve that; and the upcoming
elections in Israel force us to put it on
hold for a few months.

¢ And the way to do it is this: a
strong, self-confident Israel, willing to
hold serious negotiations with the
Palestinians and the group of Arab
nations within an international
conference, backed by the US and the
Quartet — in order to achieve a two-
state solution and establish a regional
agreement, while maintaining an
unyielding and persistent fight against
terrorism and ensuring the IDF's
qualitative military edge over any
combination of opponents.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028912
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013132.txt,"216 12 The Engineering and Development of Ethics

Once one goes beyond simplistic, childlike notions of fairness (“an eye for an eye” and so
forth), applying rational justice in a purely intellectual sense is just as difficult as any other
real-world logical inference problem. Ethical quandaries and quagmires are easily encountered,
and are frequently cut through by a judicious application of empathic simulation.

On the other hand, empathy is a far more powerful force when used in conjunction with
reason: analogical reasoning lets us empathize with situations we have never experienced. For
instance, a person who has never been clinically depressed may have a hard time empathizing
with individuals who are; but using the power of reason, they can imagine their worst state of
depression magnified by several times and then extended over a long period of time, and then
reason about what this might be like ... and empathize based on their inferential conclusion.
Reason is not antithetical to empathy but rather is the key to making empathy more broadly
impactful.

Finally, the enlightened stage of ethical development involves both a deeper compassion and
a more deeply penetrating rationality and objectiveness. Empathy with all sentient beings is
manageable in everyday life only once one has deeply reflected on one’s own self and largely
freed oneself of the confusions and illusions that characterize much of the ordinary human’s
inner existence. It is noteworthy, for example, that Buddhism contains both a richly developed
ethics of universal compassion, and also an intricate logical theory of the inner workings of
cognition [Stc00], detailing in exquisite rational detail the manner in which minds originate
structures and dynamics allowing them to comprehend themselves and the world.

12.4.4 Integrative Ethics and Integrative AGI

What does our integrative approach to ethical development have to say about the ethical
development of AGI systems? The lessons are relatively straighforward, if one considers an AGI
system that, like CogPrime, explicitly contains components dedicated to logical inference and
to simulation. Application of the above ethical ideas to other sorts of AGI systems is also quite
possible, but would require a lengthier treatment and so won't be addressed here.

In the context of a CogPrime-type AGI system, Kolhberg’s stages correspond to increasingly
sophisticated application of logical inference to matters of rights and fairness. It is not clear
whether humans contain an innate sense of fairness. In the context of AGIs, it would be possible
to explicitly wire a sense of fairness into an AGI system, but in the context of a rich environment
and active human teachers, this actually appears quite unnecessary. Experiential instruction in
the notions of rights and fairness should suffice to teach an inference-based AGI system how to
manipulate these concepts, analogously to teaching the same AGI system how to manipulate
number, mass and other such quantities. Ascending the Kohlberg stages is then mainly a matter
of acquiring the ability to carry out suitably complex inferences in the domain of rights and
fairness. The hard part here is inference control — choosing which inference steps to take — and
in a sophisticated AGI inference engine, inference control will be guided by experience, so that
the more ethical judgments the system has executed and witnessed, the better it will become at
making new ones. And, as argued above, simulative activity can be extremely valuable for aiding
with inference control. When a logical inference process reaches a point of acute uncertainty
(the backward or forward chaining inference tree can’t decide which expansion step to take), it
can run a simulation to cut through the confusion — i.e., it can use empathy to decide which

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013132
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010683.txt,"Reference #

OGE Form 278¢ (March 2014)
Instructions for Part 2
Note: This is a public form. Do not include account numbers, street addresses, or family member names. See instructions for required information.

Filer’s Name Page Number

99

THC QATAR HOTEL MANAGER
MEMBER CORP
DJT Holdings LLC

181 THC QATAR HOTEL MANAGER MEMBER CORP *(3)--DISSOLVED 1/26/17

Owned by: % Ownership
100
Has ownership interest in : Entity Name

THC QATAR HOTEL MANAGER LLC

182 THC RIO MANAGER LLC *(3)

Owned by: % Ownership
1
99

183 THC RIO MANAGING MEMBER CORP *(3)

Owned by: % Ownership
100

Has ownership interest in : Entity Name
THC RIO MANAGER LLC

184 THC SALES & MARKETING LLC

Owned by: % Ownership
it
99

185 THC SALES & MARKETING MEMBER CORP *(1)

Owned by: % Ownership
100

Has ownership interest in : Entity Name
THC SALES & MARKETING LLC

186 THC SERVICES SHENZHEN LLC *(3)

Owned by: % Ownership
4
99
187 THC SERVICES SHENZHEN MEMBER CORP *(3)
Owned by: % Ownership
100
Has ownership interest in : Entity Name
THC SERVICES SHENZHEN LLC

188 THC SHENZHEN HOTEL MANAGER LLC *(3)

Owned by: % Ownership
1
99
189 THC SHENZHEN HOTEL MANAGER MEMBER CORP *(3)
Owned by: % Ownership
100
Has ownership interest in: Entity Name
THC SHENZHEN HOTEL MANAGER
LLC

190 THC VANCOUVER MANAGEMENT CORP.

Owned by: % Ownership
100
191 THC VANCOUVER PAYROLL ULC *(2)
Owned by: % Ownership

Name
DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC

Ownership
1.00%

Name
THC RIO MANAGING MEMBER CORP

DJT Holdings LLC

Name
DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC

Ownership
1.00%

Name

THC SALES & MARKETING MEMBER
CORP

DJT Holdings LLC

Name
DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC

Ownership
1.00%

Name

THC SERVICES SHENZHEN MEMBER
CORP

DJT Holdings LLC

Name
DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC

Ownership
1.00%

Name

THC SHENZHEN HOTEL MANAGER
MEMBER CORP

DJT Holdings LLC

Name
DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC

Ownership
1.00%

Name
DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC

Managing Member

Managing Member

Managing Member

Managing Member

Managing Member

a

Managing Member
Member

Role
Shareholder

Role
Managing Member

Member

Role
Shareholder

Role
Managing Member

Member

Role
Shareholder

Role
Managing Member

Member

Role
Shareholder

Role

Managing Member

Member

Role
Shareholder

Role
Shareholder

EJ
iS.
io

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010683

"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016403.txt,"When we consider the future of AI, we need to think about the goals. That’s what
humans contribute; that’s what our civilization contributes. The execution of those goals
is what we can increasingly automate. What will the future of humans be in such a
world? What will there be for them to do? One of my projects has been to understand
the evolution of human purposes over time. Today we’ve got all kinds of purposes. If
you look back a thousand years, people’s goals were quite different: How do I get my
food? How do I keep myself safe? In the modern Western world, for the most part you
don’t spend a large fraction of your life thinking about those purposes. From the point of
view of a thousand years ago, some of the goals people have today would seem utterly
bizarre—for example, like exercising on a treadmill. A thousand years ago that would
sound like a crazy thing to do.

What will people be doing in the future? A lot of purposes we have today are
generated by scarcity of one kind or another. There are scarce resources in the world.
People want to get more of something. Time itself is scarce in our lives. Eventually,
those forms of scarcity will disappear. The most dramatic discontinuity will surely be
when we achieve effective human immortality. Whether this will be achieved
biologically or digitally isn’t clear, but inevitably it will be achieved. Many of our
current goals are driven in part by our mortality: “I’m only going to live a certain time, so
I'd better get this or that done.” And what happens when most of our goals are executed
automatically? We won’t have the kinds of motivations we have today. One question I’d
like an answer for is, What do the derivatives of humans in the future end up choosing to
do with themselves? One of the potential bad outcomes is that they just play video games
all the time.

The term “artificial intelligence” is evolving, in its use in technical language. These
days, AI is very popular, and people have some idea of what it means. Back when
computers were being developed, in the 1940s and 1950s, the typical title of a book or a
magazine article about computers was “Giant Electronic Brains.” The idea was that just
as bulldozers and steam engines and so on automated mechanical work, computers would
automate intellectual work. That promise turned out to be harder to fulfill than many
people expected. There was, at first, a great deal of optimism; a lot of government
money got spent on such efforts in the early 1960s. They basically just didn’t work.

There are a lot of amusing science-fiction-ish portrayals of computers in the
movies of that time. There’s a cute one called Desk Set, which is about an IBM-type
computer being installed in a broadcasting company and putting everybody out of a job.
It’s cute because the computer gets asked a bunch of reference-library questions. When
my colleagues and I were building Wolfram|Alpha, one of the ideas we had was to get it
to answer all of those reference-library questions from Desk Set. By 2009, it could
answer them all.

In 1943, Warren McCulloch and Walter Pitts came up with a model for how
brains conceptually, formally, might work—an artificial neural network. They saw that
their brainlike model would do computations in the same way as Turing Machines. From
their work, it emerged that we could make brainlike neural networks that would act as
general computers. And in fact, the practical work done by the ENIAC folks and John

183

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016403
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030185.txt,"30

group may have taken a backseat to the liberal youth movement that
brought down the dictator, but it has wasted little time in preparing
for the post-Mubarak era. Although the generals in charge of Egypt's
transition have not yet announced a date for the parliamentary
elections (which are expected in the fall), the Brotherhood is already
campaigning vigorously, in Cairo and the countryside. The youth
movement, on the other hand, seems unable to break out of protest
mode. The gap between the two sides was exposed in a mid-March
referendum on constitutional reforms. The Brotherhood mobilized a
massive ""yes"" vote to ensure that any meaningful reforms would take
place after the parliamentary elections. The liberals were split, unsure
as to which scenario they feared more: a constitution written by a
military-appointed panel before the elections, or one written by a
Brotherhood-dominated parliament afterward. It was a rout: 77%
voted yes.

The gap has not closed. Since the referendum, many liberals have
sought to undermine the result by trying to force through reforms
before the elections. Their great champion, former U.N. nuclear
watchdog (and Nobel laureate) Mohamed ElBaradei, argues that the
constitution can't wait for people's elected representatives. The youth
leaders agree and are threatening to return to Tahrir Square if they
don't get their way. They claim the referendum doesn't matter because
the Brotherhood misled Egyptians by portraying it as a vote on
religion. (The Islamists deny this, and some neutral observers say
both sides played fast and loose with the facts.)

This carping makes the liberals look like sore losers, and far from
democratic. Critics accuse them of trying to buy time: a
postponement in the elections would give liberals more time to get
their political house in order and hopefully catch up with the
Brotherhood's organizational lead. Even Alaa al-Aswany, a novelist
and strong Brotherhood critic, acknowledges that it ill behooves the

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030185
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030662.txt,"From: Weingarten, Reid 
Sent: 11/2/2017 5:44:41 PM 
To: jeffrey E. [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Subject: Re: 
Importance: High 
In between 
Sent from my BlackBerry 10 smartphone. 
From: Jeffrey E. 
Sent: Thursday, November 2, 2017 10:43 AM 
To: Weingarten, Reid 
Subject: Re: 
opinon or knowledge 
On Thu, Nov 2, 2017 at 1:36 PM, Weingarten, Reid < > wrote: 
Trump is going to fire mueller and republicans on hill won't do a thing 
Sent from my BlackBerry 10 smartphone. 
From: Jeffrey E. 
Sent: Thursday, November 2, 2017 10:04 AM 
To: Weingarten, Reid 
Subject: Re: 
told you so 
On Thu, Nov 2, 2017 at 12:58 PM, Weingarten, Reid < > wrote: 
Bannon won...tax code fucks rich people 
Sent from my BlackBerry 10 smartphone. 
From: Jeffrey E. 
Sent: Wednesday, November 1, 2017 3:06 PM 
To: Weingarten, Reid 
Subject: Re: 
Number? I have s truly funny one 
On Wed, Nov 1, 2017 at 5:19 PM Weingarten, Reid < > wrote: 
And? 
Sent from my BlackBerry 10 smartphone. 
From: Jeffrey E. 
Sent: Wednesday, November 1, 2017 2:14 PM 
To: Weingarten, Reid 
Subject: Re: 
Notice the date of the email 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 030662 
On Wed, Nov 1, 2017 at 5:05 PM Weingarten, Reid < H wrote: 
Just landed in san fran...at the airport...let's talk when I get settled... 
Sent from my BlackBerry 10 smartphone. 
From: Jeffrey E. 
Sent: Wednesday, November 1, 2017 2:04 PM 
To: Weingarten, Reid 
Subject: Re: 
number ? 
On Wed, Nov 1, 2017 at 5:02 PM, Weingarten, Reid < > wrote: 
Charlie rose is next 
Sent from my BlackBerry 10 smartphone. 
From: Jeffrey E. 
Sent: Wednesday, November 1, 2017 10:07 AM 
To: Weingarten, Reid 
, Subject: 
brett ratner now. oy 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 030663 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
--
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 030664 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 030665 
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020098.txt,"view, the problems in his tenure so far were just problems about the team. If the team
went, the problems went. So Scaramucci had his marching orders. The fact that the
president had been saying the same stuff about his rotten team from the first day, that this
riff had been a constant from the campaign on, that he would often say he wanted
everybody to go and then turn around and say he didnt want everybody to go—all that
rather went over Scaramucci’s head.

Scaramucci began taunting Priebus publicly, and inside the West Wing he adopted a
tough-guy attitude about Bannon—‘T won’t take his bullshit.” Trump seemed delighted
with this behavior, which led Scaramucci to feel that the president was urging him on.
Jared and Ivanka were pleased, too; they believed they had scored with Scaramucci and
were confident that he would defend them against Bannon and the rest.

Bannon and Priebus remained not just disbelieving but barely able not to crack up. For
both men, Scaramucci was either a hallucinatory episode—they wondered whether they
ought to just shut their eyes while it passed—or some further march into madness.

7 OK Ok

Even as measured against other trying weeks in the Trump White House, the week of July
24 was a head-slammer. First, it opened the next episode in what had become a comic-
opera effort to repeal Obamacare in the Senate. As in the House, this had become much
less about health care than a struggle both among Republicans in Congress and between
the Republican leadership and the White House. The signature stand for the Republican
Party had now become the symbol of its civil war.

On that Monday, the president’s son-in-law appeared at the microphones in front of the
West Wing to preview his statement to Senate investigators about the Trump campaign’s
connections to Russia. Having almost never spoken before in public, he now denied
culpability in the Russian mess by claiming feckless naiveté; speaking in a reedy, self-
pitying voice, he portrayed himself as a Candide-like figure who had become disillusioned
by a harsh world.

And that evening, the president traveled to West Virginia to deliver a speech before the
Boy Scouts of America. Once more, his speech was tonally at odds with time, place, and
good sense. It prompted an immediate apology from the Boy Scouts to its members, their
parents, and the country at large. The quick trip did not seem to improve Trump’s mood:
the next morning, seething, the president again publicly attacked his attorney general and
—for good measure and no evident reason—tweeted his ban of transgender people in the
military. (The president had been presented with four different options related to the
military’s transgender policy. The presentation was meant to frame an ongoing discussion,
but ten minutes after receiving the discussion points, and without further consultation,
Trump tweeted his transgender ban.)

The following day, Wednesday, Scaramucci learned that one of his financial disclosure

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020098
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018507.txt,"Scarleteen.com, a grassroots feminist effort with an amazingly comprehensive
perspective. Scarleteen has an incredible impact on many, many lives. Sometimes I read
it just for fun!

Secondly: it may help not to prioritize orgasms. I am not saying orgasms aren't important;
I just don't want the importance of orgasms to wound you, the way it wounded me. For
me, it is helpful to imagine sex as a journey. For me, it helps to focus on having fun
throughout, instead of doing what it takes to reach the ""goal"" of orgasm. If you're not
taking pleasure in the journey -- or at least indulging some curiosity -- then why keep
going? Why not stop and try something else?

Experimenting sexually in an open-ended way has been, for me, the most productive
possible attitude. And in fact, once I knew how to make myself come, I discovered that --
though it's helpful to be able to attain that release if I really want to -- orgasms aren't
actually my favorite part of sex! There are lots of other things I like better.

It's also worth noting that our definitions of ""orgasm"" are fairly narrow. Some research
indicates that there may be other ways to conceptualize orgasms than the stereotypical
genital-focused approach.

Thirdly, although it's possible for a person to explore sexuality on her own, relationships
can make or break the process. We all make some compromises for romance. But when
we compromise, we should know what we're compromising, and we should think about
whether the compromise is worth it.

For me, sexual exploration and satisfaction are incredibly important -- but it took ages to
develop the courage to put my foot down about them. After my boyfriend shouted at me
that he didn't care about my sexual satisfaction, it took me an embarrassingly long time to
end things with him; I really was in love, and we'd been together for years. But my
sexuality wasn't even close to a priority for him, and breaking up with him was one of the
best decisions I ever made.

After ending that relationship, I was able to build my self-confidence and self-esteem
with new boyfriends surprisingly fast -- and my boyfriends helped me more than they
probably know. I owe countless small debts to men who accepted my inability to orgasm,
took my anxieties about it into account, and sometimes gently pushed me to try new
things.

One particular guy comes to mind: I told him I couldn't come, but that I wanted to
experiment with S&M, so we arranged to buy rope and some painful equipment. During
our conversation, he gently drew me out on my history, and then he said, ""You know
what I think we need to go along with this rope? A vibrator.""

I blinked and said hesitantly, ""I don't know, I've never really liked vibrators."" But I was
willing to try it again, and that's when I learned that vibrators are awesome. That's when I
learned that what I really need is to convince myself I'm not in charge -- that once the
correct fantasy is in place, vibrators make everything easy.

Even today, few things make me happier than a man who grasps the tension I still
sometimes feel about ""being demanding"" or ""asking for too much.” I communicate with

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018507
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016365.txt,"an artistic way if he wants to communicate his research. He obviously wants to
communicate and talk to others. A scientist invents new objects, and the
question is how to describe them. In all of these aspects, science is not very
different from art.

When I asked him how he defined cybernetics, von Foerster answered:

The substance of what we have learned from cybemetics is to think in circles: A
leads B, B to C, but C can return to A. Such kinds of arguments are not linear but
circular. The significant contribution of cybernetics to our thinking is to accept
circular arguments. This means that we have to look at circular processes and
understand under which circumstances an equilibrium, and thus a stable
structure, emerges.

Today, where AI algorithms are applied in daily tasks, one can ask how the
human factor is included in these kinds of processes and what role creativity and art
could play in relation to them. There are thus different levels to think about when
exploring the relation between AI and art.

So, what do contemporary artists have to say about artificial intelligence?

Artificial Stupidity

Hito Steyerl, an artist who works with documentary and experimental film, considers two
key aspects that we should keep in mind when reflecting on the implications of AI for
society. First, the expectations for so-called artificial intelligence, she says, are often
overrated, and the noun “intelligence” is misleading; to counter that, she uses the term
“artificial stupidity.” Second, she points out that programmers are now making invisible
software algorithms visible through images, but to understand and interpret these images
better, we should apply the expertise of artists.

Steyerl has worked with computer technology for many years, and her recent
artworks have explored surveillance techniques, robots, and such computer games as in
How Not to Be Seen (2013), on digital-image technologies, or HellYeahWeFuckDie
(2017), about the training of robots in the still-difficult task of keeping balance. But to
explain her notion of artificial stupidity, Steyerl refers to a more general phenomenon,
like the now widespread use of Twitter bots, noting in our conversation:

It was and still is a very popular tool in elections to deploy Twitter armies to
sway public opinion and deflect popular hashtags and so on. This is an artificial
intelligence of a very, very low grade. It’s two or maybe three lines of script.
It’s nothing very sophisticated at all. Yet the social implications of this kind of
artificial stupidity, as I call it, are already monumental in global politics.

As has been widely noted, this kind of technology was seen in the many
automated Twitter posts before the 2016 U.S. presidential election and also shortly before
the Brexit vote. If even low-grade AI technology like these bots are already influencing
our politics, this raises another urgent question: “How powerful will far more advanced
techniques be in the future?”

145

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016365
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022437.txt,"the neighborhood, will have 6,000 square feet of amenity space that ranges from music
rehearsal and art rooms to a gym and children’s play area. Apartments go on sale this
fall, with pricing in the $1.3 million to over-$12 million ballpark.

“The site was highly undervalued because it was so far
east, and there were no good transportation links, and
people just weren’t interested or willing to go there.
But we saw opportunity,” says Barbara van Beuren,
Anbau’s managing director. “I think the absolute prices
are manageable. This is not a building full of $10
million apartments.” Still, it points to a future far more
expensive than the current data shows.

Just one block from 113-year-old Jewish bakery
Glaser’s, which churns out delicious black-and-white

cookies, Citizen360’s shimmery facade will rise 410 feet
above street level. But trumping them all will be DDG’s
under-construction goliath on 180 E. 88th St. At 521
feet, it will be the tallest structure on the Upper East
Side north of 72nd Street. Its 48 apartments with 16-
foot ceilings and custom lobby artwork launch sales this
fall, with two-beds starting from $3.4 million, three-
beds from $4.5 million and four-beds from $7 million.

The latest rendering for skyscraping
Citizen360. It’s not all about living among the clouds, though.

Pe See Nal ei Michael D’Alessio, president of Michael Paul
Enterprises, oversaw the overhaul of two smallish
rental buildings east of Third Avenue into boutique luxury projects. “They were prime
locations for condominiums catering to families,” says D’Alessio of the projects, 225 E.
81st St. (a.k.a The Justin) and 554 E. 82nd St., which have nine apartments between
them. “They are three or four bedroom units, with big living and dining areas with
fireplaces, and they all have outdoor space.” Six have been snatched up, with asks
ranging from $2.25 million for a two-bedroom to $5.99 million for a four-bedroom.

A fireplace-sporting unit inside 554 East 82nd St.
Photo: Michael Paul Enterprises

Meanwhile, another rental-to-condo conversion — Carnegie Park — attracted first-
time buyer Elizabeth Dean, who realized Yorkville offered more bang for her buck after
house-hunting in lower Manhattan.

“Originally, I wasn’t going to go north of 86th Street. I didn’t know what was above
there,” says Dean, 29, who works in finance, paid $1,184 per square foot for her one-

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022437
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013654.txt,"was the case in the abstract manifold picture of bifurcations to limit cycles, some
rats tended to circle their chamber to the left and some to the right and switching
between them was often seen.

The influence of amphetamine and other brain dopamine neurotransmitter-
mediated drug manipulations on directional turning tendencies in rats, mice and
cats were the focus of brain and behavioral research of Professor Stanley Glick of
the University of Massachusetts. The asymmetry of dopamine concentrations in the
two sides of the brain, particularly in the medial prefrontal cortex and the brain
stem’s nucleus accumbens, predicted both the paw preference for pellet reaching
and direction of turning in several studies in rats. These findings were statistically
true over a population of rats, but not necessarily predictive for any single one.
Reminiscent of the conflict between good and evil in our human spiritual analogy,
naturally right turning male rats and left turning female rats, when compared with
the opposite paired group, were greater voluntary ingesters of alcohol placed in
their water bottles.

Splitting as a part of the phenomenology of /imit cycle bifurcations, with
directional implications for good and evil, has neurological support in humans as
well. In the context of contrasting right versus left hemispheric temporal lobe
syndromes, recall that temporal lobe seizures with a right side excitatory focus
leads to the development of the Geshwind Syndrome, a high, softly energetic and
saintly state of spiritual preoccupation and voluminous writings, loving and generous
kindness toward all and the complete disappearance of sexual interest but not
sexual potency. A left temporal lobe excitatory focus leads to the development of
the Kluver-Bucy Syndrome of indiscriminate aggressiveness and hypersexuality.
Experimental simulations of this syndrome in cats lead to them mounting and
attacking living and nonliving things, even chairs. A variety of manipulations of the
symmetry of brain dopamine concentration and dynamics by its characteristic drug,
amphetamine, interact with lateral brain lesions such that we conclude that the
stimulant-induced limit cycle lockup remains a phenomena influenced by drugs, sex,

genetic predisposition and several other experimental conditions. This situation is

154

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013654
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019619.txt,"The Great Divide | 131

acted to “trap” him in Moscow by revoking his passport while he
was already on a plane to Moscow on the afternoon of June 23.
None of these journalists asked Snowden what the basis for his oft-
repeated allegation was. If they had, they would have discovered that
he had no independent basis for his assertion. When asked about it
during the Q&A following his July 12 press conference in Moscow,
he indeed said that the only knowledge he had about the suspen-
sion of his passport was what he had “read” in the news reports. But
all the news stories prior to his statement reported that his pass-
port had been revoked on June 22, while he was still in Hong Kong.
ABC News, for example, reported that the U.S. “Consul General—
Hong Kong confirmed Hong Kong authorities were notified that Mr.
Snowden’s passport was revoked June 22.” By advancing that date
to when his plane was in “midair” on June 23, Snowden provided to
unsuspecting journalists an untrue alibi for his presence in Russia.

The credibility problem with Snowden assumed a more sinister
dimension once he put himself and his fate in the hands of the Rus-
sian authorities in Moscow. Even though the Obama administration

© decided against revealing the extent of the Russian intelligence ser- ©
vice’s participation in Snowden’s move from Hong Kong to Mos-
cow, or what intelligence services call an “exfiltration,” I was told
by a presidential national security staff adviser that the government
acted to protect the intelligence sources used by the CIA, the NSA,
and the FBI to track Snowden’s movements in the latter part of June
in Hong Kong. The CIA’s deputy director, Morell, would go no fur-
ther than to state that during that period he had no doubt that the
intelligence services of Russia and China “had an enormous interest
in him and the information he [Snowden] had stolen.” Presumably,
the last thing these adversary services would want would be to make
this “interest” transparent to the United States.

The role of concealment must be taken into account when assess-
ing information bearing on the work of espionage services. When
I was interviewing James Jesus Angleton—the CIA’s legendary ex-
counterintelligence chief, active in the 1970s—for a book on decep-
tion, I learned that intelligence services play by a different set of
rules from historians when it comes to their espionage successes.

| | Epst_9780451494566_2p_all_r1.z.indd 131 ® 9/29/16 5:51 Pa | |

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019619
"
IMAGES-012-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032605.txt,"From:

Sent: 9/11/2017 6:33:39 PM
To: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com]
Subject: Interview with Futurism

Importance: — High

Jeffrey, https://futurism.com/ editor (fast-growing media about science with over 25M unique readers)
would like to have an interview with you. Same topic: Trump's cuts on science and your philanthropy.

would you be open to talk to them?

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032605
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014572.txt,"Exhibit 31: US Cyclical Spending
There is scope for business and consumer spending to
increase in the US economy.

% of Potential GDP Recession

32 4

US Cyclical Spending = — — — = Average

30

28

26 +

24

22

20

18 = =
1965 1970 1975 1980 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2015

Data through 03 2016.

Note: 4-quarter average. Cyclical spending is business fixed investment plus consumer
durables spending.

Source: Investment Strategy Group, Datastream.

Exhibit 32: US Inflation
Normalizing energy prices account for much of the inflation
increase we expect.

% YoY

45 Ms Energy Contribution to Headline Inflation forcast
“e. ----- Headline Inflation
r ‘ Core Inflation*
3 ’ ‘
1 A
| \ 2.4
\t \ a
2 . oS as o~
Z - q* ‘

‘ ‘
‘ ’
‘ ¢
I a ead as nid :
ms | 11111 1
A

2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017

Data as of 03 2016.

Note: ISG forecasts from 04 2016. For informational purposes only. There can be no assurance
the forecasts will be achieved.

Source: Investment Strategy Group, Datastream.

* Core inflation excludes food and energy.

three culprits: economic imbalances, excessive
Federal Reserve tightening and/or exogenous
shocks (most commonly in the form of spiraling
oil prices).

As we survey these risks today, none are
particularly alarming. The depth of the financial
crisis and the lackluster pace of the recovery have
allowed the US to avoid the imbalances that would
typically be evident this far into an expansion (see
Section I of this year’s Outlook). If anything, there
is scope for spending in cyclical parts of the US
economy relative to overall GDP to move toward
its long-term average (see Exhibit 31).

There is also less risk of disruptive Federal
Reserve tightening, given how few signs we see
of economic overheating. Headline inflation
remains below the Federal Reserve’s 2.0% target,
and though we expect it to move higher this year,
normalizing energy prices are a key driver (see
Exhibit 32). Further, while the November 2016
unemployment rate of 4.6% suggests the economy
is near full employment, broader measures of labor
slack, as well as today’s depressed labor force
participation rate, argue that the central bank is
not “behind the curve” (see Exhibit 33). Lastly,
our expectation for continued modest gains for the
US dollar and a rebound in productivity growth
from generational lows (see Exhibit 34) provides a
natural offset to inflation pressures, even as wages
continue to rise.

Exhibit 33: US Unemployment Indicators
There are still signs of slack in the labor market.

% %

14 Overall Employment Population Ratio (Right, Inverted) r 55
== Unemployment Rate

? 4 Natural Rate of Unemployment*

+ 57

1985 1988 1991 1994 1997 2000 2003 2006 2009 2012 2015

Data through November 2016.
Source: Investment Strategy Group, Federal Reserve Economic Data, Datastream.
* Long-term rate.

Of equal importance, the Federal Reserve is
acutely aware of the risks that tighter monetary
policy poses to the business cycle, which is
apparent in both its willingness to step back
from planned rate hikes last year as well as
Chair Yellen’s acknowledgment that an “abrupt
tightening would risk disrupting financial markets
and perhaps even inadvertently push the economy
into recession.”!*! With neutral real interest rates

Outlook | Investment Strategy Group 39

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014572
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023360.txt,"Subject: RE:

To: ""jeffrey E."" <jeevacation@gmail.com>
Hi Jeffrey,

As you will recall, we used this same exchange agent last year on the Calder 1031. At the time, we discussed
the merits of using a gallery versus a commercial exchange agent and my recommendation to Leon was to use a
gallery. I felt that there were advantages to using a commercial exchange agent instead of a gallery on the 1031
side (e.g., less likelihood of a breach of confidentiality, IRS familiarity with CDEC in the event of an audit,
security of funds), but that a commercial exchange agent gave us less comfort on the sales tax side. Leon did
not want to use a gallery because he was concerned about confidentiality and he did not want to have to ask a
gallery that he did not do much business with to act as exchange agent.

When Leon first discussed the exchange for the Cezannes with me a few weeks ago, I asked him if he wanted
to use the same exchange agent as last year, or if he wanted to use a gallery. I said that a gallery carried little to
no risk on the sales tax side, but I reminded him that he had not wanted to use a gallery last year for the Calder
because of confidentiality reasons. He said to use the same exchange agent as before, which made sense to me
because he was extremely concerned about confidentiality with the purchase of the Cezannes.

I will find out about sales tax audits and will let you know. The exchange agent has had a New York resale
certificate since 2014 and has been engaged in art transactions like this since then, but I do not believe they
have been audited. I will check, though, and I will also ask the Herrick lawyer if any of his clients who have
done similar deals have been audited.

Best,

Heather

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023360
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025032.txt,"willingness to chip away, one airport prayer room, one frivolous intimidating lawsuit, one Congressman or
CIA officer, one mosque, one ruling at a time.

Particularly in the US, given our deep attachment to freedom as well as cultural and psychological
tendencies toward diversity, Western guilt and expectations of truthfulness, this effort is devious and
difficult to uproot. The Civilization Jihadists present one face to the American public which is completely at
odds with their true agenda and how they deal in private. Jamie, you and David and others such as Steve
Emerson, Frank Gaffney, Andy McCarthy and others have done s 0 much to uncover this level of Jihad that
your readers should be urged to review as much of their work (including Steve’s recent excellent
documentary, The Grand Deception, and Frank’s important web video course, The Muslim Brotherhood in
America) as possible.

Finally, there is a third level — the International Institutional Jihad. Here the most powerful international
institutions such as the UN and the Organization of Islamic Cooperation and others seek to push into
America from without those changes which are difficult to complete from within. The OIC is the largest
Islamic institution in the world. It essentially controls the vote in the UN’s General Assembly and thus
explains in part the absurd and abject pro-Islamic, anti-Israel thrust of that organizat ion. This level seeks to
use the power of Islamic nations to work fro m outside the West to force changes within the West. While
there are various conflicts between many of the nations, being Islamic majority states, there is a great deal
they agree upon which becomes the focus of these efforts. Just as the Obama administration is beginning to
cooperate with international efforts to control gun ownership, so has Hillary Clinton’s Istanbul Process
become a dangerous step in the effort to restrict speech critical of Islam by norm (or possibly even treaty)
when it may not be fully executable by domestic action alone.

I should point out that Stephen Coughlin, the former Pentagon officer who has an important must-see
presentation of Islamic Law, uses different names for these same three levels — Jihad, Dawa, and Ummah.
Had I seen his work before I wrote my book I would have conformed to his categorizations.

We must learn how powerful language has become on all three levels. Words such as “peace,@ $B!I
“freedom,” ”terrorism,” and phrases such as “human rights” have different meanings for us and for our
Islamic Enemy. To oversimplify, “peace” is not something for now but that which comes when all the earth
is submitting to Islam. In the context of battles, “peace” is at best a temporary ceasefire. “Freedom” is best
understood as having the freedom to fully submit to Islam, not to choose whatever beliefs one desires while
respecting the same right in others. We’ve all seen how ”human rights” and “terror” really only apply
among Muslims, not to non-Muslims. Our enemy fully understands these differences and uses them at all
levels to paralyze us.

Look simply at how the phrase “Israeli-Palestinian conflict” has equalized the two parties, making it all the
easier to ascribe features of one to the other and view the problem as a simple-to fix division of ass ets into
statehoods but for personality problems among the leaders. The simple truth is that this is and has always
been a one-sided Arab war against Israel as Ruth Wisse and others have described and, as Bibi Netanyahu
made clear, the ONLY state truly at issue here has been the State of Israel that the Arabs have refused for
over half a century. Nonetheless, the Control Factor hypnotically abuses the mind’s susceptibility to the
intricacies of language.

Even the label “Peace Process” has been damaging language. While most focus upon the first word, turning
this into a “process” has helped ensure that peace is never obtained. It is more appropriately called the
“Extortion Process” because all that results is that violence is used over decades to extract concessions from
Israel.

These three levels must be understood for their differences while united by a single goal. While these levels
often op erate together and assist each other, we must avoid “level confusion” which the Control Factor
employs to curtail our fears. If the Obama narrative is swallowed- that the only threat is the Violent Jihad-
we will miss the other contamination fomenting within our borders. We must appreciate how these levels
work together and even unite with other forces such as the global Leftist movement that you, Jamie, have
described so forcefully in United in Hate.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025032
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022272.txt,"From: 
Sent: 
To: 
Subject: 
Attachments: 
Jeffrey Epstein [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
3/14/2014 3:39:28 AM 
Vinit Sahni 
Re: Oil options 
graycol.gif 
Importance: High 
thanks 4 hours for a quote in a normally fast moving market ? 
confirms my voiced concerns 
On Thu, Mar 13, 2014 at 10:24 PM, Vinit Sahni wrote: 
Classification: External Communication 
I am on a plane to and from tokyo tomorrow next 2-3 days, if u need something otherwise available 24/7 on 
Vinit Sahni 
-----Original Message----- 
From: Vinit Sahni 
Sent: 03/13/2014 09:47 PM EDT 
To: jeevacation@gmail.com  
Cc: Paul Morris 
Subject: Fw: Oil options 
Classification: External Communication 
Jeffrey - apologise if this long to execute next time we'll be much quicker. 
Nay Gupta 
Original Message----- 
From: Nay Gupta 
Sent: 03/12/2014 09:35 PM GDT 
To: njeevacation@gmail.com"" <jeevacation@gmail.com> 
Cc: Tazia Smith; Paul Morris/db 
Subject: Oil options 
Jeffrey 
; Vinit Sahni/db 
Just got off the phone with Vinit. 
DB stopped marketmaking OTC oil options - for short dated I'd go for exch traded - better liquidity and lower 
transaction costs in and out. 
My central scenario - Kerry Lavrov meeting Friday will be a bust and the Crimea referendum this weekend 
will result in ""yes"" given the 59pct ethic Russian makeup. Sunday/ Monday sanction rhetoric from ranging 
from g8 expulsion to Iran-style bank embargo is raised a notch. Russia follows with more threats of counter-
sanctions. My sense is the Obama 5m of 696m SPR release is to show Merkel and co he will step in. He needs 
to because there are 8 small European and Baltic countries that rec 70%+ of their gas from Russia. Germany 
gets 30%. 
Cross asset correlations outside of the US are increasing past few days - eg copper and the Turkish lira hourly 
charts are on top of each other past 4 days. I'm worried there is a 30-40pct(?) chance of a hard risk off move in 
markets in first half of next week - more focused on European equities, copper, EM FX (Turkey, ZAR, Ruble 
etc) than SPX. In that scenario oil is way up. 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 022272 
Exchange WTI calls - there are 2 options (as of 3pm est): 
5day expiry 17march 2014 underlying clj4 97.92 
and 
35d expiry 16apri12014 underlying clk4 97.59 
** The 5 day options are a bit short - one possibility is sell a 3usd out of the money put (95.5 strike) for 
20cents and buy a 2usd OTM 100 call for 25. Net pay Scents. But 5d is a bit short for me. 
**For 35d expiry You could look at selling 91.50 (6usd OTM put) for 56cents and buying 103c (5.5usd OTM) 
for 58cents or the 102c (4.5usd OTM) for 76cents. 
CL1 <comdty> OMON on Bloomberg has live strikes and bid/ask. 
If 5d is too short and 35d is too long / not enough gamma, Tazia may be able to source liquidity from the 
street. Am Cc'ing her for any live pricing or additional comment 
Best 
Nay 
h 
This e-mail may contain confidential and/or privileged information. If you are not the intended recipient (or 
have received this e-mail in error) please notify the sender immediately and delete this e-mail. Any 
unauthorized copying, disclosure or distribution of the material in this e-mail is strictly forbidden. 
Please refer to http://www.db.com/en/content/eu disclosures.htm for additional EU corporate and regulatory 
disclosures and to http://www.db.com/unitedkingdom/content/privacy.htm for information about privacy. 
--
*********************************************************** 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
Jeffrey Epstein 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 022273 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 022274 
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014566.txt,"Exhibit 28: Total Foreign Currency Holdings of
China’s Official Sector

If the recent pace of decline continues, China's reserves
could soon fall below the IMF's adequacy threshold.

US$ billions
5,000 Mumm P30C FX reserves

Gums Other official FX holdings
== Scenario 1 (avg. pace since Aug-2015)

Scenario 2 {avg. pace in 2016)

4,500 -

4,000

3,500 |

3,000 |
2,500 -|

2,000

1,500 -|

1,000

500 |

Jan-15

o

Jul-15 Jan-16 Jul-16 Jan-17 Jul-l7

Data through November 2016.
Source: Investment Strategy Group, CEIC, Bloomberg, IMF.

time is different” is extremely dangerous for the
investment well-being of our clients’ portfolios.
China, in fact, faces greater risk of a financial
crisis because of growing capital outflows. An
astounding $1.3 trillion of capital has flowed out
of China since August 2015, when it broadened the
trading range for its currency against the US dollar.
The outflows averaged $64 billion per month in

According to the Center for Strategic and International Studies, China has installed
anti-aircraft guns and other weapons systems on seven man-made islands in the
South China Sea, including the Johnson Reef, shown above.
Map data: Google, DigitalGlobe

2016. At that pace, China’s total official foreign
currency holdings could drop below the IMF’s
reserve threshold of $2.8 trillion by mid-2017, as
shown in Exhibit 28.

Of course, China’s leadership has not stood on
the sidelines. Since September 2015, the People’s
Bank of China and the State Administration of
Foreign Exchange have introduced a series of
measures to limit capital outflows. These measures
have included orders to financial institutions
to carefully check and strengthen controls on
all foreign exchange transactions”! and strict
oversight of Chinese companies’ outward
investment in overseas property, hotels, cinemas
and the entertainment and sports industries.”
According to reports, leadership has also ordered
increased oversight of trade activities to make
sure companies are not over-invoicing the value
of their imports or under-invoicing the value of
their exports as a means of circumventing capital
controls.”? Exports and imports are 20% and
15%, respectively, of China’s GDP. It is virtually
impossible for China to halt capital flows in such
a porous economy without slowing GDP growth
rates. Thus, China will not be able to completely
stem outflows despite all its measures to slow the
pace as much as possible.

Irrespective of the success of such capital
controls, China’s growing debt problem poses
significant risks to China’s growth
trajectory. We estimate that the risk
of a hard landing is only about 25%
in 2017 but will increase rapidly to
about 50% in 2018 and be closer to
75% in 2019. Therefore, while China
is not a near-term risk, there is a high
probability of an intermediate-term crisis
that will reverberate through financial
markets. We also know that we cannot
anticipate the exact timing of such crises,
especially given the uncertainty of how
US-China relations will unfold under a
Trump administration.

US-China Relations Deteriorate Under
the Trump Administration

There is no doubt that US strategy
toward China will shift; the only
question is when and how. There are
two channels by which the Trump
administration could affect US-China
relations: trade and foreign policy.

Outlook | Investment Strategy Group 33

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014566
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027278.txt,"Source Entry: H\Macintosh HD\root\Users\jee\Library\Messages\Archive\2018-06-16\Ter]

on 2018-06-09 at 17.38.08.ichat

Service: iMessag

Start Time: 06/09/18 02:38:08 PM (550273088)
End Time: 06/16/18 06:50:37 AM (550849837)
Last Message ID: 16385

Chat Room:

Participants: jee, Terje

Presentity IDs: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com, Ps

Messages -

Time: 06/09/18 02:38:08 PM (550273088)
Flags: 1060865
Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: A3160962-2EF9-4F40-9F45-6ACCFAA93122

Message: Tried

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 06/10/18 04:03:50 AM (550321430)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: C€3067957-B173-4BA8-8FFC-OE3FE

r

(EA3BFO

Message: Awake?

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 06/10/18 05:47:29 AM (550327649)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 68B8

r,

IEF5-871D-49F7-8F48-E3B9BB045169

Message: Kurtz important. As he will host trump and Putin

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 06/10/18 08:44:07 AM (550338247)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 87612D27-F80A-43A1-AB40-90F24C2FB20D

Message: Tried

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027278
"
IMAGES-012-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032611.txt,"From:

Sent: 9/12/2017 10:25:56 PM
To: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com]
Subject: Re:

Importance: — High

hi habebey .. im in new york .. the sooner we meet the faster i go back to be with my son on his first week in a
new school ..

if you bussy dont worry 1 can wait until thursday ..

thnx again

Sent from my iPhone

On Sep 9, 2017, at 7:43 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:

see you then :)

On Sat, Sep 9, 2017 at 6:42 PM, {jin wrote:

thursday at 6 pm? is that ok?
Sent from my iPhone

On Sep 9, 2017, at 7:40 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:

when is good for you? late thurs? fri lunch whatever you prefer.

On Sat, Sep 9, 2017 at 6:35 PM, {iE wrote:

very well .. plz when you have a minute send me the date and the time .. i know the house by now’

Sent from my iPhone

On Sep 9, 2017, at 7:31 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:

of course
On Sat, Sep 9, 2017 at 6:30 PM, PO wrote:

are We meeting in new york?
Sent from my iPhone
On Sep 9, 2017, at 7:16 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:

is this some sort of perverted question :) 12 american. of course

On Sat, Sep 9, 2017 at 5:40 PM, x wrote:

what is your shoes size if you dont mind me asking?
Sent from my iPhone

On Sep 9, 2017, at 4:30 AM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_03261 1
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015678.txt,"HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015678
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023374.txt,"In re: TERRORIST ATTACKS ON SEPTEMBER 11, 2001., 2012 WL 257568 (2012)

On January 18, 2005, Judge Casey issued his decision in Terrorist Attacks I, dismissing claims against, inter alia, the
Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and several Saudi Princes on sovereign immunity and personal jurisdiction grounds. Judge Casey
held that the FSIA protected the Princes from claims arising from actions undertaken in their official capacities. SPA25. The
decision also dismissed claims against Al Rajhi Bank in the Burnett action for failure to state a claim, a ruling that was then
extended to the remaining MDL cases by Order dated May 5, 2005. SPA57, 2548-51.

On September 21, 2005, Judge Casey issued a second opinion, Terrorist Attacks IT, dismissing claims in certain of the MDL
cases against two additional Saudi Princes, again on FSIA and personal jurisdiction grounds, as well as claims against the
Saudi High Commission for Relief of *13 Bosnia & Herzegovina (SHC), a purported charity operating as an alter-ego of the
Saudi government, also under the FSIA. SPA76-77, 81, 98.

On December 16, 2005, the district court certified as final pursuant to Rule 54(b) its orders of January 18, 2005, May 5, 2005,
and September 21, 2005 with respect to the Kingdom, Princes, SHC, and several other defendants, but not as to Al Rajhi
Bank. Docket # 1554.

Plaintiffs filed appeals as to the dismissals of the Kingdom, five Princes and SHC, and a panel of this Court issued a decision
concerning those appeals on August 14, 2008. Terrorist Attacks HT, 538 F.3d 71. Affirming the dismissals of the Kingdom
and SHC, the Panel held that tort claims against foreign states for injuries resulting from a terrorist attack on U.S. soil may
not be brought under the FSIA’s non-commercial torts exception, 28 U.S.C. §1605(a)(5), but must instead be brought
exclusively under the FSIA’s so-called State Sponsor of Terrorism exception, 28 U.S.C. §1605A. Jd. at 80-86. Because Saudi
Arabia is not a designated State Sponsor of Terrorism, the Panel deemed the Kingdom and SHC immune from the September
11th plaintiffs’ tort claims. Jd. In also affirming dismissals of four of the Princes for conduct undertaken in their official
capacities, the Panel ruled that individual foreign officials are entitled to *14 the protections of the FSIA. /d. at 90-92.
Finally, the Panel affirmed the dismissals of all five Princes for claims arising from their personal, nongovernmental
activities, holding that the exercise of personal jurisdiction over them for the claims as pled would not comport with due
process. Id. at 93-95.

Plaintiffs thereafter sought review by the U.S. Supreme Court of each of these three principal holdings. In response to a
request from the Supreme Court, the United States filed an amicus brief on May 29, 2009, expressing its views that this
Court’s reasoning was flawed with respect to each of the holdings. Br. for the United States, Federal Ins. Co. v. Kingdom of
Saudi Arabia, 2009 WL 1539068 (2009). With regard to the decision’s due process analysis, the United States stated “[i]t is
unclear precisely what legal standard the court of appeals applied in affirming the district court’s holding that it lacked
personal jurisdiction over the Princes for their personal actions .... To the extent the court of appeals’ language suggests that a
defendant must specifically intend to cause injury to residents in the forum before a court there may exercise jurisdiction over
him, that is incorrect. It is sufficient that the defendant took ‘intentional * * * tortious, actions’ and ‘knew that the brunt of
th[e] injury would be felt’ in the *15 foreign forum.” Jd. at *19, (quoting Calder v. Jones, 465 U.S. 783, 789-790 (1984)).
Even so, the United States argued that the questions presented by the Petition did not warrant review by the Court. Jd. at *22.
The Supreme Court denied the petition for review. Federal Ins. Co. v. Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, 129 8S. Ct. 2859 (2009).

A few months later, the Supreme Court accepted review of another case raising the applicability of the FSIA to claims
against individual foreign officials and unanimously held that the FSIA does not apply to individual officials of foreign
states. Samantar v. Yousuf, et al., 130 S. Ct. 2278 (2010). This Court subsequently acknowledged that Samantar “abrogated
[Terrorist Attacks IT insofar as it held FSIA applied to individual officials.” Carpenter v. Republic of Chile, 610 F.3d 776
(2d Cir. 2010).

Throughout the course of the prior appeals to this Court and related proceedings before the Supreme Court, approximately 90
initial Rule 12 motions remained pending before the district court. Following Terrorist Attacks IIT, the district court directed
the parties to submit supplemental briefs concerning the import of that decision to the remaining motions to *16 dismiss, as
well as lists identifying those defendants’ motions as to which the holdings in Terrorist Attacks II were dispositive.

In their submissions, plaintiffs conceded that Terrorist Attacks III was dispositive as to the immunity defenses asserted by the
Saudi Red Crescent Society (SRC) and Saudi Joint Relief Committee for Kosovo and Chechnya (SJRC), two purported

charity alter-egos of the Kingdom. As Terrorist Attacks II purported to resolve the entitlement of only senior foreign
officials to FSIA immunity, plaintiffs asserted that the import of that holding as to the immunity defenses asserted by several

WESTLAW

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023374
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017269.txt,"4.2.12
WC: 191694

OJ Simpson and Claus Von Bulow

My two most famous—infamous?—cases involved homicide: the OJ Simpson double murder
prosecution; and the Claus Von Bulow assault with intent to kill (or attempted murder)
prosecution. I have written books about both the Von Bulow and Simpson case, detailing how
science was used to challenge the prosecution’s case.® I will not repeat what I wrote in those
books, except to highlight how important it is for lawyers, especially those involved in complex
homicide cases, to master the science, to be able to question the other side’s scientific
conclusions, and to accept nothing on face value.

I agreed to join the OJ Simpson defense team, despite my earlier public statements that the
evidence pointed to him as the killer. Among the reasons I took the case was that Simpson was
facing the death penalty, and I have a policy of generally accepting capital cases.

Eventually the District Attorney decided not to seek the death penalty. This was surprising,
because if Simpson did, in fact, murder his wife and the man she was with, the death penalty
would seem appropriate under the usual criteria for imposing it. The killings seemed to be in cold
blood, especially brutal and there were two victims. The fact that the District Attorney opted
against it, demonstrated, once again, the entirely arbitrary nature of decision-making as it relates
to who is and who is not subjected to capital punishment.

In any event, having agreed to join the team, I couldn’t abandon my client even though the death
penalty was now off the table. Simpson still faced two sentences of life imprisonment without the
possibility of parole—for some a fate worse than death.

My special role in the case would be to prepare and argue complex legal motions and to help
formulate the scientific, or forensic, defense. I would also argue the appeal in the event of a
conviction. I recommended that Barry Scheck and Peter Neufeld, who were experts in the
relatively new science of DNA, be added to the team.

After extensive investigation, we were able to demonstrate, by means of sophisticated scientific
evidence, that the police had planted O.J. Simpson’s blood, along with the blood of his alleged
victims, on a sock found in Simpson’s bedroom after the crime. The blood on the sock had high
levels of a chemical that are not found in human blood, but that are added to vials of blood to
prevent it from coagulating. The bloodstains on the sock also proved that the blood had been
dripped on it while it was lying flat, rather than splattered on it while it was being worn. There

® Reversal of Fortune and Reasonable Doubts.

°° Sometimes the prosecutor seeks the death penalty simply to gain a tactical advantage at the guilt or innocence
phase of the trial. This advantage derives from the fact that in death penalty cases, the prosecutor is entitled to a
“death qualified” jury consisting of 12 people who have no conscientious objection to capital punishment and
would be willing to sentence someone to death. Such jurors, according to jury experts, tend to be pro-prosecution
in general and more likely to vote guilty at the trial. Prosecutors know this and ask for the death penalty even in
cases not warranting it, simply to improve the chances of securing a conviction. Once they get their pro-
prosecution jury, they sometimes decline to seek the death penalty. Early in my career, I was retained by F. Lee
Bailey to prepare a petition for certiorari to the Supreme Court challenging this practice in the case of Miller v.
California. The Supreme Court granted my petition for review, but then after oral argument by Bailey, the justices
denied the review over a strong dissent.

182

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017269
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025026.txt,"30

something that isn’t there, they say, ahhh.” And that was before
YouTube, Google, and WikiLeaks.

Indeed, an exclusive Newsweek—Daily Beast poll of 1,000 Egyptians
reveals that, with the 10th anniversary of 9/11 approaching, a
majority (53 percent) don’t believe that al Qaeda was responsible for
the Twin Tower attacks, instead affixing blame to Israel, the U.S.
government or an unknown entity. This kind of dangerous
misinformation carries into even the most recent current events. In
the same survey, 62 percent either don’t believe the U.S. killed
Osama bin Laden, or they aren’t sure.

Even among the friendliest audience that could be assembled—a
class at an American-run English-language school—skepticism
reigns, and a random YouTube video carries as much weight as a
New York Times front-page story.

“We haven’t seen any proof that he’s actually dead—or even
existed,” says 17-year-old Manal Maatiri.

“We need to see it to trust it,” Houda Biyad, a 28-year-old medical
assistant, chimes in.

“We need evidence,” adds 17-year-old Buhary El-Quasamy. When I
point out that both Obama and al Qaeda agree on the basic facts that
the U.S. killed bin Laden, she shrugs. “Well, I can say anything I
want, too.”

Such are the responses when the region’s leaders—and the press they
controlled—have systematically lied to their citizens for 30 years,
ingraining a distrust in what leaders or the media says that borders on
absolute.

But perhaps there’s also a dividend from such cynicism. Every survey
shows widespread Arab antipathy for American policy—the
Newsweek—Daily Beast poll found that only 11 percent of Egyptians
think America cares about their interests. But when you pull back the
layers, cutting through the decades of institutional demagoguery, the

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025026
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013898.txt,"Option Three: Create a Product

Creation is a better means of self-expression than possession; it is through creating, not
possessing, that life is revealed.

— VIDA D. SCUDDER, The Life of the Spirit in the Modern English Poets

CC eating a product is not complicated. “Create” sounds more involved than it actually is. If the idea is

a hard product—an invention—it is possible to hire mechanical engineers or industrial designers on
www.elance.com to develop a prototype based on your description of its function and appearance, which
is then taken to a contract manufacturer. If you find a generic or stock product made by a contract
manufacturer that can be re-purposed or positioned for a special market, it’s even easier: Have them
manufacture it, stick a custom label on it for you, and presto—new product. This latter example is often
referred to as “private labeling.” Have you ever seen a massage therapist’s office with its own line of
vitamin products or the Kirkland brand at Costco? Private labeling in action.

It is true that we'll be testing market response without manufacturing, but if the test is successful,
manufacturing is the next step. This means we need to keep in mind setup costs, per-unit costs, and order
minimums. Innovative gadgets and devices are great but often require special tooling, which makes the
manufacturing start-up costs too expensive to meet our criteria.

Putting mechanical devices aside and forgetting about welding and engineering, there is one class of
product that meets all of our criteria, has a manufacturing lead time of less than a week in small
quantities, and often permits not just an 8—10 x markup, but a 20-50 x markup.

No, not heroin or slave labor. Too much bribing and human interaction required.
Information.

Information products are low-cost, fast to manufacture, and time-consuming for competitors to
duplicate. Consider that the top-selling non-information infomercial products—whether exercise
equipment or supplements—have a useful life span of two to four months before imitators flood the
market. I studied economics in Beijing for six months and observed firsthand how the latest Nike sneaker
or Callaway golf club could be duplicated and on eBay within a week of first appearing on shelves in the
U.S. This is not an exaggeration, and I am not talking about a look-alike product—I mean an exact
duplicate for 1/20 the cost.

Information, on the other hand, is too time-consuming for most knockoff artists to bother with when
there are easier products to replicate. It’s easier to circumvent a patent than to paraphrase an entire
course to avoid copyright infringement. Three of the most successful television products of all time—all
of which have spent more than 300 weeks on the infomercial top-10 bestseller lists—reflect the
competitive and profit margin advantage of information products.

No Down Payment (Carlton Sheets)
Attacking Anxiety and Depression (Lucinda Bassett)
Personal Power (Tony Robbins)

I know from conversations with the principal owners of one of the above products that more than $65
million worth of information moved through their doors in 2002. Their infrastructure consisted of fewer
than 25 in-house operators, and the rest of the infrastructure, ranging from media purchasing to shipping,
was outsourced.

Their annual revenue-per-employee is more than $2.7 million. Incredible.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013898
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016371.txt,"Alison Gopnik is an international leader in the field of children’s learning and
development and was one of the founders of the field of “theory of mind.” She has
spoken of the child brain as a “powerful learning computer,” perhaps from personal
experience. Her own Philadelphia childhood was an exercise in intellectual
development. “Other families took their kids to see The Sound of Music or Carousel; we
saw Racine ’s Phaedra and Samuel Beckett’s Endgame,” she has recalled. “Our family
read Henry Fielding’s 18th-century novel Joseph Andrews out loud to each other around
the fire on camping trips.”

Lately she has invoked Bayesian models of machine learning to explain the
remarkable ability of preschoolers to draw conclusions about the world around them
without benefit of enormous data sets. “I think babies and children are actually more
conscious than we are as adults,” she has said. “They’re very good at taking in lots of
information from lots of different sources at once.” She has referred to babies and young
children as “the research and development division of the human species.” Not that she
treats them coldly, as if they were mere laboratory animals. They appear to revel in her
company, and in the blinking, thrumming toys in her Berkeley lab. For years after her
own children had outgrown it, she kept a playpen in her office.

Her investigations into just how we learn, and the parallels to the deep-learning
methods of AI, continues. “Tt turns out to be much easier to simulate the reasoning of a
highly trained adult expert than to mimic the ordinary learning of every baby,” she says.
“Computation is still the best—indeed, the only—scientific explanation we have of how a
Physical object like a brain can act intelligently. But, at least for now, we have almost no
idea at all how the sort of creativity we see in children is possible.”

151

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016371
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018513.txt,"force myself to believe it: even if a guy would like me more for faking and holding back
and being so-called ""low-maintenance"" -- I tell myself it's a stereotype, but even if that
stereotype is true of some men -- no man is worth doing that to myself. No man is
worth that trapped, false, sick feeling.

te OK ok

Being a sex and S&M writer sometimes increases my performance anxiety. Occasionally
I'll meet guys who seem to think Iam equipped to give any man the Night Of His Life --
and that this is my goal at all times. Sometimes I feel like I should grab certain guys by
the shoulders and shake them and say, ""I am not your sex-crazy nympho dreamgirl!
I'm a real person and I have real preferences, I do not exist just as your fantasy fodder!""
But if I really like a guy and he's read some of my work, then I feel less irritation than
concern that I won't stack up. It increases the urge to go all Sexy Dreamgirl Shell, rather
than attempting to communicate.

Being a sex-positive feminist, I also sometimes worry that other women will read my
work and it will increase their performance anxiety. I worry that writing about some stuff
I like will be misinterpreted -- that it will lead other women to feel like, gosh, is this
something liberated sex-positive women do? Is this something I ""should"" be doing? With
some things I write, I get afraid that I've contributed to a nightmare world where women
are ""liberated"" only in the sense that we can better perform for men.

I once read a blog post by a radical feminist writer in which she claimed that women
always hate fellatio because it's always degrading and disgusting. She wrote something
along the lines of, ""I say this for the women and girls who believe that they have to do it.”
Part of me felt frustrated by the way she refused to acknowledge that some women really
do like performing fellatio (and many other women don't love it, but don't mind doing it
as long as they have great sex otherwise). In some ways, it felt like that writer was
policing sexuality. But I empathized with her goal: She wanted women who don't like
fellatio to relax; she wanted to help them recognize what they don't like. She wanted to
decrease their performance anxiety.

I'd like to do the same thing, but I generally prefer to speak from personal experience
rather than making claims about others’ experience. Accordingly, I've often thought that it
would be great if more sex-positive feminists would make lists of Things We, Personally,
Don't Like. It's not the easiest project to sell, because one of the big goals of being sex-
positive is to destigmatize sexuality and decrease shame. But if we destigmatize sexuality
without encouraging good boundaries, then we're not moving forward; we're just creating
more bad standards.

So hey, here's an example of a common sexual thing that I don't like: swallowing after
giving oral sex. I love fellatio most of the time, and I like it when partners come in my
mouth, but I really hate swallowing. In the past I've found a variety of creative ways to
deal with this problem, some of which were hot (according to me, anyway) -- but usually
I just spit it out in the closest sink. (The reason J don't like swallowing is that it makes me
physically ill. No, I am not interested in your armchair theories about why this happens;
evidence so far implies a physical cause, not a psychological one.)

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018513
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022423.txt,"JEFFREY

COLE

ARCHITECTS

258 EAST 3RD STREET
GROUND FLOOR
NEW YORK NY 10009

PHONE;
FAX:

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THIRD FLOOR PLAN

A-103.00

ee

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022423

"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013640.txt,"HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013640
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026014.txt,"On Nov 4, 2016, at 6:07 PM, Zubair Khan < wrote: 
Trump is definitely winning popular vote so far. According to our data winning chances of Trump are 52% in Electoral college. 
On Nov 4, 2016, at 5:46 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
thats in the popular vote , not talking into account the elctoral college? 
On Fri, Nov 4, 2016 at 1:43 PM, Zubair Khan > wrote: 
Hi Jeffrey, 
According to InsightsPod Trump is more popular. We processed 3 million tweets this week. 
I have attached detailed report. 
Regards, 
Zubair 
On Oct 9, 2016, at 4:06 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
jeevacation 
On Sat, Oct 8, 2016 at 11:20 PM, Zubair Khan < wrote: 
What is your Skype ID? 
Thanks. 
On Saturday, 8 October 2016, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
yes 
On Sat, Oct 8, 2016 at 7:07 AM, Zubair Khan > wrote: 
Hi Jeffrey, 
Are you available to talk today? 
Regards, 
Zubair 
On Oct 6, 2016, at 11:24 AM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
skyype good this weekend? 
On Thu, Oct 6, 2016 at 5:42 AM, Zubair Khan < > wrote: 
Hi Jeffrey, 
Just wondered if you have time to discuss the business plan of InsightsPod on Skype or if you 
prefer I can meet you in person after 19th Oct. 
Regards, 
Zubair 
On Sunday, 25 September 2016, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
Skype this week? 
On Sunday, 25 September 2016, Zubair Khan <1> wrote: 
Hi Jeffrey, 
Please fmd attached InsightsPod business plan for your consideration. 
Since Twitter is live streaming the presidential debates, the social media activity will 
accelerate and it will help us in making better predictions of outcome. It was apparent from 
the US Election report, which I sent you previously that we need a Data Scientist who can 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 026014 
translate our data into better insights. Taking this into account I hope you can help us by 
backing this venture. 
Thanks, 
Zubair 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e- mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright - all rights reserved 
Best regards, 
Zubair Khan 
Chief Executive Officer I Tranchulas 
London I San Francisco I Auckland I Lslamabad 
email: I web: www.tranchulas.com 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright - all rights reserved 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 026015 
Best regards, 
Zubair Khan 
Chief Executive Officer I Tranchulas 
London I San Francisco I Auckland Islamabad 
email: web: www.tranchulas.com 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney- client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e- mail to jeevacationg,gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright - all rights reserved 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney- client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e- mail to jeevacation(&,gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright - all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 026016 
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028906.txt,"iron logic, that ""the future of Israel
depends on our strength and our
righteousness.""

""Our strength"" — that is the IDF's might
and its strategic capabilities, the backing
of the superpowers, our economic
strength, and our social solidarity.

""Our righteousness"" — not as an abstract
concept — 1s our capacity to hold
the""moral high ground"" by means of a
calculated effort to behave and be
perceived as acting in good faith — to
obtain peace, even if it delays.

¢ This is also an an essential
condition for achieving internal
solidarity and the world's support for
Israel (or for the support of most of the
world that's important to us).

¢ This is also an essential condition

for achieving internal solidarity and

willingness for sacrifice in a society
where being called for battle or

routinely risking your life is not a
theoretical notion, but rather part of
our life experience that repeats itself

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028906
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022345.txt,"overwhelming choice was Mr Obama, with 26 per cent, and Mr Gates behind on 12.

YouGov polled in Great Britain, France, Germany, Russia, the US, Australia, Pakistan, Indonesia, India, China, Egypt, Nigeria
and Brazil, representing over half of the world’s population and the most populated country on each continent, and spoke to
total of 13,895 people around the world. We used a mix of internet and mobile phone surveys. In most countries we achieved
representative samples but in some we were unable to achieve good representation of rural communities. Our survey asked
two open-ended questions, seeking write-in answers: who do you think is the most famous person in the world, and who do
you personally most admire?

Although we specified that only living people should be considered, many wanted to choose Nelson Mandela anyway, and had
we conducted the survey a month earlier he would have come top. In China there was significant support for Mao Zedong,
Zhou Enlai and Deng Xiaoping, with 14 per cent between them, and had those respondents considered only the living, Xi
Jinping would have scored even more highly.

Who’s Who

- Narendra Modi, an Indian politician, is the prime ministerial candidate of the BUP, the main opposition party.

- Amitabh Bachchan is a Bollywood superstar, who was the “angry young man’ of Hindi cinema.

- Abdul Kalam is an Indian scientist and was president of his country 2002-07.

- Anna Hazare held a series of hunger strikes in India in a successful campaign for anti-corruption laws.

- Arvind Kejriwal is the Chief Minister of Delhi, and worked alongside Hazare.

- Peng Liyuan, a Chinese folk singer, is the wife of President Xi Jingping.

- The philanthropist Abdul Sattar Edhi founded the Edhi Foundation, the largest welfare organisation in Pakistan.

- Joko ‘Jokowi’ Widodo, the governor of Jakarta, is a populist leader who may run in the 2014 Indonesian presidential election.

Stephan Shakespeare is CEO of YouGov.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022345
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010697.txt,"OGE Form 278¢ (March 2014)

Instructions for Part 2
Note: This is a public form. Do not include account numbers, street addresses, or family member names. See instructions for required information.

Filer's Name Page Number

Donald J. Trump Azdof47

Reference # b= ees é eae
100 DTTM Operations Managing Shareholder
Member Corp
Has ownership interest in: Entity Name Ownership Title
TRUMP MARKS INSTANBULII LLC 1.00% Managing Member
342 TRUMP MARKS ISTANBUL I LLC
Owned by: % Ownership Name Role
1 TRUMP MARKS ISTANBUL II CORP. Managing Member
99 DTTM OPERATIONS LLC Member
343 TRUMP MARKS JERSEY CITY CORP *(4)
Owned by: % Ownership Name Role
100 DTTM Operations Managing Shareholder
Member Corp
Has ownership interest in : Entity Name Ownership Title
TRUMP MARKS JERSEY CITYLLC 1.00% Managing Member
344 TRUMP MARKS JERSEY CITY LLC *(4)
Owned by: % Ownership Name Role
1 TRUMP MARKS JERSEY CITY CORP Managing Member
99 DTTM OPERATIONS LLC Member
345 TRUMP MARKS LAS VEGAS CORP *(3)
Owned by: % Ownership Name Role
100 DTTM Operations Managing Shareholder
Member Corp
Has ownership interest in: Entity Name Ownership Title
TRUMP MARKS LAS VEGAS LLC 1.00% Managing Member
346 TRUMP MARKS LAS VEGAS LLC *(3)
Owned by: % Ownership Name Role
1 TRUMP MARKS LAS VEGAS CORP Managing Member
99 DTTM OPERATIONS LLC Member
347 TRUMP MARKS LLC
Owned by: % Ownership Name Role
100 TRUMP MARKS HOLDINGS LP Member
348 TRUMP MARKS MAGAZINE CORP *(3)--DISSOLVED 11/9/16
Owned by: % Ownership Name Role
100 Trump, Donald J. Shareholder
Has ownership interest in : Entity Name Ownership Title
TRUMP MARKS MAGAZINELLC = 1.00% Managing Member
349 TRUMP MARKS MAGAZINE LLC *(3)--DISSOLVED 11/9/16
Owned by: % Ownership Name Role
1 TRUMP MARKS MAGAZINE CORP Managing Member
99 Trump, Donald J. Member
350 TRUMP MARKS MATTRESS LLC
Owned by: % Ownership Name Role
1 TRUMP MARKS MATTRESS MEMBER Managing Member
CORP
99 DTTM OPERATIONS LLC Member
351 TRUMP MARKS MATTRESS MEMBER CORP *(1)
Owned by: % Ownership Name Role
100 DTTM Operations Managing Shareholder
Member Corp
Has ownership interest in : Entity Name Ownership Title
TRUMP MARKS MATTRESS LLC 1,00% Managing Member

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010697
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013126.txt,"210 12 The Engineering and Development of Ethics

We realize this point may be somewhat contentious — a counter-argument would be that
the human brain is known to support at least moderately ethical behavior, according to human
ethical standards, whereas less brain-like AGI systems are much less well understood. However,
the obvious counter-counterpoints are that:

e Humans are not all that consistently ethical, so that creating AGI systems potentially much
more practically powerful than humans, but with closely humanlike ethical, motivational
and goal systems, could in fact be quite dangerous

e The effect on a human-like ethical/motivational/goal system of increasing the intelligence,
or changing the physical embodiment or cognitive capabilities, of the agent containing the
system, is unknown and difficult to predict given all the complexities involved

The course we tentatively recommend, and are following in our own work, is to develop AGI
systems with explicit, hierarchically-dominated goal systems. That is:

e create one or more ""top goals"" (we call them Ubergoals in CogPrime )

e have the system derive subgoals from these, using its own intelligence, potentially guided
by educational interaction or explicit programming

e have a significant percentage of the system’s activity governed by the explicit pursuit of
these goals

Note that the ""significant percentage"" need not be 100%; CogPrime, for example, combines
explicitly goal-directed activity with other ""spontaneous"" activity. Requiring that all activity
be explicitly goal-directed may be too strict a requirement to place on AGI architectures.

The next step, of course, is for the top-level goals to be chosen in accordance with the
principle of human-Friendliness. The next one of our eight points, about the Global Brain,
addresses one way of doing this. In our near-term work with CogPrime, we are using simplistic
approaches, with a view toward early-stage system testing.

12.4 Ethical Synergy

An explicit goal system provides an explicit way to ensure that ethical principles (as represented
in system goals) play a significant role in guiding an AGI system’s behavior. However, in an
integrative design like CogPrime the goal system is only a small part of the overall story,
and it’s important to also understand how ethics relates to the other aspects of the cognitive
architecture.

One of the more novel ideas presented in this chapter is that different types of ethical intuition
may be associated with different types of memory — and to possess mature ethics, a mind
must display ethical synergy between the ethical processes associated with its memory types.
Specifically, we suggest that:

e Episodic memory corresponds to the process of ethically assessing a situation based on
similar prior situations

e Sensorimotor memory corresponds to “mirror neuron” type ethics, where you feel another
person’s feelings via mirroring their physiological emotional responses and actions

e Declarative memory corresponds to rational ethical judgment

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013126
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016417.txt,"YAY

Port Covington area of Baltimore.
Photographer: Sarah L. Voisin/The Washington Post via Getty Images

In 2016, Baltimore’s city council approved a $660 million financing package for a 235-acre
mixed-use development, including new offices for Under Armour, along the city’s
waterfront. The area was already designated as an enterprise zone and a brownfield site,
connoting additional lucrative tax breaks, and the project attracted a $233 million
investment from Goldman Sachs’s urban investment group.

Then came the opportunity zone designation.

The tax break is only supposed to apply to real estate purchased after the law took effect.
But lawyers across the country quickly began working around that to get the benefits for
projects planned before the law was passed. Many tax experts have recommended sales to
new entities. So long as the seller owns no more than 20 percent of the buyer, the
transaction counts as arm’s-length and qualifies.

Siegel said his firm, Weller Development, has found enough new investors to comply with
the arm’s-length requirement. The company has seen so much demand, he said, that he’s
looking to replicate the project elsewhere.

“We've been fielding a lot of inbound interest,” Siegel said, declining to name cities that
have approached him. “That stimulated us to take this show on the road.”

Boulder Balks

In mid-December, during a marathon city council meeting that stretched past midnight,
Boulder became perhaps the first jurisdiction in the country to reject its own opportunity

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016417
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011589.txt,"been doing on the Israeli 707. I told him I’d need another two hours to make
sure my men had practiced climbing up on the wings and forcing open the
doors, and another hour for preparations and briefings for the teams who would
be participating in the operation. “By about half an hour after midnight, we’ll be
ready to deploy,” I said, though from his stoic, nearly silent response I couldn’t
be sure whether he was in favor of an assault. “By 0100, we’ll be ready to act.”

Both of us went back to see Dado. He seemed encouraged, especially when I
said we’d be ready to move by one in the morning. He told me the pilot of the
plane had been in contact with the control tower. He was an RAF veteran and,
though the terrorists seemed unaware of this, he was also Jewish. The hijackers
were demanding more than 300 Arab prisoners be released and flown to Cairo.
“And they seem quite nervous.”

Returning to the hangar, I sent Shai Agmon with four soldiers to set up a
lookout and sniper post about 70 yards to the side of the Sabena jet. I told him
not to open fire unless they were sure there had been shooting inside the plane
and could positively identify an armed hijacker. By now, we had three dozen
soldiers and officers, including Uzi Dayan and his full team. I took all those
who were already briefed and divided them into four groups, each with an
officer and five soldiers and assigned to deal with one of the wing doors. I left
the others to continue training.

When midnight came, I was far from certain we could meet the 12:30 am
deployment target I’d given Talik. Incoming flights had stopped for the night,
and we still hadn’t managed to bring in any air marshals. I believed they would
give us a crucial advantage. They knew Berettas. They also knew the inside of a
707. But I was worried about losing Dado’s trust in a sayeret operation if we
failed to meet the timeline. From Shai’s lookout post to the side of the plane, I
learned that the front cabin door of the plane was open. He said he’d seen a
couple of hijackers walking by it, silhouetted by the dim cabin light. But
otherwise, there was no sign of activity inside. I called Talik and told him I was
taking my assault teams to the area behind the plane. About a half-hour later, I
confirmed we were ready to begin the operation. Although the plane’s engines
were off now, our approach had been masked by the drone of the generator
brought in to supply power to the cabin. We were lying face-down on the
tarmac, directly behind the tail of the plane but well back. Two rows of 12 men,
plus me and a soldier in charge of the communications. We’d brought along
four small ladders to help us onto the wings. “We want to exploit the darkness,
and the sound of the generator, to cover us,” I said in my final briefing before

118
HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011589
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026249.txt,"declassification request, consistent with established standards governing the handling of
classified information, including those under Section 3.1(d) of Executive Order 13526. Those
standards permit declassification when the public interest in disclosure outweighs any need to
protect the information. The White House review process also included input from the Office of
the Director of National Intelligence and the Department of Justice. Consistent with this review
and these standards, the President has determined that declassification of the Memorandum is
appropriate.

Based on this assessment and in light of the significant public interest in the memorandum, the
President has authorized the declassification of the Memorandum. To be clear, the
Memorandum reflects the judgments of its congressional authors. The President understands
that oversight concerning matters related to the Memorandum may be continuing. Though the
circumstances leading to the declassification through this process are extraordinary, the
Executive Branch stands ready to work with Congress to accommodate oversight requests
consistent with applicable standards and processes, including the need to protect intelligence
sources and methods.

Sincerely,
a1

Donald F. McGahn II

Counsel to the President

cc: The Honorable Paul Ryan
Speaker of the House of Representatives

The Honorable Adam Schiff
Ranking Member, House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026249
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030191.txt,"“What are you doing here?” Lenny asked.
“| didn’ t want to show them my ID.”
“You schmuck.”

Lenny was released on bail, but the head of the Vice Squad warned
the Gate of Horn manager: “If this man ever uses a four-letter word in
this club again, I'm going to pinch you and everyone in here. If he ever
speaks against religion, I'm going to pinch you and everyone in here. Do
you understand? You've had good people here. But he mocks the pope--
and I'm speaking as a Catholic--l'm here to tell you your license is in
danger. We're going to have someone here watching every show.”

And indeed, the Gate of Horn's liquor license was suspended. There
were no previous allegations against the club, and the current charge
involved neither violence nor drunken behavior. The only charge pressed
by the city prosecutor was Lenny Bruce's allegedly obscene performance.
Nobody’ s prurience was aroused, but that made no difference. After all,
there wasn’ t any law against blasphemy.

“Chicago is so corrupt, it’ s thrilling,” Lenny said.

Chicago had the largest membership in the Roman Catholic Church

of any archdiocese in the country. Lenny’'s jury consisted entirely of

Catholics. The judge was Catholic. The prosecutor and his assistant were

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030191
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023412.txt,"In re: TERRORIST ATTACKS ON SEPTEMBER 11, 2001., 2012 WL 257568 (2012)

a2

53

54

55

56

oT

58

59

60

61

62

63

64

65

66

67

68

69

70

id

72

a3

74

JA3818, 4478, 6175; R.1257, Ex. 3, p. 16 (Second Report of the United Nations Monitoring Group on Al Qaida); R.1762, Ex. 5, p.
7 (October 22, 2003 Testimony of Former National Security Advisor Richard A. Clarke before the U.S. Senate Banking
Committee).

JA3778-3780, 3782-3783, 3785-3786, 3790-3792, 3794-3795, 3802, 3808-3809, 3810.
JA3821-44, 4281-83, 4352-55, 4465-69, 5891-93, 6208-20, 7863-94.
JA3882.

Testimony of Lee S. Wolosky to the National Commission on Terrorist Attacks Upon the United States, April 1, 2003. See also
Council on Foreign Relations, Terrorist Financing, Maurice R. Greenberg, William F. Wechsler, and Lee 8. Wolosky, available at
www.cfr.org/content/publications/.../ Terrorist_ Financing_TF.pdf.

JA3606-16, 3708-10, 3715-28, 3827-31, 3835-38, 4281-83, 4292, 4329-43, 4352-55, 4465-69, 4478-82, 4496-4504, 5981-93,
6208-20.

JA3606-16, 3835-38, 4329-42, 4352-55, 5981-93, 6208-20; R.1015, Exs. 2, pp. 1-2 (CIA Fact Sheet, Usama Bin Laden -- Islamic
Extremist Fundraiser) and Ex. 3, p. 2 (March 24, 2004 Testimony of Former National Security Advisor Richard A. Clarke before
the 9/11 Commission); R. 1257, Ex. 4 (Amaout Evidentiary Proffer).

United States v. Bin Laden, et al, 397 F. Supp. 2d 465, 515-516, 518 (S.D.N.Y. 2005).
JA3606-16, 3837-38, 4334-35, 4354, 5983-84, 6212-14.

JA3835, 4333-54, 5998, 6215-17.

JA6209-10, 6237-38.

JA3827-31, 3715-22, 4073-74, 4281-83, 4292, 4465-69, 4478-82, 4496-4504, 6188-94, 7863-94.
JA3718-19, 4073, 4498, 4883, 6191.

JA3830, 3718-22, 4292, 4073-74, 4498-99, 7882-85.

JA3830, 4073-74, 4292, 4498, 7884-85

JA3718, 3831, 4478, 4501, 6175-99, 7885-93.

JA3716-17, 3827-28, 4281-83, 4466-71, R.1031, Ex. 8, p. 14 (INTERPOL Task Force Report, Financing of Terrorism and
Charities, July 2003).

JA4282-83.

The other officials of Al Rajhi Bank who are defendant-appellees in this appeal are Abdullah al Rajhi, Saleh al Rajhi, and Sheik
Saleh al-Hussayen. Together, these individuals and Suleiman al Rajhi are referred to as the “Al Rajhi Defendants.”

JA3828, 4281-83, 4465-69.
JA2569-70.

JA3607, 3836-37, 4334, 4353, 5982-83, 6212; R.1015, Ex. 2, p. 2 (CIA Fact Sheet, Usama Bin Laden -- Islamic Extremist
Fundraiser).

JA3606-08, 3836, 4333-34, 5981, 6164, 6211.

WESTLAW

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023412
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025740.txt,"Flags: 1060865
Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: BFE24638-C2C6-4DF1-9F5C-76F38A3F7694

Message: 1.Defense : Pompeo ; 2.state: Meadows ; 3. treasury : Thornton ; 4. CIA:
Cotton ; 5. NSC: Harvey ; 6. UN: Tulsi Gabbard ; 7. DNI: Admiral Harris; 8. Labor
Henry Olson ; 9. HHS: pinkerton ; 10. HUD: McNamara; 11.VA: Gov Perry ; 12. AG: Sen
Heilcamp ; 13.NEC:Peter Navarro ; 14. Engy:Washburn ; 15. Justice: Bill Burck ;

Sender: Po

Time: 08/27/18 03:55:31 AM (557060131)
Flags: 1060865

Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

a5

GUID: 48148605-29AB-46FE-A583-656C45C7AE

cal
ie}
QO

Message: ???

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 08/27/18 03:56:35 AM (557060195)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: Al149C8DF-8F52-4E70-A93C-CO3A97 982F8F

Message: It was Nixons frost interview. great. - I meant your personal advisory
council that wants Steve to succeed. Sorry . My short emails are often confusing.
Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 08/27/18 04:04:04 AM (557060644)
Flags: 1085445
ITs Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: BIBF6B91-EFA6-402A-97AE-E418001E54CE

Message: Im confident burke will protect you as much as he can legally . We have a
deep bench in that regard. When and if they get Matt calamari . If they haven't
already . Things will get uglier. . my responsibility as a friend is to wave a yellow

flag. When appropriate And provide a sounding board as needed.

Time: 08/27/18 04:06:15 AM (557060775)
Flags: 1060865
Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

Tr,

GUID: FF84C0OB9-DBAC-4A1E-9BF7-E8F1902D13C9

Message: Yes yes yes

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025740
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021894.txt,"Oo O DN OO FF WwW NY =|

NO RO PO PNP NM NO | S| S| HS SF S| S| S| S| S|
non BP WO NO -|- ODO OO WDN OO OT BP WO NYO —

T1

just do that, and I will pass notes. We won't
get up.

MR. SCAROLA: Okay. Well, I will -- I will
for the record, as an officer of the court,
represent that there have been multiple times
during the course of Professor Cassell's
deposition when Alan Dershowitz has jumped up in
the middle of the testimony and excitedly
whispered in your ear.

You may not have realized it because you were
focusing on the witness, but everybody on this
side of the room has been distracted by his
unprofessional conduct.

MR. SIMPSON: I'm not going to argue with
you.

MR. SCAROLA: Thank you.

MR. SIMPSON: I disagree with that
characterization. There is another attorney
sitting between us. We will pass notes.

MR. SCAROLA: Thank you.

MR. SIMPSON: And I believe, Ms. McCawley,
were you instructing not to answer or what was
happening? What did you -- what were you
raising?

MS. McCAWLEY: No. There was a lot of

ROUGH DRAFT ONLY

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021894

"
IMAGES-012-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033269.txt,"From: Richard Kahn [i

Sent: 1/17/2018 7:08:41 PM
To: Jeffrey Epstein [jeevacation@gmail.com]
Subject: Porn star: Trump said | reminded him of Ivanka after sex | New York Post

Importance: — High

https://nypost.com/2018/01/17/porn-star-detailed-alleged-affair-with-trump-in-201 1-interview/

Richard Kahn

HBRK Associates Inc.

575 Lexington Avenue, 4th Floor
New York, NY 10022

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033269
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012080.txt,"Cover Story

Eight plus years into the market recovery, we see valuations extended as most
of the gains since 2014 have been driven by multiple expansion rather than
earnings growth. In this issue of Global Foresight, we highlight potential
investment opportunities, as well as challenges to sustaining this bull market.

We examine emerging markets with Jimmy Chang focusing on China, and

DAVID P. HARRIS, CFA
Chief Investment

Officer
212.549.5210

dharris@rockco.com

The Charging Bull

The lifespan of a bull market typically lasts many years, at times
ending abruptly. Conversely, the statue now on Lower Broadway
known as Charging Bull had a very short-lived initial run on
Wall Street. It is not widely known that Charging Bull was never
commissioned by the City of New York nor by any one of its
major investment banks. Rather, the three-and-a-half-ton
statue was simply unloaded one December day back in 1989 by
a private citizen in front of the New York Stock Exchange.

The benefactor was Italian sculptor Arturo di Modica who cre-
ated Charging Bull to demonstrate his belief in the strength of
the U.S. economy after the stock market crash in 1987. Hours
after di Modica delivered his statue, it was removed by the
NYPD and was not expected to be resurrected. This was not the
end of this bull’s run, however, since its removal generated an
amazing amount of media buzz—particularly noteworthy con-
sidering this happened before the internet was available to the
general public, so “going viral” was not even a concept. After a
couple of weeks of public pressure, Charging Bull was retrieved
and installed at its current home at the intersection of Broadway
and Whitehall, where it has been a staple for tourists’ photos
ever since.

The current equity bull market may have more years left, but its
age and valuation make the case worth revisiting. As we assess
potential investment opportunities, we see valuations elevated
in the U.S. market, while we believe Europe is likely to continue
its cyclical rebound. We are also encouraged by political devel-
opments on the continent. We believe there are a number of
attractive emerging market (EM) opportunities, but are mind-
ful of the challenges most of these once-rapidly-growing econ-
omies face. Frankly, it is not just the bull market that is aging; it
is most of the world, which has important sociological, eco-
nomic and investment implications as demographics and debt
are likely to constrain long-term global economic growth.

The Challenge of High Valuations

In 1998, professors Robert Shiller and John Campbell con-
ceived the cyclically adjusted price-earnings (CAPE) ratio,
which averages earnings over a 10-year period to minimize the
impact of economic cycles when valuing equity markets. The
CAPE ratio has been widely cited as evidence of U.S. stock mar-
ket overvaluation. The present U.S. equity CAPE ratio is the

GLOBAL FORESIGHT THIRD QUAPTER 2017

article by Dr. Mariela Vargova.

Michael Seo on South Korea. We also comment on corporate governance in an

highest it has been except during two famous market peaks—
1929 and 1999. We believe the CAPE ratio is cause for concern,
but not alarm. It most likely suggests that U.S. equities will have
subdued future returns. However, unlike the market’s prior
peaks at the end of the Roaring Twenties or the dot-com era,
we do not believe we are in the midst of an economic or market
bubble. If there is a benefit to the subdued economic recovery
we have recently experienced in the U.S. where GDP growth
has been averaging about 2.0%, it is that the economy has not
built up the excesses that it did during past peaks in the CAPE
ratio. By contrast, during the 1920s, U.S. real GDP growth aver-
aged 4.2%, and from 1996-1999 it grew at least 4.3% in each
calendar year. Since the CAPE ratios in those periods calcu-
lated off a base of very strong economic activity and earnings,
those periods were more susceptible to crashing than today’s
more muted environment.

co Ye Cy 904 de

BAH, HUMBUG!

N.Y. sak Exchange exinchel
can’t bear Christmas-gift, |

SATURDAY, DECEMBER 16, 1989 / 4 Cleicy ord windy. mid 25, dey; lor. ow tor, onghh J Dota, Page?

A theae-ton bronze bul left
the american

lee tral jar i
svay yesterday Re

cad

LAST GUANE TO WIN A B

310,000 HOME IN POCONOS UP FOR GRABS TODAY: Pages 2, 328 42

Ec mace ear

Source: New York Post

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012080
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026600.txt,"The case for naming a U.S. secretary of Culture - latimes.com Page 3 of 3

courts controversy ever going to become a national spokesperson, to say nothing of a Washington
official?

Sellars, however, happens to be one of the most persuasive and inspirational public figures we have.
He exhibits a bottomless empathy and spirituality with broad reach. Yes, some of his productions
have been left-leaning, but he can, one on one, reach just about everyone. He is politically motivated
and sophisticated. He thinks profoundly about social issues.

He also has a way with politicians. A few years ago he was asked to speak at the World Economic
Forum in Davos, Switzerland, about nuclear proliferation — something he became highly
knowledgeable about when he and composer John Adams put on “Doctor Atomic,” an opera about the
creation of the atomic bomb. Sellars held heads of state in awe.

My second nomination is Leon Botstein, president of Bard College in New York state. He is one of
our few remaining public intellectuals and a renaissance man, which means he is a conductor,
educator and scholar. He too is unusually persuasive when speaking on any number of issues to any
kind of audience.

Yes, he's also a liberal, one who as a young man could hold his brilliant own against William F.
Buckley on ""Firing Line."" But he is just as brilliant an administrator who, in his nearly 40-year tenure
at Bard, has made the school into one of the most progressive and prominent humanities colleges in
the country by appealing to donors on all sides of the political spectrum. He's an egghead who goes on
""The Colbert Report.""

Botstein makes things happen, and he makes them happen by persuading people to look beyond their
preconceptions, to view society in broad and grand terms. He is someone politicians and the people
could listen to.

So what is the likelihood that Obama will announce on the steps of the Capitol on Monday that over
these next four years he wants to make the arts a national priority and for that reason he is now
nominating Sellars or Botstein to the newly created post of secretary of Culture? Zero. He's not crazy.

Still, if Albania can have one, why can't we?

murk sweda@latimes.com

MORE

INTERACTIVE: Christopher Depictions of violence in PHOTOS: Arts and culture in
Hawthorne's On the Boulevards theater and more pictures

Copyright © 2013, Los Angeles Times

http://www. latimes.com/entertainment/arts/culture/la-et-cm-secretary-of-culture-notebook... 3/27/2013

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026600
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020552.txt,"93

of regulations, many of them unwritten. A 2017 report by the Foreign Correspondents’
Club of China notes that in a survey of 117 foreign journalists based in China,

40 percent felt reporting conditions had deteriorated compared to 2016, nearly half said
they had experienced harassment, interference, and physical violence during their work
in China, while 15 percent said they encountered difficulties during their visa renewal
process and over 25 percent said they had learned that Chinese contacts had been

detained and otherwise hounded by Chinese authorities for speaking with them.”

China has also moved against Western media outlets on many fronts. Both Chinese-
and English-language websites of the New York Times have been blocked in China since
2012 following a story detailing the wealth of the family of China’s then premier Wen
Jiabao.** The English- and Chinese-language sites of the Wall Street Journal and Reuters
are also blocked, and those belonging to the Financial Times and the Economist are

blocked on an intermittent basis.

The Chinese government has also made it difficult for resident foreign reporters to
obtain and renew journalist visas. Following the New York Times’ report on Wen’s
family money, China did not approve a new journalist visa for a Times reporter for
three years. While the situation has improved somewhat since 2015 for resident
journalists, the Chinese government still delays visa applications for journalists and
uses the threat of expulsion from China as a way to pressure Western media outlets
to soften their coverage of China. This is especially true of freelance journalists or
independent documentary filmmakers who are dependent on onetime visas to carry
out a specific assignment. Here delays and outright refusal to process visas in a timely

manner have been common.

There is some indication that China’s pressure tactics have paid off. In 2013,
Bloomberg News was preparing to publish a report detailing connections between one
of China’s richest men and members of the Politburo—the top organ in the Chinese
Communist Party, when Bloomberg spiked the story. The outlet’s editor in chief,
Matthew Winkler, was quoted on a conference call likening the decision to censorship
of foreign news bureaus that wanted to continue to report in Nazi Germany.** Other
observers noted that the real reason Bloomberg News killed the story involved the
company’s substantial business interests—especially in “Bloomberg Boxes” selling
access to financial information—in China. Indeed, the organization’s founder
recently doubled down on China and now even headlines a new forum focusing on

China’s global influence with a state-owned Chinese partner.* (Interestingly, the

Section 6

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020552
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025998.txt,"eC“ eC “(SC CUO
Volatility in Numbers (05-Aug-16)

Table 9: Statistics on implied, realised, skew and term structure for 3-month and 12-month vols (developed markets)

3-month {2-month
$&P500 ESTX50 FTSE DAX NKY HSI KOSPI S&P500 ESTX50 FTSE DAX NKY HSI KOSPI

Implied 11.9% 19.2% 12.6% 17.8% 21.7% 17.5% 12.6% 154% 20.2% 15.9% 196% 211% 18.6% 15.0%
%atile (2yr) 44% 30.2% 20.2% 19.0% 51.5% 30.4% 18.1% 13.1% 46.0% 46.2% 33.7% 53.2% 343% 244%

Week Change -0.7% -0.6% -0.7% -11% -1.1% -0.6% -0.4% -0.6% -0.4% -0.2% -0.7% -0.7% -0.2% -0.2%
‘Mth Change 2.5% 5.2% 5% 58% 19% 18% 5% 1.6% 2.6% 1.9% 28% 1.0% 0.5% 0.2%
Realised 13.1% 275% 189% 244% 27.0% 173% 128% 170% 261% 205% 256% 294% 219% 143%
%atile (2yr) 45.0% 19.9% 69.6% 68.9% 69.1% 42.2% 65.9% 95.6% 943% 96.4% 958% 984% 138% 96.7%

Week Change -0.1% 04% 0.2% -0.1% -1.2% -0.3% 0.6% 0.0% -0.2% 0.1% 0.0% 0.1% -0.1% 0.1%
‘AMthChange 04% 09% AM 9% ATA 8% 2% 1% 1% 02% AH 1%
Imp-real spread -1.2% 8.3% 64% 6.6% -5.3% 0.2% -0.3% -1.6% -5.9% 46% 6.0% 83% 3.3% 0.8%
Spread %tile (2yr) 19.8% 3.1% 8.3% 48% 22.5% 37.9% 18.1% 0.2% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 0.0% 95% 0.8%

Week Change -0.6% -0.9% -0.9% -10% 0.2% -0.3% -1.0% -0.6% -0.2% -0.3% -0.7% -0.8% -0.1% -0.3%
(MthChange 21% AO AT SH 0.8% 01% 18% 1AM 28% 1B 2% 12H 1% 0.1%
90-110 skew 9.5% 84% 15% 8.6% 5.1% 54% 5.2%
%atile (2yr) 3.3% 18.5% 94% 176% 53.4% 69.2% 64.2%

Week Change 0.2% -0.1% 0.0% 04% 0.2% -0.2% 0.7%

Mth Change -2.6% -0.4% 3.2% -0.5% -1.2% -1.3% -0.6%

10-day realised 12M - 3M term vol spread
$&P500 ESTX50 FTSE DAX NKY HSI KOSPI S$&P500 ESTX50 FTSE DAX NKY HSI KOSPI
Current Level 6.0% 15.7% 10.5% 13.3% 18.6% 14.9% 11.9% 3.5% 1.0% 3.4% 1.8% -0.5% 1.1% 24%
%atile (2yr) 11% 22.0% 24.1% 93% 45.6% 36.7% 52 8% 98.3% 86.6% 100.0% 96.0% 508% 692% 72.2%
1Week Change 16% 5.2% 4.9% 24% 2.1% 4.5% 6.8% 0.1% 0.2% 0.5% 0.4% 0.4% 0.5% 0.3%
1Mth Change -20.0% 371% = -23.2% -30.1% -26.1% -6.7% -5 3% 0.9% 2.5% 3.2% 2.9% 0.9% 1.3% 0.3%
Cash index

Current Level 218287 2973.71 6,793.47 10,367.21 1625445 2214609 252.36
1Wk Change 0.43% -0.57% 1.03% 0.29% -1.90% 1.16% 0.35%
1Mth Change 452% 5.12% 3.79% 8.76% 3.13% 6.72% 2.21%

Source: BofA Merrill Lynch Global Research

Table 10: Statistics on implied, realised, skew and term structure for 3-month and 12-month vols (emerging markets)

3-month {2-month
EEM US IBOV RDXUSD TOP40 EEM US IBOV RDXUSD TOP40
Implied 18.8% 21.7% 28.2% 19.4% 21.2% 23.5% 29.3% 21.8%
Stile (2yr) 34.5% 24% 5.5% 59.1% 40.7% 22.0% 16.4% 80.2%
Wk Change -0.8% 0.0% -1.6% 0.3% -0.9% -0.1% -1.3% 0.4%
‘Mth Change Le eee, 3.6% —— 3.0% ee 3.8% —_— 2.3% a 2.2% a “1.9% en 3.3% a “1.0% =
Realised 22.1% 21.8% 25.7% 17.9% 24.3% 27.7% 36.2% 20.4%
Stile (2yr) 65.9% 272% 20.8% 47 5% 94.8% 94.0% 45.7% 94.0%
Wk Change -0.8% -0.5% 0.6% 04% 0.1% 0.0% 0.2% -0.1%
‘Mth Change pone “1.5% aoa 44% aoe 42% aoe 0.3% oon 0.6% aoe 0.2% poe 04% poe 0.6% a
Imp-real spread 3.2% 0.1% 2.6% 1.5% 3.1% 43% 6.9% 14%
Spread %tile (2yr) 12.9% 442% 524% 51.1% 02% 0.0% 0.0% 16. 6%
Wk Change -0.1% 0.5% -1.0% 0.7% -0.9% 0.0% -1.1% 0.6%
‘Mth Change 24% 1% 0% 20% “16% AT% 29% 04%
90-110 skew 7.8% 5 3% 6.0% a
Stile (2yr) 63.8% 48.5% 14.8% 62.6%
Wk Change 0.3% 0.0% -0.1% -0.2%
Mth Change 0.0% -0.5% -0.8% -0.6%
Bankof America “> Global Equity Volatility Insights |09 August 2016 21

Merrill Lynch

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025998
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016611.txt,"Code Enforcement Board Meeting Minutes 04/17/08

Mr. Fried complimented the Staff on the packets of photographs being put
together for the Board, that it makes their analysis and discussion more effective
and more efficient.

VIII. Fine Consideration:

A. Case # 08-2432, Beachfront Vista Property, Nightingale Beach Club Association
Violation of Chapter 134, Section 134-1472 (3) of the Town of Palm Beach Code
of Ordinances, no additional walls, fences, hedges or other structures or growth
shall be erected or be grown eastwardly of Ocean Boulevard to a height greater
than four (4) feet above the surface of the Ocean Boulevard.

Lead Code Enforcement Officer Walton said this case had been postponed from a
previous meeting as a permit had been applied for per the Board’s order. He said
he had received an e-mail yesterday from John Wettstein, who is with the State of
Florida. Mr. Wettstein’s e-mail said a permit must be issued or denied by the State
by June 13, 2008. The case is still under review so Mr. Walton requested a
postponement until June 19, 2008. Mr. Hoffman requested that date be June 18"",
as the Code Enforcement Board hearing is June 19, 2008. Mr. Randolph said it is
possible the permit could be issued by the May meeting. Mr. Walton revised his
request to postpone to the May 15, 2008 meeting and said if there had been no
decision at that time, he would ask for another postponement.

MOTION BY MR. KOEPPEL TO POSTPONE THE CASE UNTIL THE
MAY 15, 2008 MEETING

SECONDED BY MR. FRIED

MOTION PASSED UNANIMOUSLY

B. Case # 08-2470, 2252 W. Ibis Isle Road, Walter Jackson
Violation of Chapter 42, Section 42-86, of the Town of Palm Beach Code of
Ordinances, properties are required to be maintained in good condition and
unsightly, unsafe or unsanitary conditions are not permitted and Chapter 42,
Section 42-87, all exterior walls to be maintained in good repair and roofs to be
maintained so as not to leak.

Lead Code Enforcement Officer Walton said the Board had issued an order at the
last hearing that the violator was found in non-compliance, ordered to pay
administrative costs of $150.00 and given until April 14, 2008 to comply. Mr.
Jackson has tried to come into compliance and there have been major
improvements in the property. There are a few outstanding items and Mr. Walton
said Mr. Jackson’s contractor is asking for a 7 day extension to come into
compliance. Dennis Perkins, the contractor was present and told the Board he
would be able to have the prepery in compliance by April 24, 2008.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016611
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031226.txt,"From: Barbro C Ehnbom 
Sent: 8/18/2012 4:11:07 PM 
To: jeevacation@gmail.com 
Subject: Fwd: Program & Attendee list 
Attachments: SALSS Attendee 2012 FINAL v2.pdf; Untitled attachment 860732.htm; SALSS Program 2012 FINAL.pdf; Untitled 
attachment 860735.htm 
Dear Jeffrey, 
I am sorry I did not call back Yesterday-I was exhausted from a crazy week and fell asleep 
as soon as I came home! Anyway, here is the full program and attendee list attached, this 
is the Globalization Summit I invited Bill Clinton to when I met him in Stockholm last Summer-
But he is a bit busy I gather! 
Anyway, hope got hold of you re search service? Also, I did see your mail 
about possibly coming here end of September-however, I am supposedly arranging a fund-
raiser for Congress Woman Diana deGette of Colorado on Sept 27 in NYC; she is the only one with a scientific 
agenda and she is just super-if anything I am hoping on your involvement? 
How about going to Stockholm mid or end november..albeit a bit dark and maybe cold..? 
Let me know what you think! 
Also, I just heard from my friend Jeff Kriendler in Miami and guess who was just walking in there -our friend 
Goldsamt! First prize for perseverance! 
Also, Sofia and the prince is on every magazine here, I think it is wonderful! 
Marcus has two big concerts in Stockholm this coming week. Me - SALSS! 
KRAM 
BE 
Barbro C. Ehnbom 
Sent from iPad 
Vidarebefordrat brev: 
Fran: 
Datum: August 18, 2012 8:44:29 AM GMT+02:00 
Till: Barbro Ehnbom 
Amne: Program & Attendee list 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031226 
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019143.txt,"RSON

ning to his house tomorrow
o set something up for you.”

92?

k to him tomorrow morning

id?”

-omorrow, and then I'll bring
) him about it.”

agan. But she needs more. She
00 expectantly, she hopes. She
or the girl. Or maybe she cant
Aary seems to have gotten the
lair, she begins to press Wendy.
response. “I don't know. Youre
t. lmean, I don’t really work for
mand they work for him.... You

9 make more money?’”

yu get paid,” Wendy says finally.
or you? So that we can get paid

saying. I’m working tomorrow,
a schedule together for you and
row when I leave Jeffrey with a

rone. So if you guys call me, Id

ld get the phone.”
age. That's fine. I'll leave you a

CHAPTER I0

Noel St. Pierre: March 2005

oel St. Pierre* thinks of the kids he grew up with in
Hap. His old neighborhood was pressed up against the
jungle border that Haiti shares with the Dominican
pepublic, and some of the kids he knew would slip over. Those
kids would stay in the DR for a few days, sometimes seats Some
of them never returned. But the ones who did come back wouldn't
say too much about it.
Most of them didn’t talk much at all.
a By “a time he was ten, Noel had learned the truth about
se kids. He'd ‘
... learned that they'd ended up working as
This was how Noel St. Pierre had learned about evil. There
really were devils out in the world. Flesh-and-blood inci and

a

oel St. Pierre is a composite character.

27

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019143
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016699.txt,"﻿OGE Form 278e (March 2014)
U.S. Office of Government Ethics· 5 C.F.R. art 2634 Form A roved: 0MB No. (3209-0001)
Annual
2018
Janua 20, 2017
Executive Branch Personnel Public Financial Disclosure Report (OGE Form 278e)
Filer's Information
Last Name First Name MI Position
Trump Donald J President of the United States of America
A enc
U IT O T AT O FF! E F
GOVERNMENT ETH I CS
p,
onfl, * cts of Int r t
ecu!t e Br nc
Other Federal Government Positions Held During the Preceding 12 Months:
N/A
Name of Congressional Committee Considering Nomination (Nominees only):
N/A
nts I have made in this report are true, complete and correct to the best of my knowledge:
Date:
5 /1~/1'
e as1s o m ormat1on contame m t 1s report,
Other Review Conducted By:
Signature:
Date:
r / 1r:/ 11
Date:
Signature:
Date:
Comments of Reviewing Officials:
OOE Fonn 27Re (Maich 2014}
Instructions for Part 1
Note· This is a public form. Do not include account numbers street addresses, or family member names. See instructions for required information.
File~s Name
Donald J. Trump
Part 1: Filer's Positions Held Outside United States Government
II Organiz11tion Name City/Stale Organiznlion Ty11c Posilion Held
I. The Donald J. Trump Foundation Inc. (inactive) New York, NY Non orofit Director/President
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
JO.
I I.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23.
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
31.
32.
33.
34.
35.
36.
37.
38 .
39.
40.
Page Number
2 of 42
From
To
02.18.87/02.1 8.87 PresenV11 .13.2018
Prior report!; indicated that President Trump resigned the Director posrtion on 1/19/17. However, 1he resignation did not take effect as lhe FoundaUon was in the process of dimmlution. The position of President was inadvertently omitted on p rior reports.
OGE Fom, 278c (March 201<1)
Instructions for Part 2
N o t e: Th' IS · IS a DU bl' 1c f arm.
Filer's Name
Donald J. Trump
D o not inc I u d e accoun num b ers, stree t a dd
resses, or f am11v ·1 mem b er names. s ee . ins t rue f ions or require · d · in f ormat1on.
Part 2: Filer's Employment Assets and Income
II Description EIF attached schedule Value Income Type
(Pnrt 2 - EXHIBIT A)
Reference II
Jucome Amount
I
I
Page Number
3 of 42
002 40 Wall Street LLC NIA 005 Over $50 ,000,000 rent
Underlying Assets: commercial real estate
Location: New York, NY
See attached schedule
004 401 North Wabash Venture LLC NIA 008 Over $50,000,000 rent
Underlying Assets: residential & commercial real estate
Location: Chicago, IL
See attached schedule
condo sales
Over $5,000,000
Over $5,000,000
$1 89,973
005 809 NORTH CANON LLC NIA 009 $5,000,001 - $25,000,000
Underlying Assets: residential real estate
Location: Beverly HIiis, CA
See attached schedule
None (or less than $201)
007 845 UN Limited Partnership NIA 012 $25,000,001 - $50,000,000 rent
Underlying Assets: commercial real estate
Location: New York, NY
See attached schedule
008 Caribuslness Investments, S.R.L. NIA 025 None (or less than $1 ,001)
Underlying Assets: land (sold)
Location: Dominican Republic
See attached schedule
land sales
$1 ,000,001 - $5,000,000
$3,200,000
010 Country Apartments, LLC NIA 032 $1 ,001 -$15,000
Value reported reflects bank account holding only.
Additional Under1ying Asset none
Entlly set up to buy & sell residentl1I real estate, New York, NY; See attached schedule
None (or less than $201)
011 Country Properties, LLC N/A 034 $15,001 - $50,000
Underlying Assets: residential real estate (sold) and residual
receivables
Location: Norfolk, VA
See attached schedule
sale
$146,875
THE ACCOMPANYING SCHEDULE (PART 2 - EXHIBIT A) IS AN INTEGRAL PART OF THE ABOVE AND SHO ULD BE READ IN CONJUNCTION THEREWITH. Gaps in numerical
sequence are due to the removal of previously reported items no longer reportable on this part. Information being reported from January 1, 2018 to December 3 1, 201 8 .
Filer's N ame
Donald J. Trump
Part 2: Filer's Employment Assets and Income
# Description EIF attached schedule Value Income Type Income Amount
(Part 2 • EXHIBIT A)
Reference#
012 D B Pace Acquisition, LLC NIA 036 None (or less than $1,001)
Value reported reflects bank account holding only.
Additional Underlying Assets: land, building and ff&e (sold)
Location: New York, NY
sale
See attached schedule
I
I
Page Number
4 of 42
$4,100,000
013 DJT AEROSPACE LLC NIA 039 $1 ,000,001 • $5,000,000 None (or less than $201)
Underlying Assets: aircraft
Location: New York, NY
See attached schedule
014 DJT HOLDINGS LLC NIA 042 $1,000,001 • $5,000,000 interest $5 ,001 • $1 5,000
Value reported reflects bank account only. Enllly's other holdings and assets
are reported elsewhere; see allached schedule. Holding company, New
York, NY
017 DJT OPERATIONS I LLC NIA 046 Over $50 ,000,000 rent $1 ,000,001 • $5,000,000
Underlying Assets: aircraft
Location: New York, NY
See attached schedule
018 OT CONNECT II LLC NIA 055 $1,000,001 • $5,000,000 rent $15,001 • $50,000
Underlying Assets: aircraft
Location: Palm Beach, FL
See attached schedule
020 DT DUBAI GOLF MANAGER LLC NIA 059 $15,001 • $50,000
Value reported ranects bank account holding only.
AddiUonal Underlying Asset· management deal with DAMAC CRESCENT
PROPERTIES LLC - value not readily ascertainable.
Manaaement oomoanv, Dubai, UAE: See attached schedule.
management fees
02 1 OT HOME MARKS INTERNATIONAL LLC NIA 063 $1,001 • $15,000 royalties $50,001 • $100,000
Value reported reflects bank account holding only.
Additional Underlying Asset: license deal with RNA RESOURCES
GROUP LTD , DORYA INTERNATIONAL LLC , HOMESTUDIO
INTERNATIONAL SA, WONU COL TD · value not readily
ascertainable.
License holder, New York, NY; See attached schedule.
$314,580
THE ACCO M PANYING SCHEDU LE {PART 2 · EXHIBIT A) IS AN INTEGRAL PART Of TH E ABOVE AND SHO U LD BE READ IN CONJUNCTIO N THEREW ITH. Gaps in num erica l
sequence are due t o the removal o f previously reported Items no longer reportable on thls pa rt. Informat ion being repo rted from January 1, 2018 to December 31, 201 8 .
Filer's Name
Donald J. Trump
Part 2: Filel''s Employment Assets and Income
II Description EIF attached schcdnle Value Income Type Income Amount
(Pal't 2 - EXHIBIT A)
Reference II
024 Excel Venture I LLC NIA 098 $5,000,001 - $25,000,000 None (or less than $201)
Underlying Assets: residential rental property
Location: St. Martin, French West Indies
See attached schedule
026 Fifty-Seventh Street Associates LLC NIA 100 Over $50,000,000 rent Over $5,000,000
Underlying Assets: commercial real estate
Location: New York, NY
See attached schedule
028 Golf Productions LLC NIA 105 None (or less than $1,001)
Value reported reflects bank account holding only.
Entity promotes golf business, New York, NY; See attached
schedule
Value not readily ascertainable.
golf related revenue
I
I
Page Number
5 of 42
$870,000
030 TRUMP NATIONAL GOLF CLUB - JUPITER NIA 117 Over $50,000,000
Underlying Assets: golf club
Location: Jupiter, FL
See attached schedule
golf related revenue
031 LAMINGTON FAMILY HOLDINGS LLC NIA 119 $100,001 - $250,000 None (or less than $201)
Underlying Assets: land
Location: Bedminster, NJ
See attached schedule
032 TRUMP NATIONAL GOLF CLUB - BEDMINSTER NIA 120 Over $50,000,000
Underlying Assets: golf club
Location: Bedminster, NJ
See attached schedule
034 MAR-A-LAGO CLUB, L.L.C. NIA 126 Over $50,000,000
Underlying Assets: resort
Location: Palm Beach, FL
See attached schedule
golf related revenue
resort related revenue
$13,131 ,919
$15,728,572
$22,692,146
036 PINE HILL DEVELOPMENT LLC NIA 142 $100,001 - $250,000 None (or less than $201)
Underlying Assets: golf club
Location: Pine Hill, NJ
See attached schedule
037 Seven Springs LLC NIA 153 $25,000,001 - $50,000,000 None (or less than $201)
Underlying Assets: real estate
Location: Mt. Kisco, NY
See attached schedule
038 TRUMP TURNBERRY NIA 157 Over $50,000,000
Underlying Assets: golf courses and resort
Location: Turnberry, Scotland
See attached schedule
039 T International Realty LLC NIA 160 $1 ,001 - $15,000
Value reported reflects bank account holding only.
Additional Underlying Asset brokerage company - value not readily
ascertainable. Brokerage company, New Yori<, NY; See attached schedule
golf related revenue
commissions
$23,446,634
$1 ,624,575
THE ACCOMPANYING SCHEDULE (PART 2 - EXH IBIT A) IS AN INTEGRAL PART Of TH E ABOVE AND SHO ULD BE READ IN CONJUNCTION THEREWITH. Gaps in numerical
sequence are due to the r emoval o f previously reported items no longer re portable on this part. Inform at ion being reported from January 1, 2018 t o December 31, 2018.
Filer's Name I Page Number
Donald J. Trump I 6 of 42
Part 2: Filer's Employment Assets and Income
# Description EIF attached schedule Value Income Type Income Amount
(Part 2 - EXHIBIT A)
Reference#
040 THC CENTRAL RESERVATIONS LLC NIA 167 $500,001 - $1,000,000 None (or less than $201)
Value reported reflects bank account holding only.
Additional Underlying Asset: hotel company - value not readily
ascertainable. Hotel company, New York, NY; see attached
schedule
041 THC CHINA DEVELOPMENT LLC NIA 169 $1 ,001 - $15,000 None (or less than $201)
Value reported reflects bank account holding only.
Additional Underlying Asset: developer - value not readily
ascertainable. Developer, New York, NY; See attached schedule
042 THC SALES & MARKETING LLC NIA 184 $250,001 - $500,000 None (or less than $201)
Value reported reflects bank account holding only.
Additional Underlying Asset: management company - value not
readily ascertainable. Management company, New York, NY; See
attached schedule
043 The East 61 Street Company, LP NIA 199 $5,000,001 - $25,000,000 rent $15,001 - $50,000
Underlying Assets: residential real estate
Location: New York, NY
See attached schedule
044 THE TRUMP CORPORATION NIA 200 Over $50,000,000
Underlying Assets: management company
Location: New York, NY
See attached schedule management and $14,835,168
related fees
045 The Trump-Equitable Fifth Avenue Company NIA 208 None (or less than $1 ,001) rent $100,001 - $1 ,000,000
Value reported reflects bank account only. Entity's other holdings
and assets are reported elsewhere; see attached schedule. Passthru
entity, New York, NY
046 TRUMP INTERNATIONAL GOLF LINKS - DOONBEG NIA 211 $25,000,001 - $50,000,000
Underlying Assets: golf course and resort
Location: Doonbeg, Ireland
See attached schedule golf related revenue $14,498,625
047 TIHT COMMERCIAL LLC NIA 218 $5,000,001 - $25,000,000 rent $1 ,000,001 - $5,000,000
Underlying Assets: commercial real estate
Location: New York, NY
See attached schedule
048 TIHT HOLDING COMPANY LLC NIA 219 $1 ,000,001 - $5,000,000 rent $50,001 - $100,000
Underlying Assets: hotel condo unit
Location: New York, NY
See at
THE ACCOMPANYING SCHEDULE (PART 2 - EXHIBIT A) IS AN INTEGRAL PART OF TH E ABOVE AND SHOULD BE READ IN CONJUNCTION THEREWITH. Gaps In numerical
sequence are due to the removal o f previously reported items no longer reportable on this part. Information being reported from January 1, 2018 t o December 31, 2018.
Filer's Name
Donald J. Trump
Part 2: Filer's Employment Assets and Income
# Description EIF attached schedule Vnlue Income Type Income Amount
(Part 2 - EXHIBIT A)
Reference#
049 TRUMP NATIONAL GOLF CLUB · CHARLOTTE NIA 223 $5,000,001 - $25,000,000
Underlying Assets: golf club
Location: Charlotte, NC
See attached schedule
golf related revenue
050 TRUMP NATIONAL GOLF CLUB · HUDSON VALLEY NIA 225 $5,000,001 · $25,000,000
Underlying Assets: golf club
Location: Hopewell Junction, NY
See attached schedule
golf related revenue
051 TRUMP NATIONAL GOLF CLUB · PHILADELPHIA NIA 229 $5,000,001 · $25,000,000
Underlying Assets: golf club
Location: Pine Hill, NJ
See attached schedule
golf related revenue
052 TRUMP 106 CPS LLC NIA 234 $15,001 · $50,000 None (or less than $201 )
Value reported reflects bank account holding only.
Additional Underlying Asset: none
Location: New York, NY; See attached schedule
057 TRUMP BOOKS LLC NIA 243 None (or less than $1 ,001) royalties $5,001 · $15,000
THE MIDAS TOUCH
Value reported reflects bank account holding only.
Additional Underlying Asset: book deal with Plata Publishing LLC -
value not readily ascertainable.
Holder of book contract, New York, NY,
See attached schedule
(Published 2011)
059 TRUMP CAROUSEL LLC NIA 250 $15,001 - $50,000
Value reported reflects bank account holding only.
Additional Underlying Asset: operating agreement with NEW YORK
CITY DEPARTMENT OF PARKS & RECREATION· value not
readily ascertainable.
Carousel operator, New York, NY.
See attached schedule
admissions
061 TRUMP CPS LLC NIA 269 $25,000,001 • $50,000,000 rent $1 ,000,001 • $5,000,000
Underlying Assets: commercial and residential real estate
Location: New York, NY
See attached schedule
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7 of 42
$12,457,295
$4,243,331
$4,089,471
$465,186
064 TRUMP NATIONAL DORAL NIA 279 Over $50,000,000
Underlying Assets: golf courses & resort
Location: Miami, FL
See attached schedule
065 TRUMP FERRY POINT LLC NIA 283 $5,000,001 • $25,000,000
Underlying Assets: operating agreement with NEW YORK CITY
DEPARTMENT OF PARKS & RECREATION · golf course
Location: New York, NY
See attached schedule
(Opening Day: April 1, 2015)
golf resort related
revenues
golf related revenue
$75,962,848
$6,469,831
THE ACCOMPANYING SCHEDULE (PART 2 - EXHIBIT A) IS AN INTEGRAL PART OF THE ABOVE AND SHOULD BE READ IN CONJUNCTIO N THEREWITH. Gaps in numerical
sequence are due to the removal of previously reported items no longer reportable on this pa rt. Information being reported from January 1, 2018 to December 31, 2016.
Filer's Name
Donal_d J. Trump
Part 2: Filer's Employment Assets and Income
# Description EIF attached schedule Value Income Type Income Amount
(Part 2 - EXHIBIT A)
Reference#
066 TRU MP GOLF ACQUISITIONS LLC NIA 287 $1,001 - $1 5,000
Value reported reflects bank account holding only.
AddiUonal Under1ying Asset none
Entity set up to sign letters of Intent for golf related deals, New York, NY; See attached
schedule
golf related revenue
067 TRUMP HOME MARKS LLC NIA 291 $1 ,001 - $15,000 None (or less than $201)
Value reported reflects bank account holding only.
Additional Underlying Asset: license deal with DOWNLITE
INTERNATIONAL INC, GOURMET HOME PRODUCTS LLC ,
NORTHPOINT TRADING LLC , SIGN OF TIMES INC, TPS SAS -
value not readily ascertainable.
License holder, New York, NY
See attached schedule
068 TRUMP ICE LLC NIA 294 $1 ,001 -$1 5,000
Value reported reflects bank account holding only.
Additional Underlying Asset: wholesale company - value not readily
ascertainable. Water wholesaler, New Yor1c, NY; See attached schedule
069 TRUMP INTERNATIONAL GOLF LINKS - SCOTLAND NIA 297 Over $50,000,000
Underlying Assets: golf course
Location: Aberdeen, Scotland
See attached schedule
070 TRUMP INTERNATIONAL GOLF CLUB - FLORIDA NIA 299 $25,000,001 - $50,000,000
Underlying Assets: golf club
Location: West Palm Beach, FL
See attached schedule
sales
golf related revenue
golf related revenue
071 TRUMP INTERNATIONAL HOTEL HAWAII LLC NIA 300 None (or less than $1,001 ) royalties $100,001 - $1 ,000,000
Value reported reflects bank account holding only.
Additional Underlying Asset: management and license agreements
with IRONGATE AZREP BW LLC - value not readily ascertainable.
management fees
License holder, Waikiki, HI
See attached schedule
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$7,057
$222,053
$3,543,467
$12,325,355
$1,765,996
072 TRUMP INTERNATIONAL HOTELS MANAGEMENT LLC NIA 301 Over $50,000,000
Underlying Assets: management company
Location: New York, NY
See attached schedule
management fees
$1,511,377
073 TRUMP LAS VEGAS DEVELOPMENT LLC NIA 308 $1 ,001 - $1 5,000
Value reported reflects bank account holding only.
Additional Underlying Assets: development deal with TRUMP RUFFIN TOWER
I LLC - value not readily ascertainable.
Entity set up to receive development fees , Las Vegas, NV
See attached schedule
development fees
$3,306,936
076 TRUMP MARKS ASIA LLC NIA 316 $500,001 - $1,000,000 None (or less than $201)
Underlying Assets: residential real estate
Location: Sterling, VA
See attached schedule
THE ACCOMPANYING SCHEDULE {PART 2 - EXHIBIT A) IS AN INTEGRAL PART OF THE ABOVE AND SHOULD BE READ IN CONJUNCTION THEREWITH. Gaps in numerical
sequence are due to the removal o f previously reported Items no longer reportable on this part. Information being reported f rom January 1, 2018 to December 3 1 , 2018.
Filer's N ame
Donald J. Trump
Part 2: Filer's Employment Assets and Income
# Description EIF attached schedule Value Income Type Income Amount
(Part 2 - EXHIBIT A)
Reference#
078 TRUMP MARKS ISTANBUL II LLC NIA 342 None (or less than $1 ,001) royalties $100,001 - $1,000,000
Value reported reflects bank account holding only.
Additional Underlying Asset: license deal with ORTADOGU
OTOMOTIV TICARET AS - value not readily ascertainable. License
holder, New York, NY
See attached schedule
080 TRUMP MARKS MATTRESS LLC NIA 350 None (or less than $1 ,001) royalties $5,001 - $15,000
Value reported reflects bank account holding only.
Additional Underlying Asset: license deal with SERTA - value not
readily ascertainable. License holder, New York, NY
See attached schedule
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081 TRUMP MARKS MENSWEAR LLC N/A 352 $1 ,001 - $15,000 royalties $15,001 - $50,000
Value reported reflects bank account holding only.
Additional Underlying Asset: license deal with PVH CORP,
PEERLESS CLOTHING INTERNATIONAL, PARLUX LTD,
OXFORD OPTHALMIC, RANDA ACCESSORIES - value not readily
ascertainable. License holder, New York, NY
See attached schedule
087 TRUMP MARKS WAIKIKI LLC NIA 391 None (or less than $1 ,001) royalties $100,001 - $1 ,000,000
Value reported reflects bank account holding only.
Additional Underlying Asset: license deal with IRON GATE AZREP
BW LLC - value not readily ascertainable. License holder, New
York, NY
See attached schedule
090 TRUMP MIAMI RESORT MANAGEMENT LLC NIA 396 $1 ,000,001 - $5,000,000 None (or less than $201)
Value reported reflects bank account holding only.
Management company - value not readily ascertainable, Miami, FL;
See attached schedule
091 TRUMP MODEL MANAGEMENT LLC NIA 398 $50,001 - $100,000
Value reported reflects bank account holding only.
Modeling agency (business winding down)
Location: New York, NY
See attached schedule
residual income
$547
092 TRUMP NATIONAL GOLF CLUB - COLTS NECK NIA 399 Over $50,000,000
Underlying Assets: golf club
Location: Colts Neck, NJ
See attached schedule
golf related revenue
093 TRUMP NATIONAL GOLF CLUB - WESTCHESTER NIA 401 Over $50,000,000
Underlying Assets: golf club
Location: Briarcliff Manor, NY
See attached schedule
golf related revenue
094 TRUMP NATIONAL GOLF CLUB - WASHINGTON DC NIA 403 Over $50,000,000
Underlying Assets: golf club
Location: Potomac Falls, VA
See att!:lt""hori c:rhort, ,lo nnlf rcl::i,fc,i re.Hon, 10
THE ACCO M PANYING SCHEDULE (PART 2 - EXH IBIT A) IS AN INTEGRAL PART OF THE ABOVE AND SHOULD BE READ IN CONJUNCTIO N THEREWITH. Gaps 1n num erical
sequence are due to t he remova l of previously reported Items no longer reportable on t his part. Information being r eported from January 1, 20 18 to December 3 1, 2018.
$6,775,959
$7,213,358
$13,318,369
Filer's Name
Donald J. T rump
Part 2: Filer's Employment Assets and Income
# DesCl'iption EIF attached schedule Value Income Type Income Amount
(Pal't 2 - EXHIBIT A)
Reference#
095 TRUMP OLD POST OFFICE LLC NIA 408 Over $50,000,000
Underlying Assets: hotel
Location: Washington, DC
See attached schedule
hotel related revenue
097 Miss Universe LP., LLLP NIA 413 $50,001 - $100,000 None (or less than $201)
Value reported reflects bank account holding only.
Additional Underlying Asset: none
See attached schedule
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10 of 42
$40,842,294
098 TRUMP PALACE/PARC LLC NIA 414 $5,000,001 - $25,000,000 rent $100,001 - $1,000,000
Underlying Assets: commercial real estate
location: New York, NY
See attached schedule
099 TRUMP PARK AVENUE LLC NIA 420 Over $50,000,000 rent $1 ,000,001 - $5,000,000
Underlying Assets: residential & commercial real estate
Location: New York, NY
See attached schedule
JOO TRUMP PLAZA LLC NIA 424 $25,000,001 - $50,000,000 rent $1 ,000,001 - $5,000,000
Underlying Assets: residential & commercial real estate
location: New York, NY
See attached schedule
IOI TRUMP PRODUCTIONS LLC NIA 426 None (or less than $1 ,001)
Value reported reflects bank account holding only.
Additional Underlying Assets: production company - value not
readily ascertainable.
location: New York, NY
See attached schedule
production revenue
$279,868
103 Trump Restaurants LLC NIA 430 $1 ,000,001 - $5,000,000
Underlying Assets: restauranUretail
location: New York, NY
See attached schedule
food & beverage and
related merchandise
sales
$4,364,103
104 TRUMP RUFFIN TOWER I LLC NIA 434 Over $50,000,000
Underlying Assets: commercial real estate
Location: Las Vegas, NV
See attached schedule
condo sales
hotel related revenue
106 TRUMP SCOTSBOROUGH SQUARE LLC NIA 438 $500,001 - $1 ,000,000 rent $5,001 - $15,000
Underlying Assets: residential real estate
location: Scotsborough Square, VA
See attached schedule
108 TRUMP TOWER COMMERCIAL LLC NIA 444 Over $50,000,000 rent Over $5,000,000
Underlying Assets: commercial real estate
Location: New York, NY
See attached schedule
$6,002,244
$22,556,054
THE ACCOMPANYING SCHEDULE (PART 2 - EXHIBIT A) IS AN INTEGRAL PART Of THE ABOVE AND SHOULD BE READ IN CONJUNCTION THEREWITH. Gaps in numerical
sequence are due to the removal of previously reported items no longer reportable on thl~ part. Information being reported from January 1, 2018 to December 31, 2018.
Filer's Name
Donald J . Trump
Part 2: Filer's Employment Assets and Income
# Dcscl'iption EIF attached schedule Value Income Type Income Amount
(Pal't 2 - EXHIBIT A)
Reference#
109 TRUMP TOWER MANAGING MEMBER INC. NIA 445 $1 ,001 - $15,000 None (or less than $201)
Value reported reflects bank account holding only. Entity's other
holdings and assets are reported elsewhere; see attached
schedule. Pass-thru entity. New York, NY
110 TRUMP VINEYARD ESTATES LLC NIA 447 $5,000,001 - $25,000,000 rent $100,001 • $1,000,000
Underlying Assets: vineyard
Location: Charlottesville, VA
See attached schedule
111 TRUMP VINEYARD ESTATES LOT 3 OWNER LLC NIA 448 $500,001 - $1 ,000,000 rent $100,001 - $1 ,000,000
Underlying Assets: vineyard
Location: Charlottesville, VA
See attached schedule
112 TRUMP VIRGINIA ACQUISITIONS LLC NIA 450 $5,000,001 - $25,000,000
Underlying Assets: commercial real estate
Location: Charlottesville, VA
See attached schedule
hotel related revenue
113 TRUMP VIRGINIA LOT 5 LLC NIA 452 $500,001 • $1 ,000,000 rent $15,001 - $50,000
Underlying Assets: vineyard
Location: Charlottesville, VA
See attached schedule
114 TW VENTURE II LLC NIA 464 $1 ,001 -$1 5,000 None (or less than $201)
Value reported reflects bank account holding only. Entity's other
holdings and assets are reported elsewhere; see attached
schedule. Pass-thru entity. Doonbeg, Ireland
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$1 ,140,943
11 6 TRUMP NATIONAL GOLF CLUB· LOS ANGELES NIA 469 Over $50,000,000
Underlying Assets: golf course and unsold lots
Location: Los Angeles, CA
See attached schedule
119 Wollman Rink Operations LLC NIA 476 $1 ,000,001 - $5,000,000
Underlying Assets: operating agreement with NEW YORK CITY
DEPARTMENT OF PARKS & RECREATION - ice skating rinks
Location: New York, NY
See attached schedule
golf related revenue
land sales
ice skating rink
operation
$10,913,069
$7,010,000
$8,493,215
120 HWA 555 Owners, LLC NIA 478 Over $50,000,000 rent Over $5,000,000
Underlying Assets: commercial real estate
Location: San Francisco, CA
See attached schedule
121 1290 AVEN UE OF THE AMERICAS, A TENANCY-IN-COMMON NIA 479 Over $50,000,000 rent Over $5,000,000
Underlying Assets: commercial real estate
Location: New York, NY
See attached schedule
THE ACCO M PANYING SCHEDULE (PART 2 · EXH IBIT A) IS AN INTEGRAL PART OF THE ABOVE AND SHOULD BE READ IN CONJUNCTION THEREW ITH. Gaps in num erical
sequence are d ue t o the removal o f previously reported items no longer reportable on this part. Inform at ion being repo rted fro m January 1, 2018 to December 3 1 . 2018.
Filer's Name
Donald J. Trump
Part 2: Filer's Employment Assets and Income
# Description EIF attached schedule Value Income Type Income Amount
(Part 2 - EXHIBIT A)
Reference#
122 4% limited partnership interest in Starrett City Associates, L.P. (via the
entities disclosed on Exhibit A and direct ownership by The Donald J . Trump
NIA 018, 141, 154, 446 rent $1 ,000,001 - $5,000,000
Revocable Trust)
Value of remaining distributions not readily ascertainable
Additional Underlying Assets: residential real estate (sold)
Location: Brooklyn, NY
distributable share
including sales
proceeds
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$13,355,178
123 4% limited partnership interest In Spring Creek Plaza LLC (via the entitles NIA
disclosed on Exhibit A and direct ownership by The Donald J. Trump
Revocable Trust)
Value of remaining distributions not readily ascertainable
Additional Underlying Assets: commercial real estate (sold)
Location: Brooklyn, NY
018, 141 , 154, 446 rent $15,001 - $50,000
distributable share
including sales
proceeds
$1 ,099,840
124 Trump Tower Triplex NIA Over $50,000,000 None (or less than $201)
Underlying Assets: residential real estate
Location: New York, NY
125 NIKIA DT VENTURE I LLC NIA 533 $5,000,001 - $25,000,000 rent $100,001 - $1 ,000,000
Underlying Assets: residential real estate
Location: Palm Beach, FL
See attached schedule
126 NIKIA DTW VENTURE LLC NIA 093 $1,000,001 - $5,000,000 rent $100,001 - $1 ,000,000
Underlying Assets: residential real estate
Location: Palm Beach, FL
See attached schedule
THE ACCOMPANYING SCHEDULE (PART 2 - EXHIBIT A) IS AN INTEGRAL PART Of THE ABOVE AND SHO U LD BE READ IN CONJUNCTION THEREWITH. Gaps in numerical
sequence are due to the removal of previously reported Items no longer reportable on this part. Information being reported from January 1, 2018 to December 31, 2018.
Filer's Name
Donald J. Trump
Part 2: Filer's Employment Assets and Income
# Description EIF attached schedule Value Income Type Income Amount
(Part 2 - EXHIBIT A)
Reference#
127 DT Marks Worli LLC NIA 089 royalties $100,001 • $1,000,000
Underlying Assets: license deal
licensee(s): JAWALA REAL ESTATE PRIVATE LTD, LODHA
DEVELOPERS PRIVATE LTD
Location: New York, NY
See attached schedule
Value not readily ascertainable
130 THC VANCOUVER MANAGEMENT CORP N/A 190
Underlying Assets: management company
location: Vancouver, Canada
See attached schedule
Value not readily ascertainable
132 TNGC JUPITER MANAGEMENT LLC NIA 227 $15,001 - $50,000
Value reported reflects bank account holding only.
Additional Underlying Asset: management company
Location: Jupiter, Fl
See attached schedule
Value not readily ascertainable
133 TRUMP CHICAGO COMMERCIAL MANAGER LLC NIA 254
Underlying Assets: management company
location: New York, NY
See attached schedule
Value not readily ascertainable
134 TRUMP CHICAGO HOTEL MANAGER LLC NIA 256 None (or less than $1 ,001)
Value reported reflects bank account holding only.
Underlying Asset: management company
Location: New York, NY
See attached schedule
Value not readily ascertainable
management fees
management fees
management fees
management fees
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$213,946
$375,552
$142,830
$1 ,702,003
135 TRUMP CHICAGO RESIDENTIAL MANAGER LLC NIA 260
Underlying Assets: management company
location: New York, NY
See attached schedule
management fees
Value not readily ascertainable
136 TRUMP MARKS FINE FOODS LLC NIA 333 None (or less than $1 ,001 ) royalties $5,001 - $15,000
Value reported reflects bank account holding only.
Additional Underlying Asset: license deal with TWO RIVERS
COFFEE• value not readily ascertainable. license holder, New
York, NY
See attached schedule
$524,819
THE ACCOMPANYING SCHEDULE (PART 2 - EXHIBIT A) IS AN INTEGRAL PART OF THE ABOVE AND SHOULD BE READ IN CONJUNCTION THEREWITH. Gaps in numerical
sequence are due to the removal of previously reported items no longer reportable on this part. Information being reported from January 1, 2018 to December 3 1, 201 8.
Filer's Name
Donald J. Trump
Part 2: Filer's Employment Assets and Income
# Description EIF attached schedule Value Income Type Income Amouut
(Part 2 - EXHIBIT A)
Reference#
137 TRUMP MARKS PHILIPPINES LLC N/A 367 None (or less than $1 ,001) royalties $1 ,000,001 - $5,000,000
Value reported reflects bank account holding only.
Llcensee(s): CENTURY CITY DEVELOPMENT CORP
Location: New York, NY
See attached schedule
Value not readily ascertainable
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140 TRUMP MARKS SUNNY ISLES I LLC N/A 381 $1 ,001 - $15,000 royalties $100,001 - $1 ,000,000
Value reported reflects bank account holding only.
Additional Underlying Assets: license deal - value not readily
ascertainable.
Licensee(s): MICHAEL DEZER & NAOMI DEZERTOV
Location: New York, NY
See attached schedule
141 TRUMP PANAMA HOTEL MANAGEMENT LLC N/A 417 None (or less than $1 ,001)
Value reported reflects bank account holding only
Underlying Assets: management agreement
Location: New York, NY
See attached schedule
Value not readily ascertainable
management fees
$3,016
142 TRUMP TORONTO HOTEL MANAGEMENT CORP N/A 442 $1 ,001 - $15,000 None (or less than $201)
Value reported reflects bank account holding only.
Additional Underlying Asset: management deal with TALON
INTERNATIONAL INC - value not readily ascertainable.
Management company, New York, NY; See attached schedule.
143 TW VENTURE I LLC N/A 462 $15,001 - $50,000
Value reported reflects bank account holding only.
Additional Underlying Asset: transportation services company -
value not readily ascertainable. Palm Beach, FL
See attached schedule
operating income
144 Trump Management Inc. N/A 480 $15,001 - $50,000 None (or less than $201)
Value reported reflects bank account holding only.
Additional Underlying Asset: management company - value not
readily ascertainable
Location: Manhasset, NY
See attached schedule
146 Think Like A Champion N/A royalties $2,501 - $5,000
Publisher: Vanguard Press, a member of Perseus Books LLC
Underlying Assets: book
Location: New York, NY
Value not readily ascertainable
(Published 2009)
$99,093
THE ACCOMPANYING SCHEDU LE (PART 2 - EXHIBIT A) IS AN INTEGRAL PART OF THE ABOVE AND SHOULD BE READ IN CONJUNCTION THEREWITH. Gaps in num erical
sequence are due to t he removal of previously reported items no longer reportable on this part. Information being repo rted from January 1, 2018 t o December 31 , 201 8.
Filer's Name
Donald J. Trump
Part 2: Filer's Employment Assets and Income
# Description EIF attached schedule Value Income Type Income Amonnt
(Part 2 - EXHIBIT A)
Reference#
147 The Art Of The Deal NIA royalties $100,001 - $1,000,000
Publisher: Random House
Underlying Assets: book
Location: New York, NY
Value not readily ascertainable
(Published 1987)
148 Time To Get Tough NIA royalties $15,001 - $50,000
Publisher: Regnery Publishing
Underlying Assets: book
Location: New York, NY
Value not readily ascertainable
(Published 2011)
149 Think Like a Billionaire NIA None (or less than $201)
Publisher: Random House
Underlying Assets: book
Location: New York, NY
Value not readily ascertainable
(Published 2004)
150 The Art of the Comeback NIA None (or less than $201)
Publisher: Random House
Underlying Assets: book
Location: New York, NY
Value not readily ascertainable
(Published 1997)
151 Why We Want You To Be Rich NIA None (or less than $201)
Publisher: Plata Publishing LLC
Underlying Assets: book
Location: New York, NY
Value not readily ascertainable
(Published 2006)
152 Trump 101 : The Way to Success NIA None (or less than $201)
Publisher: John Wiley & Sons, Inc.
Underlying Assets: book
Location: New York, NY
Value not readily ascertainable
(Published 2007)
153 The America We Deserve NIA None (or less than $201)
Publisher: Renaissance Books
Underlying Assets: book
Location: New York, NY
Value not readily ascertainable
(Published 2000)
154 Never Give Up NIA None (or less than $201)
Publisher: John Wiley & Sons, Inc.
Underlying Assets: book
Location: New York, NY
Value not readily ascertainable
(Published 2008)
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TH E ACCOMPANYING SCHEDULE (PART 2 - EXHIBIT A) IS AN INTEGRAL PART Of TH E ABOVE AND SHO ULD BE READ IN CONJUNCTION THEREWITH. Gaps in numerical
sequence are due to the removal o f previously reported it ems no longer reportable on t his part. Inform at ion b eing repo rted from January 1, 20 18 to Decemb er 31, 2 018.
Filer's Name
Donald J. Trump
Part 2: Filer's Employment Assets and Income
# Description EIF attached schedule Value Income Type Income Amount
(Pm·t 2 - EXHIBIT A)
Reference#
155 The Best Real Estate Advice I Ever Received NIA None (or less than $201)
Publisher: Thomas Nelson, Inc.
Underlying Assets: book
Location: New York, NY
Value not readily ascertainable
(Published 2005)
156 The Way To The Top N/A royalties $2,501 - $5,000
Publisher: Bill Adler Books
Underlying Assets: book
Location: New York, NY
Value not readily ascertainable
(Published 2004)
157 How to Get Rich N/A royalties $15,001 - $50,000
Publisher: Random House
Underlying Assets: book
Location: New York, NY
Value not readily ascertainable
(Published 2004)
158 Think Big and Kick Ass N/A None (or less than $201)
Publisher: HarperCollins Publishers
Underlying Assets: book
Location: New York, NY
Value not readily ascertainable
(Published 2007)
159 Trump: Surviving Al The Top N/A None (or less than $201)
Publisher: Random House
Underlying Assets: book
Location: New York, NY
Value not readily ascertainable
(Published 1990)
160 SCREEN ACTORS GUILD PENSION N/A
Underlying Assets: pension
Location: Burbank, CA
Value not readily ascertainable
pension
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$90,TT6
169 THC MIAMI RESTAURANT HOSPITALITY LLC NIA 178 $50,001 - $100,000
Value reported reflects bank account holding only.
Restaurant operations at Trump National Doral
Location: Miami, FL
food & beverage related
sales
178 THC IMEA DEVELOPMENT LLC NIA 177 $1 ,001 - $15,000 None (or less than $201)
Value reported reflects bank account holding only.
Additional Underlying Asset: developer - value not readily
ascertainable.
Location: New York, NY
See attached schedule.
$5,454,345
THE ACCOMPANYING SCHEDULE (PART 2 - EXHIBIT A) IS AN INTEGRAL PART Of THE ABOVE AND SHOULD BE READ IN CONJUNCTION THEREWITH. Gaps In numerical
sequence are due to the removal of previously reported items no longer reportable on this part. Information being reported from January 1, 2018 to December 31, 2018.
Filer's Name
Donald J. Trump
Part 2: Filer's Employment Assets and Income
# Description EIF attached schedule Value Income Type Income Amount
(Pnrt 2 - EXHIBIT A)
Reference#
180 TRUMP MARKS PUNTA DEL ESTE LLC NIA 374 None (or less than $1 ,001) royalties $100,001 - $1 ,000,000
Value reported reflects bank account holding only.
Additional Underlying Asset: license deal with AETOS SA and
FAROY SA - value not readily ascertainable.
License holder, Punta Del Este, Uruguay; See attached schedule.
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181 OT BALI TECHNICAL SERVICES MANAGER LLC NIA 497 None (or less than $1 ,001)
Value reported reflects bank account holding only.
Additional Underlying Asset: management deal with PT BALI
NIRWANA RESORT - value not readily ascertainable.
Management company, Ball, Indonesia; See attached schedule.
management fees
$110,713
182 OT CONNECT EUROPE LIMITED NIA 499 $1,001 - $15,000 rent $50,001 - $100,000
Value reported reflects bank account holding only.
Additional Underlying Assets: aircraft (transferred)
Location: Tumberry, Scotland
See attached schedule
183 OT ENDEAVOR I LLC NIA 500 $5,000,001 - $25,000,000 None (or less than $201)
Underlying Assets: aircraft
Location: Palm Beach, FL
See attached schedule
184 OT LIDO TECHNICAL SERVICES MANAGER LLC NIA 509 $1,001 -$15,000
Value reported reflects bank account holding only.
Additional Underlying Asset: management deal with PT LIDO
NIRWANA PARAHYANGAN - value not readily ascertainable.
management fees
Management company, Lido, Indonesia; See attached schedule.
$101 ,487
187 MOBILE PAYROLL CONSTRUCTION LLC NIA 523 $50,001 - $100,000 None (or less than $201)
Value reported reflects bank account holding only.
Additional Underlying Asset: none
Payroll company, Bedminster, NJ ; See attached schedule
188 CRIPPLED AMERICA NIA None (or less than $201)
Publisher: Threshold Editions
Underlying Assets: book
Location: New York, NY
Value not readily ascertainable
(Published 2015)
189 DTTM OPERATIONS LLC NIA 519 $1 ,001 - $15,000 None (or less than $201)
Value reported reflects bank account holding only. Entity's other
holdings and assets are reported elsewhere; see attached
schedule. Pass-thru entity. New York, NY
THE ACCOMPANYING SCHEDULE (PART 2 - EXHIBIT A) IS AN INTEGRAL PART OF THE ABOVE AND SHOULD BE READ IN CONJUNCTION THEREWITH. Gaps in num erical
sequence are due to t he removal of previously reported ttems no longer reportable on this pa rt. Information being repo rted from January 1, 2018 t o December 31, 2016.
Filer's Name
Donald J . Trump
Part 2: Filer's Employment Assets and Income
# Description EIF nttnchcd schedule Vnluc Income Type Income Amount
(Part 2 - EXHIBIT A)
Reference#
191 Trump Las Vegas Sales & Marketing, Inc. NIA 311 $1,001 - $15,000
Value reported reflects bank account holding only.
Additional Underlying Assets: sales & marketing deal with TRUMP
RUFFIN TOWER I LLC - value not readily ascertainable. Entity set
commissions
up to receive brokerage commissions, Las Vegas, NV; See attached
schedule
192 OT TOWER KOLKATA LLC NIA 517 $1 ,001 - $15,000 royalties $100,001 - $1 ,000,000
Value reported reflects bank account holding only.
Additional Underlying Asset: license deal with CONCAST
INFRASTRUCTURE PRIVATE LIMITED, TRIBECA CREATORS
LLP, REGENT HIRISE PRIVATE LIMITED, RAJ CONSTRUCTION
PROJECTS PRIVATE LIM ITED, ROB REALTY &
INFRASTRUCTURE LIMITED - value not readily ascertainable.
License holder, Kolkata, India; See attached schedule.
I
I
Page Number
18 of 42
$1 62,439
194 STORAGE 106 LLC NIA 542 None {or less than $1 ,001) rent $50,001 - $100,000
Underlying Assets: commercial real estate {asset transferred In
2018)
Location: New York, NY
See attached schedule
195 SC CLEVELAND MS MANAGEMENT LLC N/A 545 None {or less than $1,001)
Value reported reflects bank account holding only.
Additional Underlying Asset: management deal with CHAWLA
POINTE, LLC
Management company, Cleveland, MS; See attached schedule
Value not readily ascertainable
management fees
$10,303
196 TRETAIL LLC NIA 548 $250,001 - $500,000
Underlying Asset: online retail business
Location: New York, NY
See attached schedule
sales
$520,305
197 WESTMINSTER HOTEL MANAGEMENT LLC NIA 550 None {or less than $1 ,001)
Value reported reflects bank account holding only.
Additional Underlying Asset: management deal with ESPLANADE
LIVINGSTON, LLC
Management company, Livingston, NJ ; See attached schedule
Value not readily ascertainable
management fees
$142,415
THE ACCOMPANYING SCHEDULE (PART 2 - EXHIBIT A) IS AN INTEGRAL PART OF THE ABOVE AND SHOULD BE READ IN CONJUNCTION THEREWITH. Gaps in numerical
sequence are due to the removal of previously reported items no longer reportable on this part. Information being reported from January 1, 2018 to December 31, 2018.
Filer's Name
Donald J. Trump
Part 2: Filer's Employment Assets and Income
II Description EIF nttnched schedule Value Income Type Income Amount
(Pnrt 2 • EXHIBIT A)
Reference II
198 AMERICAN FEDERATION of TELEVISION and RADIO ARTISTS NIA
PENSION
Underlying Assets: pension
Location: New York, NY
pension
Value not readily ascertainable
199 WB Studio Enterprises Inc NIA royalties $201 - $1 ,000
Residual income earned from movies/television
Individual programs generated less than $200 of income
Location: Burbank, CA
Value not readily ascertainable
I
I
Page Number
19 of 42
$8,724
200 Universal City Studios LLC N/A royalties $201 - $1 ,000
Residual income earned from movies/television
The Little Rascals
All others generated less than $200 of income
Location: New York, NY
Value not readily ascertainable
201 Entertainment Partners N/A None (or less than $201)
Residual income earned from movies/television
Location: Burbank, CA
Value not readily ascertainable
202 GOLF RECREATION SCOTLAND LIMITED NIA 107 $1 ,001 - $15,000 None (or less than $201)
Value reported reflects bank account holding only. Entity's other
holdings and assets are reported elsewhere; see attached
schedule. Pass-thru entity. Turnberry, Scotland
203 TRUMP DEVELOPMENT SERVICES LLC NIA 271 None (or less than $1 ,001 )
Value reported reflects bank account holding only.
Additional Underlying Asset: management company - value not
readily ascertainable.
Location: New York, NY
See attached schedule
management fees
$848,604
204 TURNBERRY SCOTLAND LLC N/A 460 $1 ,001 - $15,000 None (or less than $201)
Value reported reflects bank account holding only. Entity's other
holdings and assets are reported elsewhere; see attached
schedule. Pass-thru entity. Turnberry, Scotland
THE ACCOMPANYING SCHEDULE (PART 2 - EXHIBIT A) IS AN INTEGRAL PART OF THE ABOVE AND SHOULD BE READ IN CONJUNCTION THEREWITH. Gaps in num erical
$equence are due to the removal of previously reported items no longer reportable on thi$ part. Information being reported from January 1, 2018 to December 31, 2018.
Filer's Name
Donald J. Trump
Part 2: Filer's Employment Assets and Income
II Description EIF attached schedule Value Income Type Income Amount
(Part 2 - EXHIBIT A)
Reference#
205 4T HOLDINGS TWO LLC NIA 541 None (or less than $1 ,001)
Value reported reflects bank account holding only.
Additional Underlying Asset: management company - value not
readily ascertainable.
consulting fees
Location: New York, NY
See attached schedule
206 T EXPRESS LLC NIA 543 None (or less than $1 ,001)
Value reported reflects bank account holding only.
Additional Underlying Asset: potential hotel deal (inactive) - value
not readily ascertainable.
Location: New York, NY
See attached schedule
administrative fees
207 T PROMOTIONS LLC NIA 547 $50,001 - $100,000 None (or less than $201)
Value reported reflects bank account holding only.
Additional Underlying Asset: administrative agent entity for gift card
redemptions
Location: New York, NY
See attached schedule
I
I
Page Number
20 of 4?
$61 ,045
$1,937
208 1125 South Ocean LLC NIA 552 $5,000,001 - $25,000,000 interest $15,001 - $50,000
Underlying Assets: residential real estate and bank account
Location: Palm Beach, FL
See attached schedule
THE ACCOMPANYING SCHEDULE {PART 2 - EXHIB IT A) IS AN INTEGRAL PART Of THE ABOVE AND SHO ULD BE READ IN CONJUNCTION THEREWITH. Gaps in num erical
sequence are due to the removal of previously reported items no longer reportable on this part. Information being reported from January 1, 2018 to December 31, 2018.
OGE Fonn 278c (March 2014)
Instructions for Part 3
Note: T h' 1s . 1s a pu bl ic f orm. Do not . me I u d e account num b ers, street a dd resses, or f amily mem b er names. See instructions f or require . d . m f ormat1on.
Filer's Name
IPage Number
Donald J. Trump I 21 of 42
Part 3: Filer's Employment Agreements and Arrangements
# Employer or Party City/State Status and Terms Date
1.
Screen Actors Guild -
Producers
Burbank, CA
Pension Plan for Motion Picture Actors; payments received on a monthly basis. The date reflects the year that
Donald J. Trump began participating in the plan.
1992
2.
AMERICAN FEDERATION
of TELEVISION and
RADIO ARTISTS
Retirement Fund
New York, NY
Pension Plan for Television and Radio Artists; payments received on a monthly basis. The date reflects the year
that Donald J . Trump began participating in the plan.
1989
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.

OGE Fann 278e (March 2014)
Instructions for Part 4
N Th. . bl"" f
ote: IS IS a pu 1c orm.
Filer's Name
Donald J. Trump
D o not . inc I u d e account num b ers, street a dd resses, or f am1 ·1 y mem b er names. See instructions
Part 4: Filer's Sources of Compensation Exceeding $5,000 in a Year
# Source Name City/State Brief Description of Duties
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
N/A
f or require . d .
in
f ormat1on.
!Page Number
I 22 of 42
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17
18.
19.
20.
OGE Fonn 278c (March 2014)
Instructions for Part S
Note: This is a public form. Do not include account numbers, street addresses, or family member names. See instructions for required information.
Filer's Name
!Page Number
Donald J. Trump I 23 of 42
Part 5: Spouse's Employment Assets and Income
# Description EIF Value Income Type Income Amount
1. Melania LLC N/A None (or less than $1,001) None (or less than $201)
Underlying Assets: inactive
Location: New York, NY
2. MELANIA MARKS ACCESSORIES LLC N/A None (or less than $201)
Underlying Assets: licensing agreement
Licensee(s): MZ BERGER & COMPANY LLC
Location: New York, NY
Value not readily ascertainable
3. MELANIA MARKS ACCESSORIES MEMBER CORP
(pass-thru company for MELANIA MARKS ACCESSORIES
N/A None (or less than $201)
LLC)
Location: New York, NY
Value not readily ascertainable
4. 721 33H LLC N/A $1 ,000,001 - $5,000,000 None (or less than $201)
Underlying Assets: residential real estate
Location: New York, NY
5. 721 33H Holdings LLC N/A None (or less than $201)
(pass-thru company for 721 33H LLC)
Location: New York, NY
Value not readily ascertainable
6. Getty Images Inc. N/A None (or less than $201)
Use of photographic images
Location: New York, NY
Value not readily ascertainable

OGE Fonn 278c (March 2014)
Instructions for Part 6
N o t e : Th. IS . IS a PU bl' Ic f orm. Do not include account numbers, street addresses, or family member names. See instructions for required information.
Filer's Name
IPage Number
Donald J. Trump I
24 of 42
Part 6: Other Assets and Income
# Description EIF Value Income Type Income Amount
I
JP MORGAN CHASE- CHECKING AND SAVINGS
ACCOUNTS
N/A $500,001 - $1,000,000
Interest $1 ,001 - $2,500
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
CAPITAL ONE BANK - CHECKING AND SAVINGS
SIGNATURE BANK - CHECKING
BANK UNITED, NA - MONEY MARKET
FIRST REPUBLIC BANK - CHECKING
INVESTMENT IN GOLD
WMTMF LLC (US BANK CASH ACCOUNT)
MBWTLLC
Underlying assets are not reportable
N/A $5,000,001 - $25,000,000 Interest $100,001 - $1,000,000
N/A $100,001 - $250,000 Interest $1 ,001 - $2,500
N/A $100,001 - $250,000 Interest $1 ,001 - $2,500
N/A $15,001 - $50,000 Interest None (or less than $201)
N/A $100,001 - $250,000 None (or less than $201)
N/A $50,001 - $100,000 None (or less than $201)
No
I
The Fred C. Trump December 16, 1976 Trust- F/8/0
Donald J. Trumo
JP MORGAN CHASE - SAVINGS ACCOUNT
N/A $1,000,001 - $5,000,000 Interest $2,501 - $5,000
1
2
JP MORGAN CLEARING CORP - BROKERAGE ACCOUNT
HOLDINGS
ECO TEK 360 INC
(f/k/a GLOBAL FASHION TECHNOLOGIES)
N/A $1,001 - $15,000 None (or less than $201)
I
2
3
The Donald J Trump Revocable Trust
CAPITAL ONE BANK - CHECKING AND SAVINGS
PROFESSIONAL BANK - MONEY MARKET
SIGNATURE BANK- MONEY MARKET
N/A $25,000,001 - $50,000,000 Interest $100,001 - $1 ,000,000
N/A $5,000,001 - $25,000,000 Interest $50,001 - $100,000
N/A $5,000,001 - $25,000,000 Interest $2,501 - $5,000
OGE Fann 278e (March 2014)
Instructions for Part 6
N ote: Th' IS . IS a pu bl' 1c f orm. D o not . me I u d e account num b ers, street a dd resses, or f am11v ·1 mem b er names. s ee instructions f or require . d . m f ormat1on.
Filer's Name
IPage Number
Donald J. Trump I 25 of 42
Part 6: Other Assets and Income
# Description EIF Value Income Type Income Amount
4
BANK UNITED - MONEY MARKET
Family Trust 1 *
NIA $5,000,001 - $25,000,000 Interest None (or less than $201)
Interest, Dividends,
Capital Gains
$15,001 - $50,000
1 AMG MG PICTET INTL-Z
y $1,001-$15,000
2
3
4
5
6
7
DODGE & COX INTL STOCK FD
ISHARES MSCI EAFE INDEX FUND
ISHARES CORE MSCI EAFE ETF
JPMORGAN BETABUILDERS CANADA ETF
SIX CIRCLES INTERNATIONAL UNCONSTRAINED EQUITY
FUND
ARTISAN INTL VALUE FD-INS
y $1,001 - $15,000
y $15,001 - $50,000
y $1,001 - $15,000
y $1,001 - $15,000
y $1,001 - $15,000
y $1,001 - $15,000
8 JPM GL RES ENH IDX FD - USD - R6
y $15,001 - $50,000
9
ISHARES INC MSCI JAPAN NEW
y $1,001 - $15,000
10 FIDELITY 500 INDEX FD-Al
y $1 ,001 - $15,000
11
JPM US L/C CORE PL FD - USD - R6
y $15,001 - $50,000
12 NEUBERGER BER MU/COPP-INS
y $15,001 - $50,000
13
PRIMECAP ODYSSEY STOCK FD
y $15,001 - $50,000
14 SPDR S&P 500 ETF TRUST
y $50,001 - $100,000
15 SIX CIRCLES U.S. UNCONSTRAINED EQUITY FUND
y $1,001 - $15,000
16
BLACKSTONE ALT MULTI-STRAT-Y
y $1,001 - $15,000
17 CRM LONG/SHORT OPPORTUNITIES FUND
y $1,001 - $15,000
* J.P. Morgan is the sole Trustee. Donald J. Trump retains an income interest only in the Family Trusts and has no investment decision authority.
OGE Fonn 278e (March 2014)
Instructions for Part 6
N o t e: Th. IS . IS a pu bl"" Ic f orm. D o no t . me I u d e accoun t num b ers, s t ree t a dd resses, or f amIIy ·1 mem b er names. s ee . ms t rue f ions f or require . d. m f ormatIon.
Filer's Name
IPage Number
Donald J. Trump I 26 of 42
Part 6: Other Assets and Income
# Description EIF Value Income Type Income Amount
18
BOSTON P GL LG/SH EQ-INST
y $1,001 - $15,000
19 GMO SGM MAJOR MARKETS FD-VI
y $1,001 - $15,000
20 US Bank Cash Account
N/A $15,001 - $50,000
21
LORD ABBETT SHRT DUR INC-F3
y $1,001 -$15,000
22 JPM SHRT-INT MUNI BND FD - USD - I
y $1 ,001 - $15,000
23 SIX CIRCLES TAX AWARE ULTRA SHORT
y $1,001 - $15,000
24 AMERICAN FUNDS THE TAX-EXEMPT BOND FUND OF y $1,001 - $15,000
AMERICA
25 DODGE & COX INCOME FD
y $1 ,001 - $15,000
'
26 !SHARES BARCLAYS 1-3 YEAR TREASURY
y $1,001 - $15,000
27 METROPOLITAN WEST Total Return Bond-PLN
y $1,001 - $15,000
28 AQR MANAGED FUTURES STR-R6
y None (or less than $1,001)
29 CHILTON STRATEGIC EUROPEAN EQUITIES FD
y None (or less than $1,001)
30 FMI LARGE CAP FUND-INST
y None (or less than $1,001)
31
AMERICAN BEACON GLG Total Return - Ultra
y None (or less than $1,001)
32 JOHN HAN II-ABS RET CURR-R6
y None (or less than $1,001)
33 MFS EMERG ING MKTS DEBT FD R6
y None (or less than $1 ,001)
34 PIMCO UNCONSTRAINED BOND-INS
y None (or less than $1,001)
35 AQR LONG-SHORT EQUITY-R6
y None (or less than $1,001)
36 BLACKROCK HIGH YIELD PT-BLAC
y None (or less than $1 ,001)
* J.P. Morgan is the sole Trustee. Donald J. Trump retains an income interest only in the Family Trusts and has no investment decision authority.
OGE Fonn 278e (March 2014)
Instructions for Part 6
N ote: Th. IS . IS a PU bl"" Ic f orm. D o no t. inc I u d e account num b ers, s t ree t a dd resses, or f amI1y ·1 mem b er names. s ee · ins t rue r 10ns t or require . d . in f orma r I0n.
Filer's Name
IPage Number
Donald J . Trump I 27 of 42
Part 6: Other Assets and Income
# !Description IEIF I Value I Income Type !Income Amount
Family Trust 2*
I
AMG MG PICTET INTL-Z
, y $1,001 - $15,000
2
DODGE & COX INTL STOCK FD
y $1 ,001 - $15,000
3
ISHARES MSCI EAFE INDEX FUND
y $15,001 - $50,000
4
!SHARES CORE MSCI EAFE ETF
y $15,001 - $50,000
5 JPMORGAN BETABUILDERS CANADA ETF
y $1 ,001 - $15,000
6
7
SIX CIRCLES INTERNATIONAL UNCONSTRAINED EQUITY
FUND
y $1 ,001 - $15,000
ARTISAN INTL VALUE FD-INS
y $1,001 - $15,000
8 JPM GL RES ENH IDX FD - USD - R6
y $15,001 - $50,000
9
ISHARES INC MSCI JAPAN NEW
y $1 ,001 -$15,000
10 FIDELITY 500 INDEX FD-Al
y $1,001-$15,000
11
JPM US L/C CORE PL FD - USD - R6
y $15,001 - $50,000
12 NEUBERGER BER MU/COPP-INS
y $15,001 - $50,000
13
PRIMECAP ODYSSEY STOCK FD
y $15,001 - $50,000
14 SPDR S&P 500 ETF TRUST
y $50,001 - $100,000
15 SIX CIRCLES U.S. UNCONSTRAINED EQUITY FUND
y $15,001 - $50,000
16 BLACKSTONE ALT MULTI-STRAT-Y
y $1 ,001 - $15,000
17 CRM LONG/SHORT OPPORTUNITIES FUND
y $1,001 - $15,000
Interest, Dividends,
Capital Gains
$15,001 - $50,000
* J. P. Morgan is the sole Trustee. Dona ld J. Trump ret ains an income interest only in the Family Trusts and has no invest ment decision authority.
OGE Fonn 278e (March 2014)
Instructions for Part 6
Note: T h is . Is a pu bl"" Ic f orm. Do not . inc I u d e account numbers, street ad d resses, or f amily member names. See instructions for required information .
Filer's Name
IPage Number
Donald J. Trump I 28 of 42
Part 6: Other Assets and Income
# Description EIF Value Income Type Income Amount
18
BOSTON P GL LG/SH EQ-INST
y $1,001 - $15,000
19 GMO SGM MAJOR MARKETS FD-VI
y $1,001 - $15,000
20 US Bank Cash Account
N/A $15,001 - $50,000
21
LORD ABBETT SHRT DUR INC-F3
y $1,001 - $15,000
22 JPM SHRT-INT MUNI BND FD - USD - I
y $15,001 - $50,000
23 SIX CIRCLES TAX AWARE ULTRA SHORT
y $1 ,001 - $15,000
24
AMERICAN FUNDS THE TAX-EXEMPT BOND FUND OF
AMERICA
y $1,001 - $15,000
25 DODGE & COX INCOME FD
y $1 ,001 - $15,000
26 ISHARES BARCLAYS 1-3 YEAR TREASURY
y $1 ,001 - $15,000
27 METROPOLITAN WEST Total Return Bond-PLN
y $1,001 - $15,000
28 BLACKROCK HIGH YIELD PORTFOLIO
y None (or less than $1,001)
29 CHILTON STRATEGIC EUROPEAN EQUITIES FD
y None (or less than $1,001)
30 Equinox 1PM Systematic Macro Fund
y None (or less than $1,001)
31 FMI LARGE CAP FUND-INST
y None (or less than $1,001)
32 AMERICAN BEACON GLG Total Return - Ultra
y None (or less than $1,001)
33 JOHN HAN II-ABS RET CURR-R6
y None (or less than $1 ,001)
34 MFS EMERG ING MKTS DEBT FD R6
y None (or less than $1 ,001)
35 PIMCO UNCONSTRAINED BOND-INS
y None (or less than $1,001)
36 AQR LONG-SHORT EQUITY-R6
y None (or less than $1 ,001)
* J.P. Morgan is the sole Trustee. Donald J. Trump retains an income interest only in the Family Trusts and has no investment decision authority.
OGE Fonn 278e (March 2014)
Instructions for Part 6
N ote: Th. IS . IS a PU bl"" 1c f orm. D o not . me I u d e account num b ers, street a dd resses, or f am1 ·1 y mem b er names.
s ee instructions f or require . d .
in
f ormat1on.
Filer's Name
IPage Number
Donald J. Trump I 29 of 42
Part 6: Other Assets and Income
# I Description IEIF I Value !Income Type !Income Amount
I
2
3
4
Family Trust 3*
AMG MG PICTET INTL-Z
DODGE & COX INTL STOCK FD
ISHARES MSCI EAFE INDEX FUND
ISHARES CORE MSCI EAFE ETF
y $1 ,001 - $15,000
y $1,001 - $15,000
y $15,001 - $50,000
y $15,001 - $50,000
Interest, Dividends,
Capital Gains
$15,001 - $50,000
5 JPMORGAN BETABUILDERS CANADA ETF
y $1 ,001 - $15,000
6 SIX CIRCLES INTERNATIONAL UNCONSTRAINED EQUITY y $1 ,001 - $15,000
FUND
7
8
9
ARTISAN INTL VALUE FD-INS
JPM GL RES ENH IDX FD - USD - R6
ISHARES INC MSCI JAPAN NEW
y $15,001 - $50,000
y $15,001 - $50,000
y $1 ,001 - $15,000
10 FIDELITY 500 INDEX FD-Al
y $1 ,001 - $15,000
11
JPM US L/C CORE PL FD - USD - R6
y $15,001 - $50,000
12 NEUBERGER BER MU/COPP-INS
y $15,001 - $50,000
13
PRIMECAP ODYSSEY STOCK FD
y $15,001 - $50,000
14 SPDR S&P 500 ETF TRUST
y $100,001 - $250,000
15 SIX CIRCLES U.S. UNCONSTRAINED EQUITY FUND
y $15,001 - $50,000
16 BLACKSTONE ALT MULTI-STRAT-Y
y $1 ,001 - $15,000
17 CRM LONG/SHORT OPPORTUNITIES FUND
y $1 ,001 -$15,000
* J.P. Morgan is the sole Trustee. Donald J. Trump retains an income interest only in the Family Trusts and has no investment decision authority.
OGE Fonn 278e (March 2014)
Instructions for Part 6
Note: T h. Is . Is a pu bl. Ic f orm. Do not . me I u d e account num b ers, street a dd resses, or f ami y mem b er names. See instructions f or require d in f ormation.
Filer's Name
Donald J. Trump
Part 6: Other Assets and Income
# Description EIF Value
18 BOSTON P GL LG/SH EQ-INST
y $1,001 - $15,000
19 GMO SGM MAJOR MARKETS FD-VI
y $1 ,001 - $15,000
20 US Bank Cash Account
N/A $15,001 - $50,000
21 LORD ABBETT SHRT DUR INC-F3
y $1 ,001 - $15,000
22 JPM SHRT-INT MUNI BND FD - USO - I
y $15,001 - $50,000
23 SIX CIRCLES TAX AWARE ULTRA SHORT
y $1,001 - $15,000
Income Type
Income Amount
!Page Number
I 30 of 42
24
AMERICAN FUNDS THE TAX-EXEMPT BOND FUND OF
AMERICA
y $1 ,001 - $15,000
25 DODGE & COX INCOME FD
y $1 ,001 - $15,000
26 ISHARES BARCLAYS 1-3 YEAR TREASURY
y $15,001 - $50,000
27 METROPOLITAN WEST Total Return Bond-PLN
y $1 ,001 - $15,000
28 AQR MANAGED FUTURES STR-R6
y None (or less than $1,001)
29 BLACKROCK HIGH YIELD PORTFOLIO
y None (or less than $1 ,001)
30 CHILTON STRATEGIC EUROPEAN EQUITIES FD
y None (or less than $1 ,001 )
31 AMERICAN BEACON GLG Total Return - Ultra
y None (or less than $1,001)
32 JOHN HAN II-ABS RET CURR-R6
y None (or less than $1,001)
33 MFS EMERGING MKTS DEBT FD R6
y None (or less than $1,001)
34 PIMCO UNCONSTRAINED BOND-INS
y None (or less than $1,001)
35 AQR LONG-SHORT EQUITY-R6
y None (or less than $1,001)
* J.P. Morgan is the sole Trustee. Donald J. Trump retains an income interest only in the Family Trusts and has no investment decision authority.
OGE Form 278e (March 2014)
Instructions for Part 7
N o t e: Th ' IS . IS a pu bl' ,c f orm. D o no t . inc I u d e accoun num b ers, s t ree t a dd
Filer's Name
Donald J . Trump
Part 7: Transactions
# Description
Family Trust 1 *
resses, or f am, ·1 y mem b er names. s ee · ms t rue r 10ns or require . d . in f orma r 10n.
Page Number
Type Date Amount
31 of 42
I !SHARES BARCLAYS 1-3 VEAR TREASURY BOND FUND
2 BOSTON P GL LG/SH EQ-INST
3 LORD ABBETT SHRT DUR INC-F3
4 BLACKSTONE ALT MULTI-STRAT- V
5 JPMORGAN BETABUILDERS CANADA ETF
6 JPMORGAN BETABUILDERS CANADA ETF
7 SIX CIRCLES U.S. UNCONSTRAINED EQUITY FUND
8 FIDELITY 500 INDEX FD-Al
9 SIX CIRCLES TAX AWARE ULTRA SHORT DURATION FUND
10 SIX CIRCLES INTERNATIONAL UNCONSTRAINED EQUITY FUND
II JPMORGAN BETABUILDERS CANADA ETF
12 !SHARES BARCLAYS 1-3 VEAR TREASURY BOND FUND
13 JPM SH RT-INT MUNI BND-1 FUND3602
14 CRM LONG/SHORT OPPORTUNITIES FUND
15 !SHARES BARCLAYS 1-3 VEAR TREASURY BOND FUND
16 JPM SH RT-INT MUNI BND-1 FUND3602
17 DODGE & COX INTL STOCK FD
18 FIDELITY 500 INDEX FD-Al
19 PIMCO SHORT-TERM FD-INSTL
Purchase 20-Dec-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
Purchase 16-Nov-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
Purchase 09-Nov-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
Purchase 09-Nov-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
Purchase 26-0ct-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
Purchase 26-0ct-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
Purchase 26-0ct-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
Purchase 26-0ct-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
Purchase 26-0ct-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
Purchase 26-0ct-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
Purchase 16-Aug-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
Purchase 17-Jul-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
Purchase 17-Jul-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
Purchase 17-Jul-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
Purchase 13-Jun-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
Purchase 06-Mar-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
Purchase 06-Mar-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
Purchase 06-Mar-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
Purchase 06-Mar-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
* J.P. Morgan is the sole Trustee. Donald J. Trump retains an income interest only in the Family Trusts and has no investment decision authority.
OGE Fonn 278e (March 2014)
Instructions for Part 7
Note: This is a public form . Do not include account numbers, street addresses, or family member names. See instructions for required information.
Filer's Name
Page Number
Donald J. T rump 32 of 42
Part 7: Transactions
# Description Type Date Amount
20 FIDELITY 500 INDEX FD-Al Purchase 12- Feb-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
21 AMER FND5 T/E BND FND AM-F3 Purchase 30-Jan-2018 $1,001 - $15,000
22 ISHARES CORE MSCI EAFE ETF Purchase 25-Jan-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
23 SPDR S&P 500 ETF TRUST Purchase 25-Jan-2018 $1,001 - $15,000
24 ISHARES INC MSCI JAPAN NEW Purchase 25-Jan-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
25 PIMCO SHORT-TERM FD-INSTL Purchase 25-Jan-2018 $1,001 - $15,000
26 METROPOLITAN WEST Total Return Bond-PLN Purchase 25-Jan-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
27 CRM LONG/SHORT OPPORTUNITIES FUND Purchase 25-Jan-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
28 AMERICAN BEACON GLG Total Return - Ultra Purchase 25-Jan-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
29 GMO SGM MAJOR MARKETS FD-VI Purchase 25-Jan-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
30 METROPOLITAN WEST Total Return Bond-PLN Sale 20-Dec-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
31 DODGE & COX INCOME FD
Sale 20-Dec-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
32 CH ILTON STRATEGIC EUROPEAN EQUITIES FD
Sale 30-Nov-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
33 CH ILTON STRATEGIC EUROPEAN EQUITIES FD
Sale 16-Nov-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
34 PIMCO UNCONSTRAINED BOND-INS
Sale 09-Nov-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
35 JOHN HAN II-ABS RET CURR-R6
Sale 08-Nov-2018 $1,001 - $15,000
36 AMERICAN BEACON GLG Total Return - Ultra Sale 08-Nov-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
37 CRM LONG/SHORT OPPORTUNITIES FUND
Sale 08-Nov-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
38 GMO SGM MAJOR MARKETS FD-VI
Sale 08-Nov-2018 $1,001 - $15,000
39 JPMORGAN GL RES ENH IDX-R6
Sale 29-0ct-2018 $1,001 - $15,000
* J.P. Morgan is the sole Trustee. Donald J. Trump retains an income interest only in the Family Trusts and has no investment decision authority.
OGE Form 278e (March 2014)
Instructions for Part 7
Note: This is a public form. Do not include account numbers, street addresses, or family member names. See instructions for required information.
Filer's Name
Page Number
Donald J. Trump 33 of 42
Part 7: Transactions
# Description Type Date Amount
40 DODGE & COX INTL STOCK FD
Sale 26-0ct-2018 $1 ,001-$15,000
41 PIMCO SHORT-TERM FD-INSTL
Sale 26-0ct-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
42 FMI LARGE CAP FUND-INST
Sale 26-0ct-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
43 AMG MG PICTET INTL-Z
Sale 26-0ct-2018 $1 ,001 - $ 15 ,000
44 ARTISAN INTL VALUE FD-INS
Sale 26-0ct-2018 $1,001 - $15,000
45 ISHARES CORE MSCI EAFE ETF
Sale 16-Aug-2018 $1,001 - $15,000
46 AQR LONG-SHORT EQUITY-R6
Sale 17-Jul-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
47 AQR MANAGED FUTURES STR-R6
Sale 17-Jul-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
48 ISHARES MSCI EAFE INDEX FUND
Sale 08-Jun-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
49 ISHARES MSCI EAFE INDEX FUND
Sale 07-Jun-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
50 ISHARES MSCI EAFE INDEX FUND
Sale 07-Jun-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
51
PIMCO UNCONSTRAINED BOND-INS
Sale 01-Jun-2018 $1,001 - $15,000
52 FMI LARGE CAP FUND-INST
Sale 01-Jun-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
53 BLACKROCK HIGH YIELD PORTFOLIO
Sale 12-Feb-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
54 MFS EMERGING MKTS DEBT FD R6
Sale 12-Feb-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
55 PIMCO SHORT-TERM FD-INSTL
Sale 12-Feb-2018 $1,001 - $15,000
56 JPM SHRT-INT MUNI BND-1 FUND 3602
Sale 25-Jan-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
57 JPMORGAN GL RES ENH IDX-R6
Sale 25-Jan-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
Family Trust 2 *
1 ISHARES BARCLAYS 1-3 YEAR TREASURY BOND FUND Purchase 20-Dec-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
• J.P. Morgan is the sole Trustee. Donald J. Trump retains an income interest only in the Family Trusts and has no investment decision authority.
OGE Form 278c (March 2014)
Instructions for Part 7
Note: This is a public form. Do not include account numbers, street addresses, or family member names. See instructions for required information.
Filer's Name
Page Number
Donald J. Trump 34 of 42
Part 7: Transactions
# Description Type Date Amount
2 BOSTON P GL LG/SH EQ-INST Purchase 16-Nov-2018 $1,001 - $15,000
3 LORD ABBITT SHRT OUR INC-F3 Purchase 09-Nov-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
4 BLACKSTONE ALT MULTI-STRAT- Y Purchase 09-Nov-2018 $1,001 - $15,000
5 JPMORGAN BETABU ILOERS CANADA HF Purchase 26-0ct-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
6 JPMORGAN BETABUILDERS CANADA ETF Purchase 26-0ct-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
7 SIX CIRCLES U.S. UNCONSTRAINED EQUITY FUND Purchase 26-0ct-2018 $15,001 - $50,000
8 JPM SH RT- INT MUNI BND-1 FUND 3602 Purchase 26-0ct-2018 $1,001 -$15,000
9 SIX CIRCLES TAX AWARE ULTRA SHORT DURATION FUND Purchase 26-0ct-2018 $1,001 - $15,000
10 SIX CIRCLES INTERNATIONAL UNCONSTRAINED EQUITY FUND Purchase 26-0ct-2018 $1,001 - $15,000
II JPMORGAN BETABUILOERS CANADA ETF Purchase 13-Aug-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
12 ISHARES BARCLAYS 1-3 YEAR TREASURY BONO FUND Purchase 17-Jul-2018 $1,001 - $15,000
13 JPM SHRT-INT MUNI BN0-1 FUND 3602 Purchase 17-Jul-2018 $1 ,0 01 - $15,000
14 ISHARES BARCLAYS 1-3 YEAR TREASURY BONO FUND Purchase 13-Jun-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,0 00
15 IS HARES CORE MSCI EAFE ETF Purchase 27-Feb-2018 $1,001 - $15,000
16 FIDELITY 500 INDEX FD-Al Purchase 27-Feb-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
17 JPM SHRT-INT MUNI BN0-1 FUND 3602 Purchase 27-Feb-2018 $1,001 - $15,000
18 PIMCO SHORT-TERM FO-INSTL Purchase 27-Feb-2018 $1,001 - $15,000
19 FIDELITY 500 INDEX FD-Al Purchase 12-Feb-2018 $1,00 1 - $15,00 0
20 AMER FNOS T/E BNO FNO AM-F3 Purchase 30-Jan-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
21 ISHARES CORE MSCI EAFE ETF Purchase 25-Jan-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
* J.P. Morgan is the sole Trustee. Donald J. Trump retains an income interest only in the Family Trusts and has no investment decision authority.
OGE Form 278e (March 2014)
Instructions for Part 7
Note: This is a public form . Do not include account numbers, street addresses, or family member names. See instructions for required information.
Filer's Name
Page Number
D o nald J. Trump 35 of 42
Part 7: Transactions
# Description Type Date Amount
22 ISHARES INC MSCI JAPAN NEW Purchase 25-Jan-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
23 SPDR S&P 500 ETF TRUST Purchase 25-Jan-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
24 PIMCO SHORT-TERM FO-I NSTL Purchase 25-Jan-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
25 METROPOLITAN WEST Total Return Bond-PLN Purchase 25-Jan-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
26 CRM LO NG/SHORT OPPORTUNITIES FUND Purchase 25-Jan-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
27 AMERICAN BEACON GLG Total Return - Ultra Purchase 25-Jan-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
28 GMO SGM MAJOR MARKETS FD-VI Purchase 25-Jan-2018 $1,001 - $15,000
29 METROPOLITAN WEST Total Return Bond-PLN Sale 20-Dec-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
30 DODGE & COX INCOME FD Sale 20-Dec-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
31 CHILTON STRATEGIC EUROPEAN EQUITIES FD Sale 30-Nov-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
32 CHILTON STRATEGIC EUROPEAN EQUITIES FD Sale 16-Nov-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
33 PIMCO UNCONSTRAINED BOND-INS Sale 09-Nov-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
34 JOHN HAN II-ABS RET CURR-R6 Sale 08-Nov-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
35 AMERICAN BEACON GLG Total Return - Ultra Sale 08-Nov-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
36 CRM LONG/SHORT OPPORTUNITIES FUND Sale 08-Nov-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
37 GMO SGM MAJOR MARKETS FD-VI Sale 08-Nov-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
38 JPMORGAN GL RES ENH IDX-R6 Sale 29-0ct-2018 $1,001 - $15,000
39 DODGE & COX INTL STOCK FD Sale 26-0ct-2018 $1,001 - $15,000
40 PIMCO SHORT-TERM FO-INSTL Sale 26-0ct-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
41 FMI LARGE CAP FUND-INST Sale 26-0ct-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
* J.P. Morgan is the sole Trustee. Donald J. Trump retains an income interest only in the Family Trusts and has no investment decision authority.
OGE Form 278e (March 201 4)
Instructions for Part 7
Note: This is a public form . Do not include account numbers, street addresses, or family member names. See instructions for required information.
Filer's Name
Page Number
Donald J. Trump 36 of 42
Part 7: Transactions
# Description Type Date Amount
42 PRIMECAP ODYSSEY STOCK FD Sale 26-0ct-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
43 AMG MG PICTET INTL-2 Sale 26-0ct-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
44 ARTISAN INTL VALUE FD-INS Sale 26-0ct-2018 $1,001 - $15,000
45 NEUBERGER BER MU/COPP-INS Sale 26-0ct-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
46 ISHARES CORE MSCI EAFE ETF Sale 13-Aug-2018 $1,001 - $15,000
47 !SHARES CORE MSCI EAFE ETF Sale 13-Aug-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
48 AQR LONG-SHORT EQUITY-R6 Sale 17-Jul-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
49 Equinox 1PM Systematic Macro Fund Sale 17-Jul-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
so !SHARES MSCI EAFE INDEX FUND Sale 08-Jun-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
51 ISHARES MSCI EAFE INDEX FUND Sale 07-Jun-2018 $1,001 - $15,000
52 !SHARES MSCI EAFE INDEX FUND Sale 07-Jun-2018 $1,001 - $15,000
53 ISHARES MSCI EAFE INDEX FUND Sale 11-Apr-2018 $1,001 - $15,000
54 DODGE & COX INCOME FD Sale 11-Apr-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
55 PIMCO UNCONSTRAINED BOND-INS Sale 11-Apr-2018 $1,001 - $15,000
56 BLACKROCK HIGH YIELD PORTFOLIO Sale 12-Feb-2018 $1,001 • $15,000
57 MFS EMERGING MKTS DEBT FD R6 Sale 12-Feb-2018 $1,001 - $15,000
58 PIMCO SHORT-TERM FD-INSTL Sale 12-Feb-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
59 JPM SHRT-INT MUNI BND-1 FUND 3602 Sale 25-Jan-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
60 JPMORGAN GL RES ENH IDX-R6 Sale 25-Jan-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
Family Trust 3*
* J.P. Morgan is the sole Trustee. Donald J. Trump retains an income interest only in the Family Trusts and has no investment decision authority.
OGE Form 278e(March 201 4)
Instructions for Part 7
N o t e: Th . IS . IS a pu bl"" 1c f orm. D o no t . inc I u d e accoun num b ers, s t ree t a dd resses, or f am1 ·1 y mem b er names. 5 ee . ms t rue f ions or require . d . m f orma f 10n.
Filer's Name
Page Number
Donald J . Trump
37 of 42
Part 7: Transactions
# Description
Type Date Amount
I ISHARES BARCLAYS 1-3 YEAR TREASURY BOND FUND
2 BOSTON P GL LG/SH EQ-INST
3 LORD ABBITT SHRT DUR INC- F3
Purchase 20-Dec-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
Purchase 16-Nov-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
Purchase 09-Nov-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
4 BLACKSTONE ALT MULTI-STRAT- Y
Purchase 09-Nov-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
5 JPMORGAN BETABUILDERS CANADA ETF
6 JPMORGAN BETABU ILDERS CANADA ETF
Purchase 26-0ct-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
Purchase 26-0ct-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
7 SIX CIRCLES TAX AWARE ULTRA SHORT DURATION FUND
Purchase 26-0ct-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
8 SIX CIRCLES U.S. UNCONSTRAINED EQUITY FUND
Purchase 26-0ct-2018 $15,001 - $50,000
9 JPM SHRT-INT MUNI BND-1 FUND 3602
Purchase 26-0ct-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
10 SIX CIRCLES INTERNATIONAL UNCONSTRAINED EQUITY FUND
11 JPMORGAN BETABUILDERS CANADA ETF
Purchase 26-0ct-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
Purchase 13-Aug-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
12 ISHARES BARCLAYS 1-3 YEAR TREASURY BOND FUND
Purchase 17-Jul-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
13 JPM SH RT-INT MUNI BND-1 FUND 3602
Purchase 17-Jul-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
14 ISHARES BARCLAYS 1-3 YEAR TREASURY BOND FUND
15 ISHARES CORE MSCI EAFE ETF
Purchase 13-Jun-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
Purchase 27-Feb-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
16 JPM SHRT-INT MUNI BND-1 FUND 3602
Purchase 27-Feb-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
17 FIDELITY 500 INDEX FD-Al
Purchase 27-Feb-2018 $1,001 - $15,000
18 PIMCO SHORT-TERM FD-INSTL
Purchase 27-Feb-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
19 FIDELITY 500 INDEX FD-Al
Purchase 12-Feb-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
20 AMER FNDS T/E BND FND AM-F3
Purchase 30-Jan-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
* J.P. Morgan is the sole Trustee. Donald J. Trump retains an income interest only in the Family Trusts and has no investment decision authority.
OGE Form 278e (March 2014)
Instructions for Part 7
Note: T h is is a pu bl ic f orm. Do not inc I u d e account num b ers, street a dd resses, or f amily mem b er names. See instructions or require d in f ormation.
Filer's Name
Donald J. Trump
Part 7: Transactions
# Description
Page Number
Type Date Amount
38 of 42
21 ISHARES INC MSCI JAPAN NEW
Purchase 25-Jan-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
22 SPDR S&P 500 ETF TRUST
Purchase 25-Jan-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
23 !SHARES CORE MSCI EAFE ETF
Purchase 25-Jan-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
24 PIMCO SHORT-TERM FD-INSTL
Purchase 25-Jan-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
25 METROPOLITAN WEST Total Return Bond-PLN
Purchase 25-Jan-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
26 CRM LONG/SHORT OPPORTUNITIES FUND
Purchase 25-Jan-2018 $1,001 - $15,000
27 AMERICAN BEACON GLG Total Return - Ultra
Purchase 25-Jan-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
28 GMO SGM MAJOR MARKETS FD-VI
Purchase 25-Jan-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
29 METROPOLITAN WEST Total Return Bond-PLN
Sale 21-Dec-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
30 DODGE & COX INCOME FD
Sale 21-Dec-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
31 CHILTON STRATEGIC EUROPEAN EQUITIES FD
Sale 03-Dec-2018 $1 ,001 - $ 15,000
32 CHILTON STRATEG IC EUROPEAN EQUITIES FD
Sale 19-Nov-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
33 PIMCO UNCONSTRAINED BOND-INS
Sale 13-Nov-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
34 JOHN HAN II-ABS RETCURR-R6
Sale 09-Nov-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
35 AMERICAN BEACON GLG Total Return - Ultra
Sale 09-Nov-2018 $ 1,001 - $15,000
36 CRM LONG/SHORT OPPORTUNITIES FUND
Sale 09-Nov-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
37 GMO SGM MAJOR MARKETS FD-VI
Sale 09-Nov-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
38 JPM ORGAN GL RES ENH IDX-R6
Sale 30-0ct-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
39 PIMCO SHORT-TERM FD-INSTL
Sale 29-0ct-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
40 PRIMECAP ODYSSEY STOCK FD
Sale 29-0ct-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
* J.P. Morgan is the sole Trustee. Donald J. Trump retains an income interest only in the Family Trusts and has no investment decision authority.
OGE Form 278e (March 2014)
Instructions for Part 7
Note: This is a public form . Do not include account numbers, street addresses, or family member names. See instructions for required information.
Filer's Name
Page Number
Donald J. Trump 39 of 42
Part 7: Transactions
# Description Type Date Amount
41 AMG MG PICTET INTL-Z Sale 29-0ct-2018 $1,001 - $15,000
42 JPMORGAN US l/C CORE PL-R6 Sale 29-0ct-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
43 ARTISAN INTL VALUE FD-INS Sale 29-0ct-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
44 NEUBERGER BER MU/COPP-INS Sale 29-0ct-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
45 DODGE & COX INTL STOCK FD Sale 29-0ct-2018 $1,001 - $15,000
46 !SHARES CORE MSCI EAFE ETF Sale 15-Aug-2018 $1,001 - $15,000
47 !SHARES CORE MSCI EAFE ETF Sale 15-Aug-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
48 AQR LONG-SHORT EQUITY-R6 Sale 18-Jul-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
49 AQR MANAGED FUTURES STR-R6 Sale 18-Jul-2018 $1,001 - $15,000
50 !SHARES MSCI EAFE INDEX FUND Sale 12-Jun-2018 $1,001 - $15,000
51 !SHARES MSCI EAFE INDEX FUND Sale 11-Jun-2018 $1,001 - $15,000
52 !SHARES MSCI EAFE INDEX FUND Sale 11-Jun-2018 $1,001 - $15,000
53 !SHARES MSCI EAFE INDEX FUND Sale 16-Apr-2018 $1,001 - $15,000
54 DODGE & COX INCOME FD Sale 13-Apr-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
55 PIMCO UNCONSTRAINED BOND-INS Sale 13-Apr-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
56 BLACKROCK HIGH YIELD PORTFOLIO Sale 13-Feb-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
57 MFS EMERGING MKTS DEBT FD R6 Sale 13-Feb-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
58 PIMCO SHORT-TERM FD-INSTL Sale 13-Feb-2018 $1,001 - $15,000
59 JPM SH RT-INT MUNI BND-1 Sale 26-Jan-2018 $15,001 - $50,000
* J.P. Morgan is the sole Trustee. Donald J. Trump retains an income interest only in the Family Trusts and has no investment decision authority.
OGE Form 278e (March 2014)
Instructions for Part 7
Note: This is a public form . Do not include account numbers, street addresses, or family member names. See instructions for required information.
Filer's Name
Page Number
Donald J. Trum p 40 of 42
Part 7: Transactions
# Description Type Date Amount
60 JPMORGAN GL RES ENH IDX-R6 Sale 26-Jan-2018 $1 ,001 - $15,000
I 401 North Wabash Venture LLC , condominium units, Chicago, IL •• Sales Various $100,001 - $250,000
2 Caribusiness Investments, S.R.L., land, Higuey, Dominican Republic •• Sale 29-Jan-2018 $1 ,000,001 - $5,000,000
3 Country Properties, LLC, residential real estate, Norfolk, VA •• Sale 27-Apr-2018 $100,001 - $250,000
4 D B Pace Acquisition, LLC , land, building and ff&e, New York, NY •• Sale 23-Feb-2018 $1 ,000,001 - $5,000,000
5 TRUMP RUFFIN TOWER I LLC, commercial real estate, Las Vegas, NV ** Sales Various $5,000,001 - $25,000,000
6 TRUMP NATIONAL GOLF CLUB - LOS ANGELES, land , Los Angeles, CA ** Sales Various $5,000,001 - $25,000,000
7
4% limited partnership interest in Starrett City Associates, L.P., residential real
estate, Brooklyn , NY ••
Sale 07-May-2018 $25,000,001 - $50,000,000
8 4% limited partnership interest in Spring Creek Plaza LLC, commercial real Sale 07-May-2018 $1 ,000,001 - $5,000,000
estate, Brooklyn , NY **
9 1125 South Ocean LLC, residential real estate, Palm Beach, FL ** Purchase 16-May-2018 $5,000,001 - $25,000,000
• J .P. Morgan is the sole Trustee. Donald J . Trump retains an income interest on~, in the Family Trusts and has no investment decision authority .
·• Real estate transactions entered into lly l>usiness entities (as opposed to by President Trump) have atways been referenced on Part 2 of the President's plier repcrts . Now. at the
request of OGE. they are being referenced on Part 7 as well.
OGE Form 278c (March 2014)
Instructions for Part 8
Note· This is a public form Do not include account numbers , street addresses , or family member names See instructions for required information.
Filer's Name
Page Number
Donald J. Trump
41 of 42
Part 8: Liabilities
# Creditor Name Type Amount Year Incurred Rate
1. Ladder Capital Finance LLC
2.
Trump Tower Commercial LLC -
mortgage
Over $50,000,000 2012 4.200%
Ladder Capital Finance I LLC 40 Wall Street LLC - loan Over $50,000,000 2015 3.665%
3. Deutsche Bank Trust Company Americas Trump National Doral - mortgage Over $50,000,000 2012
4. Deutsche Bank Trust Company Americas Trump National Doral - mortgage $5,000,001 - $25,000,000 2012
5.
6.
LIBOR + 1.75% or
Prime minus .75%
LIBOR + 1. 75% or
Prime minus .75%
Investors Savings Bank Trump Park Avenue LLC - mortgage $5,000,001 - $25,000,000 2010 3.250%
Ladder Capital Finance LLC Trump Plaza LLC - mortgage $5,000,001 - $25,000,000 2014 3.850%
7. Amboy Bank
Trump National Golf Club Colts Neck
LLC - mortgage
8. Chevy Chase Trust Holdings, Inc. as successor Trump National Golf Club
in interest to Bondy Way Development Washington DC LLC - mortgage
$5,000,001 - $25,000,000 2008 5.250%
$5,000,001 - $25,000,000 2009 5.500%
Term
Matures in 2022
Matures in 2025
Matures in 2023
Matures in 2023
Matures in 2020
Matures in 2024
Matures in 2028
Matures in 2029
9. Royal Bank America Seven Springs - mortgage $5,000,001 - $25,000,000 2000 4.000%
10. Ladder Capital Finance LLC TIHT Commercial LLC - mortgage $5,000,001 - $25,000,000 2016 4.050%
11. Chicago Unit Acquisition LLC TIHT Chicago - springing loan Over $50,000,000 2012 Prime+ 5%
Matures in 2019
Matures in 2026
Springing loan
12. Deutsche Bank Trust Company Americas TIHT Chicago - term loan $25,000,001 - $50,000,000 2012
13.
Deutsche Bank Trust Company Americas Trump Old Post Office - loan Over $50,000,000 2015
LIBOR + 2.00% or
Prime minus .50%
LIBOR + 1.75% or
Prime minus .25%
Matures in 2024
Matures in 2024
14. Professional Bank 1125 South Ocean LLC - mortgage $5,000,001 - $25,000,000 2018 4.500%
15.
Matures in 2048
16.
17.
OGE Fonn 278e (March 2014)
Instructions for Part 9
N t Th. . bl"" f
o e: IS IS a PU 1c orm.
Filer's Name
Donald J Trump
Part 9: Gifts and Travel Reimbursements
D o not . me I u d e account num b ers, street a dd resses, or f am, ., y mem b er names.
# Source Name City/State Brief Description
1.
None
s ee instructions f or require . d .
in
f ormat1on.
!Page Number
I 42 of 42
Value
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
16.
17.
18.
19.
20.
OGE Form ?71~ (M..-cl! 2014)
Reference#
Instructions for Part 2
Note: This Is a publlc form . Do not include account numbers, street addresses, or family member names. See instructions for required Information.
Filer's Name
Page Number
Donald J. Trump A 1 of 46
Part 2 disdosed entitles with assets over $1,000 or which produced income of over $200. This Schedule (EXHIBIT A) discloses the ownership structure of the entities on Part 2, as we ll as
additional entities that are not disclosed on Part 2. For each of the entities below that are not disclosed on Part 2, the numerical or telrt label indicates which reason for non-disclosure
applles. The numerical labels are as follows: •(t) have no independent value or income and are part of the entity structures listed in Part 2; (2) have no Independent value or Income and
provide back office support functions to other entities; (3) are dormant/inactive; (4} have no Independent value or income and exist to hold licen se deals that are prospective, Inactive, or
otherwise do not currently have valuable assets or create income; or (5) have no independent value or income, not Ina ctive nor dormant, not part of an entity structure or license deal.
This Schedule is being provided to ensure a complete picture of the assets and holdings of the filer. Gaps in num erical sequence are due to the removal of previously reported items no
longer reportable on this exhibit. AH of the Interests listed below in this exhibit, which were fo rmerly held by Donald J. Trump, directly or indirectly, are now held by The Donald J. Trump
Revocable Trust.
1 4 SHADOW TREE LANE LLC ·rs1
Owned by:
% Ownership
1
99
2 4 SHADOW TREE LANE MEMBER CORP ""(11
Name
4 SHADOW TREE IANE MEMBER
CORP
DJT HOLDINGS LLC
Role
Managing Member
Member
Owned by :
Has ownership interest in:
% Ownership
100
Entity Name
4 SHADOW TREE IANE LLC
Name
DJT HOLDINGS MANAGING MEMBER
LLC
Ownership
1.00%
Title
Managing Member
Role
Shareholder
3 40 Wall Development Associates, LLC •r1)
Owned by :
% Ownership
0.1
99.9
Pare Consulting, Inc.
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust
Role
Member
Member
Has ownership interest In:
Entity Name
40 Wall Street LLC
4D WALL STREET COMMERCIAL
LLC
40 Wall Street Member Corp.
Ownership
99.90%
100,00%
100.00%
Title
Member
Member
Shareholder
4 40 WALL STREET COMMERCIAL LLC ""(2)
Owned by :
% Ownership
100
Name
40 Wall Development Associates, LLC
Role
Member
5 40 Wall Street LLC
Owned by :
% Ownership
0.1
Name
40 Wall Street Member Corp.
Role
Managing Member
99.9
40 Wall Development Associates, LLC
Member
6 40 Wall Street Member Corp. ""(11
Owned by :
Has ownership interest in :
% Ownership
100
Entity Name
40 Wall Street LLC
Name
Role
40 Wall Development Associates, LLC Sharehold er
Ownership
Title
0.10% Managing Member
7 401 MEZZ VENTURE LLC •(11
Owned by :
Has ownership Interest In:
% Ownership
1
49
50
Name
TRUMP CHICAGO MANAGING
MEMBERLLC
TRUMP CHICAGO MEMBER LLC
TIHT CHICAGO MEMBER
ACQUISITION LLC
Entity Name Ownership Title
401 North Wabash Venture LLC 100.00%
Member
Role
Managing Member
Member
Member
TRUMP CHICAGO RETAIL LLC
100.00% Member
B 401 North Wabash Venture LLC
Owned by :
Has ownership interest in :
% Ownership Name
100 401 MEZZ VENTURE LLC
Entity Name
Ownership
TRUMP COMMERCIAL CHICAGO 100.00%
LLC
Title
Member
Role
Member

OOEF<>fUl 271c (Man:h 201 ~)
Instructions for Part 2
Note: This is a public form . Do not include account numbers, street addresses, or family member names. See instructions for required Information.
rlc~s Name
r•ge Number
Donald J. Trump AZ pf 46
Reference# '---------------------------- -------------,-------------'
TRUMP PAYROLL CHICAGO LLC 100.00% Managing Member
9 809 NORTH CANON LLC
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
99
10 809 NORTH CANON MEMBER CORPORATION *(1)
Name
809 NORTH CANON MEMBER
CORPORATION
DJT HOLDINGS LLC
Role
Managing Member
Member
Owned by :
Has ownership interest in :
%Ownership
100
Entity Name
809 NORTH CANON LLC
Name
DJT HOLDINGS MANAGING MEMBER
LLC
Ownership
Title
1.00% Managing Member
Role
Shareholder
11 81 Pine Note Holder Inc. *(3)
Owned by:
12 845 UN Limited Partnership
%Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdings LLC
Role
Shareholder
Owned by:
%Ownership
60
40
13 Ace Entertainment Holdings Inc. *(3)
Owned by :
%Ownership
100
14 A// Countv Building Supply & Maintenance Corp. *(3)
Owned by:
% Ownership
25
75
15 AVIATION PAYROLL COMPANY*(2)
Name
Trump 845 LP LLC
Trump 845 UN GP LLC
Name
DJT Holdings LLC
Name
DJT Holdings LLC
Trump Family Members
Role
Partner
Partner
Role
Shareholder
Role
Share holder
Shareholder
Owned by :
%Ownership
100
Name
DJT HOLDINGS MANAGING MEMBER
LLC
Role
Shareholder
17 Beach Haven Apartments #3 LLC *(3/
Owned by:
%Ownership
25
Name
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust
Role
Member
18 Beach Haven Apt#1, Inc. *(1)
75
Trump Family Members
Member
Owned by :
%Ownership
25
Name
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust
Role
Shareholder
75
Has ownership Interest in :
Entity Name
Starrett City Associates, LP.
Spring Creek Plaza llC
20 Beach Haven Shopping Center LLC *(3)
Trump Family Members
Ownership
0.86%
0.86%
Title
Partner
Member
Shareholder
Owned by :
21 Bedford Hills Corp. *(1)
%Ownership
25
75
Name
OJT Holdings UC
Trump Family Members
Role
Member
Member
Owned by:
% Ownership
100
Has ownership Interest in :
Entity Name
Seven Springs LLC
22 TRUMP BRIARCLIFF MANOR DEVELOPMENT LLC *(2)
Name
DJT Holdings llC
Ownership
0.10%
Title
Member
Role
Shareholder
Owned by:
23 Briar Hall Operations LLC *(3)
% Ownership
0.1
99.9
Name
BRIARCLIFF PROPERTIES, INC.
DJT HOLDINGS LLC
Role
Member
Member
Owned by:

OGE F-211c (t,.b,ch 201.&)
Instructions for Part 2
Note: This is a public form . Do not Inc lude account numbers, street addresses, or family member names. See instructions for required information.
Filer's Name
Page Number
Donald J . Trump A3 of 46
Reference ff
0.1
99.9
24 BRIARCLIFF PROPERTIES. INC. */1)
Development Member Inc.
OJT Holdings LLC
Member
Member
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Has ownership interest in : Entity Name Ownership
BRIAR HALL DEVELOPMENT LLC 0.10%
(N/K/A TRUMP BRIARCLIFF
MANOR DEVELOPMENT LLC)
25 Caribusiness Investments, S.R.L.
Name
DJT HOLDINGS MANAGING MEMBER
LLC
Title
Member
Role
Shareholder
Owned by :
%Ownership
1
99
Name
THE CARIBUSINESS RE CORP
CARIBUSINESS MRE LLC
Role
Member
Member
26 CAR/BUSINESS MRE LLC *(1)
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
Name
THE CARIBUSINESS RE CORP
Role
Managing Member
Has ownership interest in :
99
Entity Name
Caribusiness Investments, S.R.l.
DJT Holdings LLC
Ownership
99.00%
TIiie
Member
Member
27 Chelsea Hall LLC *(31
Owned by :
%Ownership
25
75
28 CHICAGO UNIT ACQ.U/SITION LLC */5/
Name
DJT Holdings LLC
Trump Family Members
Role
Member
Member
Owned by:
29 CHINA TRADEMARK LLC */3)
%Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdings LLC
Role
Member
Owned by:
30 Cl~de Hall, Inc. */31
%Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdings LLC
Role
Member
Owned by :
31 Coronet Hall, Inc. */3)
% Ownership
25
75
Name
OJT Holdings LLC
Trump Family Members
Role
Shareholder
Shareholder
Owned by :
32 CountD,'. A11artments. LLC
%Ownership
25
75
Name
OJT Holdings LLC
Trump Family Members
Role
Shareholder
Shareholder
Owned by:
33 CountD,'. Investors LLC */3!
%Ownership
25
75
Name
DJT Holdings LLC
Trump Family Members
Role
Member
Member
Owned by:
34 Counl!Jl Pro11erties, LLC
%Ownership
25
75
Name
OJT Holdings LLC
Trump Family Members
Role
Member
Member
Owned by:
% Ownership
25
75
35 DB PACE ACQ.U/SIT/ON MEMBER CORP */1!
Name
DJT Holdings UC
Trump Family Members
Role
Member
Member
Owned by:
Has ownership interest In :
%Ownership
100
Entity Name
DB Pace Acquisition, LLC
Name
DJT HOLDINGS MANAGING MEMBER
LLC
Ownership
1.00%
Title
Managing Member
Role
Shareholder
00t:: t""orm 2llc(Much 20 1.&)
Instructions for Part 2
Note: This is a public form. Do not include account numbers, st reet addresses, or family member names. See Instructions for required information.
Filer's Name
Page Number
Reference U
36 D B Pace Acquisition. LLC
Owned by :
37 Development Member Inc. •(3)
99
Name
DB PACE ACQUISITION MEMBER
CORP
DJT Holdings LLC
Role
Managing Member
Member
Owned by :
%Ownership
100
Has ownership Interest in : Entity Name Ownership
Briar Hall Operations LLC 0.10%
38 DJ Aerospace (Bermuda/ Limited •(3)--DISSOLVED 712118
Name
DJT HOLDINGS MANAGING MEMBER
LLC
Title
Member
Role
Shareholder
Owned by:
39 DJT AEROSPACE LLC
%Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdings LLC
Role
Shareholder
Owned by :
%Ownership
100
Name
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust
Role
Member
40 DJT ENTREPRENEUR MANAGING MEMBER LLC •(1)
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Has ownership interest In:
Entity Name
THE TRUMP ENTREPRENEUR
INITIATIVE LLC (NY DOMESTIC)
41 DJT ENTREPRENEUR MEMBER LLC •(1)
Name
DJT Holdings LLC
Ownership
0.10%
Title
Managing Member
Role
Member
Owned by :
Has ownership interest In :
42 DJT HOLDINGS LLC
%Ownership
100
Entity Name
THE TRUMP ENTREPRENEUR
INITIATIVE LLC (NY DOMESTIC)
Name
DJT Holdings LLC
Ownership
91.90%
Title
Member
Role
Member
Assumed Names :
Owned by:
QJJW,,
DJT 3 HOLDINGS LLC
%Ownership
1
99
Jurisdiction
Florida
Name
DJT HOLDINGS MANAGING MEMBER
LLC
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust
E>epiration Date
Filing Date
Role
Managing Member
Member
Has ownership interest In:
various entitles as indicated elsewhere in this schedule
43 DJT HOLDINGS MANAGING MEMBER LLC •(1)
Owned by :
%Ownership
100
Name
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust
Role
Member
Has ownership interest in :
various entities as indicated elsewhere in this schedule
44 DJT LAND HOLDINGS MEMBER CORP ""(3)
Owned by: % Ownership Name
100 DJT HOLDINGS MANAGING MEMBER
LLC
45 DJT OPERATIONS ex LLC •rs)
Owned by: %Ownership Name
100 DJT Holdings LLC
46 DJT OPERA T/ONS I LLC
Owned by : %Ownership Name
100 The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust
Role
Shareholder
Role
Member
Role
Member
47 DJT OPERATIONS II LLC •t1)
Owned by : %Ownership Name
100 The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust
Role
Member
OGEFonn271~(M.•rdi201.l)
Reference#
Instructions for Part 2
Note: This is a publlc form . Do not Include account numbers, street addresses, or family member names. See instructions for required information.
Filer's Name
Page Number
Donold J . Tn,mp AS of 46
Has ownership Interest In :
Entity Name
TAG AIR INC.
Ownership
100.00%
Title
Shareholder
48 Donald J Trump Enterprises LLC *(3/
Owned by:
% Ownership
100
49 Donald J. Trump Enterprises II LLC *(3/
Owned by :
%Ownership
100
50 Donald J. Trump Enterprises Ill LLC *(3/
Owned by :
% Ownership
100
53 DT APP WARRANT HOLDING LLC '(3/
Name
Trump Family Members
Name
Trump Family Members
Name
Trump Family Members
Role
Member
Role
Member
Role
Member
Owned by:
% Ownership
1
Name
DT APP WARRANT HOLDING
MANAGING MEMBER CORP
99 DTTM OPERATIONS LLC
54 DT APP WARRANT HOLDING MANAGING MEMBER CORP '(3/
Role
Managing Member
Member
Owned by:
Has ownership interest in :
55 DT CONNECT II LLC
%Ownership
100 OTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Entity Name
Ownership
DT APP WARRANT HOLDING LLC 1.00%
Title
Managing Member
Role
Shareholder
Owned by:
% Ownership
1
Name
DT CONNECT II MEMBER CORP
Role
Managing Member
99
56 DT CONNECT II MEMBER CORP *(1/
DJT HOLDINGS LLC
Member
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Name
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership interest In:
Entity Name
DT CONNECT II LLC
Ownership
Title
1.00% Managing Member
59 DT DUBAI GOLF MANAGER LLC
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
99
60 DT DUBAI GOLF MANAGER MEMBER CORP *(1/
Name
DT DUBAI GOLF MANAGER MEMBER
CORP
DJT Holdings LLC
Role
Managing Member
Member
Owned by: % Ownership Name Role
100 OJT Holdings Managing Member LLC Shareholder
Has ownership interest in: Entity Name Ownership Title
DT DUBAI GOLF MANAGER LLC 1.00% Managing Member
61 OT DUBAI II GOLF MANAGER LLC *(4)
Owned by :
% Ownership
1
99
62 DT DUBAI II GOLF MANAGER MEMBER CORP *(4/
Name
DT DUBAI II GOLF MANAGER
MEMBER CORP
TTTT VENTURELLC
Role
Managing Member
Member
Owned by:
""Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership interest in: Entity Name Ownership
OT DUBAI II GOLF MANAGER LLC 1.00%
Title
Managing Member
63 DT HOME MARKS INTERNATIONAL LLC
Owned by:
%Ownership
001:. form 211c (Mmh 2014)
Instructions for Part 2
Note: This is a public form. Do not include account numbers, street addresses, or family member names. See instructions for required information.
Filer's Name
Page Number
Donald J . TNmp
A6 of 46
Reference##
OT HOME MARKS INTERNATIONAL
MEMBER CORP
99 DTTM OPERATIONS LLC
64 DT HOME MARKS INTERNATIONAL MEMBER CORP *{1)
Managing Member
Member
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Has ownership interest in : Entity Name Ownership
OT HOME MARKS INTERNATIONAL 1.00%
LLC
65 DT IND/A VENTURE LLC *{3)
Name
OTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Title
Managing Member
Role
Shareholder
Owned by:
% Ownership
1
99
66 DT IND/A VENTURE MANAGING MEMBER CORP *(3/
Name
OT INDIA VENTURE MANAGING
MEMBER CORP
DTTM OPERATIONS LLC
Role
Member
Member
Owned by:
Has ownership interest In :
67 DT MARKS BAKU LLC *{3)
%Ownership
100
Entity Name
OT INDIA VENTURE LLC
Name
DTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Ownership
1.00%
Title
Member
Role
Shareholder
Owned by :
%Ownership
1
99
68 DT MARKS BAKU MANAGING MEMBER CORP *{3)
Name
OT MARKS BAKU MANAGING
MEMBER CORP
DTTM OPERATIONS LLC
Role
Managing Member
Member
Owned by:
Has ownership Interest in :
% Ownership
100
Entity Name
OT MARKS BAKU LLC
Name
OTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Ownership
1.00%
Title
Managing Member
Role
Shareholder
71 DT MARKS DUBAI LLC *{4)
Owned by:
%Ownership
l
Name
OT MARKS DUBAI MEMBER CORP
Role
Managing Member
99
72 DT MARKS DUBAI MEMBER CORP *{4)
DTTM OPERATIONS LLC
Member
Owned by:
Has ownership Interest in :
%Ownership
100
Entity Name
OT MARKS DUBAI LLC
Name
OTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Ownership
1.00%
Title
Managing Member
Role
Shareholder
73 DT MARKS GURGAON LLC *{4)
Owned by:
%Ownership
Name
1 OT MARKS GURGAON MANAGING MEMBER CORP
Role
Managing Member
99
DTTM OPERATIONS LLC
Member
74 DT MARKS GURGAON MANAGING MEMBER CORP *{4)
Owned by:
Has ownership interest in:
%Ownership
100
Entity Name
OT MARKS GURGAON LLC
OTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Ownership
1.00%
Title
Managing Member
Role
Shareholder
75 DT MARKS JERSEY CITY LLC *{4)
Owned by:
76 DT MARKS JUPITER LLC *(4)
%Ownership
100
~
DTTM OPERATIONS LLC
Role
Member
00E fl>fm21l e(!llud,20J~)
Reference#
Instructions for Part 2
Note : This is a public form . Do not include account numbers, street addresses, or fam ily member names. See instructions for required information.
Filer's Name
Page Number
Donald J. Trump
Owned by:
'¼Ownership
100
Name
DTTM OPERATIONS LLC
Al of 46
Role
Managing Member
77 DT MARKS PRODUCTS INTERNATIONAL LLC •(4)
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
Name
DT MARKS PRODUCTS
INTERNATIONAL MEMBER CORP
99 DTTM OPERATIONS LLC
78 DT MARKS PRODUCTS INTERNATIONAL MEMBER CORP •(4)
Role
Managing Member
Member
Owned by:
Has ownership interest in :
79 DT MARKS PUNE II LLC '(3)
%Ownership
100
Entity Name
DT MARKS PRODUCTS
INTERNATIONAL LLC
Name
OTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Ownership
1.00%
Title
Managing Member
Role
Shareholder
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
Name
DT MARKS PUNE II MANAGING
MEMBER CORP
Role
Managing Member
99
DTTM OPERATIONS LLC
Member
80 DT MARKS PUNE II MANAGING MEMBER CORP '(3)
Owned by:
Has ownership Interest in :
%Ownership
100
Entity Name
DT MARKS PUNE II LLC
Name
DTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Ownership
1.00%
Title
Managing Member
Role
Shareholder
81 DT MARKS PUNE LLC '(4)
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
99
82 DT MARKS PUNE MANAGING MEMBER CORP •(4)
Name
DT MARKS PUNE MANAGING
MEMBER CORP
DTTM OPERATIONS LLC
Role
Managing Member
Member
Owned by:
Has ownership Interest in :
%Ownership
100
EntrtyName
DT MARKS PUNE LLC
Name
OTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Ownership
1.00%
Title
Managing Member
Role
Shareholder
/
85 DT MARKS RIO LLC •(3)
Owned by:
¾Ownership
1
Name
DT MARKS RIO MEMBER CORP
Role
Managing Member
99
86 DT MARKS RIO MEMBER CORP '(3)
DTTM OPERATIONS LLC
Member
Owned by :
Has ownership Interest In :
%Ownership
100
Entity Name
DT MARKS RIO LLC
Name
OTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Ownership
1.00%
Title
Managing Member
Role
Shareholder
87 DT MARKS VANCOUVER LP •(4)
Owned by :
%Ownership
Name
DT MARKS VANCOUVER MEMBER
CORP
Title
General Partner
99 The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust limited Partner
88 DT MARKS VANCOUVER MEMBER CORP •(4)
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Name
DTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Role
Shareholder

OGE Form2lk(flhn:h:?014)
Reference II
Instructions for Part 2
Note : This is a publk form. Do not include account numbers, street addresses, or family member names. See instructions for required information.
Filer's Name
Page Number
Donald J. TNmp A8 of 46
Has ownership Interest In :
89 DT Marks Wor/i LLC
Entity Name
OT MARKS VANCOUVER LP
Ownership
1.000000 units (100.00 %)
Title
General Partner
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
Name
OT Marks Worli Member Corp
Role
Managing Member
99
90 DT Marks Worli Member Corp *(1/
DTTM OPERATIONS LLC
Member
Owned by:
Has ownership Interest in :
% Ownership
100
Entity Name
OT Marks Worli LLC
Name
DTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Ownership
1.00%
Title
Managing Member
Role
Shareholder
91 DT TOWER GURGAON LLC •t4/
Owned by:
¾Ownership
1
99
92 DT TOWER GURGAON MANAGING MEMBER CORP *(4/
Name
DTTOWER GURGAON MANAGING
MEMBER CORP
TTTT Venture LlC
Role
Managing Member
Member
Owned by:
Has ownership interest In :
% Ownership
100
Entity Name
OTTOWER GURGAON LLC
Name
DTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Ownership
1.00%
Title
Managing Member
Role
Shareholder
93 DTWVENTURELLC
Owned by :
% Ownership
100
94 DTW VENTURE MANAGING MEMBER CORP. •(3/
Name
OJT Holdings LLC
Role
Member
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
95 EID Venture I Corporation *(3)
Owned by :
Has ownership Interest in :
% Ownership
100
Entity Name
EID Venture I LLC
Name
DTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Ownership
1.00%
Title
Managing Member
Role
Shareholder
ownership should have been reflected on prior reports
96 EID Venture I LLC •(3/
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
99
97 Excel Venture I Corporation *{1/
Name
EID Venture I Corporation
OTTM OPERATIONS LLC
Role
Managing Member
Member
Owned by :
%Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership Interest in :
Entity Name
Excel Venture I LLC
Ownership
1.00%
Title
Managing Member
98 Excel Venture I LL C
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
Name
Excel Venture I Corporation
Role
Managing Member
99
99 Fiftv-Seven Management Corp. *(1 /
OJT HOLDINGS LLC
Member
Owned by :
%Ownership
100
Name
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership Interest In:
Ownership
Title
00£ Form27h{M ucll201 4)
Instructions for Part 2
Note : Th is [s a public form. Do not Include account numbers, street addresses, or family member names. See Instructions for required information.
Filer's Name
Page Number
Donald J. Tn,mp A9 of 46
Reference II
Fifty-Seventh Street Associates 1.00% Managing Member
LLC
100 Fittv-Seventh Street Associates LLC
Owned by:
% Ownership
1
Name
Fifty-Seven Management Corp.
Role
Managing Member
101 FIRST MEMBER INC */1 /
99
The Trump-Equitable Fifth Avenue
Company
Member
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Name
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership Interest In :
Entity Name
TRUMP PALACE/PARC LLC
Ownership
Title
0.10% Managing Membe r
102 FLIGHTS INC */5)
Owned by:
% Ownership
100
Name
OJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
103 FLORIDA PROPERTIES MANAGEMENT LC *121
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
104 Fountainbleu Apartments LLC */3)
Name
OJTHoldings LLC
Role
Member
Owned by:
10s Golf Productions LLC
%Ownership
25
75
Name
DJT Holdings LLC
Trump Family Members
Role
Member
Member
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
Name
Golf Productions Member Corp
Role
Managing Member
99
106 Golf Productions Member Corp */1 I
OJT Holdings LLC
Member
Owned by :
%Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership interest in :
Entity Name
Golf Productions llC
Ownership
Title
1.00% Managing Member
107 Golf Recreation Scotland Limited
Owned by:
Has ownership interest in :
% Ownership
100
Entity Name
TRUMP TURNBERRV
Name
TURNBERRV SCOTLAND LLC
Ownership
100.00%
Title
Shareholder
Role
Sole Member
100 HELICOPTER AIR SERVICES INC */3)
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
110 Hudson Waterfront Associates I. LP *111
Name
DJT HOLDINGS MANAGING MEMBER
LLC
Role
Shareholder
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
69
30
Name
HUDSON WATERFRONT I
CORPORATION
HUDSON WESTSIDE ASSOCIATES I,
LP.
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust
Role
Partner
Partner
Partner
Has ownership interest In:
Entity Name
HWA 555 Owners, LLC
111 Hudson Waterfront Associates II. LP */5)
Ownership
Title
100.00% Partner
Owned by :
% Ownership
1
Name
HUDSON WATERFRONT 11
CORPORATION
Role
Partner

OGE Form27lc (Mw,:h 2lll,l)
Reference#
Instructions for Part 2
Note :This is a public form. Do not include account numbers, street add re sses, or family member names. See instructions for required Information.
Filer's Nnmc
Pnge Number
Donald J. Trump A 1 O of 46
69
30
HUOSON WESTSIOE ASSOCIATES 11,
L.P.
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust
Partner
Partner
112 Hudson Waterfront Associates Ill, LP *(1)
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
69
30
Name
HU050N WATERFRONT Ill
CORPORATION
HUDSON WESTSIDE ASSOCIATES Ill,
l.P.
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust
Role
Partner
Partner
Partner
Has ownership Interest In :
Entity Name
HWA 1290 111 LLC
Ownership
100.00%
Title
Partner
113 Hudson Waterfront Associates IV, LP *(1)
Owned by :
%Ownership
1
69
30
Name
HUDSON WATERFRONT IV
CORPORATION
HUOSON WESTSIOE ASSOCIATES IV,
L.P.
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust
Role
Partner
Partner
Partner
Has ownership Interest in :
Entity Name
HWA 1290 IV LLC
Ownership
100.00%
Title
Partner
114 Hudson Waterfront Associates V LP *(1)
Owned by :
%Ownership
1
69
30
Name
HUDSON WATERFRONTV
CORPORATION
HUDSON WESTSIDE ASSOCIATES V,
L.P.
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust
Role
Partner
Partner
Partner
Has ownership interest In :
Entity Name
HWA 1290 V LLC
Owners hip
100.00%
Title
Partner
116 Indian Hills Holdings LLC *£3/
Owned by :
% Ownership
100
117 TRUMP NATIONAL GOLF CLUB - JUPITER
Name
DJT Holdings LLC
Role
Member
Owned by :
%Ownership
1
99
118 JUPITER GOLF CLUB MANAGING MEMBER CORP *£1)
Name
JUPITER GOLF CLUB MANAGING
MEMBER CORP
DJT HOLDINGS LLC
Role
Managing Member
Member
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Has ownership interest in : Entity Name Ownership
TRUMP NATIONAL GOLF CLUB· 1.00%
JUPITER
119 LAMINGTON FAMILY HOLDINGS LLC
Name
DJT HOLDINGS MANAGING MEMBER
LLC
Title
Managing Member
Role
Shareholder
Owned by :
% Ownership
100
120 TRUMP NATIONAL GOLF CLUB - BEDMINSTER
Name
DJT Holdings LLC
Role
Member
Owned by:
% Ownership
100
121 Lawrence Towers Apartments LLC *(3)
~
LFB ACQUISITION LLC
Role
Member
Owned by :
122 LFB ACQUISITION LLC *(1)
% Ownership
25
75
Name
DJT Holdings llC
Trump Family Members
Role
Member
Member
Owned by :
%Ownership
Name
Role
OGI:Fonn 2llc(Mll'<h20l4)
Reference ti
Instructions for Part 2
Note : This is a public form. Do not include account numbers, street addresses, or family member names. See instructions for required information.
Filer's Name
P11gc Number
Donald J. Trump A 11 of 46
LFB ACQUISITION MEMBER CORP
Managing Member
99 DJT HOLDINGS LLC
Has ownership interest In : Entity Name Ownership
TRUMP-NATIONAL GOLF CLUB· 100.00%
BEDMINSTER
123 LFB ACQUISITION MEMBER CORP *(1)
Title
Member
Member
Owned by :
Has ownership Interest In :
%Ownership
100
Entity Name
LFB ACQUISITION LLC
Name
DJT HOLDINGS MANAGING MEMBER
LLC
Ownership
Title
1.00%
Managing Member
Role
Shareholder
125 MAR-A-LAGO CLUB INC *(1)
Owned by :
Has ownership interest in :
126 MAR-A-LAGO CLUB. L.L.C.
% Ownership
100
Entity Name
MAR-A-LAGO CLUB, L.L.C.
MALC, lnc.
Name
DJT HOLDINGS MANAGING MEMBER
LLC
Ownership
Title
0.01%
Member
100.00%
Shareholder
Role
Shareholder
Assumed Names:
Owned by:
M1.A
MAR-A-LAGO CLUB, L.L.C., LC.
%Ownership
0.01
99.99
Name
MAR-A-LAGO CLUB INC
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust
Role
Member
Member
127 Midland Associates •(31
Owned by :
%Ownership
2S
75
128 NITTO WORLD CO., LIMITED •13)
Owned by:
% Ownership
100
129 OCEAN DEVELOPMENT MEMBER INC '(3)
Name
OJT Holdings LLC
Trump Family Members
Name
TRUMP TURNBERRY
Role
Partner
Partner
Role
Shareholder
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Name
OJT Holdings LLC
Has ownership interest in: Entity Name Ownership
OCEAN DEVELOPMENT SERVICES 1.00%
LLC
131 One Central Park West Associates '(3)
Owned by : % Ownership Name
50 TRUMP CENTRAL PARK WEST CORP
so
GALBREATH COLUMBUS CIRCLE
DEVELOPMENT ASSOCIATES, LP.
Has ownership interest In : Entity Name Ownership
One Central Park West PT 34.30%
Associates
132 One Central Park West PT Associates '13!
Owned by: % Ownership Name
34.3 One Central Park West Associates
6S.7 CPW PT Partners, G.P.
133 OPO HOTEL MANAGER LLC '(5!
Owned by: % Ownership Name
1 OPO HOTEL MANAGER MEMBER
CORP
22.50 Trump Family Members
76.50 DJT HOLDINGS LLC
134 OPO HOTEL MANAGER MEMBER CORP *(1)
Owned by : %Ownership Name
100 DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Has ownership Interest In : Entity Name Ownership
Title
Member
Title
Member
Title
Role
Shareholder
Role
Partner
Partner
Role
Partner
Partner
Role
Managing Member
Member
Member
Role
Shareholder
OGE f<>fffl 27k(M=h 20I~)
Instructions for Part 2
Note: This is a public form. Do not Include account numbers, street addresses, or family member names. See instructions for required Information.
Filer's Nnme
Pngc Number
Donald J . TNmp A 12 of 46
Reference# ._____________
______________________________________...J
OPO HOTEL MANAGER LLC
1.00%
Managing Member
135 OWO DEVELOPER LLC *(3)
Owned by:
% Ownership
100
136 PANAMA OCEAN CLUB MANAGEMENT LLC *(3)
Name
DJT Holdings LLC
Role
Member
Owned by:
% Ownership
Name
PANAMA OCEAN CLUB
MANAGEMENT MEMBER CORP
99 DJT Holdings LLC
137 PANAMA OCEAN CLUB MANAGEMENT MEMBER CORP *{3)
Role
Managing Member
Member
Owned by :
%Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership interest In :
140 Pare Consulting. Inc. *(1)
Entity Name
PANAMA OCEAN CLUB
MANAGEMENT LLC
Ownership
Title
1.00% Managing Member
Owned by:
% Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership Interest In :
141 Park Briar Associates *(1)
Entity Name Ownership Title
40 Wall Development Associates, 0.10%
Member
LLC
Owned by:
%Ownership
25
Name
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust
Role
Partner
75
Has ownership Interest in:
Entity Name
Starrett City Associates, LP.
Spring Creek Plaza LLC
142 PINE HILL DEVELOPMENT LLC
Trump Family Members
Ownership
1.47%
1.47%
Title
Partner
Member
Partner
Owned by:
% Ownership
1
Name
PINE Hill DEVELOPMENT
MANAGING MEMBER CORP
99 DJT HOLDINGS LLC
143 PINE HILL DEVELOPMENT MANAGING MEMBER CORP *(1)
Role
Managing Member
Member
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdings Manacing Member llC
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership interest In:
Entity Name Ownership Title
PINE Hill DEVELOPMENT LLC 1.00% Managing Member
144 Plaza Consulting Corp. *f1)
Owned by:
% Ownership
100
Name
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership interest in:
Entity Name
Ownership
The East 61 Street Company, LP 0.10%
Title
Partner
147 Req-Tru Equities. LTD *(3)
Owned by:
% Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
150 RPV DEVELOPMENT LLC *(1)
Owned by :
%Ownership
100
Has ownership interest In :
Entity Name
Ownership
TRUMP NATIONAL GOLF CLUB· 100.00%
LOS ANGELES
151 SCOTLAND ACQUISITIONS LLC *(3)
Name
DJT HOLDINGS MANAGING MEMBER
LLC
Title
Shareholder
Role
Member
OOF. Fo1m 271c (Mord, 2014)
Instructions for Part 2
Note: This is a public form. Do not include ac'count numbers, street addresses, or family member names. See instructions for required information.
Filer's Name
PagcNwnbcr
Donald J. Trump
A13of46
Reference# '--------------- - - ----------------------------------'
Owned by : % Ownership Name Role
100 DJT Holdings LLC Member
153 Seven Springs LLC
Owned by:
%Ownership
0,1
Name
Bedford Hills Corp.
Role
Managing Member
154 Shore Haven Apt#1, Inc. *(1)
99.9
DJT HOLDINGS LLC
Member
Owned by:
%Ownership
25
Name
The Donald J, Trump Revocable Trust
Role
Shareholder
75
Has ownership interest in:
Entity Name
Starrett City Associates, LP.
Sp ring Creek Plaza LLC
156 Shore Haven Shopping Center LLC *(3)
Trump Family Members
Ownership
1.72%
1.72%
Title
Partner
Member
Shareholder
Owned by :
157 TRUMP TURNBERRY
%Ownership
25
75
Name
DJT Holdings LLC
Trump Famlly Members
Role
Member
Member
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Name
Golf Recreation Scotland Limited
Role
Sole Sha reholder
Has ownership interest in:
Entity Name
NITTO WORLD CO., LIMITED
Ownership
100.00%
Title
Shareholder
159 Sussex Hall. Inc. *(3)
Owned by :
%Ownership
25
Name
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust
Role
Shareholder
160 T International Realty LLC
75
Trump Family Members
Shareholder
Owned by:
%Ownership
55 The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust Managing Member
45
Trump Family Members
Member
161 TAG AIR INC. *£2)
Owned by :
% Ownership
100
162 THC BAKU HOTEL MANAGER SERVICES LLC *(4)
Name
DJT OPERATIONS II LLC
Role
Shareholder
Owned by :
%Ownership
1
Name
THC BAKU HOTEL MANAGER
SERVICES MEMBER CORP.
99 DJT Holdings LLC
163 THC BAKU HOTEL MANAGER SERVICES MEMBER CORP. *(4/
Role
Managing Member
Member
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership interest in :
Entity Name
THC BAKU HOTEL MANAGER
SERVICES LLC
164 THC BAKU SERVICES LLC *(4)
Ownership
1.00%
Title
Managing Member
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
Name
THC BAKU SERVICES MEMBER CORP
Role
Managing Member
99
165 THC BAKU SERVICES MEMBER CORP *(4)
DJT Holdings LLC
Member
Owned by :
%Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership interest In :
Ownership
Title
OG£ l'onn 21t~(Mud1 20 1-1)
Reference#
Instructions for Part 2
Note : This is a public form . Do not include account numbers, street addresses, or family member name s. See instructions for required Information.
Filers Name
Pnge Number
Donald J, Trump
A14 of 46
THC BAKU SERVICES LLC
1.00%
Managing Member
166 THC Barra Hotelaria L TDA. */4/
Owned by:
%Ownership
99
1
167 THC CENTRAL RESERVATIONS LLC
Name
DJT Holdings LLC
THC DEVELOPMENT BRAZIL
MANAGING MEMBER CORP
Role
Shareholder
Shareholder
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
99
16B THC CENTRAL RESERVATIONS MEMBER CORP */1)
~
THC CENTRAL RESERVATIONS
MEMBER CORP
DJT Holdings LLC
Role
Managing Member
Member
Owned by :
% Ownership
100
Name
OJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership interest In : Entity Name Ownership
THC CENTRAL RESERVATIONS LLC 1.00%
Title
Managing Member
169 THC CHINA DEVELOPMENT LLC
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
170 THC CHINA TECHNICAL SERVICES LLC */3)
Name
TRUMP INTERNATIONAL HOTELS
MANAGEMENT LLC
Role
Member
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
99
Name
THC CHINA TECHNICAL SERVICES
MANAGER CORP
OJT Holdings LLC
Role
Managing Member
Member
171 THC CHINA TECHNICAL SERVICES MANAGER CORP */3)
Owned by :
% Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership interest in : Entity Name Ownership
THC CHINA TECHNICAL SERVICES 1.00%
LLC
172 THC DEVELOPMENT BRAZIL LLC. */3)
Title
Managing Member
Owned by:
Name
THC DEVELOPMENT BRAZIL
MANAGING MEMBER CORP
99 DJT Holdings LLC
173 THC DEVELOPMENT BRAZIL MANAGING MEMBER CORP */3)
Role
Managing Member
Member
Owned by : % Ownership Name Role
100 DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC Shareholder
Has ownership interest In : Entity Name Ownership Title
THC DEVELOPMENT BRAZIL LLC. 1.00% Managing Member
THC Barra Hotelaria LTDA
1.00%
Managing Member
176 THC HOTEL DEVELOPMENT LLC */3)
Owned by :
%Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdings LLC
Role
Member
177 THC IMEA DEVELOPMENT LLC
Owned by:
% Ownership
100
178 THC MIAMI RESTAURANT HOSPITALITY LLC
Name
TRUMP INTERNATIONAL HOTELS
MANAGEMENT LLC
Role
Member
Owned by :
OOE Fonn 271c O,lu,h 201-')
Reference ff
Instructions for Part 2
Note: This is a publh: form. Do not include account numbers, street addresses, or familv member names. See instructions for required Information.
Filer's Nnmc
Pngc Number
Donald J. TI\Jmp A 15 of 46
THC MIAMI RESTAURANT
HOSPITALITY MEMBER CORP
99 DJT Holdings LLC Member
179 THC MIAMI RESTAURANT HOSPITALITY MEMBER CORP '/1)
Managing Member
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Name
OJT Holdlngs Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership interest in :
182 THC RIO MANAGER LLC •(3)
Entity Name
THC MIAMI RESTAURANT
HOSPITALITY LLC
Ownership
Title
1.00% Managing Member
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
Name
THC RIO MANAGING MEMBER CORP
Role
Managing Member
99
183 THC RIO MANAGING MEMBER CORP '/3)
DJT Holdings LLC
Member
Owned by :
%Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership interest In :
Entity Name
THC RIO MANAGER LLC
Ownership
Title
1.00% Managing Member
184 THC SALES & MARKETING LLC
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
99
185 THC SALES & MARKETING MEMBER CORP •r1/
Name
THC SALES & MARKETING MEMBER
CORP
DJT Holdings LLC
Role
Managing Member
Member
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Name
OJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership interest In :
Entity Name
THC SALES & MARKET! NG LLC
Ownership
Title
1.00% Managing Member
186 THC SERVICES SHENZHEN LLC '/3)
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
99
187 THC SERVICES SHENZHEN MEMBER CORP •(3)
Name
THC SERVICES SHENZHEN MEMBER
CORP
OJT Holdings LLC
Role
Managing Member
Member
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Name
OJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership interest In :
Entity Name
THC SERVICES SHENZHEN LLC
Ownership
Tille
1.00% Managing Member
188 THC SHENZHEN HOTEL MANAGER LLC •(3)
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
Name
THC SHENZHEN HOTEL MANAGER
MEMBER CORP
99 DJT Holdings LLC Member
189 THC SHENZHEN HOTEL MANAGER MEMBER CORP •(3)
Role
Managing Member
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Name
OJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership interest In : Entity Name Ownership
THC SHENZHEN HOTEL MANAGER 1.00%
LLC
190 THC VANCOUVER MANAGEMENT CORP
Title
Managing Member
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
191 THC VANCOUVER PAYROLL ULC *(2)
Owned by:
OOE f ona 211c(Mud, 201.&)
Reference#
Instructions for Part 2
Note: This is a public form . Do not include account numbers, street addresses, or family member names. See instructions for required Information.
Fi ler's Name
Page Number
Donald J. Trump A 16 of 46
192 THC VENTURE I LLC *(3)
100
THC VANCOUVER MANAGEMENT
CORP
Member
Owned by:
% Ownership
99
193 THC VENTURE I MANAGING MEMBER CORP. ' (3/
Name
DJT HOLDINGS LLC
THC VENTURE I MANAGING
MEMBER CORP
Role
Member
Member
Owned by :
Has ownership Interest In :
% Ownership
100
Entity Name
THC VENTURE I LLC
DTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Ownership
1.00%
Title
Managing Member
Role
Shareholder
194 THC VENTURE II LLC ' (3)
Owned by:
% Ownership
1
99
195 THC VENTURE II MANAGING MEMBER CORP. ' (3/
Name
THC VENTURE II MANAGING
MEMBER CORP.
DTTM OPERATIONS LLC
Role
Managing Member
Member
Owned by :
Has ownership Interest In :
% Ownership
100
Entity Name
THC VENTURE II LLC
DTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Ownership
1.00%
Title
Managing Member
Role
Shareholder
196 THC VENTURE Ill LLC - NIKIA TTTT Venture LLC '(1)
Owned by :
% Ownership
1
Name
TTTT Venture Member Corp
Role
Ma naging Member
76.272
22.728
DTTM OPERATIONS LLC
Trump Fa mily Members
Member
Member
Has ownership interest In :
various entities as indicated elsewhere in this schedule
197 THC VENTURE Ill MEMBER CORP - NIKIA TTTT Venture Member Corp ' (1 /
Owned by :
% Ownership
100
Name
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership Interest in :
Entity Name
TTTT VENTURE LLC
Ownetship
Title
1.00% Managing Member
198 THE CAR/BUSINESS RE CORP '(1 /
Owned by:
Has ownership interest in :
% Ownership
100
Entity Name
CARISUSINESS MRE LLC
Name
DJT HOLDINGS MANAGING MEMBER
LLC
Ownership
Title
1.00%
Managing Member
Role
Shareholder
Caribusiness Investments, S.R. l. 1.00% Member
199 The East 61 Street Company. LP
Owned by:
% Ownership
99.9
Name
The Donald J, Trump Revocable Trust
Role
Partner
200 THE TRUMP CORPORATION
0.1
Plaza Consulting Corp.
Partner
Owned by :
% Ownership
100
Name
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust
Role
Shareholder
201 THE TRUMP ENTREPRENEUR INITIATIVE LLC '(5/
Owned by :
% Ownership
OGE Form271~(Mu,;h2D IJ)
Reference U
Instructions for Part 2
Note : This is a public form. Do not include account numbers, street addresses, or famil y member names. See Instructions for required information.
Filer's Name
Pnge Number
Donald J, Trump A 17 of 46
Has ownership interest in :
100
Entity Name
TRUMP EDUCATION ULC
202 THE TRUMP ENTREPRENEUR INITIATIVE LLC (NY DOMESTIC) *£5)
THETRUMP ENTREPRENEUR
INITIATIVE LLC (NY DOMESTIC)
Ownership
100.00%
Title
Shareholder
Managing Member
Owned by :
Has ownership interest In:
203 THE TRUMP FOLLIES LLC •(3)
%Ownership
0.1
3.5
4,5
91.9
Entity Name
THE TRUMP ENTREPRENEUR
INITIATIVE LLC
Name
DJT ENTREPRENEUR MANAGING
MEMBER LLC (FORMALLY KNOWN AS
DJT UNIVERSITY MANAGING
MEMBER LLC)
Spltalny, Jonathan
Sexton, Michael
DJT ENTREPRENEUR MEMBER LLC
(FORMALLY KNOWN AS DJT
UNIVERSITY MEMBER LLC)
Ownership
100.00%
Title
Managing Member
Role
Managing Member
Member
Member
Member
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
Name
THE TRUMP FOLLIES MEMBER INC,
Role
Managing Member
99
204 THE TRUMP FOLLIES MEMBER INC. *{3)
DJT Holdings LLC
Member
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdlngs Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership Interest in :
Entity Name
THETRUMP FOLLIES LLC
Ownership
Title
1.00% Managing Member
205 The Trump Hotel Corp. *£3)
Owned by :
%Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
206 THE TRUMP MARKS REAL ESTATE CORP *(1)
Owned by :
%Ownership
100
Has ownership Interest In : Entity Name Ownership
TRUMP MARKS REAL ESTATE LLC 1.00%
207 The Trump Organization, Inc. •r3)
Name
DTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Title
Member
Role
Shareholder
Owned by :
%Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
20s The Trump-Equitable Fifth Avenue Companv
Owned by:
% Ownership
99
Name
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust
Role
Partner
TIPPERARY REALTY CORPORATION
Partner
Has ownership interest In : Entity Name Ownership
Fifty~Seventh Street Associates 99.00%
LLC
TRUMP TOWER COMMERCIAL LLC 99,00%
Title
Member
Member
209 TIGL COMMON AREA MANAGEMENT CORP •(3)
Owned by :
%Ownership
100
~
DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
TRUMP INTERNATIONAL GOLF LINKS - DOONBEG
211
Owned by:
% Ownership
100
Name
TW VENTURE II LLC
Role
Sole Member
OGE Form211cC,.luch l01.I)
Instructions for Part 2
Note : This Is a public form . Do not include account numbers, street addresses, or famlly member names, See Instructions for required information.
rilcrs Nnmc
I Page Number
Donald J . Trump A1 B of 46
Reference# ~-------------------------------------------------~
212 TIGL IRELAND MANAGEMENT LIMITED '(assets & income a/readv disclosed on Part 2 under TRUMP INTERNATIONAL GOLF LINKS -
DOONBEG; operator of suites)
Owned by :
% Ownership
Name
100
TRUMP INTERNATIONAL GOLF LINKS·
Sole Me mber
DOONBEG
213 TIHC RESERVATIONS LLC '(3/
Owned by :
% Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdings LLC
Role
Member
214 TIHH MEMBER CORP '£1/
Owned by:
% Ownership
100
Name
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership Interest in :
215 TIHH MEMBER LLC *(1/
Entity Name
TRUMP INTERNATIONAL HOTEL
HAWAIILLC
Ownership
1,00%
Title
Managing Member
Owned by:
% Ownership
100
Name
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust
Role
Managing Member
Has ownership Interest in :
216 TIHM MEMBER CORP. '£1/
Entity Name
TRUMP INTERNATIONAL HOTEL
HAWAII LLC
Ownership
99.00%
Title
Member
Owned by :
% Ownership
100
Name
OJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Sha re holder
Has ownership interest in :
Entity Name
TRUMP INTERNATIONAL HOTELS
MANAGEMENT LLC
217 TIHT CHICAGO MEMBER ACQUISITION LLC '£1/
Ownership
0.10%
Title
Managing Member
Owned by:
Has ownership intel'est in :
218 TIHT COMMERCIAL LLC
% Ownership
100
Entity Name
401 MEZZ VENTURE LLC
Name
DJT HOLDINGS LLC
Ownership
50.00%
Title
Member
Role
Member
Owned by:
% Ownership
0.01
99.99
Name
TIHT MEMBER LLC
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust
Role
Member
Managing Member
219 TIHT HOLDING COMPANY LLC
Owned by :
220 TIHT MEMBER LLC *(1)
%Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdings LLC
Role
Member
Owned by :
% Ownership
100
Name
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust
Role
Member
Has ownership Interest in : Entity Name Ownership Title
TIHT COMMERCIAL LLC 0.01% Member
221 TIPPERARY REALTY CORP. '(1/
Owned by:
% Ownership
100
Name
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership interest fn :
222 TMG Member. LLC *£1 J
Entity Name
Ownership
The Trump-Equitable Fifth Ave nue 1.00%
Company
Title
Partner
Owned by :
Has ownership Interest In:
% Ownership
100
Entity Name
Name
DJT Holdings LLC
Ownership
Role
Member
OGl! f onn27Jo(Much201 ~)
Instructions for Part 2
Note: This is a public form. Do not Include account numbers, street addr@sses, or family member names. See instructions for required information.
Filer's Nnmc
Pngc Number
Donald J . Trump 19 of 46
Reference #
Trump Model Management LLC 85.00%
Member
223 TRUMP NATIONAL GOLF CLUB - CHARLOTTE
Owned by :
% Ownership
1
Name
TNGC CHARLOTTE MANAGER CORP
Role
Managing Member
99
224 TNGC CHARLOTTE MANAGER CORP •111
DJT HOLDINGS LLC
Member
Owned by :
% Ownership
100
Has ownership interest In : Entity Name Ownership
TRUMP NATIONAL GOLF CLUB - 1.00%
CHARLOTTE
225 TRUMP NATIONAL GOLF CLUB · HUDSON VALLEY
. Name
DJT HOLDINGS MANAGING MEMBER
LLC
Title
Managing Member
Role
Shareholder
Owned by :
¾ Ownership
1
99
226 TNGC DUTCHESS COUNTY MEMBER CORP •11 I
Name
TNGC DUTCHESS COUNTY MEMBER
CORP
DJT HOLDINGS llC
Role
Managing Member
Member
Owned by :
% Ownership
100
Has ownership Interest in : Entity Name Ownership
TRUMP NATIONAL GOLF CLUB- 1.00%
HUDSON VALLEY
227 TNGC JUPITER MANAGEMENT LLC
Name
DJT HOLDINGS MANAGING MEMBER
lLC
Title
Managing Member
Role
Shareholder
Owned by:
% Ownership
1
99
228 TNGC JUPITER MANAGING MEMBER CORP •111
Name
TNGC JUPITER MANAGING MEMBER
CORP
DJT HOLDINGS llC
Role
Managing Member
Member
Owned by:
% Ownership
100
Name
OJT Holdings Ma nag ing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership Interest in : Entity Name Ownership
TNGC JUPITER MANAGEMENT lLC 1.00%
Title
Managing Member
229 TRUMP NATIONAL GOLF CLUB - PHILADELPHIA
Owned by:
% Ownership
1
Name
TNGC PINE Hill MEMBER CORP
Role
Managing Member
99
230 TNGC PINE HILL MEMBER CORP •11 I
DJT HOLDINGS LlC
Member
Owned by:
Has ownership Interest in :
231 Toronto Develof!.ment LLC •131
% Ownership
100
Entity Name
TRUMP NATIONAL GOLF CLUB-
PHILADELPHIA
Name
DJT HOLDINGS MANAGING MEMBER
LLC
Ownership
1.00%
Title
Managing Member
Role
Shareholder
Owned by :
234 TRUMP 106 CPS LLC
% Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdings LlC
Role
Member
Owned by:
235 Trumf!. 845 LP LLC •111
% Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdings LlC
Role
Member
Owned by :
% Ownership
100
Name
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Tru st
Role
Managing Member
Has ownership interest In :
Entity Name
845 UN Limited Partnership
Ownership
60.00%
Title
Partner

OGF. Form 271c(Muchl014)
Instructions for Part 2
Note: This is a public form. Do not include account numbers, street addresses, or family member names, See Instructions for required information.
Pngc Nwnbcr
Donald J. Trump A20 of 46
Reference# '-~------,~,--,,,-----------------------------------------...J
236 TRUMP 845 UN GP LLC *(1)
Filer's Nnme
Owned by:
%Ownership
0.1
Name
TRUMP 845 UN MGR CORP
Role
Managing Member
99.9
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust
Member
Has ownership Interest In :
Entity Name
845 UN Umited Partnership
Ownership
40.00%
Title
Partner
237 TRUMP 845 UN MGR CORP *(1)
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Name
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership interest In :
Entity Name
TRUMP 845 UN GP LLC
Ownership
Title
0.10% Managing Member
238 TRUMP 845 UN MGR LLC *(3)
Owned by:
% Ownership
100
Name
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust
Role
Managing Member
239 TRUMP AC CASINO MARKS LLC *(3)
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
99
240 TRUMP AC CASINO MARKS MEMBER CORP *(3)
Name
TRUMP AC CASINO MARKS MEMBER
CORP
DTTM OPERATIONS LLC
Role
Managing Member
Member
Owned by :
% Ownership
100
OTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Has ownership Interest In : Entity Name Ownership Title
TRUMP AC CASINO MARKS LLC 1.00% Managing Member
241 TRUMP ACQUISITION CORP. *(3)
Role
Shareholder
Owned by :
Has ownership Interest In :
%Ownership
100
Entity Name
TRUMP ACQUISITION, LLC
Name
DJT Holdings LLC
Ownership
1.00%
Title
Managing Member
Role
Shareholder
242 TRUMP ACQUISITION. LLC *(3)
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
Name
TRUMP ACQUISITION CORP.
Role
Managing Member
243 TRUMP BOOKS LLC
99
OJT Holdings LLC
Member
Owned by :
% Ownership
1
Name
TRUMP BOOKS MANAGER CORP
Role
Managing Member
99
244 TRUMP BOOKS MANAGER CORP *(1)
DJT Holdings LLC
Member
Owned by:
% Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership interest In :
Entity Name
TRUMP BOOKS LLC
Ownership
Title
1.00% Managing Member
245 TRUMP BRAZIL LLC *(3)
Owned by :
% Ownership
100
246 TRUMP CANADIAN SERVICES, INC. *(3)
Name
DJT Holdings LLC
Role
Member
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Name
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust
Role
Shareholder
247 TRUMP CANOUAN ESTATE LLC *(5)
om: Form 2llc(l'.l~h20l~ l
Reference#
Instructions for Part 2
Note : This Is a public form . Do not incl ude account numbers, street addresses, or fam ily member names. See Instructions fo r required information.
Filer's Nome
Pngc Numbcr
Donald J. Tn.,mp
A21 of 46
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
99
248 TRUMP CANOUAN ESTATE MEMBER CORP *(1)
Name
TRUMP CANOUAN ESTATE MEMBER
CORP
OJT Holdings LLC
Role
Managing Member
Member
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership interest In :
Entity Name
TRUMP CANOUAN ESTATE LLC
Ownership
Title
1.00% Managing Member
249 TRUMP CARIBBEAN LLC *(3)
Owned by:
250 TRUMP CAROUSEL LLC
%Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdincs LLC
Role
Member
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
Name
TRUMP CAROUSEL MEMBER CORP
Role
Managing Member
99
251 TRUMP CAROUSEL MEMBER CORP •(t)
DJT Holdings LLC
Member
Owned by :
%Ownership
100
Name
OJT Hold ings Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership Interest In :
Entity Name
TRUMP CAROUSEL LLC
Ownership
Title
1.00% Managing Member
252 TRUMP CENTRAL PARK WEST CORP '(3)
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership interest In : Entity Name Ownership Title
Partner
One Central Park West Associates 50.00%
253 Trump Chicago Commercial Member Corp •r1)
Owned by: % Ownership Name Role
100 0JT Holdings Managing Member LLC Shareholder
Has ownership interest in : Entity Name Ownership Title
TRUMP CHICAGO COMMERCIAL 1.00% Managing Member
MANAGERLLC
254 TRUMP CHICAGO COMMERCIAL MANAGER LLC
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
99
255 TRUMP CHICAGO DEVELOPMENT LLC •(3)
Owned by :
% Ownership
100
256 TRUMP CHICAGO HOTEL MANAGER LLC
Name
Trump Chicago Commercial Member
Corp
DJT Holdings llC
Name
DJT Holdings LLC
Role
Managing Member
Member
Role
Member
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
Name
Trump Chicago Hotel Member Corp
Role
Managing Member
99
2s1 Trump Chicago Hotel Member Corp •r1)
OJT Holdings LLC
Member
Owned by :
%Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership Interest In :
Entity Name
TRUMP CHICAGO HOTEL
MANAGERLLC
258 TRUMP CHICAGO MANAGING MEMBER LLC •rt)
Ownership
Title
1.00% Managing Member
Owned by :
%Ownership
100
Name
OJT HOLDINGS LLC
Role
Member

OGE F~rm 171c (Muth 20 1-1)
Instructions for Part 2
Note: This is a public form . Do not include account numbers, street addresses, or familv member names. See Instructions for required information.
Filcr's Nnme
Pn,gcNumber
Donald J. Trump A22 of 46
Reference# '--------------------------------------- - -----------'
Has ownership Interest in :
Entity Name
401 MEZZ VENTURE LLC
Ownership
1.00%
Title
Member
259 TRUMP CHICAGO MEMBER LLC */1)
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Has ownership Interest in :
Entity Name
401 MEZZ VENTURE LLC
260 TRUMP CHICAGO RESIDENTIAL MANAGER LLC
Name
DJT HOLDINGS LLC
Ownership
49.00%
Title
Member
Role
Member
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
99
261 Trump Chicago Residential Member Corp */1 /
Name
Trump Chicago Residential Member
Corp
DJT Holdings LLC
Role
Managing Member
Member
Owned by:
% Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdings Managing Member llC
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership Interest in :
Entity Name
Ownership
Title
TRUMP CHICAGO RESIDENTIAL 1.00% Managing Member
MANAGERLLC
262 TRUMP CHICAGO RETAIL LLC */assets & income already disclosed on Part 2 under 401 North Wabash Venture LLC: operator of retail
space)
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
263 TRUMP CHICAGO RETAIL MANAGER LLC */3)
Name
401 MEZZ VENTURE LLC
Member
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
99
264 TRUMP CHICAGO RETAIL MEMBER CORP */3)
Name
TRUMP CHICAGO RETAIL MEMBER
CORP
DJT Holdings LLC
Role
Managing Member
Member
Owned by:
% Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership Interest In :
Entity Name
Ownership
Title
TRUMP CHICAGO RETAIL 1.00% Managing Member
MANAGERLLC
267 TRUMP COMMERCIAL CHICAGO LLC */assets & income already disclosed on Part 2 under 401 North Wabash Venture LLC: operator of
commercial space)
Owned by: % Ownership Name Role
100 401 North Wabash Venture LLC Member
268 TRUMP CPS CORP *{1/
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Name
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership interest in :
Entity Name
TRUMP CPS LLC
Ownership
Title
0.10% Managing Member
269 TRUMP CPS LLC
Owned by :
%Ownership
0.1
Name
TRUMP CPS CORP
Role
Managing Member
99.9
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust
Member
270 TRUMP DELMONICO LLC *(1)
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Name
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust
Role
Member
Has ownership Interest In :
Entity Name
TRUMP PARK AVENUE LLC
Ownership
Title
50.00% Managing Member
271 TRUMP DEVELOPMENT SERVICES LLC
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
99
272 TRUMP DEVELOPMENT SERVICES MEMBER CORP */1)
Name
TRUMP DEVELOPMENT SERVICES
MEMBER CORP
DJT Holdings LLC
Role
Managing Member
Member
OGE Fwm :nt(Mucll 2014)
Reference#
Instructions for Part 2
Note: This is a public form. Do not include account numbers, street addresses, or f.mily member names. See instructions for required information.
Filer's Name
Pogc Number
Donald J. TNmp A23 of 46
Owned by:
% Ownership
100
Name
OJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership Interest In : Entity Name Ownership Title
TRUMP DEVELOPMENT SERVICES 1.00% Managing Member
LLC
275 TRUMP DRINKS ISRAEL LLC *(3)
Owned by :
% Ownership
1
99
276 TRUMP DRINKS ISRAEL MEMBER CORP *(3)
Name
TRUMP DRINKS ISRAEL MEMBER
CORP
DJT Holdings LLC
Role
Managing Member
Member
Owned by :
%Ownership
100
Name
OJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership Interest In :
Entity Name
TRUMP DRINKS ISRAEL LLC
Ownership
Title
1.00% Managing Member
277 TRUMP EDUCATION ULC *(3)
Owned by:
278 TRUMP EMPIRE STATE INC *(3)
%Ownership
100
Name
THE TRUMP ENTREPRENEUR
INITIATIVE LLC (NY DOMESTIC)
Role
Shareholder
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Name
OJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
279 TRUMP NATIONAL DORAL
Owned by :
%Ownership
1
99
280 TRUMP ENDEAVOR 12 MANAGER CORP *(1)
Name
TRUMP ENDEAVOR 12 MANAGER
CORP
DJT HOLDINGS LLC
Role
Managing Member
Member
Owned by:
Has ownership interest In :
%Ownership
100
Entity Name
TRUMP NATIONAL DORAL
Name
DJT HOLDINGS MANAGING MEMBER
LLC
Ownership
Title
1.00%
Managing Member
Role
Shareholder
281 TRUMP EU MARKS LLC *(3)
Owned by:
% Ownership
1
Name
TRUMP EU MARKS MEMBER CORP
Role
Managing Member
99
282 TRUMP EU MARKS MEMBER CORP *(3)
DTTM OPERATIONS LLC
Me mber
Owned by:
Has ownership interest In :
% Ownership
100
Entity Name
TRUMP EU MARKS LLC
Name
DTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Ownership
1.00%
Title
Managing Member
Role
Shareholder
283 TRUMP FERRY POINT LLC
Assumed Names:
Owned by:
QJM!,
Trump Golf Links Ferry Point
Trump Golf Links Ferry Point
Trump Golf links
% Ownership
1
Jurisdiction
Delaware
New York
New York
Name
TRUMP FERRY POINT MEMBER CORP
Role
Managing Member
99
284 TRUMP FERRY POINT MEMBER CORP *(1)
DJT Holdings LLC
Member
Owned by:
% Ownership
100
Name
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership interest In :
Entity Name
Ownership
Title
OGE Form 271; (Much 20 1~)
Reference U
Instructions for Part 2
Note: This is a public form. Do not include account numbers, street addresses, or family member names. See instructions for required information.
Filer's Nome
Pngc Number
Donald J. Trump A24 of 46
TRUMP FERRY POINT llC
1.00%
Managing Member
285 TRUMP FLORIDA MANAGEMENT LLC *(3)
Owned by :
% Ownership
l
Name
TRUMP FLORIDA MANAGER CORP
Role
Member
99
286 TRUMP FLORIDA MANAGER CORP *(3)
DJT HOLDINGS LLC
Member
Owned by: % Ownership Name Role
100 DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC Shareholder
Has ownership Interest in: Entity Name Ownership Title
TRUMP FLORIDA MANAGEMENT 1.00% Member
LLC
287 TRUMP GOLF ACQUISITIONS LLC
Owned by:
% Ownership
100
288 TRUMP GOLF COCO BEACH LLC *(4)
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
99
289 TRUMP GOLF COCO BEACH MEMBER CORP *(4)
Name
DJT Holdings LLC
Name
TRUMP GOLF COCO BEACH MEMBER
CORP
OJT Holdings LLC
Role
Member
Role
Managing Member
Member
Owned by: % Ownership Name Role
100 OJT Holdings Managing Member LLC Shareholder
Has ownership interest in : Entity Name Ownership Title
TRUMP GOLF COCO BEACH LLC 1.00% Managing Member
290 TRUMP GOLF MANAGEMENT LLC *(3)
Owned by:
291 TRUMP HOME MARKS LLC
% Ownership
100
Name
OJT Holdings LLC
Role
Member
Owned by:
%Ownership
l
99
292 TRUMP HOME MARKS MEMBER CORP *{1)
Name
TRUMP HOME MARKS MEMBER
CORP
DTTM OPERATIONS LLC
Role
Managing Member
Member
Owned by:
Has ownership Interest in:
""Ownership
100
Entity Name
TRUMP HOME MARKS LLC
Name
DTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Ownership
1.00%
Title
Managing Member
Role
Shareholder
293 TRUMP ICE INC *(3)
Owned by:
294 TRUMP ICE LLC
%Ownership
100
Name
OJT Holdings LLC
Role
Shareholder
Owned by :
% Ownership
100
295 TRUMP INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT LLC *{3)
Name
DJT Holdings LLC
Role
Member
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
Name
TRUMP INTERNATIONAL
DEVELOPMENT MEMBER CORP
99 DJT Holdings LLC
296 TRUMP INTERNA T/ONAL DEVELOPMENT MEMBER CORP *(3)
Role
Managing Member
Member
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership Interest In :
Entity Name
TRUMP INTERNATIONAL
DEVELOPMENT LLC
Ownership
Title
1.00% Managing Member

OGEFa.m27fc(Mm:h201,1)
Instructions for Part 2
Note: This is a public form. Do not include account numbers, street addresses, or family member names. See instructions for required information.
Filer's Nnmc
Page Number
Donald J . Trump A25 of 46
Reference U
~-------------------------------------------------~
297 TRUMP INTERNATIONAL GOLF LINKS - SCOTLAND
Owned by:
%Ownership
99
298 Trump International Golf Club. Inc. •11 I
~
DJT HOLDINGS MANAGING MEMBER
LLC
TRUMP SCOTLAND MEMBER INC
Role
Member
Member
Owned by :
Has ownership Interest In :
%Ownership
100
Entity Name
TRUMP INTERNATIONAL GOLF
CLUB - FLORIDA
Name
DJT HOLDINGS MANAGING MEMBER
LLC
Ownership
Title
0.001% Member
Role
Shareholder
299 TRUMP INTERNATIONAL GOLF CLUB - FLORIDA
Owned by:
%Ownership
0.001
Name
Trump International Golf Club, Inc.
Role
Member
99.999
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust
Member
300 TRUMP INTERNATIONAL HOTEL HAWAII LLC
Owned by:
%Ownership
Name
TIHH MEMBER CORP
Role
Managing Member
99
301 TRUMP INTERNATIONAL HOTELS MANAGEMENT LLC
TIHH MEMBER LLC
Member
Assumed Names :
Owned by :
Q./Mp,
TRUMP HOTEL COLLECTION
TRUMP HOTEL COLLECTION
%Ownership
0.1
Jurisdiction
Hawaii
New York
Name
TIHM MEMBER CORP.
Role
Managing Member
99.9
DJT Holdings LLC
Has ownership Interest in : Entity Name Ownership Title
THC CHINA DEVELOPMENT LLC 100.00%
Member
THC IMEA DEVELOPMENT LLC 100.00%
Member
Member
303 Trump Korea LLC •13)
Owned by :
%Ownership
41
59
304 TRUMP KOREAN PROJECTS LLC •13)
Name
DAEWOO AMERICA DEVELOPMENT
(NEW YORK) CORP
TRUMP KOREAN PROJECTS LLC
Role
Member
Member
Owned by:
Has ownership Interest in :
305 TRUMP LAS OLAS LLC •t3)
% Ownership
100
Entity Name
Trump Korea LLC
Name
OJT Holdings LLC
Ownership
59.00%
Title
Member
Role
Member
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
Name
TRUMP LAS OLA5 MEMBER CORP
Role
Managing Member
99
306 TRUMP LAS OLAS MEMBER CORP */3)
DJT Holdings LLC
Member
Owned by:
% Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership interest in :
Entity Name
TRUMP LAS OLAS LLC
Ownership
Title
1.00% Managing Member
307 TRUMP LAS VEGAS CORP *11)
Owned by:
Has ownership interest In:
% Ownership
100
Name
DJT HOLDINGS MANAGING MEMBER
LLC
Role
Shareholder

OGE Form 271c (M.arth 201~)
Reference ti
Instructions for Part 2
Note: This Is a public form. Do not Incl ude account numbers, street addresses, or family member names. See instructions for required Information.
Filer's Name
Page Number
Donald J . Trump A26 of 46
TRUMP LAS VEGAS MANAGING 6.00% Managing Member
MEMBERLLC
TRUMP LAS VEGAS MEMBER LLC 6.00% Managing Member
308 TRUMP LAS VEGAS DEVELOPMENT LLC
Owned by :
% Ownership
100
309 TRUMP LAS VEGAS MANAGING MEMBER LLC *(1)
Name
DJT HOLDINGS LLC
Role
Member
Owned by :
Has ownership i nterest in :
%Ownership
6
94
Entity Name
TRUMP RUFFIN LLC
Name
TRUMP LAS VEGAS CORP
DJT HOLDINGS LLC
Ownership
1.00%
Title
Managing Member
Role
Member
Member
310 TRUMP LAS VEGAS MEMBER LLC *(1)
Owned by:
% Ownership
6
94
Name
TRUMP LAS VEGAS CORP
DJT HOLDINGS LLC
Member
Managing Member
Has ownership interest in :
Entity Name
TRUMP RUFFIN LLC
311 Trump Las Vegas Sa/es & Marketing, Inc.
Ownership
49.00%
Title
Member
Owned by :
%Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
312 TRUMP LAUDERDALE DEVELOPMENT LLC *(3)
Owned by :
% Ownership
100
313 TRUMP LAUDERDALE DEVELOPMENT NO 2 LLC *(4)
Name
DJT Holdings LLC
Role
Member
Owned by:
314 TRUMP MARKETING LLC *(4)
% Ownership
100
Name
OJT Holdings LLC
Role
Member
Owned by :
% Ownership
100
315 TRUMP MARKS ASIA CORP *(1)
Name
OJT Holdings LLC
Role
Member
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership Interest in :
Entity Name
TRUMP MARKS ASIA LLC
Ownership
Title
1.00% Managing Member
316 TRUMP MARKS ASIA LLC
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
Name
TRUMP MARKS ASIA CORP
Role
Managing Member
99
317 TRUMP MARKS ATLANTA LLC *(3)
Owned by :
%Ownership
1
99
318 TRUMP MARKS ATLANTA MEMBER CORP *(3)
DJT HOLDINGS LLC
Name
TRUMP MARKS ATLANTA MEMBER
CORP
DTTM OPERATIONS LLC
M ember
Role
Managing Member
Member
Owned by :
Has ownership Interest in :
%Ownership
100
Entity Name
TRUMP MARKS ATLANTA LLC
Name
DTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Ownership
1.00%
Title
Managing Member
Role
Shareholder
321 TRUMP MARKS BATUMI LLC *(3)
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
Name
TRUMP MARKS BATUMI MANAGING
MEMBER CORP
Role
Managing Member

OOE Fom>271c(Man:h 201~)
Instructions for Part 2
Note : This is a publlc form . Do not include account numbers, street addresses, or fam llv member names. See Instructions for required information.
Filer's Nnmc
Pogc Number
Donald J . Trump A27 of 46
Reference ti
99 DTTM OPERATIONS LLC
322 TRUMP MARKS BA TUM/ MANAGING MEMBER CORP *£3)
Member
Owned by:
Has ownership interest In:
% Ownership
100
Entity Name
TRUMP MARKS BATUMI LLC
DTIM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Ownership
1.00%
Title
Managing Member
Role
Shareholder
325 TRUMP MARKS CANOUAN CORP *(3)
Owned by :
Has ownership interest In :
'¼Ownership
100
Entity Name
TRUMP MARKS CANOUAN LLC
Name
DTIM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Ownership
1.00%
Title
Managing Member
Role
Shareholder
326 TRUMP MARKS CANOUAN LLC *(3)
Owned by:
% Ownership
1
Name
TRUMP MARKS CANOUAN CORP
Role
Managing Member
99
327 TRUMP MARKS CHICAGO LLC *(3)
Owned by:
% Ownership
1
99
328 TRUMP MARKS CHICAGO MEMBER CORP *(3)
DTTM OPERATIONS LLC
Name
TRUMP MARKS CHICAGO MEMBER
CORP
DTTM OPERATIONS LLC
Member
Role
Managing Member
Member
Owned by:
Has ownership interest in :
%Ownership
100
Entity Name
TRUMP MARKS CHICAGO LLC
DTIM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Ownership
1.00%
Title
Managing Member
Role
Shareholder
329 TRUMP MARKS DUBAI CORP *(3)
Owned by :
Has ownership Interest In :
%Ownership
100
Entity Name
TRUMP MARKS DUBAI LLC
DTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Ownership
1.00%
Title
Managing Member
Role
Shareholder
330 TRUMP MARKS DUBAI LLC *(3)
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
Name
TRUMP MARKS DUBAI CORP
Role
Managing Member
99
DTTM OPERATIONS LLC
Member
333 TRUMP MARKS FINE FOODS LLC
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
99
334 TRUMP MARKS FINE FOODS MEMBER CORP *(1)
Name
TRUMP MARKS FINE FOODS
MEMBER CORP
DTTM OPERATIONS LLC
Role
Managing Member
Member
Owned by: % Ownership Name
100 DTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Has ownership interest In :
Entity Name
Ownership
TRUMP MARKS FINE FOODS UC 1.00%
Title
Managing Member
Role
Shareholder
335 TRUMP MARKS FT LAUDERDALE LLC *(3)
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
99
Name
TRUMP MARKS FT LAUDERDALE
MEMBER CORP
DTTM OPERATIONS LLC
Role
Managing Member
Member

OGE Fon"" Zll c (Morch 201.&)
Instructions for Part 2
Note: This is a public form . Do not include account numbers, street addresses, or fami ly member names. See instructions for required information.
Filer's Name
Page Number
Oonakt J. Trump
A28 of 46
Reference#
336 TRUMP MARKS FT LAUDERDALE MEMBER CORP *(3)
Owned by:
Has ownership Interest in :
337 TRUMP MARKS GP CORP *(1)
%Ownership
100
Entity Name
TRUMP MARKS FT LAUDERDALE 1.00%
LLC
Name
DTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Ownership
Title
Managing Member
Role
Shareholder
Owned by :
Has ownership interest in :
% Ownership
100 DTTM Operations Ma naging
Member Corp
Ownership
Role
Shareholder
TRUMP MARKS HOLDINGS LP
338 TRUMP MARKS HOLDINGS LP '(1)
1.00%
Partner
Owned by :
Has ownership interest in :
%Ownership
1
99
Entity Name
TRUMP MARKS LLC
Name
TRUMP MARKS GP CORP
OTTM Operations LLC
Ownership
100.00%
Title
Member
Role
Partner
Partner
339 TRUMP MARKS HOLLYWOOD CORP *(3)
Owned by:
Has ownership Interest In :
% Ownership
100 DTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Entity Name
Ownership
TRUMP MARKS HOLLYWOOD LLC 1.00%
TIiie
Managing Member
Role
Shareholder
340 TRUMP MARKS HOLLYWOOD LLC '(3)
Owned by :
%Ownership
1
Name
TRUMP MARKS HOLLYWOOD CORP
Role
Managing Member
99
341 TRUMP MARKS /STANBUL II CORP '(1)
OTTM OPERATIONS LLC
Member
Owned by:
Has ownership interest in :
% Ownership
100 DTTM Operations Managing
Me mber Corp
Entity Name
Ownership
TRUMP MARKS INSTANBUL II LLC 1.00%
Title
Managing Member
Role
Shareholder
342 TRUMP MARKS /STANBUL II LLC
Owned by :
% Ownership
1
Name
TRUMP MARKS ISTANBUL II CORP
Role
Managing Memb er
99
DTTM OPERATIONS LLC
Member
343 TRUMP MARKS JERSEY CITY CORP *(4)
Owned by :
Has ownership Interest in:
% Ownership Name
100 DTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Entity Name
Ownership
TRUMP MARKS JERSEY CITY LLC 1.00%
Title
Man ag ing Member
Role
Shareholder
344 TRUMP MARKS JERSEY CITY LLC *(4)
Owned by :
% Ownership
1
Name
TRUMP MARKS JERSEY CITY CORP
Role
Managing Member
99
345 TRUMP MARKS LAS VEGAS CORP '(3)
DTTM OPERATIONS LLC
Member
Owned by:
Has ownership Interest in:
% Ownership
100
DTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Ownership
Role
Shareholder

OGE Fomt 211c (~b1'h20l-i)
Reference#
Instructions for Part 2
Note: This is a public form. Do not include account numbers, street addresses, or family member names. See instructions for required information.
Filer's Nnme
Pngc Number
Donald J. Trump A29 of 46
TRUMP MARKS LAS VEGAS LLC 1.00%
Managing Member
346 TRUMP MARKS LAS VEGAS LLC *(3)
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
Name
TRUMP MARKS LAS VEGAS CORP
Role
Managing Member
347 TRUMP MARKS LLC *(4)
99
DTTM OPERATIONS LLC
Member
Owned by:
Role
100
350 TRUMP MARKS MATTRESS LLC
TRUMP MARKS HOLDINGS LP
Member
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
99
351 TRUMP MARKS MATTRESS MEMBER CORP *(1)
Name
TRUMP MARKS MATTRESS MEMBER
COR P
DTTM OPERATIONS LLC
Role
Managing Member
Member
Owned by : % Ownership Name
100 DTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Has ownership Interest in :
Entity Name
Ownership
TRUMP MARKS MATTRESS LLC 1.00%
Title
Managing Member
Role
Sha reholder
352 TRUMP MARKS MENSWEAR LLC
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
99
353 TRUMP MARKS MENSWEAR MEMBER CORP *(1)
Name
TRU MP MARKS MENSWEAR
MEMBER CORP
DTTM OPERATIONS LLC
Role
Managing M embe r
Member
Owned by : % Ownership Name
100 DTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Has ownership Interest in : Entity Name Ownership
TRUMP MARKS MENSWEAR LLC 1.00%
Title
Managing Member
Role
Shareholder
354 TRUMP MARKS MORTGAGE CORP *(3)
Owned by:
Has ownership interest In :
%Ownership
100
Entity Name
TRUMP MARKS MTG LLC
Name
DTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Ownership
1.00%
Title
Managing Member
Role
Shareholder
355 TRUMP MARKS MTG LLC *(3)
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
Name
TRUMP MARKS MORTGAGE CORP
Role
Managing Member
99
356 TRUMP MARKS MUMBAI LLC *(3)
Owned by :
% Ownership
1
99
357 TRUMP MARKS MUMBAI MEMBER CORP *(3)
DTTM OPERATIONS LLC
Name
TRUMP MARKS MUMBAI MEMBER
CORP
DTTM OPERATIONS LLC
Member
Role
Managing Member
Member
Owned by:
Has ownership interest in :
% Ownership
100
Entity Name
TRUMP MARKS MUMBAI LLC
Name
DTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Ownership
1.00%
Title
Managinc Member
Role
Shareholder
3SB TRUMP MARKS NEW ROCHELLE CORP *(4)
Reference#
OGEFon,,2llc(t.lw,:h201~)
Instructions for Part 2
Note: This is a publlc form. Do not include account numbers, street addresses, or family member names. See instructions for required information.
Filer's Nnmc
Page Number
Donald J. Trump
A30 of 46
Owned by: % Ownership Name
100 DTIM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Has ownership Interest in : Entity Name Ownership
TRUM P MARKS NEW ROCHELLE 1.00%
LLC
359 TRUMP MARKS NEW ROCHELLE LLC •t4/
Title
Managing Member
Role
Shareholder
Owned by:
¾ Ownership
l
Name
TRUMP MARKS NEW ROCHELLE CORP
Role
Managing Member
99
DTTM OPERATIONS LLC
Member
360 TRUMP MARKS PALM BEACH CORP •t3/
Owned by:
¾ Ownership
100
Has ownership interest In : Entity Name Ownership
TRUMP MARKS PALM BEACH LLC 1.00%
OTIM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Title
Managing Member
Role
Shareholder
361 TRUMP MARKS PALM BEACH LLC •t3/
Owned by :
% Ownership
l
Name
TRUMP MARKS PALM BEACH CORP
Role
Managing Member
99
362 TRUMP MARKS PANAMA CORP •t4/
DTTM OPERATIONS LLC
Member
Owned by :
Has ownership interest in :
% Ownership
100
Entity Name
TRUMP MARKS PANAMA LLC
DTIM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Ownership
1.00%
Title
Managing Member
Role
Shareholder
363 TRUMP MARKS PANAMA LLC •t4/
Owned by :
% Ownership
l
Name
TRUMP MARKS PANAMA CORP
Role
Managing Member
99
364 TRUMP MARKS PHILADELPHIA CORP •t3/
DTTM OPERATIONS LLC
Member
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Name
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership Interest in : Entity Name Ownership
TRUMP MARKS PHILADELPHIA LLC 1.00%
Title
Ma naging Member
365 TRUMP MARKS PHILADELPHIA LLC •t3/
Owned by :
¾ Ownership
l
Name
TRUMP MARKS PHILADELPHIA CORP
Role
Managing Member
99
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust
Member
366 TRUMP MARKS PHILIPPINES CORP •(1 /
Owned by :
% Ownership
100
DTTM Operations Ma naging
Member Corp
Has ownership interest In: Entity Name Ownership
TRUMP MARKS PHILIPPINES LLC 1.00%
Title
Managing Member
Role
Shareholder
367 TRUMP MARKS PHILIPPINES LLC
Owned by:
% Ownership
l
Name
TRUMP MARKS PHILIPPINES CORP
Role
Managing Member
99
36B TRUMP MARKS PRODUCTS LLC •t4/
Owned by :
DTTM OPERATIONS LLC
Member
:;
OGE f o,m H ie (Mud1 2014)
Instructions for Part 2
Note: This is a public form. Do not include account numbers, street addresses, or family member names. See instructions for required information.
Filer's Name
Pnge Number
Donald J . Tn.,mp A31 of 46
Reference# ~-----------------------------------=---'=------------___J
99
369 TRUMP MARKS PRODUCTS MEMBER CORP */41
TRUMP MARKS PRODUCTS MEMBER
CORP
DTTM OPERATIONS LLC
Managing Member
Member
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Has ownership interest in : Entity Name Ownership
TRUMP MARKS PRODUCTS LLC 1.00%
DTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Title
Managing Member
Role
Shareholder
370 TRUMP MARKS PUERTO RICO I LLC */3/
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
99
371 TRUMP MARKS PUERTO RICO I MEMBER CORP */3)
Name
TRUMP MARKS PUERTO RICO I
MEMBER CORP
DTTM OPERATIONS LLC
Role
Managing Member
Member
Owned by: % Ownership Name
100 OTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Has ownership interest in : Entity Name Ownership
TRUMP MARKS PUERTO RICO I 1.00%
LLC
374 TRUMP MARKS PUNTA DEL ESTE LLC
Owned by :
%Ownership
1
Name
TRUMP MARKS PUNTA DEL ESTE
MANAGER CORP
99 DTTM OPERATIONS LLC
375 TRUMP MARKS PUNTA DEL ESTE MANAGER CORP */11
Owned by: · %Ownership
100 DTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Has ownership interest in : Entity Name Ownership
TRUMP MARKS PUNTA DEL ESTE 1.00%
LLC
376 TRUMP MARKS REAL ESTATE LLC */5/
Title
Managing Member
Title
Managing Member
Role
Shareholder
Role
Managing Member
Member
Role
Shareholder
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
99
377 TRUMP MARKS SOHO LICENSE CORP */4)
Name
THE TRUMP MARKS REAL ESTATE
CORP
DTTM OPERATIONS llC
Role
Member
Member
Owned by :
%Ownership
100
Has ownership interest in :
Entity Name
TRUMP MARKS SOHO LLC
378 TRUMP MARKS SOHO LLC *(4)
Name
DTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Ownership
1.00%
Title
Member
Role
Shareholder
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
Name
TRUMP MARKS SOHO LICENSE CORP
Role
Member
99
379 TRUMP MARKS STAMFORD CORP */4)
DTTM OPERATIONS LLC
Member
Owned by :
%Ownership
100
Has ownership interest In :
Entity Name
TRUMP MARKS STAMFORD LLC
380 TRUMP MARKS STAMFORD LLC */41
Name
DTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Ownership
1.00%
Title
Member
Role
Shareholder
Owned by:
% Ownership
99
1
3Bl TRUMP MARKS SUNNY ISLES I LLC
Name
DTTM OPERATIONS llC
TRUMP MARKS STAMFORD CORP
Role
Member
Member
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
Name
TRUMP MARKS SUNNY ISLES I
MEMBER CORP
Role
Member

OGE f 91 m 271c (Mud,201 -1)
Instructions for Part 2
Note: This is a public form. Do not Include: account numbers, street addresses, or family member names. See instructions for required information.
Filer's Nnme
Page Number
Donald J. Trump A32 of 46
Reference#
99
382 TRUMP MARKS SUNNY ISLES I MEMBER CORP ""(1 /
DTTM OPERATIONS LLC
Member
Owned by:
% Ownership
100
Has ownership interest In : Entity Name Ownership
TRUMP MARKS SUNNY ISLES I llC 1.00%
DTTM Operations Manac:lng
Member Corp
Title
Member
Role
Shareholder
383 TRUMP MARKS SUNNY ISLES II LLC •14)
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
99
384 TRUMP MARKS SUNNY ISLES II MEMBER CORP •14)
Name
TRUMP MARKS SUNNY ISLES II
MEMBER CORP
DTTM OPERATIONS llC
Role
Member
Member
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Has ownership Interest in : Entity Name Ownership
TRUMP MARKS SUNNY ISLES II LLC 1.00%
Name
DTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Title
Member
Role
Shareholder
385 TRUMP MARKS TAMPA CORP •13)
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Has ownership Interest In :
Entity Name
TRUMP MARKS TAMPA LLC
386 TRUMP MARKS TAMPA LLC •(3/
Name
OTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Ownership
1.00%
Title
Member
Role
Shareholder
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
99
387 TRUMP MARKS TORONTO CORP •(3/
Name
TRUMP MARKS TAMPA CORP
DTTM OPERATIONS LLC
Role
Member
Member
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Has ownership interest In :
Entity Name
TRUMP MARKS TORONTO llC
388 TRUMP MARKS TORONTO LLC •t3/
Name
DTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Ownership
1.00%
TIiie
Member
Role
Shareholder
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
99
389 TRUMP MARKS TORONTO LP ""{3/
Name
TRUMP MARKS TORONTO CORP
DTTM OPERATIONS LLC
Role
Member
Member
Owned by:
% Ownership
1
Name
TRUMP TORONTO MEMBER CORP
Role
Member
99
390 TRUMP MARKS WAIKIKI CORP ""(1/
DTTM Operations LLC
Member
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Name
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership interest in :
Entity Name
TRUMP MARKS WAIKIKI LLC
Ownership
1.00%
Title
Managing Member
391 TRUMP MARKS WAIKIKI LLC
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
Name
TRUMP MARKS WAIKIKI CORP
Role
Managing Member
99
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust
Member
392 TRUMP MARKS WESTCHESTER CORP •t4/
Owned by :
Has ownership interest in :
%Ownership
100
Entity Name
Name
DTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Ownership
Title
Role
Shareholder

OO!cfoop Zllc (MJKh lO I~)
Reference ti
Instructions for Part 2
Note : This is a public form. Do not include account numbers, street addresses, or family member names. See instructions for required Information.
Filer's Name
Page Number
Donald J . Trump A33 of 46
TRUMP MARKS WESTCHESTER LLC 1.00%
Managing Member
393 TRUMP MARKS WESTCHESTER LLC •(4)
Owned by:
99
394 TRUMP MARKS WHITE PLAINS CORP •(4)
Name
TRUMP MARKS WESTCHESTER CORP
DTTM OPERATIONS LLC
Role
Managing Member
Member
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Has ownership Interest In : Entity Name Ownership
TRUMP MARKS WHITE PLAINS LLC 1.00%
~
DTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Title
Managing Member
Role
Shareholder
395 TRUMP MARKS WHITE PLAINS LLC •(4)
Owned by :
99
Name
TRUMP MARKS WHITE PLAINS CORP
DTTM OPERATIONS LLC
Role
Managing Member
Member
396 TRUMP MIAMI RESORT MANAGEMENT LLC
Owned by:
Name
TRUMP MIAMI RESORT
MANAGEMENT MEMBER CORP
99 DJT Holdings LLC
397 TRUMP MIAMI RESORT MANAGEMENT MEMBER CORP *{1)
Role
Managing Member
Member
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership interest in :
Entity Name
TRUMP MIAMI RESORT
MANAGEMENT LLC
398 TRUMP MODEL MANAGEMENT LLC
Assumed Names :
Q.fM,,
TRUMP MODELS
Owned by:
%Ownership
15
85
399 TRUMP NATIONAL GOLF CLUB • COL TS NECK
Ownership
Title
1.00% Managing Member
Jurisdiction
New York
Annie Veltri
TMG Member, LLC
Role
Member
Member
Owned by:
Name
TRUMP NATIONAL GOLF CLUB COLTS
NECK MEMBER CORP
99 DJT HOLDINGS LLC
400 TRUMP NATIONAL GOLF CLUB COLTS NECK MEMBER CORP *(1)
Role
Managing Member
Member
Owned by: % Ownership Name Role
100 DJT HOLDINGS MANAGING MEMBER Shareholder
LLC
Has ownership interest In : Entity Name Ownership Title
TRUMP NATIONAL GOLF CLUB - 1.00% Managing Member
COLTS NECK
401 TRUMP NATIONAL GOLF CLUB • WESTCHESTER
Owned by:
%Ownership
99
402 TRUMP NATIONAL GOLF CLUB MEMBER CORP •(1)
Name
TRUMP NATIONAL GOLF CLUB
MEMBER CORP
DJT HOLDINGS LLC
Role
Managing Member
Managing Member
Owned by:
% Ownership
100
Has ownership Interest In : Entity Name Ownership
TRUMP NATIONAL GOLF CLUB· 1.00%
WESTCHESTER
403 TRUMP NATIONAL GOLF CLUB · WASHINGTON DC
Name
DJT HOLDINGS MANAGING MEMBER
LLC
Title
Managing Member
Role
Shareholder
OOE t""11nn :nae (Man:h 201 -IJ
Reference II
Instructions for Part 2
Note: This is a publlc form. Do not Include account numbers, street addresses, or family member names. See instructions for required information.
Filer's Name
PogeNumbcr
Donald J . Trump
34 of 46
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
Name
TRUMP NATIONAL GOLF CLUB
WASHINGTON DC MEMBER CORP
99 DJT HOLDINGS LLC
404 TRUMP NATIONAL GOLF CLUB WASHINGTON DC MEMBER CORP *(1)
Role
Manacing Member
Member
Owned by: % Ownership Name Role
100 DJT HOLDINGS MANAGING MEMBER Shareholder
LLC
Has ownership interest in : Entity Name Ownership Title
TRUMP NATIONAL GOLF CLUB- 1.00% Managing Member
WASHINGTON DC
405 Trump New World Propertv Management, LLC *(3/
Owned by :
408 TRUMP OLD POST OFFICE LLC
Owned by :
%Ownership
50
50
% Ownershfp
1
76.725
22.275
409 TRUMP OLD POST OFFICE MEMBER CORP *(1}
Name
New World Property Management
Limited
TRUMP RIVERSIDE MANAGEMENT
LLC
Name
TRUMP OLD POST OFFICE MEMBER
CORP
DJT HOLDINGS LLC
Trump Family Members
Role
Managing Member
Managing Member
Role
Managing Member
Member
Member
Owned by :
Has ownership interest in :
%Ownership
77.5
22.5
Entity Name
TRUMP OLD POST OFFICE LLC
Name
DJT HOLDINGS MANAGING MEMBER
LLC
Trump Family Members
Ownership
Title
1.00%
Managing Member
Role
Shareholder
411 TRUMP ORGANIZATION LLC *(3)
Assumed Names: ~
The Trump Organization
Owned by:
% Ownership
100
412 TRUMP PAGEANTS, INC. *(1)
Jurisdiction
New York
Name
DJT Holdings LLC
Role
Member
Owned by :
% Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership interest In :
413 Miss Universe L.P., LLLP
Entity Name
Miss Universe LP., LLLP
Ownership
2.00%
Title
Partner
Owned by :
414 TRUMP PALACE/PARC LLC
% Ownership
2
98
Name
TRUMP PAG EANTS, INC.
DJT Hold ings LLC
Role
Partner
Partner
Owned by :
% Ownership
0.1
Name
FIRST MEM BER INC
Role
Managing Member
99.9
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust
Member
415 TRUMP PANAMA CONDOMINIUM MANAGEMENT LLC *(3)
Owned by:
%Ownership
99
416 TRUMP PANAMA CONDOMINIUM MEMBER CORP *(3)
Name
TRUMP PANAMA CONDOMINIUM
MEMBER CORP
DJT Holdings LLC
Role
Managing Member
Member
Owned by :
% Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership interest in : Entity Name Ownership
TRUMP PANAMA CONDOMINIUM 1.00%
MANAGEMENT LLC
Title
Managing Member
OGE Fonn 2.71c (Much 201 '4)
Instructions fo r Part 2
Note: This is a public form . Do not include account numbers, street addresses, or familv member names. See Instructions for requ ired information.
Filer's Name
Donald J. Trump
Reference II
417 TRUMP PANAMA HOTEL MANAGEMENT LLC
Owned by :
%Ownership
1
Name
TRUMP PANAMA HOTEL
MANAGEMENT MEMBER CORP
99 OJT Holdings LLC Member
418 TRUMP PANAMA HOTEL MANAGEMENT MEMBER CORP •(1 /
Page Number
A35 of 46
Role
Managing Member
Owned by :
% Ownership
100
Name
OJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Rol e
Shareholder
Has ownership interest In : Entity Name
TRUMP PANAMA HOTEL
MANAGEMENT LLC
419 TRUMP PARK AVENUE ACQUISITION LLC •11/
Ownership
1.00%
Title
Managing Member
Owned by :
%Ownership
100
Name
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust
Role
Member
Has ownership interest In :
420 TRUMP PARK AVENUE LLC
Entity Name
TRUMP PARK AVENUE LLC
Ownership
49.90%
Title
Member
Owned by :
%Ownership
0.1
49.9
50
Name
GEPT Delmonico LLC
TRUMP PARK AVENUE ACQUISITION
LLC
TRUMP DELMONICO LLC
Role
Member
Member
Managing Member
421 TRUMP PAYROLL CHICAGO LLC •(2/
Owned by :
¾ Ownership
100
Name
401 North Wabash Venture LLC
Role
Managing Member
422 TRUMP PAYROLL CORP '(21
Owned by :
%Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
423 TRUMP PHOENIX DEVELOPMENT LLC •(3)
Owned by:
424 TRUMP PLAZA LLC
%Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdings LLC
Role
Shareholder
Owned by :
% Ownership
1
~
TRUMP PLAZA MEMBER INC.
Role
Managing Member
99
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust
Member
425 TRUMP PLAZA MEMBER INC. •(1)
Owned by :
% Ownership
100
Name
The Donald J, Trump Revocable Trust
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership interest in :
Entity Name
TRUMP PLAZA LLC
Ownership
Title
1.00% Managing Member
426 TRUMP PRODUCTIONS LLC
Owned by :
%Ownership
1
99
427 TRUMP PRODUCTIONS MANAGING MEMBER INC. •(1/
Name
TRUMP PRODUCTIONS MANAGING
MEMBER INC.
OJT Holdings LLC
Role
Managing Member
Member
Owned by :
% Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdings Managing Member llC
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership interest in :
429 TRUMP REAL TY SERVICES LLC ·rs/
Entity Name
TRUMP PRODUCTIONS LLC
Ownership
Title
1,00% Managing Member
00E f.,...,. 2:71c(Mud,201.J)
Instructions for Part 2
Note : This Is a pub lic form . Do not incl ude account numbers, st reet addresses, or fam ily member names. See Instructions fo r re quired Information.
Filer's Nnmc
Page Number
Donald J. Trump A36 of 46
Reference# .___________________________________________________,
Owned by:
430 Trump Restaurants LLC
%Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdings LLC
Role
Member
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
431 TRUMP RIVERSIDE MANAGEMENT LLC */3)
Name
DJT Holdings LLC
Role
Member
Owned by:
Has ownership Interest in :
%Ownership
100
Entity Name
Trump New World Property
Management, LLC
Name
DJT Holdings LLC
Ownership
50.00%
Title
Managing Member
Role
Shareholder
432 TRUMP RUFFIN COMMERCIAL LLC */assets & income already disclosed on Part 2 under TRUMP RUFFIN TOWER I LLC; operator of front
desk)
Owned by: % Ownership Name Role
100 TRUMP RUFFIN TOWER I LLC Managing Member
433 TRUMP RUFFIN LLC */1)
Owned by:
Has ownership interest in :
%Ownership
1
49
50
Entity Name
TRUMP RUFFIN TOWER I LLC
Name
TRUMP LAS VEGAS MANAGING
MEMBERLLC
TRUMP LAS VEGAS MEMBER LLC
Hyde Park, LLC
Ownership
100.00%
Title
Managing Member
Role
Managing Member
Member
Member
434 TRUMP RUFFIN TOWER I LLC
Owned by :
%Ownership
100
Name
TRUMP RUFFIN LLC
Role
Managing Member
Has ownership interest in:
Entity Name
Ownership
TRUMP RUFFIN COMMERCIAL LLC 100.00%
Title
Managing Member
435 TRUMP SALES & LEASING CHICAGO LLC */5)
Owned by:
% Ownership
1
99 DJT Holdings LLC
436 TRUMP SALES & LEASING CHICAGO MEMBER CORP */1)
Name
TRUMP SALES & LEASING CHICAGO
MEMBER CORP
Role
Member
Member
Owned by:
%Ownership
10D
Name
OJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership interest in :
Entity Name
TRUMP SALES & LEASING
CHICAGOLLC
437 TRUMP SCOTLAND MEMBER INC. */1)
Ownership
Title
1.00% Member
Owned by :
%Ownership
10D
Name
DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership Interest in :
Entity Name
TRUMP INTERNATIONAL GOLF
LINKS - SCOTLAND
438 TRUMP SCOTSBOROUGH SQUARE LLC
Ownership
Title
1.00% M ember
Owned by:
% Ownership
Name
TRUMP SCOTSBOROUGH SQUARE
MEMBER CORP.
99 DJT HOLDINGS LLC Member
439 TRUMP SCOTSBOROUGH SQUARE MEMBER CORP. */1)
Role
Managing Member
Owned by:
"" Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership interest in:
Entity Name
Ownership
TRUMP SCOTSBOROUGH SQUARE 1.00%
LLC
Title
Managing Member
44D TRUMP SOHO MEMBER LLC */JI
Reference#
Instructions for Part 2
Note: This is a public form . Do not include account numbers, street addresses, or family member names. See instructions for required information.
Filer'sNnme
Page Number
Donald J. Trump
A37 of 46
Owned by :
% Ownership
100
441 TRUMP TORONTO DEVELOPMENT. INC. ""(4/
Name
DJT Holdings LLC
Role
Member
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
442 TRUMP TORONTO HOTEL MANAGEMENT CORP
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
443 TRUMP TORONTO MEMBER CORP *(3/
Name
DJT HOLDINGS MANAGING MEMBER
LLC
Role
Shareholder
Owned by:
Has ownership Interest In:
%Ownership
100
Entity Name
TRUMP MARKS TORONTO LP
Name
OTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Ownership
1.00%
Title
Member
Role
Shareholder
444 TRUMP TOWER COMMERCIAL LLC
Owned by :
'¼Ownership
1
99
Name
TRUMP TOWER MANAGING
MEMBER INC.
The Trump-Equitable Fifth Avenue
Company
Role
Managing Member
Member
445 TRUMP TOWER MANAGING MEMBER INC.
Owned by:
% Ownership
100
Name
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership interest in : Entity Name Ownership
TRUMP TOWER COMMERCIAL LLC 1.00%
Title
Managing Member
446 Trump Village Construction Corp. *(1)
Owned by:
%Ownership
25
Name
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership interest in :
75
Entity Name
Starrett City Associates, LP.
Spring Creek Plaza LLC
Trump Family Members
Ownership
1.84%
1.84%
Title
Partner
Member
Shareholder
447 TRUMP VINEYARD ESTATES LLC
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
Name
TRUMP VINEYARD ESTATES
MANAGER CORP
99 DJT HOLDINGS LLC
Has ownership Interest in : Entity Name Ownership
TRUMP VINEYARD ESTATES LOT 3 100.00%
OWNERLLC
448 TRUMP VINEYARD ESTATES LOT 3 OWNER LLC
Title
Member
Role
Managing Member
Member
Owned by: % Ownership Name
100 TRUMP VINEYARD ESTATES LLC
449 TRUMP VINEYARD ESTATES MANAGER CORP *(1/
Role
Member
Owned by: % Ownership Name Role
100 OJT Holdings Managing Member LLC Shareholder
Has ownership Interest in : Entity Name Ownership Title
TRUMP VINEYARD ESTATES LLC 1.00% Managing Member
450 TRUMP VIRGINIA ACQUISITIONS LLC
Owned by:
'¼Ownership
1
99
451 TRUMP VIRGINIA ACQUISITIONS MANAGER CORP *(1/
Name
TRUMP VIRGINIA ACQUISITIONS
MANAGER CORP
OJT Holdings LLC
Role
Managing Member
Member
Owned by:
OGEFom :m~C.lan:h21114)
Reference ff
Instructions for Part 2
Note : This is a public form. Do not Include account numbers, street addresses, or fam ily member names. See instructions for required information.
Filer's Name
Page Nwnbcr
Donald J . Trump A38 of 46
100 OJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Shareholder
Has ownership interest In :
452 TRUMP VIRGINIA LOT 5 LLC
Entity Name
Ownership
TRUMP VIRGINIA ACQUISITIONS 1.00%
LLC
Title
Managing Member
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
99
453 TRUMP VIRGINIA LOT 5 MANAGER CORP •(1)
Name
TRUMP VIRGINIA LOT 5 MANAGER
CORP
DJT HOLDI NGS LLC
Role
Managing Member
Me mber
Owned by :
%Ownership
100
Name
OJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership interest in :
Entity Name
TRUMP VIRGINIA LOT 5 LLC
Ownership
Title
1.00% Managing Member
454 TRUMP WINE MARKS LLC •t3)
Owned by:
% Ownership
1
99
455 TRUMP WINE MARKS MEMBER CORP •(3)
Name
TRUMP WINE MARKS MEMBER
CORP
DJT HOLDINGS LLC
Role
Ma naging Member
Member
Owned by :
Has ownership Interest in :
% Ownership
100
Entity Name
TRUMP WINE MARKS LLC
Name
OTTM Operatio ns Managing
Member Corp
Ownership
1.00%
Title
Managing Member
Role
Shareholder
456 TRUMP WORLD PRODUCTIONS LLC •(4)
Owned by :
% Ownership
1
99
457 TRUMP WORLD PRODUCTIONS MANAGER CORP Y4)
Name
TRUMP WORLD PRODUCTIONS
MANAGER CORP
DJT HOLDINGS LLC
Role
Managing Member
Member
Owned by: % Ownership Name Role
100 OJT Holdings Managing Member LLC Shareholder
Has ownership Interest in : Entity Name Ownership Title
TRUMP WORLD PRODUCTIONS 1.00% Managing Member
LLC
458 TRUMP WORLD PUBL/CA TIONS LLC 'f3)
Owned by:
% Ownership
100
459 TRUMP'S CASTLE MANAGEMENT CORP •(3)
Name
OJT Holdings LLC
Role
Member
Owned by :
"" Ownership
100
Name
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust
Role
Shareholder
460 TURNBERRY SCOTLAND LLC
Owned by :

Reference#
r-
Instructions for Part 2
Note : This is a public form . Do not Include account numbers, street addresses, or family member names. See Instructions for required information.
f-
OCiE Form 21fc r., lt1th 20J.!,)
Donald J. Trump A39 of 46
TURNBERRY SCOTLAND MANAGING
MEMBER CORP
DJT HOLDINGS LLC
99
Has ownership interest In : Entity Name Ownership Title
Golf Recreation Scotland Limited 100.00% Sole Member
Managing Member
Member
461 TURNBERRYSCOTLAND MANAGING MEMBER CORP */1)
Owned by:
Has ownership interest in :
% Ownership
100
Entity Name
TURNBERRY SCOTLAND LLC
Name
DJT HOLDINGS MANAGING MEMBER
LLC
Ownership
Title
1.00% Managing Member
Role
Shareholder
462 TW VENTURE I LLC
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
99
463 TWVENTURE I MANAGING MEMBER CORP *(1)
Name
TW VENTURE I MANAGING MEMBER
CORP
DJT HOLDINGS LLC
Role
Managing Member
Member
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Name
OJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership Interest In :
Entity Name
TW VENTURE I LLC
Ownership
1.00%
Title
Managing Member
464 TW VENTURE II LLC
Owned by:
Has ownership Interest In :
% Ownership
1
99
Entity Name
TRUMP INTERNATIONAL GOLF
LINKS - DOONBEG
Name
TW VENTURE II MANAGING
MEMBER CORP
DJT HOLDINGS LLC
Ownership
100.00%
Title
Shareholder
Role
Managing Member
Member
465 TW VENTURE II MANAGING MEMBER CORP *(1)
Owned by:
Has ownership Interest in :
%Ownership
100
Entity Name
TW VENTURE II LLC
Name
DJT HOLDINGS MANAGING MEMBER
LLC
Ownership
Title
1.00%
Managing Member
Role
Shareholder
466 ULTIMATE AIR CORP. *£3)
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
467 UNIT 2502 ENTERPRISES CORP *£1 J
Owned by :
% Ownership
100
Name
OJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership interest In :
Entity Name
UNIT 2502 ENTERPRISES LLC
Ownership
1.00%
Title
Managing Member
468 UNIT 2502 ENTERPRISES LLC *£5)
Owned by:
""Ownership
1
Name
UNIT 2502 ENTERPRISES CORP
Role
Managing Member
99
469 TRUMP NA T/ONAL GOLF CLUB· LOS ANGELES
DJT HOLDINGS LLC
Member
Owned by·:
Has ownership interest In :
""Ownership
100
Entity Name
VHPS LLC
Name
RPV DEVELOPMENT LLC
Ownership
100.00%
Title
Managing Member
Role
Shareholder

00£ Fe>n11 271c (!1111d1 ?01.&)
r-
Instructions for Part 2
Note: This is a public form. Do not Include account numbers, street addresses, or family member names. See instructions for required Information.
naJd J. Trump
F-A46 of 46
Reference II '-:--::-:::-::-:--:-::-::c:---c------:c-:-----c:----:---:-:-:------:----=---:--::---,-=======-----=====-=--=:-:--:-:-:=-==-------=---,-J
470 VHPS LLC •(assets & income alreadv disclosed on Part 2 under TRUMP NATIONAL GOLF CLUB - LOS ANGELES; owner of vacant land/
Owned by :
471 WEST PALM OPERATIONS LLC •(5)
% Ownership
100
Name
TRUMP NATIONAL GOLF CLUB-LOS
ANGELES
Role
Managing Member
Owned by :
472 Wexford Hall Inc. •r3)
% Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdings LLC
Role
Member
Owned by:
% Ownership
25
Name
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust
Role
Shareholder
473 WHITE COURSE LLC •(5/
75
Trump Family Members
Shareholder
Owned by:
99
474 WHITE COURSE MANAGING MEMBER CORP •(1)
Name
WHITE COURSE MANAGING
MEMBER CORP
DJT HOLDINGS LLC
Rol e
Managing Member
Member
Owned by :
% Ownership
100
Name
OJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Sha reholder
Has ownership Interest in :
Entity Name
WHITE COURSE LLC
Ownership
Title
1.00% Managing Member
475 Wilshire Hall LLC *(3/
Owned by :
476 Wollman Rink Operations LLC
% Ownership
25
75
Name
DJT Holdings LLC
Trump Family Members
Role
Member
Member
Owned by : % Ownership Name
100 DJT Holdings LLC
477 YORKTOWN REAL ESTATE LLC {F/K/A Yorktown Development Associates LLC/ •(3)
Role
Member
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdings LLC
Role
Member
478 HWA 555 Owners, LLC
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Name
Hudson Waterfront Associates I, LP.
Role
Partner
479 1290 A VENUE OF THE AMERICAS, A TENANCY-IN-COMMON
Owned by: '¼Ownership Name
52 HWA 1290 Ill LLC
20.2 HWA 1290 IV LLC
27.8 HWA 1290 V LLC
480 Trump Manag:ement Inc.
Owned by : % Ownership Name
25 The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust
Role
Partner
Partner
Partner
Role
Shareholder
481 HWA 1290 Ill LLC •(1/
75 Trump Family Members
Shareholder
Owned by : % Ownership Name
100 Hudson Waterfront Associates Ill,
L.P.
Has ownership interest in: Entity Naml!: Ownership
1290 Avenue of the Americas 52.00%
TIiie
Partner
Role
Partner
482 HWA 1290 IV LLC •(1!
Owned by : % Ownership ~
100 Hudson Waterfront Associates IV,
L.P.
Has ownership interest in: Entity Name Ownership
1290 Avenue of the Americas 20.20%
Title
Partner
Role
Partner
OGE l-'11nn27k (Mlll'dl201 ..I)
Instructions for Part 2
Note : This is a public form . Do not include account numbers, street addresses, or family membe r names. Se e Instructions for required information.
Filer's Name
Pngc Number
Donald J. Trump A41 of 46
Reference# .__________________________________________________..J
483 HWA 1290 V LLC •r1 /
Owned by:
% Ownership
100
Name
Hudson Waterfront Associates V, LP.
Role
Partner
Has ownership interest In:
Entity Name
1290 Avenue of the Americas
Ownership
Title
27.80% Partner
486 Travel Enterprises Management Inc. •(5/
Owned by:
% Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
490 The Donald J. Trump Campany LLC *(3)
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Name
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust
Role
Member
493 DT BALI GOLF MANAGER LLC •(4/
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
99
Name
DT BALI GOLF MANAGER MEMBER
CORP
TTTT VENTURE LLC
Role
Managing Member
Member
494 DT BALI GOLF MANAGER MEMBER CORP •(4/
Owned by:
% Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership Interest in :
Entity Name
DT BALI GOLF MANAGER
Ownership
Title
1.00% Managing
Member
495 DT BALI HOTEL MANAGER LLC •(4/
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
99
Name
DT BALI HOTEL MANAGER MEMBER
CORP
TTTTVENTURE LLC
Role
Managing Member
Member
496 or BALI HOTEL MANAGER MEMBER CORP •(4)
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Name
OJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership Interest in :
Entity Name
DT BALI HOTEL MANAGER LLC
Ownership
Title
1.00% Managing
Member
497 DT BALI TECHNICAL SERVICES MANAGER LLC
Owned by :
%Ownership
99
Name
DT BALI TECHNICAL SERVICES
MANAGER MEMBER CORP
TTTTVENTURE LLC
Role
Managing Member
Member
498 DT BALI TECHNICAL SERVICES MANAGER MEMBER CORP •(1/
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Name
OJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership Interest In :
Entity Name
DT BALI TECHINICAL SERVICES
MANAGERLLC
Ownership
Title
1.00% Managing
Member
499 DT CONNECT EUROPE LIMITED
Owned by :
""Ownership
100
Name
Golf Recreation Scotland limited
Role
Partner

00Efonn 21fc(MM<h ?014)
Instructions for Part 2
Note : This is a publlc form . Do not include account numbers, street ad dresses, or family member names. See instructions for required information.
Filer's Name
Page Number
Donald J. Trump A42 of 46
Reference#
500 DT ENDEAVOR I LLC
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Name
The Donald J, Trump Revocable Trust
Role
Member
sos DT LIDO GOLF MANAGER LLC •(4)
Owned by :
% Ownership
1
99
Name
OT LIDO GOLF MANAGER MEMBER
CORP
TTTT VENTURE LLC
Role
Managing Member
Member
506 or LIDO GOLF MANAGER MEMBER CORP •(4)
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Name
OJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership interest in :
Entity Name
OT LIDO GOLF MANAGER LLC
Ownership
Title
1.00% Managing
Member
507 DT LIDO HOTEL MANAGER LLC '(4)
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
99
Name
DT LIDO HOTEL MANAGER MEMBER
CORP
TTTTVENTURE LLC
Role
Managing Member
Member
SOB or LIDO HOTEL MANAGER MEMBER CORP •(4)
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Name
OJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership interest in :
Entity Name
DT LIDO HOTEL MANAGER LLC
Ownership
Title
1.00% Managing
Member
509 DT LIDO TECHNICAL SERVICES MANAGER LLC
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
99
Name
DT LIDO TECHNICAL SERVICES
MANAGER MEMBER CORP
TTTT VENTURE LLC
Role
Managing Member
Member
510 or LIDO TECHNICAL SERVICES MANAGER MEMBER CORP '(1)
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership Interest In :
Entity Name
DT LIDO TECHNICAL SERVICES
MANAGERLLC
Ownership
Title
1.00% Managing
Member
511 DT MARKS BALI LLC •(4)
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
99
Name
DT MARKS BALI MEMBER CORP
DTTM OPERATIONS LLC
Managing Member
Member
512 or MARKS BALI MEMBER CORP '(4)
Owned by:
Has ownership Interest in:
%Ownership
100
Entity Name
OT MARKS BALI LLC
Name
DTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Ownership
1.00%
Title
Managing
Member
Role
Shareholder
513 DT MARKS LIDO LLC '(4)
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
99
Name
DT MARKS LIDO MEMBER CORP
OTTM OPERATIONS LLC
Managing Member
Member
r-
OGE Form 271c(>,l&R:II 201~)
Instructions for Part 2
Note: This Is a public form . Do not include account numbers, street addresses, or family member names. See instructions for required information.
Donald J . Trump
A43 of as
f-
Reference#
514 DT MARKS LIDO MEMBER CORP *(4)
Owned by:
Has ownership Interest in :
%Ownership
100
Entity Name
DT MARKS LIDO LLC
Name
DTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Ownership
1.00%
Title
Managing
Member
Role
Shareholder
51S DT TOWER I LLC *(4)
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
99
Name
DTTOWER I MEMBER CORP
DJT Holdings LLC
Role
Managing Member
Member
516 DT TOWER I MEMBER CORP *(4)
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership interest in :
Entity Name
DTTOWER I LLC
Ownership
Title
1.00% Managing
Member
517 DT TOWER KOLKATA LLC
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
99
Name
DTTOWER KOLKATA MANAGING
MEMBER CORP
DTTM OPERATIONS LLC
Role
Managing Member
Member
518 DT TOWER KOLKA TA MANAGING MEMBER CORP *{1)
Owned by:
Has ownership Interest In :
%Ownership
100
Entity Name
DTTOWER KOLKATA LLC
Name
DTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Ownership
1.00%
Title
Member
Role
Shareholder
519 DTTM OPERA T/ONS LLC
Owned by :
%Ownership
1
99
Name
DTTM OPERATIONS MANAGING
MEMBER CORP
DJT Holdings LLC
Role
Managing Member
Member
Has ownership interest in :
various entities as indicated elsewhere in this schedule
520 DTTM OPERATIONS MANAGING MEMBER CORP *(1)
Owned by :
%Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership interest in :
various entities as indicated elsewhere in this schedule
S21 EID VENTURE II LLC *(2)
Owned by:
%Ownership
99
Name
EID VENTURE II MEMBER CORP
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust
Role
Managing Member
Member
522 EID VENTURE II MEMBER CORP *(2)
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Name
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership interest in :
Entity Name
EID VENTURE II LLC
Ownership
Title
1.00% Managing
Member
523 MOBILE PAYROLL CONSTRUCT/ON LLC
Reference ti
p-
Instructions for Part 2
Note: This is a publ!c form. Do not include account numbers, street addresses, or family member names. See instructions for required Information.
f-
Donald J. Trump A44 of 46
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
99
Name
MOBILE PAYROLL CONSTRUCTION
MANAGER CORP
DJT Holdings LLC
Role
Managing Member
Member
00Efom\ 27lc(Muth 20 1"")
524 MOBILE PAYROLL CONSTRUCT/ON MANAGER CORP *(1 /
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdings Managing Member LLC
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership interest In : Entity Name Ownership
MOBILE PAYROLL CONSTRUCTION 1.00%
LLC
Title
Managing
Member
525 THC DC RESTAURANT HOSPITALITY LLC *(1 /
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Name
CPO HOTEL MANAGER LLC
Role
Member
530 C DEVELOPMENT VENTURES LLC *(3/
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
99
Name
C DEVELOPMENT VENTURES
MEMBER CORP
DTTM OPERATIONS LLC
Role
Managing Member
Member
531 C DEVELOPMENT VENTURES MEMBER CORP *(3/
Owned by: % Ownership Name
100 OTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Has ownership Interest in :
Entity Name
Ownership
C DEVELOPMENT VENTURES LLC 1.00%
Title
Managing
Member
Role
Shareholder
533 DT VENTURE I LLC
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Name
OJT Holdings LLC
Role
Member
534 DT VENTURE I MEMBER CORP *(3/
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
OTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Role
Shareholder
535 DT VENTURE II LLC *(5)
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdings LLC
Role
Member
536 DT VENTURE II MEMBER CORP *(3)
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Name
OTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Role
Shareholder
537 DT TOWER II LLC •(4)
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
99
Name
OTTM Operations LLC
DTTOWER II MEMBER CORP
Member
Managing Member
538 DT TOWER II MEMBER CORP *(4)
Owned by:
Has ownership Interest in :
% Ownership
100
Entity Name
DTTOWER II LLC
DTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Ownership
99.00%
Title
Managing
Member
Role
Shareholder

r-
Instructions for Part 2
Note: This is a pub lie form. Do not include account nu.mbers, street addresses, or famlly member names. See instructions for required Information.
r-
OGE ··•um 171c (Mud , lLIIJ)
Donald J. Trump A45 of 46
Reference#
539 DT ENDEAVOR I MEMBER CORP '(3/
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
DTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp
Role
Shareholder
540 4T HOLDINGS ONE LLC '(3)
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Name
TTTT VENTURE LLC
Role
Member
541 4T HOLDINGS TWO LLC
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Name
TTTT VENTURE LLC
Role
Member
Has ownership Interest in :
542 STORAGE 106 LLC
Entity Name
Ownership
SC CLEVELAND MS MANAGEMENT 100.00%
LLC
SC PIER VILlAGE
100.00%
MANAGEMENT LLC
Title
Member
Member
Owned by :
% Ownership
100
Name
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust
Role
Member
543 T EXPRESS LLC
Owned by:
%Ownership
1
99
Name
T EXPRESS MANAGER MEMBER CORP
TTTT VENTURE LLC
Managing Member
Member
544 T EXPRESS MANAGER MEMBER CORP '(1)
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Name
DJT HOLDINGS MANAGING MEMBER
LLC
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership Interest In :
Entity Name
TEXPRESS LLC
Ownership
Title
1.00% Managing
Member
545 SC CLEVELAND MS MANAGEMENT LLC
Owned by :
%Ownership
100
Name
4T HOLDINGS TWO LLC
Role
Member
546 SC PIER VILLAGE MANAGEMENT LLC '(3)
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Name
4T HOLDINGS TWO LLC
Role
Member
547 T PROMOTIONS LLC
Owned by:
%Ownership
100
Name
DTTM OPERATIONS LLC
Role
Member
548 T RETAIL LLC
Owned by:
%Ownership
0.5
Name
T RETAIL MANAGING MEMBER CORP
Role
Managing Member
0.5
99
549 T RETAIL MANAGING MEMBER CORP '(1)
DTTM OPERATIONS LLC
TTTT VENTURE LLC
Member
Member
Owned by :
% Ownership
100
Name
DJT HOLDINGS MANAGING MEMBER
LLC
Role
Sole Shareholder

OO F. f'~m, 27k P.llan:11 20\J)
Instructions for Part 2
Note: This is a public form . Do not include account numbers, street addresses, or family member names. See Instructions for required information.
Filer's Name
P11gcNumbcr
Donald J. Tn.,mp A46 of 46
Reference# ~----,-,-,-----,------,---,-----------,,--,-----------,,,.-,----------------~
Has ownership Interest In: Entity Name Ownership Title
T RETAIL LLC 0.50% Managing
Member
550 WESTMINSTER HOTEL MANAGEMENT LLC
Owned by:
%Ownership
76.725
22.275
551 WESTMINSTER HOTEL MANAGER MEMBER CORP •(1)
Name
DJT HOLDINGS LLC
TTT CONSULTING LLC
WESTMINSTER HOTEL MANAGER
MEMBER CORP
Role
Member
Member
Managing Member
Owned by:
¾Ownership
77.5
Name
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust
Role
Shareholder
Has ownership Interest in :
552 1125 South Ocean LLC
22.5
Entity Name
WESTMINSTER HOTEL
MANAGEMENT LLC
TTT CONSULTING LLC
Ownership
1.00%
Title
Managing
Member
Shareholder
Owned by:
¾Ownership
100
Name
DJT Holdings LLC
Role
Sole Member
Real Estate License Fees (Royalties) are customarily paid to Trump in phases: upon signing of the License Agreement (Upfront Fee), and during various
stages of the project's development. Therefore, the amount of License fee income reflected herein is dependent on the phase of that project's development
cycle with the majority of payment back-loaded towards project completion.
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010867.txt,"02:20:36

02:20:38

02:20:40

02:20:40

02:20:44

02:20:47

02:20:52

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02:20:53

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02:20:58
02:20:59 1 0

o2r02 14
or2102 12
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o22t0 14
erates 15
oz2t09 16
ozarte 17
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czars 19
ozaris 20
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oz2125 25

02:24:30
02:21:33
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02:21:47

02:21:50

SON Oah SD

02:24:51

wo

02:21:55
ozerss 10
azerss 11
oz2202 12
022204 13
oz2208 14
oz 15
o2ze14 16
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a22220 18
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ozez2 22
022233 23
az2239 24
ozezat 25

27 of 46 sheets

256
BY MR, SIMPSON:
Q. I'm -- I'm trying to close a loop here.
A. Yeah.
Q. I'm asking whether you were involved in any
other cases in which claims have been made against
Jeffrey Epstein for damages that are still active; they
have not been resolved?
A. So we are talking civil cases, unresolved
civil cases against Jeffrey Epstein right now?
Q. Unresolved cases seeking money from Jeffrey
Epstein.
MR. SCAROLA: And to the extent that that
question calls for matters that are of public
record, then, obviously, you can respond.
THE WITNESS: Right. Yeah. None.
BY MR. SIMPSON:
Q. Are there -- and I'm not asking for the name.
Are there any not of public record that --
A. What would bea ""not""?
Q. Well, if you had made a claim that's not in
suit, for example.
A. Oh, against Jeffrey Epstein?
Q. Yes.
A. Yeah. No, I don't -- I don't think there's
anything. Yeah, no -- no claims against Epstein, right.
ESQUIRE DEPOSITION SOLUTIONS
(954) 331-4460
257
Q. And -- and it's true, is it not, that if
you're successful in the CVRA case, in setting aside the
nonprosecution agreement, you expect to get other
clients who will have claims against Jeffrey Epstein?
A. If we -- in civil claims?
Q. Claims for damages, claims for money from
Jeffrey Epstein.
A. That -- I mean, that starts to -- if the
nonprosecution agreement is set aside?
Q. Yes, if you're successful.
A. haven't really -- that sounds pretty
speculative. I haven't really thought about the
civil -- the focus of the CVRA case is criminal. I
haven't thought about, you know, whether, civil claims
could somehow arise out of that. I mean, we are talking
about, you know, events that took place long ago. There
would be statute of limitations issues, you know.
Whether they are viable civil claims at this point has
not been something that I have, you know, given much
thought to.

Q. Sos it your testimony then that you have

not thought about the question of whether success in the
CVRA case may or result in you obtaining additional
clients with claims for money damages against Jeffrey
Epstein?
ESQUIRE DEPOSITION SOLUTIONS
(954) 331-4400

02:22:42

02:22:44

02:22:46

02:22:49

02:22:53

02:22:58

02:23:04

On OO & WH =

02:23:03

wo

02:23:07
oz23a07 10
o22300 11
022309 12
o2e3t0 13
oze3at1 14
oz2a12 15
02:23:15 16
o2231a 17
022323 18
oz2a24 19
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022330 22
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022338 24
022340 25

02:23:43
02:23:43
02:23:45
02:23:48
02:23:50
02:23:52

02:23:55

ON Dak WH

02:23:57
o22400 9
o22402 10
o22a05 11
022400 12
o22¢10 13
oz2013 14
oz2415 15
022017 16
create 17
022423 18
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o22434 22
022438 23
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ozzaas 25

Page 256 to 259 of 335

258

A. Yeah. That hasn't been something that I have
focused on, no. I mean...

Q. tis -- it is correct, is it not, that you
anticipate that if you are successful in setting aside
the nonprosecution agreement, that the names of
additional victims will become known; didn't you testify
to that yesterday?

A. I-- I'm not -- I must be confused here. I
don't remember.

Q. Well, wait -- I don't want to -- you know,
let me ask the question --

A. Yeah.

Q. _-- rather than my recollection.

A. Yeah, yeah. That's what I'm not...

Q. My question is: Do you anticipate that if
you're successful in setting aside the nonprosecution
agreement, that the names of additional victims will
become known?

A. Additional Epstein victims at this point?

Q. Yes.

A. Again, it's pretty speculative. The --
the issue -- you know, the case, you know, the events
were roughly a decade ago. I mean, we are always hoping
that there might be somebody additional that would come
forward, but that hasn't been the focus of the

ESQUIRE DEPOSITION SOLUTIONS
(954) 331-4400

259
litigation.

Q. Whether --

A. And you always hope that there are -- yeah, I
mean, any time you file a case, ah, I hope some more,
you know, witnesses will come forward to support that
case, but that hasn't been the focus, trying to secure
additional -- additional witnesses. Thatis a
possibility, though. I mean, I think in fairness to
your question, that is a possibility that, you know,
if -- if the case attracts attention and -- and
somebody, you know, says, you know, gosh, now that I --
I -- I -- you know, I moved away to escape Epstein and
now it's safe for me to come back, or -~ or now I
realize I have a claim, that's always a possibility.

I certainly wouldn't want to suggest that,
you know, we are ruling that possibility out.

Q. And for the same reason that additional
witnesses might become available -- known, additional
clients might become known, correct?

A. That is a theoretical possibility, yes.

Q. In these four cases that you mentioned, the
three that were, which you were counsel of record and
one in which you were not, did you meet at any time in
person with the clients? And if it's different as to
some than others, tell me that, but --

ESQUIRE DEPOSITION SOLUTIONS

(954) 331-4400
10/20/2015 01:08:15 PM

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010867
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026261.txt,"coin issues.: receive coins. distribute coins, pay in coins. coin cooperative. prohibitions foreign
donor.? ineed to understand flow of funds.. donor to campiagn c?s. does it have to go to campaign

first. . does it have to go there at all etc.

On Sat, Feb 24, 2018 at 7:48 AM, Steve Bannon i wrote:

https://www.politico.com/story/2018/02/23/susan-rice-lawyer-obama-administration-classified-intelligence-

michael-flynn-trump-423437

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026261
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025768.txt,"Economic Research: How Increasing Income Inequality Is Dampening U.S. Economic Growth, And Possible Ways
To Change The Tide

When Ends Don't Meet

A few factors help explain the concentration within so-called ""market income,"" which consists of labor income (wages
and salaries, plus employer-paid benefits), capital income (excluding capital gains), business income, capital gains, and

other income--all before government taxes and transfers (see Glossary for full definition).

The first reason is relatively simple: All these sources of income are less evenly distributed now than a few decades
ago. In 1979, the bottom four-fifths of the income spectrum earned nearly 60% of total labor income, about 33% of
income from capital and business, and about 8% from capital gains. By 2007, the bottom four-fifths share of labor
income had dropped to less than 50%, income from capital and business had decreased to 20%, and capital gains fell

to about 5%. In other words, all sources of income were less evenly distributed in 2007 than in 1979 (9).

Some point to the ""superstar status"" effect, with professional athletes and movie actors enjoying astronomical
increases in earnings in the past few decades, helped by technological innovation that broadened their reach across

global markets and a ""winner take all"" phenomenon.

Another ""superstar"" is the ""super managers."" Piketty argues that the ""primary reason for increased income inequality in
recent decades is the rise of the super managers in both the financial and nonfinancial sectors,"" finding that about 70%
of the increase in income going to the top 0.1% from 1979 to 2005 came from increasing pay for those professionals
(10). Other studies show that, since the 1990s, deregulation, corporate governance, and a greater reliance on equity

options in executive compensation contributed to the compensation gap (11).

Another explanation of market income concentration is technological innovation. This phenomenon boosted the value
of high-skill workers, enhancing their productivity and growth, while rendering some low-skill workers superfluous. As
automation and production efficiencies have reduced the need for labor in mid-level professional or service jobs,
wages have fallen, and occupations requiring a college degree typically offer double the salary of those requiring a high

school diploma or less.

Other arguments suggest international trade and increased immigration--as well as the decrease in unionization--may
also dampen wages of domestic workers. However, research on the trade effect has been inconclusive, while the
impact from increased immigration on domestic wages has been modest (see ""Adding Skilled Labor To America's
Melting Pot Would Heat Up U.S. Economic Growth,"" published March 19, 2014, on RatingsDirect) (12). Meanwhile,
some research has shown that the sharp decline in the unionization in the country, especially in the 1980s, has had a

small but measurable impact on the overall increase in inequality for men over the last few decades (13).

The juxtaposition of slow or stagnant federal minimum wage growth and soaring compensation at the higher end of
the labor income scale is another factor to consider. The minimum wage, which has held at $7.25 an hour since July
2009, has suffered a decline in purchasing power for almost half a century--peaking in 1968, when it was at $1.60, or

just shy of $11 in today's money.

WWW.STANDARDANDPOORS.COM/RATINGSDIRECT AUGUST 5, 2014 6

1351366 | 302136118

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025768
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017527.txt,"SCHEDULE

TUES18

Mission Inn Hotel and Spa
3649 Mission Inn Avenue
Riverside, CA 92501
Tel: 951.784.0300
www.missioninn.com

5:00PM OPENING in the St. Francis of Assisi Chapel at The Mission Inn

RICHARD SAUL WURMAN
YO-YO MA and will.i.am

C.K. WILLIAMS AND STEVEN PINKER

7:20PM WINE and hors d'oeuvres in the Atrio adjacent to the Chapel

8:30PM DINNER in the Galleria at The Mission Inn

WED19

Esri
380 New York Street
Redlands, CA 92373
Tel. 909.793.2853
www.esri.com
7:00AM Transport from the Mission Inn to Esri Conference Center
7:15AM Coffee, Juice / Esri Conference Center
8:00AM promptly
JEFFREY KATZENBERG and NORMAN LEAR
DAVID AGUS and ANTONIO DAMASIO
HERBIE HANCOCK anc will.i.am
10:15AM BREAK-—Esri Café, adjacent to the Conference Center
11:15AM
E.O. WILSON and CRAIG VENTER
KEITH BLACK and DAVID AGUS
YO-YO MA and MIKE BLOCK
1:15PM LUNCH-Esri Café, adjacent to the Conference Center
2:45PM
DANNY HILLIS and STEPHEN WOLFRAM
DAVID BLAINE and JULIE TAYMOR
MATT GROENING and DAVID BROOKS

4:45PM BREAK- Esri Café, adjacent to the Conference Center
5:15PM Chinese Telepresence / Esri Executive Briefing Room

6:00PM
YO-YO MA and DAVID BROOKS
MARK CUBAN and DAN ARIELY
QUINCY JONES and DAMIAN WOETZEL
8:00PM Transport to The Mission Inn

8:45PM DINNER in the Galleria at The Mission Inn

THURS20

Esri
380 New York Street
Redlands, CA 92373
Tel. 909.793.2853
www.esri.com
7:00AM Transport from the Mission Inn to Esri Conference Center
7:15AM Coffee, Juice / Esri Conference Center
8:00AM promptly
CHARITY TILLEMANN DICK
PETER RAVEN and JACK DANGERMOND
MEGAN SMITH and NICHOLAS NEGROPONTE
FRANK GEHRY and JOHN MAZZIOTTA
10:15AM BREAK-Esri Café, adjacent to the Conference Center
11:00AM
BENEDIKT TASCHEN and JON KAMEN
MARY JORDAN and MOSHE SAFDIE
JOSHUA WURMAN and DAVE GALLO
1:00PM LUNCH-Esri Café, adjacent to the Conference Center
2:15PM

JOHN MAEDA and ADAM BLY
TODD OLDHAM and BJARKE INGELS

4:00PM BREAK-Esri Café, adjacent to the Conference Center
4:30PM Chinese Telepresence / Esri Executive Briefing Room

5:00PM
LISA RANDALL and SCOTT BOLTON
CRISTINA PATO
EO WILSON and WILL WRIGHT
6:15PM GEOFFREY WEST and RICHARD SAUL WURMAN
7:15PM Transport to The Mission Inn

8:30PM FAREWELL DINNER in the Spanish Art Gallery at The Mission Inn

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017527
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031836.txt,"With negotiations frozen, the Palestinians turned to unilateral
measures: seeking a United Nations vote admitting the State of
Palestine to membership and getting dozens of countries to recognize
a Palestinian state. Meanwhile, their delegitimization campaign
against Israel continued apace, especially in Europe, where calls for
boycotts and sanctions spread. On the pro-Israel side there was also
consideration of unilateral measures—steps to head off the
Palestinians diplomatically (several of which I described and
supported in the April 11 Weekly Standard).

Some forlorn hope may still have existed inside the administration
that a compromise on construction could bring the Palestinians back
to the table with the government of Israel—auntil the agreement
between Hamas and Fatah was signed on April 27. This agreement,
unless and until it collapses, makes Israeli concessions or new
flexibility in the West Bank impossible and puts paid to the entire
“peace process.” It brings Hamas into the Palestinian Authority
government, ending a period of several years when Palestinian
Security Forces have cooperated with the Israel Defense Forces
against terrorism and against Hamas in particular. It will also bring
Hamas—next year and for the first time—ainto the PLO, the body
charged with negotiating peace with Israel. Even Yasser Arafat
resisted that development when he headed the PLO, and it seems
obvious that Israel cannot negotiate peace with an anti-Semitic
terrorist group bent on its destruction.

So where can the White House turn if it wants some kind of peace
process in the Middle East? Syria. After all, in his first term as prime
minister, back in 1998, Benjamin Netanyahu did authorize indirect
negotiations with Syria. And the [DF—and especially Ehud Barak, a
former head of the IDF, Israel’s defense minister, and a close adviser
to Netanyahu—has long favored such a deal. The IDF theory was that
if Syria made peace, so would Lebanon, and then Israel would be at

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031836
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024355.txt,"Table of Contents

MASTER PURCHASE AND SALE AGREEMENT

In December 2016, we entered into a master purchase and sale agreement pursuant to which we sell finance receivables meeting certain
underwriting criteria to certain financing partners, including Ally Bank and Ally Financial (collectively, “Ally”). On November 3, 2017, we amended this
agreement to increase the aggregate amount of principal balances of finance receivables we can sell to $1.5 billion. We amended the agreement again on
November 2, 2018 to, among other things and subject to the terms of the agreement, increase the purchase commitment to up to a maximum of $1.25 billion
of additional principal balances of finance receivables during the remaining term of the agreement.

During the year ended December 31, 2018, we sold approximately $733.4 million in principal balances of finance receivables under the
purchase and sale agreement. As of December 31, 2018, there was approximately $1.1 billion of unused capacity under this agreement. The agreement was
most recently amended on January 4, 2019.

The financing partners have engaged DriveTime as servicer of the receivables purchased under this agreement. DriveTime had aggregate
earnings of $3.1 million pursuant to the agreement for performing servicing functions for the year ended December 31, 2018.

MASTER TRANSFER AGREEMENTS

In December 2016, we entered into a master transfer agreement pursuant to which we sell finance receivables meeting certain underwriting
criteria to certain financing partners (the “2016 Master Transfer Agreement’). Under the agreement, the purchaser trust agreed to purchase up to an
aggregate of $292.2 million in principal balances of finance receivables. In November 2017, we terminated the remaining capacity under the 2016 Master
Transfer Agreement and replaced this facility by entering into a new master transfer agreement pursuant to which we sell finance receivables meeting
certain underwriting criteria to certain financing partners (the “2017 Master Transfer Agreement”). Under the agreement, the purchaser trust agreed to
purchase up to an aggregate of $357.1 million in principal balances of finance receivables.

On November 2, 2018, we amended the 2017 Master Transfer Agreement to, among other things and subject to the terms of the agreement,
increase and extend the trust’s commitment to purchase finance receivables from us. The trust’s currently available financing following the amendment
permits up to $454.5 million in principal balances of finance receivables to be purchased, and the 2017 Master Transfer Agreement’s purchase commitment
contemplates the trust securing up to three times the currently available financing in the aggregate.

During the year ended December 31, 2018, we sold approximately $348.8 million in principal balances of finance receivables under the 2017
Master Transfer Agreement prior to the amendment in November, excluding those that were part of the refinancing transactions described below under
“Refinancing Transfer Agreements”. As of December 31, 2018, there was approximately $454.5 million of unused capacity under 2017 Master Transfer
Agreement. During the year ended December 31, 2017, Carvana sold an aggregate of approximately $163.7 million in principal balances of finance
receivables under the 2016 Master Transfer Agreement and 2017 Master Transfer Agreement.

The purchasers engaged Carvana as the administrator of the trust and DriveTime as servicer of the receivables. In the year ended December 31,

2018, we had aggregate earnings of $4.0 thousand for performing trust administrator functions for the purchasers and DriveTime had aggregate earnings of
$4.0 million for performing servicing functions.

- 46 -

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024355
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026628.txt,"California

Texas

North Carolina

Florida

Trump 23% - Clinton 77%

1ST DEBATE 2ND DEBATE 3RD DEBATE

e=@=Hillary Clinton ==®<=Donald Trump

Trump 79% - Clinton 21%
1STDEBATE 2NDDEBATE 3RD DEBATE

==@=Hillary Clinton =@®Donald Trump

Trump 41% - Clinton 59%

2ND DEBATE 3RD DEBATE

e=@==Hillary Clinton e=@=<=Donald Trump

Trump 14% - Clinton 86% O—@

2ND DEBATE 3RD DEBATE

==@=Hillary Clinton =@<=Donald Trump

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026628
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015136.txt,"Personally, | feel quite disappointed about that particular aspect of
the testimony, but | have not the slightest regret over leaking Anita Hill’ s
affidavit, and | would gladly do it all over again.

| certainly set a higher moral standard for myself than did the staffer
for Senator John Danforth who wrote Judge Thomas’ s statement that

began, “Nobody helped me with this.”

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015136
"
IMAGES-012-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033241.txt,"From: paul krassner [i

Sent: 6/3/2017 6:36:57 PM
To: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com]
Subject: yikes

Importance: — High

I’m against censorship, and that includes Kathy Griffin. CNN eats chickenshit. What she
did is nothing compared to Trump’s murderous evil.

P.S. THIS LITERALLY REEKS WITH IRONY...THIS IS WHERE CNN GETS ITS

CHICKENSHIT. A COMMERCIAL THAT THEY’RE LOSING BECAUSE OF KATHY:

SQUATTY POTTY - KATHY GRIFFIN ""FULL OF SHIT"" (2017)
(USA)

Second week of May this Kathy Griffin ad rolls out digital media only, where Kathy tells people that they are “full of
shit."" Literally. See, Kathy Griffin has a potty mouth but also a selling point - the reason you'd use the squatty potty
is to properly empty your bowels. ""It's like a colonic” she explains, but without that hose up your ass. A cute blue
turd bleeps her potty mouth but the point is still made.

You may remember Squatty Potty's pooping unicorn video created by the Harmon Brothers in 2015. Now Kathy
Griffin is their first celebrity spokesperson. The brand’s CEO and co-creator, Bobby Edwards, finds her quirky, brave
and fearless, which makes her a good ambassador for the brand as they target women with this campaign.
Edwards says the brand team fell in love with the ""full of shit"" idea from Bravery Films, ""it got the biggest laughs""
from staff. Howie Ronay, Bravery Films’ founder and chief creative officer, a former FCB exec who worked on the
2013 viral hit “Ship My Pants” for Kmart explains: “We know a lot of people struggle with this issue, and we decided
to take a common colloquial phrase and use it literally.” Basically, this is ""ship my pants II."" Enough about poop, not
all ads can be great.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033241
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021664.txt,"Po

=D-350 (Rev. 5-8-81)

4

(Mount Clipping in Space Below)

Judge rules Epstein attorneys
can subpoena abortion records

By JANE MUSGRAVE

Palm Beach Post Staff Writer

WEST PALM BEACH — In
a decision that could spark
a constitutional showdown
over privacy rights, a judge
Tuesday gave lawyers rep-
resenting multimillionaire
sex offender Jeffrey Ep-
stein the right to subpoena
abortion records from
women who are seeking
millions in damages from
the part-time Palm Beach
resident.

Palm Beach County
Circuit Judge Donald
Hafele said the records
could help Epstein rebut
the women’s claims that
they suffered psychologi-
cal ills after being paid to
give him sexually-charged
massages at his Palm
Beach mansion when they
were as‘young as 14. -

Hafele told Epstein’s.at-
.torneys they couldn’t go on
a fishing expedition. The

_ medical records, he said,
can’t be sought until the
women are asked whether
they have ever had an

abortion, how many and’

where. Further, he said,
the records .would not be

-~| Epstein .
“1 The judge says
ej the records
+ would not be

made public.

made public and might not
be admissible during trial.

But, he said, since the
women claim Epstein,
now 57, is responsible for

. their emotional’ distress,

his attorneys can explore
the impact of other events.
Medical records, Hafele
said, are a better source
of information than a
person's memory.

Attorney Louis Silver,
who represents the Presi-
dential Women’s Health
Center, a West Palm Beach
clinic where abortions are
performed, warned Hafele
that he was stepping
on shaky constitutional
grounds,

“These records are
protected by our consti-
tutional right of privacy,”
he said, referring’ to the
Florida Constitution.

After the. hearing, Sil-
ver said an appeal won’t be
necessary until Epstein at-

torneys seek the records.

In another ruling
Wednesday, Hafele also
said that videos from
depositions in the state
cases can't be released
without a court order. The
ruling came after Epstein

attorney Robert Critton.

complained that a. video
of Epstein being asked
whether he had an “egg-
shaped” penis became a
youtube.com sensation. It
first appeared on The Palm
Beach Post Web site.
Critton blamed attorney
Spencer Kuvin for releas-
ing it. Kuvin said it was

“public record.

The civil suits began
mounting after Epstein
agreed to plead guilty to
two state charges: procur-
ing aminor for prostitution
and soliciting prostitution.
He served 13 months of
an 18-month sentence. As
part of the deal brokered
with federal prosecutors,
he agreed not to contest

the accusations.in the civil '

lawsuits. He can argue the
women don’t deserve the
millions they are seeking.
@jane_musgrave@pbpost.com
|

VEMM-/ OSD pa uP

(Indicate page, name of
newspaper, city and state.)

Date:

Tite: Judge yules Epsteir
Attoy pays Caw Sub pornr Abot ti
téo/d

Character:

or

Classification:
Submitting Office:

(32/0
u Bench POST

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021664 |

$
3/E-MM JOP06 Q-
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027536.txt,"i HD\ root \Users\jee\Library\Messages\Archive\2018-12-04 \ xy

on ZO18-L2-04 at. 13.29.2m. L6hat

Service: iMessag

Start Time: 12/01/18 05:04:14 AM (565362254)

End Time: 12/04/18 02:26:55 PM (565655215)

Last Message ID: 24274

Chat Room:

Participants: jee, Po

Presentity IDs: e:jeeitunes@gmail.con, iii

Messages -

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 12/01/18 05:04:14 AM (565362254)
Flags: 1150981

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 9048BBB1-6925-487F-A73D-634629B76184

Message: today i have nobel prize winner friend richard axel and misha grosov ,
smartest living mathematician . at 5. . you are welcome. any updates on boston?

Time: 12/01/18 05:05:56 AM (565362356)

Flags: 1060865
Is Read: Yes
Is Invitation: No

GUID: 103DB674-1F01-44B2-83AF-069FD7DD8D59

Message: Can't make harvard

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 12/01/18 05:06:49 AM (565362409)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 6ACAD9F5-2E53-40AA-9966-F6C93531C112

Message: k

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 12/01/18 05:07:37 AM (565362457)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 89931 F78-10D2-40BC-BD43-A81B43CC5953

Message: understand

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027536
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022724.txt,"Epstein’s activities—but he tries to sell it to an undercover agent.
Rodriguez is sentenced to 18 months in jail on a charge of theft and
of withholding evidence (and a further two and half years on a related
gun charge). Scott Rothstein, a lawyer whose firm represented
additional girls in their suits against Epstein, also goes to jail for
recruiting investors to pay for these suits on the fraudulent basis that
settlements had already been reached. It’s the largest fraud in Florida
history and Rothstein receives a 50-year sentence.

Then, Brad Edwards, Rothstein’s former partner, sues the
federal government in 2008 for abridging the rights of two of the
original complainants under the Crime Victim Rights Act (giving
victims the right to be consulted about the disposition of their cases)
regarding the Justice Departments agreement not to prosecute in
favor of the state action. In 2014, Edwards tries to ad Virginia
Roberts, another of the original complainants, who has previously
settled with Epstein, to the long-running suit. Roberts who was paid a
settlement under the original terms of Epstein’s agreement—that he
would pay attorney’s fees and not oppose any law suits against
him—is now trying to overturn the agreement under which she was
paid, and, with Edwards, further suing Epstein for $50,000,000.

As the most vocal of the accusers, Roberts, with the Daily Mail
being her prime outlet, emerges now with what is billed as a memoir
of her “sex slavery” with Epstein, written ten years after the fact. She
names a number of people as being at Epstein’s Island home,
including Clinton and Al Gore and his wife, who Epstein’s lawyers
insists were never there—proof available through secret service
records.

The FBI is now arguing that Roberts should not be party to the
suit against the government because she refused to cooperate with
the government in its investigation in 2007, hence has no standing as
a victim. (At the same time, the FBI included her on the list of 40
victims with whom it mandated Epstein reach a settlement.)

It is hard to find a more hyperbolic intersection of media and
lawyers then in Epstein’s case.

Edwards, over the six years of his law suit, tries to depose
Clinton, Donald Trump, and Dershowitz—almost all of his targets
coming directly from the original Vanity Fair and New York Magazine
articles about Epstein.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022724
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016639.txt,"PRESENTATION AGENDA

é Competing Regulations

@ Desalination Water Plant

6 Floridan Water Plant

@ Town Remains As Equal Customer

@ Town Becomes Bulk Ci a
@ Next Steps Sa

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016639
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015888.txt,"The Game of Math

ne of my most vivid childhood memories is driving my mother
() distraction by asking the ‘why’ question. Most children go
through this phase:

Me: “Why is a sponge wet?”

My mother: “Because it has soaked up water.”

Me: “Why has it soaked up water?”

My mother: “Because it has small holes in it”

Me: “But what makes water wet?”

My mother: “Because it is made of wet stuff” a bit weak now.

Me: “What is wet stuff?”

You can ramble on indefinitely unpeeling a never-ending onion.
Sometimes, if you are unlucky, you may get stuck in a loop. For example,
“where did the chicken come from?” “An egg, “and where did the egg
come from?”..

Mathematics breaks this cycle!

In mathematics, there is no danger of an infinite number of ‘why’
questions because at its core are a clearly defined set of absolute rules
called axioms. You cannot ask the ‘why’ question of an axiom. It is a
RULE!

Starting from an absolute minimum of fundamental rules
everything else is built up so that no step requires any leap of faith nor
generates any contradiction. Let me give you a concrete example and, in
the process, show you how numbers are defined.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015888
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021102.txt,"Equistone Partners Europe will retain a stake along with company management.
www.winkemann.de

Public Offerings

¢ Deutsche Bank (NYSE: DB) plans to debut an IPO of its asset-management arm,
DWS, for Monday next week, according to Reuters. It could list on the Frankfurt
exchange as early as March 19. Deutsche Bank is planning to offer 25% of existing
DWS shares for an expected 1.5 billion to €2 billion ($1.85 billion to $2.47 billion).
http://axios.link/KNnd

¢ Opes Acquisition, a Mexico-based blank check company formed by Axis Capital
Management to acquire a Mexican business, has filed for an $100 million IPO. It will
offer 10 million units at a price of $10. At that price, Opes Acquisition would command
a market value of $129 million. Each unit consists of one share of common stock and
one warrant exercisable at $11.50. It plans to list on the Nasdaq under the symbol
OPESU, with EarlyBirdCapital is the sole bookrunner on the deal.

www.axiscapital.com.mx/eng

¢ Tiberius Acquisition, a Metairie, La.-based blank check company formed to
acquire a middle-market insurance business, filed for a $150 million IPO. It will offer
15 million units at a price of $10. At that price, Tiberius Acquisition would command a
market value of $188 million. Each unit consists of one share of common stock and
one warrant to purchase one share of common stock. It plans to list on the Nasdaq
under the symbol TIBRU, with Cantor Fitzgerald and Dowling & Partners are the joint
bookrunners on the deal.

F Be ete | Bere. | eye. | Re

Liquidity Events

¢ Xerox Corp shareholders Carl Icahn and Darwin Deason said Tuesday that the
company should sell itself to one of its rivals or a private equity firm, opposing a

potential deal with Fujifilm, according to Reuters. http://axios.link/jtPN

==. | a | See | See.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021102
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028163.txt,"/ BARAK / 29

Minister. But fewer and fewer Israelis were enthusiastic about four more years of
Bibi. But I also was keen to convey the substance of what my premiership would
be about. Domestically, I spoke of the need to narrow gaps in education and
opportunity — particularly, though not only, the continuing disadvantage of many in
the Sephardi communities who had arrived in the early years of the state. | wanted
to try to build bridges between the secular and religious as well. My hope was to
begin to recreate the “One Israel” of my youth.

In terms of policy, I believed my primary job would be deliver “security and
peace” — in that order. I declared my commitment to continue, and build on, Oslo
and to make a new push in negotiations with Syria. Deliberately following the
model Philip Gould had used in Tony Blair’s election campaign, we also
distributed nearly a million copies of a six-point policy “pledge card”. It included a
promise to hold a referendum on any peace deal we reached with Syria or the
Palestinians, as well as several domestic policy pledges, including an end to
discrimination against Russian immigrants whose Jewish religious status had been
called into question.

Yet the most widely reported promise was that I would pull out all Israeli troops
from Lebanon within a year. I realized that even among those who knew that made
sense, voices would be raised both in the Knesset and the Aivra against
withdrawing. As with the Bar-Lev Line before the 1973 War, the longer the
“security zone” was in place, the more difficult that politicians had found it to say
it was a mistake. Yet it had now been there for nearly two decades. The main
argument for keeping it — that it protected the security of northern Israel — was
undermined by the fact that thousands of Katyusha rockets had been fired over it.
And in the low-grade war we were fighting against Hizbollah inside the security
zone, around 20 Israeli soldiers had been dying each and every year. When Id first
visited our positions in south Lebanon in the early 1980s, chatted with the troops
and asked them how they were doing, the invariable response was: we’re OK.
We’re just worried about our young kids back home. Now, those children were
manning the same outposts, facing the same danger, in a sliver of land on which
we had no claim, which we had no desire to hold, and which was, at best, of
questionable security value.

315
HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028163
"
IMAGES-012-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032639.txt,"CNN

HOST: Absolutely, well certainly but breaking precedent by
not having a young leader coming up behind him and we
discussed this yesterday. The transfer of Mr. Xi will remain
in power for many more years to come, perhaps revive the
position of party chairman and stick around indefinitely.

RLK: There’s no question about the power and longevity of
Xi. I would put it a little differently. I’d say that it is not
even necessary for him to have the party chairmanship or
any particular title because of his overarching power by
having his name associated with “Xi Jinping Thought on
Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era” - that
whole phrase is now in the Party Constitution. Moreover, he
already had the designation of “Core” of the Party.

NO HEIR APPARENT TO CHINESE PRESIDENT XI JINPING OW

RLK: So those two elements - name in Constitution and
Core - are totally overarching over any particular title. That
said, not having a younger member of the Standing
Committee who is an obvious candidate for future
leadership, prevents there being a separate power center
that could undermine what Xi wants to do. So the fact that
Xi will be there until, potentially, the mid-2030s is very real.
I think now we should shift our attention to what Xi Jinping
wants to do. We need to look at the policies he is putting
forth, and see what they mean for China and for the world.

HOST: And I want to touch on that in a moment, but given
this power and position afforded to him in the constitution
no less, I mean where is room for discussion?

Wednesday

HO

CHINA'S NEW POWER PLAYERS

7

CHINA'S NEW POWER PLAYERS

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032639
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031188.txt,"(Florida Department of Law
Enforcement/REUTERS)

sexual abuse lawsuits
california
new york sexual assaults

jeffrey epstein
Send a Letter to the Editor

Join the Conversation:

Tweet

But the woman’s new lawyer, Lisa Bloom, said the case against
Trump cannot be ignored. She has even launched a GoFundMe

page to raise money to support Trump’s sexual assault accusers.

“My law firm will proudly represent any accusers sued by Donald
Trump and crowd fund defense costs,"" Bloom tweeted. “Can’t wait

to take his deposition!”

Billionaire perv Jeffrey Epstein must testify in victim's

lawsuit

Bloom is the daughter of noted women’s rights lawyer Gloria
Allred.

Tags:
donald trump

lawsuits

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031188
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027250.txt,"Source a H\Macintosh HD\root\Users\jee\Library\Messages\Archive\2017-10-20 im

en 2OLd-LO-2Z0 at. 14.42. 3m. Lohat

Service: iMessag

Start Time: 10/09/17 09:15:23 AM (529258523)
End Time: 10/20/17 11:42:35 AM (530217755)
Last Message ID: 10428

Chat Room:

Presentity IDs: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com, P|

Messages -

Time: 10/09/17 09:15:23 AM (529258523)

Flags: 1060865
Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID? LSLAVCoOS-LEQC-47 98'-82B38- 97 LBVEL3 1297,

Message: When do you come down?

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 10/09/17 11:16:22 AM (529265782)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 9FF10C43-0406-4355-9C7F-BOF97A0FS5A9

Message: I'm in Paris until 23 but can talk on phone anytime

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 10/09/17 02:07:55 PM (529276075)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 6CA74F02-13DF-47DB-BE50-A3A6E1E802E1

Message: Chat?

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 10/09/17 02:16:11 PM (529276571)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: O3F/78FDE-A0B9-49A9-99D9-1869C1F6A770

r

Message: Did Clinton change his mind

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027250
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024433.txt,"Table of Contents

1. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY 19
2. SUMMARY TERMS OF THE TRANSACTION 27
3. USE OF PROCEEDS 39
4. CAPITALIZATION 40
5. SUMMARY FINANCIAL DATA ~ 42
6. RISK FACTORS 44
7. DISTRIBUTION POLICY 60
8. INDUSTRY OVERVIEW 61
9. KNOWLEDGE UNIVERSE EDUCATION (“KUE”) 73
10. MANAGEMENT’S DISCUSSION AND ANALYSIS OF KLC’s PRO FORMA RESULTS OF
OPERATIONS 75
11. THE OPERATING COMPANY (“KLC OPCO”) 82
12. THE REAL ESTATE COMPANY (“KLC PROPCO”) 100
13. k12 INC. (“k12”) 106
14. THE STRUCTURE OF KUE AND THE GENERAL PARTNER 115
15. MANAGEMENT INCENTIVE PLANS AND EMPLOYMENT AGREEMENTS 131
16. RELATED PARTY TRANSACTIONS 133
17. ELIGIBLE INVESTORS 136
18. CERTAIN INCOME TAX CONSEQUENCES 140
19. APPENDICES 146

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024433
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015650.txt,"Filing # 37557658 E-Filed 02/08/2016 06:20:47 PM

IN THE CIRCUIT COURT OF THE 17th
JUDICIAL CIRCUIT IN AND FOR
BROWARD COUNTY, FLORIDA
CIVIL DIVISION

BRADLEY J. EDWARDS, and CASE NO. CACE 15-000072
PAUL G. CASSELL,

Plaintiffs,

V.
ALAN DERSHOWITZ,

Defendant.

RESPONSE TO DEFENDANT ALAN DERSHOWITZ’S MOTION FOR
CLARIFICATION OF CONFIDENTIALITY ORDER OR RELIEF FROM THAT ORDER

Non-Party Virginia Giuffre, by and through undersigned counsel, hereby responds to
Defendant Alan Dershowitz’s Motion for Clarification of Confidentiality Order or Relief From

that Order and states as follows:

FACTUAL BACKGROUND

On November 12, 2015 this Court issued an Order granting in part, non-party Virginia
Giuffre’s Motion to Quash the subpoena served by Defendant Alan Dershowitz and ordered
protective limits relating to her deposition. See Exhibit A, November 12, 2015 Order. On
December 18, 2016, this Court entered a Confidentiality Order holding that non-party Virginia
Giuffre’s deposition would be confidential. See Exhibit B, December 18, 2015 Confidentiality
Order. On January 16, 2016, Ms. Giuffre testified at her deposition in accordance with this
Court’s Order. The deposition was labelled confidential in accordance with this Court’s Order.
As the Court knows, Ms. Giuffre was a victim of sexual trafficking when she was a minor child.

Indeed, the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Southern District of Florida has specifically recognized

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015650
"
IMAGES-012-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033527.txt,"You can also text rosh2018 to 71777 to donate

Thank You for Your Support.

American-Israeli Cooperative Enterprise | 2810 Blaine Dr., Chevy Chase, MD 20815

Unsubscribe jeevacation@gmail.com

Update Profile | About our service provider

Sent by i in collaboration with

Rea a a aN

Try email marketing for free today!

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033527
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018172.txt,"Already some baby boomers are able to remotely lock their parents’ doors, track calls coming into
their homes and even see who is ringing the doorbell, in many cases right from their smart phones.
Systems such as QuietCare, WellAWARE, FineThanx and SimplyHome are already fixtures in
some U.S. homes and seniors’ communities, although Orlov estimates fewer than 10,000 units are
in active use because the systems can be so costly.

Next month, Paul Whyte, a Markham dealer of smart-home technology that allows ordinary
electronics and appliances to communicate with each other, will unveil the GrandCare system at
the Zoomer show in Toronto.

“T call it the invisible caregiver,” says Whyte of Cybernetics Systems Inc. “The minute I saw this
system I thought, ‘There’s something that actually makes sense.’

The key, of course, with all these technologies is that the senior be relatively able-bodied and
sound of mind — most are of limited value if the senior is suffering from dementia, which is
expected to become a major public health issue in the next few decades.

But developers are also working hard on that challenging front.

Sometime later this fall or next spring the first GPS-equipped shoe, the Aetrex Ambulator, will go
on sale through www.gpsshoe.com orwww.foot.com.

Originally designed for children by Los Angeles-based GTX Corp., the new shoes are expected to
retail for about $250 U.S. They enable caregivers to track those afflicted with dementia or
Alzheimer’s thanks to GPS and cellular technology that will relay their whereabouts back to a
monitoring centre.

“Privacy may be a talking point, but it’s not really an issue,” says Patrick Bertagna, chairman and
CEO of GTX Corp.

MED Cottage creator Dupin expects concerns around privacy will fade quickly as families and
health-care systems here and in the U.S. become overwhelmed by aging baby boomers — more
than 76 million in the U.S., 10 million in Canada — who start hitting 65 next year.

“T see remote monitoring becoming an integral part of health care as we all age,” says Dupin. “One
of the issues around aging in place is going to be making trade-offs. Privacy may be something we

have to give up.”

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018172
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017241.txt,"4.2.12
WC: 191694

This situation was different; because the only purpose of publishing the child’s photograph was to
call attention to his penis. Moreover, his parents had not consented their child to being
photographed by a paparazzi on an isolated beach, and so the family’s privacy rights had been
violated. Eventually, the matter was resolved by “the court of public opinion” and the
“marketplace of ideas.” Viewers of the blog were so outraged and the person who posted it so
roundly condemned, that the post was removed.

Another area of conflict between the First Amendment and other provisions of the Bill of Rights
arises in the context of criminal trials, when the media seeks to publish information—such as an
excluded confession—that may prejudice a defendant’s right to a fair trial. A variation on this
theme is the media’s refusal to publish the names of alleged rape victims, while publishing the
names and mug shots of the defendant. This practice does not directly impinge on the First
Amendment because the decision not to publish is made by the media, rather than the
government. Indeed, the Supreme Court has struck down a statute that precluded the media from
publishing the names of alleged crime victims.

I have been involved in several cases that pitted the rights of the media under the free speech
rights of the First Amendment, against the fair trial rights of criminal defendants under the Sixth
Amendment. I have generally been on the side of the First Amendment, while sympathizing with
the situation faced by defendants who would prefer to see the press muzzled when it came to their
cases.

One case in which I sided with the privacy rights of a public figure over the publication rights of
the media was Chappaquiddick. I was part of the defense team organized by Senator Kennedy’s
staff. Part of my job was to assure the confidentiality of the testimony given at the inquest
concerning the death of Mary Jo Kopenche. The witnesses who were subpoenaed to testify at
this secret inquest—especially the young women who shared the house for the weekend—were
not offered the right to counsel or other rights available at an open proceeding. We argued with
some success, that because the inquest was secret and lacked the usual legal safeguards of public
hearings, the right of the witnesses to confidentiality trumped the right of the media to immediate
disclosure.

The First Amendment requires that the media and dissenters need breathing room and
presumption should always be in favor of a maximalist view of free speech. But this presumption
is not without significant risks to deservedly good reputations which can be damaged by
defamatory or ridiculing speech. As with other potentially harmful types of expression,
defamation and ridicule come with a heavy price—one we must be prepared to pay to keep the
First Amendment vibrant. Not everyone is prepared to pay that price.

154

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017241
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012576.txt,"TAB 18

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012576
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016359.txt,"approximately correct. The other is a fair, data-driven assessment of public norms,
policy, and government, based on trusted data about current conditions. This second
thread depends on availability of trusted data and so is just beginning to be developed.
Trusted data and data-driven assessment of norms, policy, and government together
create a credit-assignment function that improves societies’ overall fitness and
intelligence.

It is precisely at the point of creating greater societal intelligence where fake
news, propaganda, and advertising all get in the way. Fortunately, trust networks give us
a path forward to building a society more resistant to echo-chamber problems, these fads,
these exercises in madness. We have begun to develop a new way of establishing social
measurements, in aid of curing some of the ills we see in society today. We’re using
open data from all sources, encouraging a fair representation of the things people are
choosing, in a curated mathematical framework that can stamp out the echoes and the
attempts to manipulate us.

On Polarization and Inequality

Extreme polarization and segregation by income are almost everywhere in the world
today and threaten to tear governments and civil society apart. Increasingly, the media
are becoming adrenaline pushers driven by advertising clicks and failing to deliver
balanced facts and reasoned discourse—and the degradation of media is causing people
to lose their bearings. They don’t know what to believe, and thus they can easily be
manipulated. There is a real need to ground our various cultures in trustworthy, data-
driven standards that we all agree on, and to be able to know what behaviors and policies
work and which don’t.

In converting to a digital society, we’ve lost touch with traditional notions of truth
and justice. Justice used to be mostly informal and normative. We’ve now formalized it.
At the same time, we’ve put it out of reach for most people. Our legal systems are failing
us in a way they didn’t before, precisely because they’re now more formal, more digital,
less embedded in society.

Ideas about justice are very different around the world. One of the core
differentiators is this: Do you or your parents remember when the bad guys came with
guns and took everything? If you do, your attitude about justice is different from that of
the average reader of this essay. Do you come from the upper classes? Or were you
somebody who saw the sewers from the inside? Your view of justice depends on your
history.

A common test I have for U.S. citizens is this: Do you know anybody who owns a
pickup truck? It’s the number-one-selling vehicle in the United States, and if you don’t
know people like that, you’re out of touch with more than 50 percent of Americans.
Physical segregation drives conceptual segregation. Most of America thinks of justice
and access and fairness in terms very different from those of the typical, say,
Manhattanite.

If you look at patterns of mobility—where people go—in a typical city, you find
that the people in the top quintile (white-collar working families) and bottom quintile
(people who are sometimes on unemployment or welfare) almost never talk to each other.
They don’t go to the same places; they don’t talk about the same things. They all live in

139

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016359
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030886.txt,"From: Boris Nikolic (bgC3) 
Sent: 1/30/2011 11:29:14 PM 
To: Jeffrey Epstein [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Subject: RE: 
Importance: High 
Just landed to Iga. 
Are you in? 
Is it 7:30pm tmr ok? I will come w bill at that time. Pls let me know. 
Sent from my Samsung JackTM, a Windows Mobile® smartphone from AT&T 
From: Jeffrey Epstein <jeevacation@gmail.com> 
Sent: Friday, January 28, 2011 7:35 PM  
To: Boris Nikolic (bgC3) 
Subject: 
I can find out if mick jagger, ken starr, clinton . julie taymor, are in town/? I suggest we leave it till mon 
night.. I will have no trouble getting anyone you want . but i think it best after the three of us noodle a bit/. 
*********************************************************** 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
Jeffrey Epstein 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 030886 
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013668.txt,"CHAPTER 8:

FAITH AND RATIONALITY

It was my belief that, without subjective evidence of Holy Spirit Energy, the
rush of reconfiguring transcendent experience, some glimmering of grace no matter
how fleeting, an experience of intoxication with God, Martin Buber’s self
authenticating /-Thou encounter, the many good citizens of this world, without these
moments of illumination, must be attending church or temple to negotiate a better
now and hereafter. Attending synagogue or church without the promise of a
mystical high seemed like a superstitious rabbit foot rubbing for personal health and
safety and a sharing of propitious contacts for social and economic advantage. Why
else?

| have had the good feel of what Jews call 7zedakah, the sharing of supplies
by the haves for the betterment of the have nots. | have known the quiet calm of
human right action as in the Unitarian Universalist’s serving the needy, open and
flexible, intimate mindfulness of others and their needs. Considering E.O. Wilson’s
brand of brain herd biology of altruism gives me a warm feeling about the potentially
intrinsic goodness of man. But compared with the Jamesian brands of ecstatic
transcendence, minds blown in Sufi twirling, Orthodox Jewish chanting, rocking and
dancing, hands-in-the-air praying and hands-on-the-head healings of Wednesday

night Pentecostal services, the soberly serious social engagement and

168

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013668
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019625.txt,"The Crime Scene Investigation | 137

The DIA found from its forensic examination that Snowden had
copied “over 900,000” military files. Many of these non-NSA files
came from the Cyber Command, which had been set up in 2011
by the NSA and the army, navy, marine, and air force cryptologi-
cal services to combat the threat of warfare in cyberspace. The loss
was considered of such importance that between 200 and 250 mil-
itary intelligence officers worked day and night for the next four
months, according to the DIA’s classified report, to “triage, analyze,
and assess Department of Defense impacts related to the Snowden
compromise.” The job of this unit, called the Joint Staff Mitigation
Oversight Task Force, was to attempt to contain the damage caused
by the Snowden breach. In many cases, containment meant shutting
down NSA operations in China, Russia, North Korea, and Iran so
they could not be used to confuse and distract the U.S. military.

The NSA and the Defense Department were not the only gov-
ernment agencies concerned with determining the extent of the
breach. The NSA acted as a service organization for the CIA through
handling most if not all of its requests for communications intel-

© ligence to support both its international espionage and its analytic ©
operations. Although the CIA and the NSA were both part of the so-
called intelligence community, the NSA did not immediately share
with the CIA details of the Snowden breach. Despite the immense
potential damage of the theft, it was not until June 10 that the CIA’s
director, John Owen Brennan, and his deputy, Michael Morell, were
briefed by the NSA. When Morell realized how much data Snowden
had taken, he was astounded.

“You might have thought of all the government entities on the
planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been
the NSA,” he wrote. “But it turned out that the NSA had left itself
vulnerable.” According to Morell, he bluntly told the NSA briefer
that it was urgent for the CIA to be brought in on the case. After all,
the CIA had employed Snowden only four years earlier. Specifically,
Morell said, the CIA needed to find out three things: Had CIA docu-
ments been part of Snowden’s haul? How long had Snowden been
stealing documents? Had Snowden been working “with any foreign
intelligence service, either wittingly or not”?

According to Morell, the effort to get a direct answer from NSA

| | Epst_9780451494566_2p_all_r1.z.indd 137 ® 9/29/16 5:51 Pa | |

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019625
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031540.txt,"From: paul krassner 
Sent: 4/22/2017 10:02:03 PM 
To: jeffrey E. [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Subject: Subject to change 
Importance: High 
So the publisher wants me to trim down 700 to 400 pages in ""The Best of..."" collection. Tsk tsk. Below will be 
the revised mini-essay to serve as the final piece. Although I detest Trump, to be fair, I realized, thanks to 
you, that I had no evidence that he had raped a 13-year-old, though I did have have evidence that, as an adult, 
there was evidence that she made an accusation. Also, I added another sentence with a positive ending. 
Meanwhile, Happy Earth Day. 
The Last Word: Yikes! 
When George W. Bush was elected president in the year 2000, it was due to the electoral college (a rigged system 
which originally intended to prevent slaves from voting and evolved to gerrymandering), even though Bush's 
opponent, Al Gore, won the national popular vote. Hillary Clinton was elected senator that year, and she 
announced that the first thing she would do was to get rid of the electoral college. A few years later, as a columnist 
for the New York Press, I sent her a letter asking about the status of that promise. She didn't reply. 
On November 8, 2016, a crooked businessman, liar extraordinaire, bragging pussy-grabber, make-America-
white-again, anti-choice, anti-Semite, fake Christian, accused rapist of a 13-year-old in 1994 (she canceled a press 
conference one week before the election because of death threats if she filed a lawsuit), climate-change hoaxer, 
twitter addict, homophobic, apprentice politician, fucking fascist, and Vladimir Putin's ""useful idiot,"" namely 
Donald Trump, who was elected as an insanely narcissistic dictator based on the electoral college, whereas his 
opponent, Hillary Clinton, won the national popular vote by almost three million individuals galore, to no avail. 
Irony lives. But the monster has inadvertently awakened a population to resist. 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031540 
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014107.txt,"Case 9:08-cv-80736-KAM Document 319-1 Entered on FLSD Docket 03/24/2015 Page 24 of
34

18. | Copies of any and all documents reflecting that Jane Doe #3 has ever willfully engaged in
prostitution.

RESPONSE:
Defendant objects to this Document Request as vague because Defendant is not in a position to
determine the willful nature of Jane Doe #3’s prostitution. Defendant further objects to this
Document Request because Jane Doe #3 has repeatedly and publicly asserted that she gave her
body for sexual activity for hire after the age of 18 and agreed to secure other persons for the
purpose of prostitution or for any other lewd or indecent act and therefore the Document Request
is unduly burdensome.
19. Copies of any and all documents reflecting that Jane Doe #3 is either a liar or has
perjured herself in any way.
RESPONSE:
Subject to and without waiving the General Objections, Defendant responds that he will produce
all responsive, non-privileged documents currently in his possession, custody or control.
20. Copies of any and all documents tending to support your assertion that Bradley J.
Edwards:

a. has a reputation of being sleazy;

b. has acted in a sleazy manner;

c. has engaged in unethical conduct;

d. has knowingly relied upon false statements in any legal document filed by him;

e. has engaged in any form of unethical conduct;

f. has engaged in any form of conduct tending to demonstrate a lack of fitness to engage
in the practice of law;

g. has engaged in any form of conduct warranting the loss of his license to practice law or
the imposition of any professional disciplinary action against him;

h. has acted in a corrupt manner;

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014107
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012562.txt,"5 nsor & Associates

ELS Heporting and-Transcripiiva, Jac.

CERTIFICATE

The State of Florida
County Of Palm Beach

I, MARTA C. POWERS, a Shorthand Reporter, State

of Florida at Large, do hereby certify that
was by me first duly sworn to testify

the whole truth; that I was authorized to and did
report said deposition in stenotype; and that the
foregoing pages, numbered from 1 to 17 inclusive, are a
true and correct transcription of my shorthand notes of
said deposition.

I further certify that said deposition
was taken at the time and place hereinabove set forth
and that the taking of said proceeding was commenced
and completed as hereinabove set out.

I further certify that I am not an
attorney or counsel of any of the parties, nor am Ia
relative or employee of any attorney or counsel of
party connected with the action, nor am I financially
interested in the action.

The foregoing certification of this
transcript does not apply to any reproduction of the
same by any means, unless under the direct control
and/or direction of the certifying reporter.

IN WITNESS WHEREOF, I have hereunto set
my hand this 26TH day of MARCH, 2008.

Maria C. Powers, Notary Public
In and for the State of Florida
My Commission No. DD149010

My Commission Expires: 9/10

Tenet EN oee ae Eee Sey ee eee EE RCN ITE ERT SPIED PUTT EEC rE Ee Be aN NTS TLE AR AER ern cas a TOR oHA Fca oechch ans pera” Poa APARNA Foe

Ph. 561.682.0905 - Fax. 561.682.1771

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012562

“""""""T655 Palm Beach Lakes Bivd:, Suite 500- Wést Palm Beach, FL'33401 °° “no
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019631.txt,"The Crime Scene Investigation | 143

charges prevented the Hong Kong police from immediately order-
ing his detention. His Hong Kong lawyers were certainly advised of
these pending charges no later than June 21, when they were pub-
lished on the front page of the South China Morning Post in Hong
Kong. Presumably, Snowden knew that actions by the U.S. govern-
ment were already in progress and that one of these actions would
include restricting his passport. One of his lawyers, Jonathan Man,
even accompanied Snowden to the airport out of his concern that he
would not be allowed by Hong Kong authorities to go through pass-
port control. Ordinarily, Hong Kong passport control scans passports
when tourists exit but does not check them against a computerized
database.

In any case, when Snowden arrived in Russia on June 23, any
future international travel decisions for him would be up to the gov-
ernment of Russia, not that of the United States. It could have sent
him back to Hong Kong, as is normally done when someone arrives
without a proper visa, or to the United States. The only govern-
ment with the actual means to “trap” him in Russia was the Russian

© government. ®

Senior intelligence officials also knew that the U.S. government,
rather than conspiring to keep Snowden in Moscow, had met nearly
every day while he was in Hong Kong with Lisa Monaco, President
Obama’s homeland security adviser, in the White House Situation
Room to find a way to prevent Snowden and his cache of secrets
from falling into Russian hands. Robert S. Mueller III, then the FBI
director, reportedly even directly appealed to the FSB head, Alexan-
der Bortnikov, to return Snowden to the United States.

USS. intelligence also knew that it was no accident that Snowden
wound up in the hands of Russia. He had been in contact with Rus-
sian officials in Hong Kong. It will be recalled that Putin admitted to
this liaison on September 3, ina press briefing on state-owned Chan-
nel One television; he also divulged that he had advance knowledge
of Snowden’s plan.

“T will tell you something I have never said before,” Putin said.
Snowden “first went to Hong Kong and got in touch with our diplo-
matic representatives.” Putin was told then that an American “agent
of special services” was seeking to come to Russia. Putin added that

| | Epst_9780451494566_2p_all_r1.z.indd 143 ® 9/29/16 5:51 Pa | |

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019631
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030892.txt,"From: Boris Nikolic 
Sent: 4/4/2011 1:36:28 AM 
To: Jeffrey Epstein [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Subject: RE: Re: 
Importance: High 
Not nice at all. Just wait to see the book. It is disgusting, 
>From someone whom he help made 30B. 
And who was silent out the whole issue for 27 years, pretending to be a great friend. 
At least try to discuss/solve the problem outside the entre press. 
I do feel sorry for Bill. 
How do you choose your close friend? Whom to trust? 
From: Jeffrey Epstein [mailto:jeevacation@gmail.com] 
Sent: Sunday, April 03, 2011 6:33 PM 
To: Boris Nikolic 
Subject: Re: Re: 
not nice for bill. It just makes choosing new friends even more difficult 
On Mon, Apr 4, 2011 at 2:16 AM, Boris Nikolic 
Agree. 
The book is much worst — it is coming out April 19th. 
Will tell you more. 
wrote: 
Try Consuelo — I can't think of other people right now in Paris. Few that I might interest you are traveling. 
I am so being answering on Consuelo's emails that you are better off to contact her directly. 
Steve will know many interesting people in Paris. He has great circle there. 
From: Jeffrey Epstein [mailto:jeevacation@gmail.com] 
Sent: Sunday, April 03, 2011 2:16 AM 
To: Boris Nikolic 
Subject: Re: 
re vanity fair, paul seems imbalanced„ so many intricate computing details but fuzzy on reality. He seems like 
a wife that has been divorced for a younger girl. re woody allen„ my fault„ Charlie rose was also there. he 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 030892 
has a big mouth.-- wasn't there a science person or someone that worked with consuelo that you thought 
intersting? 
On Sat, Apr 2, 2011 at 10:40 PM, Boris Nikolic 
I will email Steve and Lawerence. 
I am curious what you think about Vanity fair piece? 
How the daily beast knows about that dinner with woody allen and the crew? 
Who would know that? Some of your employees? 
From: Jeffrey Epstein [mailto:jeevacation@gmail.com] 
Sent: Saturday, April 02, 2011 6:09 PM 
To: Boris Nikolic 
Subject: 
wrote: 
in paris„ emailed steve - no response yet„ you wanted me to meet someone here, I forgot who. . may 2 will be 
an eye opener . I read the vanity fair piece. . 
http ://www.thedailybeast. com/blogs-and-stories/2011-04-01/bill-clinton-katie-couric-woody-allen-j effrey-
epsteins-society-friends-close-ranks/2/  
*********************************************************** 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
Jeffrey Epstein 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
*********************************************************** 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
Jeffrey Epstein 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 030893 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
--
*********************************************************** 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
Jeffrey Epstein 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 030894 
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026028.txt,"From: Larry Summers 
Sent: 11/29/2016 12:13:41 PM 
To: jeffrey E. [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Subject: Re: Re: 
Importance: High 
Always quiet advice to anybody who can use it. Try always discreet. If u become associated publicly w 
something the reputations converge. Looking fwd to meeting Karim. 
Sent from my iPad 
Please direct all scheduling inquiries to my office at:_____________________________ 
Follow me on twitter glhsummers 
www.larrysummers.com 
On Nov 29, 2016, at 6:23 AM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
ok, except I hope they can rely on you to give them guidance privately after the fact.? Karim Wade. is the 
son of the president of Senegal. ( they just found GAS offshore ). He is well educated and one of the most 
important figures in west africa. however full disclosure , he was put in jail to remove him from running 
against the current president . He is in qatar awaiting his political return to power which is almost 
guaranteed. He is the most charismatic ,and rational of all the africans and has theire respect. 
On Tue, Nov 29, 2016 at 2:34 AM, Larry Summers < wrote: 
Who is the guy you have set me up with? 
Spend zero effort on anything about me w trump. Seeing his approach to conflict of interest, his Putin 
proximity, and his mindless response on Castro death I'm best off a million miles away. 
Until they are deeply humbled by the fuckups that are sure to come, I serve myself and country best by doing 
nothing that involves loyalty to them. 
Sent from my iPad 
Please direct all scheduling inquiries to my office at: 
Follow me on twitter glhsummers 
www.larrysummers.com 
Begin forwarded message: 
From: Afri zp < 
Date: November 29, 2016 at 3:26:13 AM GMT-3:30 
To: ""jeffrey E."" <jeevacation@gmail.com> 
Cc: Larry Summers < 
Subject: Re: 
Larry, 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 026028 
I'll be very please to meet or take you for diner. My mobile in Doha is 
Le 29 nov. 2016 a 00:16, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> a ecrit: 
larry, karim, karim - larry, larry will be in doha on wed, i think you two would enjoy meeting 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 026029 
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014113.txt,"Case 9:08-cv-80736-KAM Document 319-1 Entered on FLSD Docket 03/24/2015 Page 30 of
34

Thomas E. Scott, Jr., Esq.

Re: Edwards and Cassell v. Dershowitz
February 25, 2015

Page 2

Thus, this Court has deemed such “ostensible” objections waived or [has]
declined to consider them as objections.

Sonnino v. Univ. of Kan. Hosp. Auth., 221 F.R.D. 661, 666-67 (D. Kan. 2004) (citations
omitted).

Of course, where claims of privilege are involved, the response must include a privilege
log enabling us (and the court, if necessary) to assess the applicability of the privilege
claimed. See Fla. R. Civ. P. 1.280(b)(5S). Under Florida law, ""the burden is upon the
party asserting a privilege to establish the existence of each element of the privilege in
question."" Fla. Sheriff's Self-Ins. Fund v. Escambia County, 585 So.2d 461, 463 (Fla. 1*
DCA 1991).

General or blanket objections are inappropriate in and of themselves: ""A 'blanket'
objection to interrogatories consisting of many, separate questions is insufficient.
Objections in such a case should be addressed ‘to a particular interrogatory or class of
interrogatories, not to the interrogatories in general."" Twadell v. Twadell, 199 So. 2d
501 (Fla. 4 DCA 1967) (quoting Carson v. City of Ft. Lauderdale, 173 So.2d 743 (Fla.
2d DCA 1965)).

The same principles apply to the general objections you have raised to our production
requests.

Boilerplate Objections

A boilerplate objection such as ""overbroad, burdensome, and not reasonably calculated
to lead to the discovery of admissible evidence,"" baldly asserted, is ""patently without
merit."" Such ""stonewalling tactics"" constitute discovery abuse. First Healthcare Corp.
y. Hamilton, 740 So.2d 1189, 1193 (Fla. 4"" DCA 1999); see also First City Devs. Of
Fla., Inc. v. Hallmark of Holly Condo. Ass 'n, 545 So.2d 502, 503 (Fla. 4"" DCA 1985)
(noting that conclusory objections such as ""burdensome"" and ""not reasonably calculated
..."" are ""words of the art [that] have little meaning without substantive support, .."").

Every burdensome objection you have raised is required to be supported by an affidavit
detailing the extent of the burden claimed to preclude a substantive response.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014113
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028177.txt,"/ BARAK / 43

sayeret deputy, my chief of staff. The negotiating team also included Uri Saguy,
former head of military intelligence; Gilad Sher, a gifted lawyer I'd known for a
quarter of a century and who had been a company commander in my armored
brigade in the 1970s; and Amnon Lipkin, the paratroop commander at Chinese
Farm and my successor as ramatkal when I left the army. Also, Shlomo Ben-Ami,
the Moroccan-born, Oxford-educated historian and diplomat who had run against
me for the Labor leadership. Shlomo had a gift for systematic analysis and keen
judgement, especially on security issues, which I highly valued.

It did not escape the attention of Israeli commentators, or other politicians, that
almost all of them were former soldiers whom I’d known from my time in uniform.
But that observation missed a more important point: we were all members of the
“generation of 1967 and 1973.” We had been soldiers during the Six-Day War. In
the years immediately after it, like almost all Israelis, we had allowed ourselves to
believe that our victory had been so comprehensive, and so quick, that any threat
from the defeated Arab states was gone for good. We assumed that inevitably,
inexorably, they would realize they needed to sue for peace, and that there was no
particular urgency on our part to do anything more than wait. Then, on Yom
Kippur 1973, all of that had been turned on its head. We had not only learned the
lessons, of 1973. We had internalized them. Even had we not known of the danger
of a new Palestinian campaign of terror, the option of simply watching and waiting
— and assuming that our military strength, which was now even greater, could
make events around us stand still — would not have made sense to us. Besides, as I
remarked to Danny and others, to do so would run against the founding purpose of
Zionism: to establish a state where Jews would no longer be victims of events, but
would take control of their destiny and try to shape them.

Yet making peace, like making war, takes two. Much as I’d wanted to begin
with Syria, until well into the autumn of 1999 President Assad was holding firm on
his insistence that without our “deposit,” without a prior agreement that he’d get
back the Golan, there could be no substantive progress. This was particularly
frustrating because I was getting reports from our intelligence services, and

329
HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028177
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021116.txt,"ceremony in New York City on May 7.

""In a time when this country's highest powers have taken it as their business to demean the
work of journalists, it is particularly significant for us to honor those who have taken up the
tools of journalism to challenge corrupt power wherever it may reside,” said Hillman judge Ta-

Nehisi Coates.

In 2011, the Sidney Hillman Foundation inaugurated the Canadian Hillman Prize. This year’s
winners, Harvey Cashore, Bob McKeown and Kimberly Ivany of CBC’s The Fifth Estate, won for
their sweeping investigation into the research and regulatory failures that have put millions of
children at risk on their way to and from school each day. Their reporting exposed fraudulent
science behind Transport Canada’s seminal seatbelt study and led the Transport Minister to
form a task force with the provinces to look at implementing seatbelts on school buses across

the country.

The Hillman Foundation announced Monday that CUNY professor and historian, Joshua B.
Freeman, is the recipient of its 2019 Sol Stetin Award for Labor History. Freeman has written
extensively about the history of labor, industry, modern America, and New York City. The
Hillman Foundation established the award in 2005 to honor a labor historian who has made

significant contribution to the field, researching and telling the stories of working peoples’ lives.

Since 1950, the Hillman’s Prizes for Journalism honor the legacy of Sidney Hillman, an
immigrant who dedicated his life to a “better America.” Hillman believed that a free press was
essential to a fair and equal society. The Sidney Hillman Foundation has sought to carry on his
legacy by honoring journalists who illuminate the great issues of our times—from the search for
a basis for lasting peace, to the need for better housing, medical care, and employment security
for all people, to the promotion of civil liberties and the battle against discrimination based on

race, nationality, or religion.

For more information, including to RSVP to the event, please contact Alexandra Lescaze at 646-

448-6413 or Alex@HillmanFoundation.org

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021116
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027244.txt,"Source Entry: H\Macintosh HD\root\Users\jee\Library\Messages\Archive\2017-06-30 i

MI 282 2017-06-30 at 07.39.58.ichat

Service: iMessag

Start Time: 06/30/17 04:39:58 AM (520515598)
End Time: 06/30/17 11:08:53 AM (520538933)
Last Message ID: 6948

Chat Room:
Presentity IDs: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com, Po

Messages -

Sender: P|

Time: 06/30/17 04:39:58 AM (520515598)
Flags: 1060865

Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 2CBBCDC8-B055-454F-AF57-486D7BEC81CC

Message: Thank you for dinner last night.

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 06/30/17 05:23:23 AM (520518203)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 8B57A783-4622-4B47-BA5D-D8D116D1CEA8

Gl

Message: Why are you being nice?

Time: 06/30/17 05:48:02 AM (520519682)
Flags: 1060865
Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: F776158D

a5

(EBF-4B69-B828-3C44977C1D09

Message: I guess because I'm in desperate need of niceness since my daughter isn't

nice.

Time: 06/30/17 05:48:25 AM (520519705)
Flags: 1060865

Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 7917EB5D-228B-4B24-9AF8-7EB2A692325C

Message: Did you think it was suspicious? Did you think I wanted something?;)

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027244
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024427.txt,"tolerate and fully withstand as it creates the only real chance for the addict to finally change. It is critical,
therefore, that when we finally engage in mirroring that we be prepared to see it through completion.

FP: What if we fail to engage in our own Inner Jihad and the Control Factor stays firmly in place?

Siegel: Critical to the Inner Jihad is the realization that our civilization is fragile; not to be taken for granted.
Our demands for multi-culturalism and diversity have bumped heads with the simple paradox that tolerating
the intolerant leads to extinction. Tolerating the intolerant is perhaps the most crystalline version of
asymmetry we have accepted. Seriously engaged Muslims MUST place the Koran above all law while in
America, the Constitution ranks supreme. As Omar Ahmad , founder of CAIR, reputedly said, “Islam isn’t in
Amer ica to be equal to any other faith, but to become dominant. The Koran is the highest authority in
America and Islam is the only accepted religion on Earth.” Who makes law- the people or Allah? While the
Control Factor constantly seeks for some accommodation between the two, this conflict CAN NOT be
negotiated. Only one can survive not because we have declared “war” but because our Islamic Enemy has.
That is, perhaps, the lesson we will most need to fully learn, one way or another. We will eventually hit a
Turnaround Moment as a nation and if enough of us are not truly prepared to fight and continue to be
controlled by our delusions, we will lose. If we truly seek to win, it is better to get there sooner while we
have advantages than later.

FP: Bill Siegel, thank you for joining FrontPage Interview.
And thank you for writing this superb and most important book.

We encourage all o f our readers to get their hands on The Control Factor: Our Struggle to See the True
Threat and to read it!

Editor’s note: To watch The Glazov Gang‘s recent discussion about the Muslim Brotherhood’s
infiltration of the United States and the Obama administration, see this week’s episode below:
Freedom Center pamphlets now available on Kindle: Click here.

Filed Under: Daily Mailer, FrontPage Tagged With: Denial, Islam, muslim brotherhood, Obama, Siegel, The
Control Factor

22.
t= Print This Post
About Jamie Glazov

Jamie Glazov is Frontpage Magazine's editor. He holds a Ph.D. in History with a specialty in Russian, U.S.
and Canadian foreign policy. He is the author of the critically acclaimed and best-selling, United in Hate:
The Left’s Romance with Tyranny and Terror. His new book is High No on For America. He is the host of
Frontpage’s television show, The Glazov Gang, and he can be reached at jamieglazov11@gmail.com. Visit
his sit at JamieGlazoy.com.

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Comments (6)

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+3

cs

AdinaK 86p - J/ hours ago

The war being waged has two components - mental and physical. The mental side is a minefield of
constructs, deeply implanted within generations of Americans, and its PC chickens are coming home to
roost. So much so, millions of Americans (westerners) cannot break free of its shackles. But it is not as if
these mental chains magically appe ared. Far from it - http://adinakutnicki.com/2012/11/26/the-death-of-...

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024427
"
IMAGES-012-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033533.txt,"New This Week

Last Survivor of Sobibor Uprising Dies

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033533
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015644.txt,"12/8/2015

Prince Andrew and girl, 17, who sex offender friend flew to Britain to meet him | Daily Mail Online

First meeting: Prince Andrew puts his arms around 17-year-old Virginia, centre

On one of those occasions Virginia Roberts was subsequently paid $15,000 (£9,400). Her shocking
account of her four years as Epstein’s personal masseuse is supported by court documents, an
eyewitness, photographs and flight details of Epstein’s private jets.

One picture, said to have been taken by Epstein during Andrew’s first encounter with the girl in
March 2001 and published today by The Mail on Sunday, shows the Prince with his arm around her
waist.

This is not the first time the Duke of York’s judgment and choice of associates have been
questioned. He appears to relish the company of super-rich oil billionaires from the Middle East,
North Africa and the former Soviet Union.

The peculiar sale of his former marital home to a Kazakh businessman for £15 million after it had
languished unsold for five years at £12 million has never been satisfactorily explained.

In the recent leak of American diplomatic cables it was revealed that he had criticised an official
corruption investigation into the huge Al-Yamamah arms deal between Britain and Saudi Arabia,
while he is also said to be close to Saif Al-Islam Gaddafi, son of the beleaguered Libyan president,
and may have had a role in the early release of Lockerbie bomber Abdelbaset Al Megrahi.

While on the streets, |
slept with men for
money. | was a
paedophile's dream

But it is Andrew's friendship with Epstein, whom
he has known since at least 2000, and with
Epstein’s confidante Ghislaine Maxwell, daughter
of the late disgraced newspaper baron Robert
Maxwell, that gives most concern.

He was first seen with the pair on holiday in
Thailand, and was pictured cavorting with
Ghislaine at a Halloween fetishthemed party in
Manhattan.

The photograph that appeared last weekend shows the prince strolling through Central Park with
58-year-old Epstein. Andrew was said to have spent four days at his New York mansion in
December, when he was joined by other distinguished guests, including Woody Allen, at a dinner.

It is by no means the first New York soiree Andrew has attended as Epstein’s guest.

A lengthy profile of the financier in Vanity Fair magazine some years ago reported that Andrew was
a guest at a cocktail party thrown by Epstein and Maxwell packed with young Russian models.
‘Some guests were horrified,’ said the article’s author, Vicky Ward.

It should not be forgotten that Epstein is a registered sex offender after recently completing his
sentence for offences relating to child prostitution.

b announce they are
expecting a baby boy -
after trying to get
pregnant for more than
a year

> Back together? Elin
Nordegren, 35, cuddles
up to ex Chris Cline, 57,
at Marchesa shoe
launch... over one year
after their break-up
Tiger Woods' ex wife

b'l so do not know how
to deal with this': Justin
Bieber's mystery
Instagram girl responds
after singer's plea to
find out her identity

He found her online

> 'Home is where the
heart is': Bethenny
Frankel offers a look
inside her cramped
$4.2M NYC bachelorette
pad as she gets into
Christmas spirit

» EXCLUSIVE: Kristin
Cavallari's brother was
jobless ‘alcoholic’ who
was kicked out by his
father before crashing
his car and going
missing in Utah desert

» From the couple who
has everything to the
discerning fashionista,
what to get the most
hard-to-please people
on your gift list
Sponsored

» Daddy's girl! Mark
Zuckerberg releases
touching photo with
baby Maxima as he
reveals ‘everyone is
doing great’

Facebook founder is dad

> Thigh's the limit!
Caitlyn Jenner, 66, goes
bare-legged in very
short mini dress while
filming scenes for
reality show with Candis
Cayne

Former Olympian is 66

> ‘I'm not pregnant, just
happy!"" Tia Mowry hits
back at body shaming’
Instagram trolls who
criticized her for 15lb
weight gain

Famed for Sister, Sister

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‘Stop!’ Andy Roddick
caught redhanded as he
secretly films wife
Brooklyn Decker

http:/Awww.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-1361039/Prince-Andrew-girl- 17-sex-offender-friend-flew-Britain-meet-him.htm|

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015644

2/29
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018166.txt,"Patrick Bertagna, GTX Corp. - 10/26/2010 - Global Positioning System (GPS) is a

worldwide radio-navigation system formed from the constellation of 24 satellites and their ground
stations. The Global Positioning System is mainly funded and controlled by the U.S Department of
Defense (DOD). The system was initially designed for the operation of U. S. military. But today,
there are also many civil users of GPS across the whole world. The civil users are allowed to use
the Standard Positioning Service without any kind of charge or restrictions.

Read the full article

GPS Elder Applications

Eldergadget.com - October 21, 2010 - The rapid evolution of Global Positioning Satellite
(GPS) tracking technology is producing new applications of particular interest to seniors, their
families, and caregivers. One of the most active companies in this space is GTX Corp. GTX is the
company behind the patented GPS Smart Shoe™ , in partnership with footwear manufacturer
Aetrex Worldwide. The shoe was developed to provide peace of mind for families with senior-age
loved ones suffering from Alzheimer’s and other forms of dementia. Available on the Internet at
the GPS Shoe, Aetrex, and Foot.com sites, the shoe should also be available in retail stores some
time in 2011, according to GTX Corp. chairman/president Patrick Bertagna.

Read the full story

The ""Where"" or Your Social Media Network - iCheck-In
World Market Media - Tom Copeland - November 15, 2010 -

Checking in is a movement that’s really starting to catch on, and

companies are scrambling to develop and release check-in apps and services. GTX Corp
committed to being the ""better people finder"", owns and operates LOCiIMOBILE, Inc. which
developsGPS Tracking location based social networking (LBSN) mobile applications, today
released its 17th App - iCheck-In, the fastest and easiest way to “check-in” and stay connected to

everyone in your mobile contact list and your Facebook and Twitter friends.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018166
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023348.txt,"no charge, and review the work done by tom/ joslin.

joslin you and I should sit. you won't like it. AT ALL> he is afraid of telling you the story, as he belives brad
is your guy and does not want to get fired. ada still refusing to share income tax opinions based on privilege
, not under control at all. ? ? joslin said that murphy is not the cfo, as you told me but the coo. and the cfo is
the same guy that reported to andrew, mistakes after mistakes not picked up by murphy who joslin described
asakind buffoon . he suggested a new ceo or coo who can make decisions. someone with some financail
experience. he asked for a chief decision maker. 50 for year roll in money owed . 30 till july , most up front
needed

Date: Tue, Mar 31, 2015 at 3:25 PM
Subject:

To: Melanie Spinella Po

Nov of 13 : I told you tom Eileen and Ralph were not up to the job, you disagreed very vocally
and strongly , "" Ralph wrote the book, Tom has been doing it for 15 years and Eileen ran the trading desk at
Morgan Stanley. "" Ada who had been working on all your documents for years while at the bank had
been brought in- house but created more issues that didn't exist. and phaidon was its own animal

Dec 13. you were again annoyed that i said that they needed to be replaced and said ""i was talking out of both
sides of my mouth."" first time ( email available)

Jan 14, you decided that no third year was necessary for my help. andi told you i thought that unwise and
even suggested giving you an option at 40 m so there would be no tension

Mar 14, I told you that to do the job right , my team would need to do it. not yours it would not be
inexpensive, but it would get done properly, you chose not to do itand said lets wait and see

April 14. We agreed to clean up various past mess.with the end of my work OCT 15th only then would i get
paid.. urged JPM ( first of 14 reminders)
GS and db accounts to be set up in order to bring your financial structure into the 21 century

July 26 , Icame to bens party, said new people needed to be hired, keep Eileen till end of year, and Ada till
march, you suggested getting ada out earlier

oct structured the art partnership , but you wanted to wait until you fully understood ramifications formed the
doc in dec to have it in 14,

nov/ dec 14 I told you I considered my work complete separate from art partnership. gave list of things to do.
three months of you and your high school friend , trying to build a house with little of the relenavt

experience. its silly . still no accurate numbers accounting _, charts, etc

jan 15, I told you joslin cannot hire people, has not so for more than 5 years, former job in a public accounting
firm.

april 15 . no senior accountant even in the wings. joslin talking about reaching out to hire the only person he
knew( worked in the past with dagazsitno ) and i interviewed 15 months ago. and rejected. low level . He
does not want to hire himself out of a job, spoke to brad last night he wants a coo so that he does not feel
demoted

your choice!, ( brad maybe does have insight - to your credit, might have been right when he said- jeffrey you

should realize this is only about leon not wanting to pay more money , ( 1 ignored his summary , along with his
comments on the risk of fracturing

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023348
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017255.txt,"4.2.12
WC: 191694

The largest manhunt in Arizona history was under way, involving patrol cars, helicopters, search
dogs, roadblocks, and a sophisticated communications system.

The Tisons were exhausted, and low on money. Gary decided that they had to make a run for the
Mexican border, risky as that was.

At 2:58 in the morning of August 11, a van approached a police roadblock. Suddenly shots rang
out, putting two holes in one of the police cars. The van crashed through the roadblock. The
police chased the van, traveling at close to a hundred miles an hour.

They called in helicopters. They knew, but the Tison’s didn’t, that there was a second roadblock
on the other side of the pass. For a moment, Gary, who was manning the gun out the rear
window, thought they had made it. But Donny, the oldest brother who was driving, saw the
second roadblock. He crashed through it, but not before several shots from the waiting police
cars struck him in the head. The van swerved off the road and came to rest in the desert sand.
Gary yelled, “Every man for himself,” and ran. Ricky, Ray and Randy threw themselves to the
ground. Gary kept going.

The police found Donny, slumped in the driver’s seat, unconscious from his head wounds. They
handcuffed him, called an ambulance, and left him there after removing the guns from the back of
the van. At 3:40, the ambulance arrived at the scene of the roadblock with lights flashing and
sirens blaring. But the driver and medics were made to wait at the roadblock for over five hours.
When they were finally allowed to go to Donny at 9:10, he was dead.

The police then shoved a shotgun against the back of Ricky’s head and pistol barrel into his
mouth. They cut his clothes off his body. He was pulled by his hair into a police car surrounded
by three officers and interrogated—naked and shivering—for five hours. When he expressed
reluctance to talk, he was asked, “Do you want to see your dying brother?” He believed he
would be shot and left to die if he did not confess.

“T don’t want to make a statement,” he said. The police continued the interrogation. Donny,
bleeding and unconscious, would receive no medical attention until his brothers confessed.
Finally, the two brothers confessed to their roles in the events following the breakout.

For over a week no trace was found of Gary. Armed vigilantes combed every inch of desert near
the scene of the shootout. A SWAT team was lowered into abandoned mines and caves. Police
dogs were used. Rumors circulated about Gary’s whereabouts. He was reported in dozens of
locations ranging from the Grand Canyon to southern Mexico.

Several days later, a Papago Indian smelled something foul in the underbrush. It was a
decomposing body. The remains were identified as Gary Tison. He had been hiding out in the
desert, just a mile north of the roadblock. The August heat proved too much for him. His end
came in the Papago Indian Reservation, lying amongst the brush with a sock full of cactus berries
squeezed dry near his head. Underneath him, half buried in the sand, was John Lyons’ gun.

168

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017255
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031822.txt,"From: ee

Sent: 2/7/2019 3:36:37 AM
To: jeevacation@gmail.com
Subject: From Fox News - DOJ to investigate plea bargain awarded to Clinton-linked sex offender Jeffrey Epstein, but

watchdogs say probe is tainted

Importance: — High

DOJ to investigate plea bargain awarded to Clinton-linked sex offender Jeffrey Epstein, but watchdogs say
probe is tainted

https://www.foxnews.com/politics/doj-opens-probe-into-plea-bargain-awarded-by-trump-official-to-alleged-
pedophile-predator-jeffrey-epstein

It is bizarre to see who tries to get political mileage out of this.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031822
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017533.txt,"ADAM BLY

Adam Bly (born 1981 in Montreal, Canada) is founder
and CEO of Seed. He is the editor of “Science is Culture:
Conversations at the New Intersection of Science +
Society” (published by HarperCollins) and the creator
of the data visualization platform Visualizing.org.

He began his career at the age of 16 as the youngest
researcher at the National Research Council of Canada, where
he spent three years studying the biochemistry of cancer,
specifically the role of cell adhesion in metastasis. Out of the
lab, he founded Seed—tag-lined “Science is Culture™’—and
served as its Editor-in-Chief. “The best comparison for Seed,”
wrote a media critic at the time of the magazine’s launch in
2001, “is the early years of Rolling Stone, when music was less a
subject than a lens for viewing culture.” Under his leadership,
the magazine earned critical acclaim for modernizing
scientific publishing and for bridging long-standing divides
between science and society—from art and design to politics
and religion. Together with Paola Antonelli he co-founded a
monthly gathering of scientists, architects, and designers
that laid the foundation for Design and the Elastic Mind,
an exhibition about science and design at The Museum
of Modern Art.

In 2007, Bly was named a Young Global Leader
by the World Economic Forum. He is a recipient of the
Golden Jubilee Medal from Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II
and his achievements have been highlighted by Canadian
Prime Minister Jean Chrétien, “for showing people the
scope and power of science not just as an object of study
but as a key to understanding the world around us.”

Bly has lectured around the world on the future of
science and its role in society, including at the World Economic
Forum, the National Academies of Science, the Royal Society,
the National Institutes of Health, the State Department,
NASA, the Chinese Ministry of Science and Technology, The
Museum of Modern Art, and The Academy of Sciences for the
Developing World, before the National Science Board and the
U.S. House of Representatives, and at universities including
Harvard, MIT, and Beijing. He has served on the nominating
committees and juries of the Buckminster Fuller Challenge,
the Earth Award, and the TED Prize, and sits on the Science
Advisory Committee of the World Economic Forum, the
External Advisory Board of the University of Michigan’s Risk
Science Center, the American Committee of the Weizmann
Institute of Science, the Communications Advisory Board
of the National Academy of Sciences, and as an advisor to
OECD’s Global Project on Measuring the Progress of Societies.

Bly was recently named Vice Chair of the World
Economic Forum’s Global Agenda Council on Design
Innovation and Partner to the Executive Coordination
Office for the Rio+20 United Nations Conference

on Sustainable Development.

SCOTT BOLTON

Dr. Scott Bolton is the Director of the Space Sciences
Department at Southwest Research Institute (SwRI) in San
Antonio, Texas. Dr. Bolton is also the Principal Investigator
for the Juno project, a project within NASA’s New Frontiers
Program. Prior to being Director at SwRI, Dr. Bolton was a
senior scientist and manager at the Jet Propulsion Laboratory
(JPL) for over 25 years. During his tenure as Director of Space
Science at SwRI, Dr. Bolton oversaw the launches of New
Horizons and IBEX, the selection of Juno, the confirmation
of MMS, and the delivery of hardware for a number of non-
NASA programs related to national security. As director of
SwRI’s Space Science Department, Dr. Bolton is responsible
for the approximately 150 engineers and scientists working on
over a dozen programs including new proposals, instrument
development, mission operations and scientific data analysis.

As Principal Investigator of Juno, Dr. Bolton is
responsible for all aspects of the Juno program including
project management by JPL, spacecraft development
at Lockheed Martin, all science instruments, launch
vehicle development and operation, and the resulting
scientific analysis throughout the life of the project. Dr.
Bolton has more than 30 years experience in the field of
aerospace and space science. Dr. Bolton received his B.S.
in Aerospace Engineering from U. Michigan in 1980, and
a Ph.D. in Astrophysics from U.C. Berkeley in 1990.

Dr. Bolton is a Co-Investigator on a number of NASA
missions including experiments on the Cassini mission. Dr.
Bolton chaired the Titan science group for the Cassini-Huygens
mission and was responsible for the formulation of the
scientific investigation of Saturn’s moon Titan. Dr. Bolton has
been a Principal Investigator with NASA on various research
programs since 1988. His research includes the modeling of the
Jovian and Saturnian radiation belts, atmospheric dynamics
and composition, and the formation and evolution of the
solar system. He has authored over 150 scientific papers, five
book chapters, and consulted/appeared in five space science
documentaries. He received the NASA Outstanding Leadership
Medal in 2012, Exceptional Achievement Medal in 2002; the
NASA Exceptional Scientific Achievement Medal in 1994. He
also received JPL Individual Awards for Exceptional Excellence
in Leadership in 2002, 2001, and 1996, and Excellence in
Management in 2000; and has received sixteen NASA Group
Achievement Awards. Dr. Bolton maintains a relationship
with JPL and the California Institute of Technology through
a special appointment as a Senior Staff Scientist.

Dr. Bolton also leads a number of educational
programs aimed at developing science, math and art skills for
children from elementary to high school and college level.

As part of the NASA Juno educational Outreach Program,
Dr. Bolton has dedicated developed educational programs
involving both formal and informal education including the

creation of science and math curriculum driving new national

standards for elementary level education (an age bracket
known to be underserved in this area). Dr. Bolton has worked
with a number of corporate sponsors dedicated to space
science educational programs, including Lego, Universal,
Sony, and Time-Warner. Dr. Bolton helped develope an
innovative educational program, in partnership with the
Lewis Center for Educational Excellence, that provides an
opportunity for elementary to high school level children to
experience the scientific and engineering process directly.
This program trains teachers on science and math education
and provides access to NASA research facilities and scientists
for hundreds of schools around the country. Through his
private company, Artistic Sciences, Inc, Dr. Bolton’s has
produced a number of musical concerts, art exhibits, scientific
documentaries and videos aimed at inspiring and motivating
children in academic studies. He has worked with a number
of musical artists developing both educational and musical
programs. He is one of the founding members of the Vangelis
Foundation in Athens, Greece dedicated to the combined
study of Science, Math, Art, Music and Philosophy.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017533
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024341.txt,"Table of Contents

COMPENSATION AND NOMINATING COMMITTEE REPORT

The Compensation and Nominating Committee has reviewed and discussed the foregoing Compensation Discussion and Analysis with
management. Based on this review and discussion, the Committee recommended to the Carvana, Co. Board of Directors that the Compensation Discussion
and Analysis be included in this proxy statement and incorporated by reference into Carvana Co.’s Annual Report on Form 10-K for the fiscal year ended

December 31, 2018.
Respectfully submitted by:
Gregory Sullivan

Ira Platt

Dan Quayle

= 33 =

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024341
"
IMAGES-012-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033255.txt,"From: Lesley Groft is

Sent: 9/28/2017 8:27:09 PM
To: Jefffrey Epstein [jeevacation@gmail.com]
Subject: Dylan Love of TNW & Business Insider (EEE person)

Importance: — High

Hi Jeffrey, | was happy to meet you this morning.

You asked to see some things I’ve written. Here’s my (only slightly out of date) professional web presence, including
Letterman clip:

www.thedylaniove.com

Here are a few stories I've written more recently that are not displayed on my site:

https:/Avww.inverse.com/article/33173-virtual-reality-psychedelic-drugs
https:/Awww.inverse.com/article/11766-how-instant-translation-tech-will-change-the-way-the-world-talks-and-listens

https://thenextweb.com/contributors/2017/09/14/russians-use-technology-influence-elections
http:/Awww.businessinsider.com/quantum-technologies-conference-2017-8

You might get a special kick out of this Trump story:
https:/Awww.inverse.com/article/20029-transhumanist-presidential-candidate-zoltan-istvan-donald-trump-new-technologies

What kinds of media goals/story ideas are interesting to you? Masha has made it clear that she wants me to write
something about you, but that’s much more your call to make. | suggest that there is mileage to be gained by quoting you
in a story about how proper implementation of cryptocurrency might solve financial corruption issues.

| travel back to Austin, Texas tomorrow evening, but am of course reachable. Thanks again for your time this morning.

-Dylan

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033255
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015122.txt,"“You stuck by me, Bob,” | said while | rubbing his hair. “Finch
dropped out, but you... “And I began weeping uncontrollably.
“Sir, is there anything | can do?”

Between sobs | blurted out, “Oh, sure” —I certainly did not intend
for this to be taken literally— “Why don’ t you try sucking my cock,
maybe that’ //help.”

To my utter astonishment, Haldeman unzipped my fly and
proceeded with what can only be described as extreme efficiency. The
whole thing could not have taken more than five minutes from beginning
to end. He must have had some practice during his old prep-school days.
Neither of us said a word—before, during or after.

This misunderstanding was comparable to the time that Jeb
Magruder remarked how convenient it would be if we could get rid of Jack
Anderson, and G. Gordon Liddy assumed that was a direct order and
rushed out to accomplish the act. If Liddy had not blabbed his

“assignment” to an aide in the corridor, Anderson might not be alive
today.

As for my own motivation, here was an experience not of
homosexuality but of power. | realized that if | could order the Pentagon

to bomb Cambodia, it was of no great consequence that | was now merely

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015122
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021670.txt,"~ Jeffrey Epstein, Billionaire oe Goes Free - The Daily Beast @ Page 2 of 4

But the question remains: Did Epstein’s wealth and social connections—former President Bill Clinton; Prince Andrew;
former Israeli Prime Minister Enud Barak; New Mexico Gov. Bill Richardson; and former Treasury Secretary Larry
Summers were just a few of the prominent passengers on his private jets—allow him to receive only a slap on the
wrist for crimes that carry a mandatory 20-year sentence? Was he able, with his limitless assets and heavy-hitting
lawyers—Alan Dershowitz, Gerald Lefcourt, Roy Black, Kenneth Starr, Guy Lewis, and Martin Weinberger among
them—to escape equal justice?

Michael Reiter, the former Palm Beach police chief, certainly thinks so. He gave The Daily Beast exclusive access to
the transcript of his nine-hour deposition for the victims’ civil suits, in which he explained how the case against Epstein
was minimized by the State Attorney’s Office, then bargained down by the U.S. Department of Justice, all in an
atmosphere of hardball legal tactics and social pressures so intense that Reiter became estranged from several
colleagues. At the time, Reiter, who retired in 2009 and now runs his own security firm, objected both to Epstein’s plea
agreement and to the flexible terms of his incarceration in the county jail rather than state prison. Asked during the
deposition whether he thought Epstein received special treatment, he answered “yes.”

In March 2005, Reiter's department, acting on a complaint from the Florida parents of a 14-year-old girl, launched an
investigation that would eventually uncover a pattern of predatory behavior stretching back years and spanning
several continents, knowingly enabled by Epstein’s associates and employees. Two or three times a day, whenever
Epstein was in Palm Beach, a teenage girl would be brought to the mansion on EI Brillo Way. (“The younger the
better,” he instructed Haley Robson, a local teenager who was paid to bring other girls to the house, and who
declared, on a police tape, that she was “like a Heidi Fleiss,” the infamous California madam.) Advised that she would
be giving a “massage,” the girl was then pressured to remove her clothes, submit to fondling and a large vibrator, and
sometimes lured into more invasive sexual contact. Each girl was paid $200 or more, depending on how far things
went, by house manager Alfredo Rodriguez, who was instructed always to have $2,000 cash on hand.

The Palm Beach Police Department identified 17 local girls who had contact with Epstein before the age of consent;
the youngest was 14, and many were younger than 16. And that was just at one of Epstein’s many homes around the
world—he also owns property in New York, Santa Fe, Paris, London, and the Caribbean. Subsequent investigation by
the FBI, reaching as far back as 2001, indentified roughly 40 victims, not counting Nadia Marcinkova, whom Epstein
referred to as his “Yugoslavian sex slave” because he had imported her from the Balkans at age 14. Now 24,

http://www.thedailybeast.com/blogs-and-stories/2010-07-20/jeffrey-epstein-billionaire-ped... 7/23/2010

~ HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021670
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027522.txt,"GUID: F1943C71-191E-45AE-8758-43CA087FEECE

fay

Message: Now unlikey as uk heating up wow

Sender: Po

Time: 11/16/18 03:04:47 AM (564059087)
Flags: 1060865

Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: OHF90362-FD28-483E-A4CF-03893B85E05A

Message: I think so too

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 11/16/18 10:03:36 AM (564084216)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 8E7DA469-093B-41EC-9692-BB8240B3054!1

Gl

Message: He will be in

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 11/16/18 10:03:44 AM (564084224)
Flags: 1150981

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 3F199D65-D03E-4A78-971E-COC54E4A2038

T,
=

Message: AD. Tomorrow afternoon

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 11/16/18 10:03:51 AM (564084231)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 8919803A-40B1-4565-BOC1-58CA1FD7B6C4

Message: You?

Time: 11/16/18 10:08:32 AM (564084512)
Flags: 1126401
Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: BO9D982A-50F0-42FA-83B0-O03652F0E982C

Message: He texted me. He will be in Abu Dhabi tomorrow. But I'm in the middle of a
desert, two hours helicopter flight from there

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027522
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025247.txt,"﻿CIO WM Global Investment Office
CIO monthly video
www.ubs.com/cio-video
For smartphone users: scan the
code with an app like ""scan""
UBS CIO Monthly Extended
November 2012
Published
25 October 2012
This report has been prepared by UBS AG.
Please see important disclaimers and disclosures at the end of the document. Past performance is no indication of future performance.
The market prices provided are closing prices on the respective principal stock exchange. This applies to all performance charts and tables
in this publication.
Table of Contents
C:\Program Files\UBS\Pres\Templates\PresPrintOnScreen.pot
Section 1 Base slides 2
Section 2 Asset class views 11
2.A Equities 12
2.B Fixed income 22
2.C Foreign exchange 29
2.D NTAC: Commodities, Listed real estate, Hedge funds
and Private equity 33
1
Section 1
Base slides
Summary
C:\Program Files\UBS\Pres\Templates\PresPrintOnScreen.pot
""Global growth
is showing
broad-based
signs of
improvement.""
�
�
�
�
�
Economy
Global growth is showing broad-based signs of improvement, supported by decisive
monetary policy from the world's major central banks. In the US, the housing market
recovery continues and the labor market remains on a modest uptrend. This has helped
improve the sentiment of US consumers, and consumption remains the most important
contributor to US GDP growth. Growth has also begun to pick up in key areas of the
emerging markets, including China and Brazil. While the Eurozone economy remains weak,
we expect Q3 2012 to mark the bottom, and that growth will begin to get ""less bad"" from
Q4 2012.
Equities
Equity markets have been supported by central bank action and the recent improvements
in economic data. Our preferred markets remain the US and Emerging Markets (EM).
Investor funds have started to flow back into EM, as economic data is improving and
inflation remains under control. Canada and Australia remain our least favored regions
due to falling earnings.
Fixed Income
US high yield bonds remain supported by strong corporate fundamentals, modest
economic growth, and the broad demand for yield-generating assets. Given this, we see
potential for further spread tightening. Meanwhile, benchmark rates are expected to rise
gradually on better economic data, while short rates remain ultra-low. While investment
grade corporate bond spreads are approximately fair value, we continue to view their
absolute yields as attractive.
Commodities
We keep a neutral stance on commodities. Increased global liquidity has pushed prices up
over the last few months, however, for a more sustained price increase we likely need to
see further evidence of an acceleration in global growth.
Foreign Exchange
We remain underweight the Japanese yen. The Japanese economy continues to weaken
against its peers, leading to rising pressure for the Bank of Japan to engage in further
quantitative easing. We have closed our preference for the Canadian dollar following its
recent strength, and therefore close our offsetting short CHF position.
Please see important disclaimer and disclosures at the end of the document.
3
Cross-asset preferences
C:\Program Files\UBS\Pres\Templates\PresPrintOnScreen.pot
Most preferred
Least preferred
Portfolio weights
Equities
Fixed income
• US
• Western winners from EM
growth
• High quality dividend yields
• Event-driven and relative value
hedge funds
• Natural gas growth gainers
• US high yield
• Global investment grade credit
• EM corporate bonds
• Event-driven and relative value
hedge funds
• Canada
• Australia
• Developed market
government bonds
Commodities
5%
Real Estate
5%
Hedge Funds /
Private Equity
10%
Equities USA
10%
Liquidity
10%
High Grade
Bonds
7%
Inv Grade
Corporates
Bonds
9%
High Yield
Bonds
6%
Emerging
Markets Bonds
3%
Equities
Equities Other
Europe
23% EmMa Equities
6%
6%
Note: Portfolio weights are for an advisory
client with a ""EUR moderate"" profile. For
portfolio weights related to other risk profiles
please contact your client advisor.
Foreign
exchange
• GBP
• Emerging markets (�)
• JPY
Commodities
�
Recent upgrades
�
Recent downgrades
4
Please see important disclaimer and disclosures at the end of the document.
Recommended tactical asset allocation
Tactical asset allocation deviations from benchmark*
Currency allocation
C:\Program Files\UBS\Pres\Templates\PresPrintOnScreen.pot
underweight
neutral
overweight
underweight
neutral
overweight
Cash
USD
Equities total
US
Eurozone
EUR
GBP
Equities
UK
Japan
Switzerland
EM
JPY
CHF
SEK
Other
NOK
Bonds
Bonds total
Government bonds
Corporate bonds (IG)
High yield bonds
CAD
NZD
AUD
EM bonds (USD)
Commodities total
new
old
Commodities
Precious metals
Energy
Base metals
Agricultural
Listed Real Estate
new
old
* Please note that the bar charts show total portfolio preferences and thus can
be interpreted as the recommended deviation from the relevant portfolio
benchmark for any given asset class and sub asset class.
The UBS Investment House view is largely reflected in the majority of UBS
Discretionary Mandates and forms the basis of UBS Advisory Mandates. Note
that the implementation in Discretionary or Advisory Mandates might slightly
deviate from the ""unconstrained"" asset allocation shown above, depending on
benchmarks, currency positions and for other implementation considerations.
Source: UBS CIO WM Global Investment Office – as of 25.10.2012
5
Please see important disclaimer and disclosures at the end of the document.
Preferred themes
C:\Program Files\UBS\Pres\Templates\PresPrintOnScreen.pot
�
�
�
�
High quality dividend yields (sourced from existing European
and UK equities)
High quality companies with geographically diversified business
models that pay sustainable dividends offer an attractive income
stream in a low yield world. Historically, dividends have made a
substantial contribution to total returns, and we expect this to remain
the case in the current environment.
Western winners from emerging market growth (sourced from
existing equity holdings)
Emerging economies continue to grow faster than developed
economies. With little need to deleverage and repair balance sheets,
Asian economies are also well positioned to continue to outpace their
Western peers in the years ahead. We have identified companies from
a variety of sectors in Europe, the US and Japan which have significant
exposure to the rapidly growing emerging regions. We believe a
diversified portfolio of these companies will reward investors seeking
to profit from the robust demand growth in emerging economies.
Natural gas growth gainers (sourced from existing equity
holdings)
Natural gas is a relatively clean source of energy, and we think it will
benefit from continued substitution for other energy sources over the
long term. We have examined the dynamics of the global market and
the various components of the gas value chain, and identified the
areas we see as the most significant beneficiaries currently. These
include producers in Europe and Asia, suppliers of infrastructure,
services and related machinery, and Master Limited Partnerships (MLPs)
in the US, that offer both attractive yields and growth.
EM corporates: a growing asset class (sourced from global
government bonds – CIO UW)
Given our relatively constructive current view on risk, we regard EM
corporate debt as more attractive than EM sovereign debt due to its
higher overall yield. Over a 6-month horizon, we expect EM corporate
bonds to outperform US Treasuries and deliver total returns of close to
4%.
� Government bond alternatives (sourced from government bonds –
CIO UW)
Developed world government bonds offer a comparatively small cushion
against future interest rate hikes and many face increasing credit risk. We
expect selected bonds of supranational or national agencies, sub-national
governments, multinational corporates, and covered bonds to outperform
government bonds. We recommend switching out of government bonds
into these alternatives.
� US high yield corporate bonds (sourced from government bonds –
CIO UW)
Positive economic growth, robust corporate earnings and healthy balance
sheets provide support to US high yield corporate bonds. Current yield
spreads of 540 basis points still price in a more dire economic outcome
than we expect. Historically, US high yield bonds have delivered similar
returns as US equities with lower volatility. We continue to believe that
US high yield corporate bonds represent a more favorable risk/return
potential than equities and expect mid single digit returns over the next 6
months. Senior loans are exposed to similar positive fundamentals, and
offer an attractive, floating rate alternative to US high yield.
�
�
The place to be in Hedge Funds
Growth in most developed markets remains muted. In this environment,
less directional hedge fund strategies, such as relative value and event
driven, should offer above average returns.
EM currencies: An underappreciated asset class (sourced from
government bonds – CIO UW)
The currencies of emerging countries, collectively as an asset class and
measured using total returns (i.e. including interest received), have the
potential to contribute positively to the longer-term returns of a welldiversified
portfolio. We believe that this is especially relevant now that
the developed world is settling into an extended period of very low
interest rates.
= New theme
Please see important disclaimer and disclosures at the end of the document.
6
Global economic outlook – Summary
Key questions
• What are the prospects for the global economy in 4Q 2012 and 1Q 2013?
• What are the risks that the US economic recovery will falter in the near term?
• When is the European economy likely to emerge from contraction?
• What is the near-term outlook for the Chinese economy?
CIO View (Probability: 75%*)
Sluggish expansion
• Global economic activity has shown signs of improvement over the last month – albeit from a low base. Importantly,
the JPM global composite PMI (a survey measuring economic activity) rose significantly to 52.5 in September from 50.9
in August. The increase was driven by improvements in both manufacturing and service sector activity. Thus, the
global manufacturing PMI rose marginally to 48.9 from 48.1, while the services PMI jumped two index points to 54.
• Geographically, improvements were concentrated in the emerging markets and the US. Indeed, we think that
downside risks in the US have diminished lately and we expect the moderate recovery to continue ahead. Chinese data
are still mixed, but we think that an improvement in the economic momentum is in the cards in 4Q. In the EMU and
UK, recent PMI surveys deteriorated but we still expect the EMU to improve gradually in coming quarters. Overall, we
expect the moderate improvement in global economic activity to continue ahead. A key driver here is the latest wave
of ultra-expansionary monetary policy. Downside risks have diminished somewhat in recent months. We expect Greece
to stay in the euro this year and sign a new memorandum in November. In the US modest fiscal tightening is expected
with the Fed mitigating downside growth risks. The risk of an idiosyncratic slowdown in Asia has declined as the latest
Chinese data confirms that the economy has bottomed.""
• Global consumer price inflation peaked in summer 2011 and has since fallen gradually. Base effects and rising
commodity prices since June may push up the global headline rate of inflation in coming months.
� Positive scenario (Probability: 10%*)
Return to long-term trend
• The Eurozone crisis abates. Financial market conditions recover, mitigating the drag from fiscal austerity.
• Growth in Western Europe turns decisively positive by early 2013 and the US economy grows above trend.
� Negative scenario (Probability: 15%*)
Recession
• There are three key downside risks to the global economy: 1) a significant escalation of the Eurozone debt crisis; 2) a
sharp fiscal contraction in the US, and 3) a sharp deceleration of the Chinese economy. Each of these risks could
precipitate a significant downturn of the global economy.
Key dates
TBA
Troika report on Greece
2 Nov Nonfarm payrolls and unemployment rate for October
6 Nov US presidential and congressional elections
8 Nov The 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China
22–23 Nov European Council
C:\Program Files\UBS\Pres\Templates\PresPrintOnScreen.pot
Global growth expected to be around 3% in
2012 and 2013
Real GDP growth in % Inflation in %
2011 2012F 2013F 2011 2012F 2013F
Americas US 1.8 2.1 2.3 3.1 2.1 1.7
Canada 2.4 2.0 2.3 2.9 2.0 2.3
Brazil 2.7 1.5 4.5 6.5 5.4 6.5
Asia/Pacific Japan -0.8 2.3 2.0 -0.3 0.0 0.3
Australia 2.1 3.7 3.2 3.4 1.7 2.5
China 9.3 7.5 7.8 5.4 2.8 3.6
India 6.5 5.5 6.5 8.0 7.5 7.0
Europe Eurozone 1.5 -0.4 0.2 2.7 2.4 1.9
Germany 3.1 0.9 1.1 2.5 1.7 1.5
France 1.7 0.2 0.4 2.1 2.0 1.3
Italy 0.5 -2.4 -0.2 2.9 3.3 2.7
Spain 0.4 -1.6 -1.7 3.1 2.4 2.7
UK 0.9 -0.3 1.0 4.5 2.7 2.3
Switzerland 1.9 1.1 1.4 0.2 -0.5 1.2
Russia 4.3 3.8 3.7 8.5 5.1 6.8
World 3.2 2.7 3.1 3.9 2.9 3.0
Source: UBS CIO, as of 24 October 2012
In developing the CIO economic forecasts, CIO economists
worked in collaboration with economists employed by UBS
Investment Research. Forecasts and estimates are current
only as of the date of this publication and may change
without notice.
Services and manufacturing diverging
(Global PMIs, 3-month moving averages)
65
60
55
50
45
Manufacturing Services
40
Composite No-change line
35
08 09 10 11 12
Source: Bloomberg, UBS CIO, as of September 2012
Note: Past performance is not an indication of future returns.
*Scenario probabilities are based on qualitative assessment.
For further information please contact CIO economist Dirk Faltin, dirk.faltin@ubs.com and CIO economist Ricardo Garcia, ricardo-za.garcia@ubs.com
Please see important disclaimer and disclosures at the end of the document.
7
Key financial market driver 1 –
Eurozone crisis
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Key questions
• What do we expect from the economy and ECB policy?
• Can Spain and Italy continue to tap the primary market if they ask for a support program?
• How much more support will Greece receive and will it be able to stay in the Eurozone next year?
CIO View (Probability: 70%*)
Austerity and weak growth
• We think the Eurozone economy troughed in 3Q. We expect flattish growth in 4Q 2012 and 1Q 2013 (in line with
consensus). Beyond this, uncertainties regarding the debt crisis and continuing fiscal austerity efforts will likely keep
the pace of recovery subdued. The ECB is still in easing mode but after announcing a conditional bond purchasing
program, it would take a marked worsening of the debt crisis and/or a worsening of economic data to trigger any
further policy action.
• There is political pressure on Spain to apply for official financial support (OMT by the ECB and direct support from
the EFSF/ESM). However, the government may hesitate until market pressure rises and/or clear political benefits are on
offer. We think that Italy will have to apply for an aid package similar to Spain’s. We see a high probability of Spain
being downgraded to junk by at least one rating agency.
• OMT bond purchases in the secondary market will focus on maturities of up to three years and countries will be
expected to maintain their funding profiles by also issuing longer-dated bonds. Hence, longer yields should stay
elevated as bondholders remain concerned about countries' ability and willingness to implement necessary reforms,
and about the de-facto subordination to ECB holdings and official loans. The central banking supervision at the ECB is
unlikely to be ready by January 2013, meaning that direct bank recapitalization through the ESM remains unavailable.
• We think Greece will not exit the euro in 2012 but will sign a new memorandum by November, although further
delay is possible. We think that Greece's failure to meet targets may trigger a cut-off from funding by early 2013 and
a possible gradual exit later. Portugal and Ireland should remain on track with their bailout packages, Cyprus will
likely get a new package and Slovenia may ask for help soon.
� Positive scenario (Probability: 15%*)
Return to macro stability
• Bond yields are contained as peripheral countries' budgets stay on track and economic activity recovers faster than
expected. Greece complies with the new austerity plans and market confidence is restored.
� Negative scenario (Probability: 15%*)
Major shock
• Major shocks include Spain and Italy being fully cut off from bond markets, i.e. requiring all new funding through
EFSF/ESM/IMF loans, with European rescue funds only able to cover them until the end of 2013; resistance from core
countries against the ECB program and further support; a Portuguese default; a Greek euro exit before the end of
2012; or a major external shock.
Key dates
TBD
Troika report on Greece
8 Nov ECB press conference
12 Nov Eurogroup meeting
15 Nov Eurozone GDP 3Q: first estimate
22 Nov Eurozone composite purchasing managers index
22–23 Nov European Council
Purchasing managers indices point to
ongoing contraction in 3Q
65
60
55
50
45
40
35
30
25
Source: Bloomberg, UBS, as of October 2012
Yield of Spanish and Italian 10-year bonds
over German Bunds (in bps)
700
600
500
400
300
200
100
07 08 09 10 11 12
Manufacturing Services
Composite No-change line
0
03/2011 06/2011 09/2011 12/2011 03/2012 06/2012 09/2012
Italy
Spain
Source: UBS, Bloomberg, as of 16 October 2012
Note: Past performance is not an indication of future returns.
* Scenario probabilities are based on qualitative assessment.
For further information please contact CIO analyst Thomas Wacker, thomas.wacker@ubs.com and
CIO economist Ricardo Garcia, ricardo-za.garcia@ubs.com
Please see important disclaimer and disclosures at the end of the document.
8
Key financial market driver 2 –
US economic outlook
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Key questions
• Is the nascent growth recovery sustainable? Will the Fed stimulus boost growth?
• How will the election result change fiscal policy deliberations?
• Can politicians find an agreement to avoid a sharp fiscal contraction in early 2013 (i.e. the ""fiscal cliff"")?
CIO View (Probability: 70%*)
Moderate expansion
• The economy stays on a moderate growth path but the unemployment rate comes down only very gradually – the
September report exaggerated the pace of improvement. Core personal consumption expenditure (PCE) inflation stays
slightly below or close to the Federal Reserve's target of 2%. UBS forecasts real GDP growth of 2.0% in 3Q 2012
(consensus: 1.8%) and 1.6% in 4Q 2012 (consensus: 1.9%). The Fed has added considerable stimulus: it extended
Operation Twist and its interest rate forward guidance, indicated that it will stay highly accommodative even after the
recovery strengthens, launched an open-ended agency mortgage-backed securities (MBS) purchase program of USD
40bn per month, and shows a strong easing bias tied to the state of the labor market. The Fed actions effectively
mitigate downside growth risks, but they are unlikely to dramatically boost growth.
• In the elections, Republicans will likely lose seats in the House on a net basis but retain a majority; we expect them
to be even with Democrats in the Senate. Obama will likely retain the White House. Such an electoral outcome would
prolong the existing gridlock between Republicans and Democrats.
• Due to the ongoing political gridlock, we expect modest fiscal tightening. The government will likely let
unemployment benefits phase out and payroll tax cuts expire, but postpone income tax hikes and sequester spending
cuts. Such a decision would lower the federal deficit by 0.7% of GDP, with a likely lower real GDP growth impact as
households could buffer the income loss with lower savings.
� Positive scenario (Probability: 10%*)
Strong expansion
• Propelled by expansive monetary policy and a fading Eurozone crisis, growth accelerates persistently above 3.0%.
This leads to higher inflation and the Fed responds by halting QE3 and raising rates sooner.
• The better economic outlook raises the odds of an Obama reelection and makes it harder for Republicans to gain
seats in Congress. Faster-rising tax collection and a Democratic stronghold leads to some tax hikes and limited
spending cuts. Fiscal policy tightens by about 1.2% of GDP in 2013.
� Negative scenario (Probability: 20%*)
Growth recession
• US fiscal deleveraging and an escalating Eurozone crisis weigh on the cyclical recovery. Falling profit margins weigh
on business capital expenditures. Real GDP growth deteriorates much further. The Fed massively purchases agency
MBS and Treasuries under its QE3 program.
• The debt limit is reached earlier and the Treasury runs out of money before year-end. Political gridlock becomes
dysfunctional, thus sending the country over the ""fiscal cliff,"" with fiscal policy tightening by
USD 607 billion (3.7% of UBS estimate of 2013 GDP) in 2013. The US credit rating is downgraded.
Key dates
30 Oct Conference Board consumer confidence
1 Nov ISM manufacturing purchasing managers index for October
2 Nov Nonfarm payrolls and unemployment rate for October
6 Nov US presidential and Congressional elections
US growth to pick up throughout 2013
US real GDP and its components, quarter-over-quarter
annualized in %
8%
6%
4%
2%
0%
-2%
-4%
-6%
-8%
-10%
-12%
Q1
2006
q/q annualized
Q1
2007
Consumption
Capital expenditures
Inventories
Government
Q1
2008
Q1
2009
Q1
2010
Q1
2011
Q1
2012
Q1
2013
Commercial real estate investment
Residential investment
Net Exports
Real GDP (q/q annualized)
Source: Thomson Datastream, UBS, as of 15 October 2012
UBS CIO
forecasts
Budget impact of US fiscal cliff in 2013
Cumulative budget effects of fiscal cliff components, in % of
UBS estimate of 2013 GDP
Note: AMT = Alternative Minimum Tax, ACA = Affordable Care
Act
Source: CBO, UBS, as of 9 October 2012
* Scenario probabilities are based on qualitative assessment.
Note: Past performance is not an indication of future returns.
For further information please contact US economist Thomas Berner, thomas.berner@ubs.com
Please see important disclaimer and disclosures at the end of the document.
9
Key financial market driver 3 –
Key questions
• What are the drivers for a modest sequential growth recovery?
• What is our policy expectation?
• How strongly will the recently announced infrastructure projects boost growth?
China growth outlook
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Nascent rebound in domestic commodity
prices
CIO View (Probability: 70%*)
Stabilization in economic momentum
• We continue to expect a sequential recovery in the growth momentum in the current quarter. Inventory reductions
should be less of a drag on growth and the government is rolling out more investment plans. At the same time,
political uncertainty should diminish after the power handover in November. We think that real GDP will grow 7% y/y
in 4Q (consensus: 7.7%) before improving mildly to 7.3% in 1Q 2013 (consensus: 7.9%).
• Indicators measuring inventory levels have fallen recently, showing that the destocking cycle is well advanced. In
addition, domestic prices for some major raw materials appear to have bottomed out, which should support a mild
rebound in production activity in the coming months. However, this may not be sustainable without a genuine
recovery in final demand.
• While the government has recently announced trillions of infrastructure investment projects, the spending will span
several years and the source of funding remains unclear. In addition, real estate investment growth is likely to stabilize
but not rebound strongly in the months ahead. We therefore do not expect a sharp rise in investment growth. Fiscal
support measures should help to stabilize economic growth, but are unlikely to result in a strong growth boost.
• The 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China will be held on 8 November, which is exactly the same
date as in the previous leadership handover in 2002. With the transition of the senior Communist Party leadership
taking place in this meeting, political uncertainties should be reduced. Execution of policy easing measures could
improve, although a substantial new stimulus is unlikely in the near term. In terms of monetary policy, we do not
expect any interest rate cut for the rest of the year, but a reserve requirement cut is still possible to manage liquidity.
Source: CEIC, Wind, UBS, as of 15 October 2012
Investment staying supportive to growth
� Positive scenario (Probability: 20%*)
Higher-than-expected growth
• Chinese GDP grows above 7.7% in 2012. This would require more effective fiscal and monetary policy support from
the government and possibly also a fast improvement in the Eurozone debt crisis.
� Negative scenario (Probability: 10%*)
Hard landing
• Chinese GDP grows below 6%, i.e. a hard landing of the economy. This could be triggered by a global financial
crisis/recession, causing a slump in Chinese exports, or domestic policy staying adrift during the leadership transition
period. Other risks include a sharp movement in residential property prices, or a surge in inflation that forces the PBoC
to significantly tighten monetary policy.
Key dates
1 Nov Manufacturing purchasing managers index (October)
8 Nov The 18 th National Congress of the Communist Party of China
9 Nov Consumer price inflation, industrial production, fixed-asset investment (October)
10-15 Nov New bank lending, M2 (October) Source: Bloomberg, UBS, as of 15 October 2012
Note: Past performance is not an indication of future returns.
* Scenario probabilities are based on qualitative assessment.
10
For further information please contact CIO analyst Gary Tsang, gary.tsang@ubs.com, Glenda Yu, glenda.yu@ubs.com, Patrick Ho, patrick-ww.ho@ubs.com
Please see important disclaimer and disclosures at the end of the document.
Section 2
Asset class views
Section 2.A
Asset class views
Equities
Equities overview
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Global equity markets – Key points
• We keep an overall neutral allocation to equities (see summary on slide 3).
• We keep our preference for US equities. Resilient company earnings still speak for an overweight
stance. Continued economic growth should underpin earnings also in 2013.
• We keep our neutral stance on Eurozone equities. Value is attractive compared to global equities.
However, due to the recession in several countries the earnings dynamics remains weak. In addition,
uncertainty as to when and under what conditions Spain will sign a memorandum of understanding keeps
us from taking a more positive stance.
• We have an overweight position in EM equities. Monetary easing as well as fiscal stimulus in key
countries, coupled with relatively attractive valuations, are supporting factors. Economic activity is likely to
improve gradually over the coming quarters, supporting company earnings.
• We keep our negative stance on Canadian equities. Corporate earnings continue to decline, showing
a weak development relative to the global trend. In addition, valuation is not compelling.
• We are cautious on Australian equities. Realized earnings continue to come down for the market.
• We are neutral on Swiss equities. Companies show solid earnings growth, which is expected to hold up
better than in other regions. Although the Swiss franc is still overvalued, the weakening to the USD and
related currencies since this summer provides additional earnings support.
• We keep our neutral view on UK equities. In the UK the earnings dynamics lags behind other markets.
Also, the recent strengthening in the pound is a drag for earnings measured in local currency terms.
Preferences (6 months)
North
America
Europe
APAC
EM
underweight
Equities
total
USA
Canada
EMU
UK
Switzerland
Sweden
Australia
Hong Kong
Japan
Singapore
Global EM
neutral
new old
Note: Preference in hedged terms (excl. currencies)
overweight
Global equity sectors – Key points
• We keep our overweight in Consumer Staples. Among the defensives it offers good earnings growth
prospects due to its geographically diversified revenue generation.
• We reiterate our preference for global IT due to a superior growth outlook and as we are in the
seasonally strong second half year. With healthy balance sheets and good cash flows, sector valuation is in
line with the overall market, while we believe it deserves a larger premium.
• We continue to like Healthcare as it offers solid long-term earnings prospects with low volatility and
strong balance sheets. We reiterate our underweight in Telecoms, where we expect ongoing weak
revenue growth as well as margin pressure.
• We are negative on Consumer Discretionary as earnings expectations may be too optimistic. With
leading indicators in major regions still deteriorating, we keep our underweight in Industrials. We have
concerns over weak manufacturing momentum leading to increased earnings revisions.
• The earnings outlook for US and Asian Financials is solid. We are neutral globally on Financials. While
the ECB's OMT program reduces tail risk for Financials, it has limited impact on sector earnings.
underweight
Consumer Discretionary
Consumer Staples
Energy
Financials
neutral
overweight
Healthcare
Industrials
IT
Materials
Telecom
Utilities
Source: UBS
new
old
For further information please contact CIO asset class specialists Markus Irngartinger, markus.irngartinger@ubs.com, or Carsten Schlufter carsten.schlufter@ubs.com
Please see important disclaimer and disclosures at the end of the document.
13
US equities
C:\Program Files\UBS\Pres\Templates\PresPrintOnScreen.pot
Preference: overweight
S&P 500 (24 Oct): 1,409 (last publication: 1,433)
UBS View S&P 500 (6-month target): 1,460
• We keep our preference for US equities relative to other developed equity markets. Earnings continued
to hold up better than in other regions during the recent economic slowdown. Continued economic
growth should allow companies to show mid single digit earnings growth over the coming 12 months.
• The US central bank's (Fed) very pro-growth oriented policy stance is a clear advantage for the local
equity market; the recent introduction of additional quantitative easing (QE 3) is positive for riskier assets.
• We still expect some potential for re-rating over the coming 6 months, in terms of increases in the priceto-earnings
ratio (P/E).
• The debate around the fiscal cliff implies increased uncertainty over the coming months. However, we
think that a 20% discount compared to the long-run PE-average provides some cushion, and our base case
assumes that politicians will finally achieve a compromise to avoid economic contraction.
� Positive scenario S&P 500 (6-month target): 1,700
• An accelerating US and global economy reduces risks to company earnings. Investors begin to shift funds
into more cyclical sectors such as Industrials and Materials in light of better growth prospects. In this
scenario, we would expect earnings to grow by around 10% in the next 12 months, and the trailing P/E
multiple to expand to around 16x.
� Negative scenario S&P 500 (6-month target): 1,250
• The US slides into a recession and corporate earnings fall over the coming 12 months. If this were coupled
with an escalation of the Eurozone debt crisis, we would expect the P/E multiple to contract towards 12.5x
trailing earnings.
Note: Scenarios refer to global economic scenarios (see slide 7)
What we're watching Why it matters
Business sentiment The ISM is the key indicator for US manufacturing and services. Key dates: 1
Nov, ISM manufacturing; 5 Nov, ISM non-manufacturing
The Fed
Hints on further quantitative easing can influence equities. Key date: 11 Nov,
minutes of Fed meeting (of 24 October)
Labor market
Improvement in the labor market would support stronger consumption. Key
date: 2 Nov, US labor market report for October
Recommendations
Tactical (6 months)
• We continue to like IT. The sector trades
at the lowest valuation multiples seen
since the early 1990s. Product launches
support superior earnings growth.
• Industrials are preferred as they benefit
from a pick up in manufacturing activity.
• Consumer Staples is our preferred
defensive sector offering the best
combination of dividend growth and
attractive valuation.
• We are still cautious on Telecoms, due to
high valuations, as well as Materials,
where margins remain under pressure.
Strategic (1 to 2 years)
• We like medium-sized US companies,
which are expected to show good longer
term earnings growth.
Our sector stance in the US
Sectors
Consumer Discretionary
Consumer Staples
Energy
Financials
Healthcare
Industrials
IT
Materials
Telecom
Utilities
US
�
�
�
�
�
�
�
�
�
�
Source: UBS
Note: Past performance is not an indication of future returns.
For further information please contact CIO asset class specialist Markus Irngartinger, markus.irngartinger@ubs.com
Please see important disclaimer and disclosures at the end of the document.
14
Eurozone equities
C:\Program Files\UBS\Pres\Templates\PresPrintOnScreen.pot
Preference: neutral
Euro Stoxx (24 Oct): 247 (last publication: 247)
UBS View Euro Stoxx (6-month target): 249
• We keep our neutral stance on Eurozone equities. While the sovereign debt crisis remains a risk factor
(see slide 8), the conditional bond buying program by the ECB (OMT) and the introduction of the ESM have
significantly reduced downside risks.
• Near-term we might see volatility increasing as politicians wrangle about the steps needed to provide a
more lasting solution to the debt crisis (setup of a single banking regulator, solving the banking related
problems in Spain, etc. ). We think that attractive valuations sufficiently compensate for those risks.
• The weak economic environment with recessions in the southern countries continues to weigh on
corporate earnings. Consensus expectations (bottom up) of about 10% to 15% earnings growth in 2013 is
too high, in our view. In contrast, we forecast just about 3–5% earnings growth next year.
� Positive scenario Euro Stoxx (6-month target): 320
• Global economic growth reaccelerates and Eurozone growth shows clear signs of bottoming out,
enabling mid-single-digit earnings growth over the next six months. The trailing P/E ratio could re-rate to
about 14.5x from its current reading of about 11.7x.
� Negative scenario Euro Stoxx (6-month target): 200
• The debt crisis leads to renewed pressure on Spain and Italy. However, downside risks are expected to be
less severe now, after the ECB has put its new bond-buying program in place.
• Earnings could fall about 5% to 10% from current levels over the coming six months, and the trailing P/E
ratio could drop to a level around 10x over a six-month period.
What we're watching
Growth indicators
Policy action
Note: Scenarios refer to global economic scenarios (see slide 7)
Why it matters
Economic growth indicators provide information on the development of a
potential Eurozone recession. Key dates: 2 Nov, final PMI manufacturing,
EMU; 6 Nov, final PMI services EMU; 22 Nov, flash PMI manufacturing,
EMU, France and Germany; 23 Nov, Ifo business sentiment index,
Germany
Decisions by European politicians and the ECB affect the course of the debt crisis.
Key dates: 8 Nov, ECB meeting
Recommendations
Tactical (6 months)
• We continue to recommend defensive
sectors like Consumer Staples and
Healthcare. We also like the Energy
sector.
• We are negative on Industrials and
Consumer Discretionary as industry
sentiment remains subdued.
• We remain cautious on Financials –
especially Banks and diversified
Financials. The need for recapitalization
remains a major concern.
Strategic (1 to 2 years)
• We have a preference for stocks paying
high-quality dividends.
• We like companies with high exposure
to rapidly growing emerging markets.
Our sector stance in the Eurozone
Sectors
Eurozone
Consumer Discretionary �
Consumer Staples
�
Energy
�
Financials
�
Healthcare
�
Industrials
�
IT
�
Materials
�
Telecom
�
Utilities
�
Source: UBS
Note: Past performance is not an indication of future returns.
For further information please contact CIO's asset class specialist Markus Irngartinger, markus.irngartinger@ubs.com
Please see important disclaimer and disclosures at the end of the document.
15
UK equities
C:\Program Files\UBS\Pres\Templates\PresPrintOnScreen.pot
Preference: neutral
FTSE 100 (24 Oct): 5,805 (last publication: 5,768)
UBS View FTSE 100 (6-month target): 5,850
• We keep our neutral stance on UK equities. Earnings have continued to disappoint, showing one of the
weakest dynamics within our market universe. Commodity related sectors show steep earnings declines,
which is expected to moderate only in a lagged fashion to stabilizing commodity prices. The Healthcare
sector suffers from company specific issues which affect earnings also negatively.
• With the oil price expected to trade down over the next 3 months, earnings of companies in the energy
sector - comprising about 20% of the market – should remain depressed over the coming quarters. Within
financials, law suits related to mis-selling of insurance related products represent a special risk factor.
• Recent strengthening of the British pound is also a headwind for the competitiveness of UK companies,
as earnings measured in the local currency are negatively affected.
• The PE of UK equities looks attractive at first sight. But over the past 10 years, UK equities traded on
average at a discount to global equities.
� Positive scenario FTSE 100 (6-month target): 7,000
• A fast strengthening in global growth and recovering demand from emerging markets leads to fast rising
commodity prices, helping the Energy and Materials sectors to lead the market higher. The market could
re-rate to a P/E multiple of 13.0x, and we would expect earnings growth of 5–10% over 12 months.
� Negative scenario FTSE 100 (6-month target): 4,750
• A global recession drags UK earnings down by 15–20% over 12 months. The market's traditionally
defensive characteristics would only partly offset its strong exposure to commodity-related sectors. We
would expect the trailing P/E multiple to drop towards 10x.
Note: Scenarios refer to global economic scenarios (see slide 7)
Recommendations
Tactical (6 months)
• The UK offers an attractive 4% dividend
yield. We still like companies with high
quality income streams.
• We like Consumer Staples in the UK. The
sector should provide steady earnings
growth through its exposure to
emerging markets.
Strategic (1 to 2 years)
• The UK market's close to 4% dividend
yield provides a good income stream.
• Companies with pricing power are
expected to deliver superior earnings
growth.
UK market trades at a P/E discount,
based on realized earnings
24
21
18
What we're
watching
Growth indicators
Commodity prices
Policy action
Why it matters
Business survey indicators provide information on economic development in the
UK. Key date: 1 Nov, PMI manufacturing; 5 Nov, PMI services
Energy and Materials together comprise about 30% of the UK market according
to market capitalization. Developments in commodity prices affect earnings
estimates.
Loose monetary policy by the Bank of England supports equities. Key date:
8 Nov, Bank of England policy meeting
15
12
9
6
2003 2006 2009 2012
FTSE 100: realized P/E MSCI World: realized P/E
Source: Thomson Reuters, UBS, as of October 24, 2012
Note: Past performance is not an indication of future returns.
For further information please contact CIO asset class specialist Markus Irngartinger, markus.irngartinger@ubs.com
Please see important disclaimer and disclosures at the end of the document.
16
Swiss equities
C:\Program Files\UBS\Pres\Templates\PresPrintOnScreen.pot
Preference: neutral
SMI (24 Oct): 6,627 (last publication: 6,540)
UBS View SMI (6-month target): 6,700
• We stay neutral on Swiss equities relative to global ones. Swiss companies are internationally well
diversified, with about 2/3 of revenues generated in the US and in emerging markets. This provides the
basis for solid revenue and earnings, despite economic weakness in Europe.
• Swiss companies are trying to mitigate concerns about global economic prospects and a strong Swiss
franc using tight cost controls. This should protect operating margins.
• While the Swiss franc remains overvalued, the currency is not longer a drag. In fact, after depreciating
since summer versus the USD and related currencies, Swiss companies' earnings will show positive currency
translation and margin effects.
• Especially in an environment of low economic growth we like the properties of decent earnings growth,
solid balance sheets and a reasonable valuation.
� Positive scenario SMI (6-month target): 7,500
• Eurozone economic growth is reaccelerating considerably, providing further relief to Swiss financials as
well as Swiss exporters. Defensive sectors would likely be left behind in a strong global relief rally. In this
scenario, we would expect the equity market P/E to be re-rated to 15x and earnings to grow by 5% over
the next six months.
� Negative scenario SMI (6-month target): 5,600
• The global economy slides into a recession. Despite being less dependent on the global business cycle,
Swiss companies will also feel the drop in global demand. In this scenario, corporate earnings are likely to
drop slightly over the next six months and we would expect the P/E to contract toward 12.0x.
Note: Scenarios refer to global economic scenarios (see slide 7)
Recommendations
Tactical (6 months)
• We favor large caps over small caps.
• We like stocks paying high and
sustainable dividends.
• Within defensives, we favor the
Healthcare and Consumer Staples
sectors.
• Among the cyclical companies, we
prefer those with a broad emergingmarkets
exposure and/or cheap
valuation, including insurers.
Strategic (1 to 2 years)
• We favor leaders in regards to the two
key Swiss success factors: innovation and
globalization.
Swiss market relative to world
equities
30
26
What we're watching
Economic indicators
Monetary and economic
policy
Corporate news
Why it matters
Key announcements of domestic economic indicators: Nov 1, Manufacturing
PMI index; Nov 30, KOF Swiss leading indicator;
Key Swiss monetary policy dates that could impact Swiss equities: Nov 1, SNB
meeting
Key corporate announcement dates: Oct 30, Geberit, Oerlikon, Straumann &
UBS; Oct 31, Lonza & Sika
22
18
14
10
6
2003 2005 2007 2009 2011
SMI: realized P/E MSCI World: realized P/E
Source: Thomson Reuters, UBS, as of October 24, 2012
Note: Past performance is not an indication of future returns.
For further information please contact CIO's asset class specialist Stefan Meyer, stefan-r.meyer@ubs.com
Please see important disclaimer and disclosures at the end of the document.
17
Japanese equities
C:\Program Files\UBS\Pres\Templates\PresPrintOnScreen.pot
Preference: neutral
Topix (24 Oct): 743 (last publication: 743)
UBS view Topix (6-month target): 756
• We expect earnings growth of about 25% over the upcoming 12 months. A relatively high growth rate
still reflects last year's sharp decline caused by two natural disasters. Still, the earnings recovery has
disappointed so far. Earnings growth continues to slow down and is expected to move toward a more
normal single-digit growth in 2013.
• The government started implementing its JPY 18 trillion recovery budget in Q4 2011; we expect it to
boost GDP by 0.5-1.0% in FY2012, and about 0.5% in 2013.
• However, we see only limited scope for an additional earnings boost from the local economic recovery.
Slowing export markets also curtail the outlook. June quarter-earnings results revealed emerging market
demand was below expectation, capping earnings growth.
• We expect the TOPIX trailing P/E to drop to around 13.5x from 15.0x over the coming months, mainly due
to the earnings recovery; this provides room for moderate price increases only.
� Positive scenario Topix (6-month target): 970
• Stronger global demand and stabilizing European markets lead to improved risk-taking. Falling risk
aversion is likely to lead to a weaker yen, providing an additional increase in earnings. We expect 10-15%
EPS growth in FY2013 and the TOPIX target is based on 16.0x trailing P/E.
� Negative scenario Topix (6-month target): 575
• Faltering global growth leads to weak exports, triggering negative earnings surprises. USD-JPY rate
strengthening to below 75 and potential economic conflicts with China might serve as an additional drag
on earnings. We would then expect the P/E ratio to contract to 13.0x and earnings to fall during the
upcoming six months.
What we're watching
JPY and exports
Why it matters
Note: Scenarios refer to global economic scenarios (see slide 7)
The exchange rate is an important factor for the Japanese equity market. Japan’s
trade balance could be in deficit and may impact USD-JPY rates. Key date: Nov
21, Japanese trade balance
Recommendations
Tactical (6 months)
• Japanese value stocks have underperformed
growth stocks by more than
20% for the last four months. We see this
as an overreaction to concerns on the
slower global economy, and recommend
picking some value stocks with high
dividend yields.
• We prefer companies that are using costreduction
initiatives to maintain price
competitiveness during periods of yen
strength.
Strategic (1 to 2 years)
• A weaker USD-JPY rate may drive
Japanese companies’ earnings recovery
beyond a technical recovery from natural
disasters. Japanese exporters and
companies owning international
operations would benefit from such a
development.
Japanese realized earnings likely to
recover further going forward
95
85
75
65
55
45
35
25
15
5
BoJ’s monetary policy
board meeting
If the Bank of Japan makes additional commitments to its asset-purchase
program, which is currently JPY 70 trillion in size, it would lead to a weaker yen,
in our view. Key date: Oct 30, BoJ policy meeting
(5)
1988 1990 1992 1994 1996 1998 2000 2002 2004 2006 2008 2010 2012
Topix: 12m realized earnings per share
Source: Thomson Reuters, UBS, as of October 22, 2012
Note: Past performance is not an indication of future returns.
For further information please contact CIO asset class specialist Toru Ibayashi, toru.ibayashi@ubs.com
Please see important disclaimer and disclosures at the end of the document.
18
Emerging market equities
C:\Program Files\UBS\Pres\Templates\PresPrintOnScreen.pot
Preference: overweight
MSCI EM (24 Oct.): 995 (last publication: 990)
UBS View MSCI EM 6-month target: 1,040
• The downward revisions to the emerging market GDP growth forecasts appear to be coming to an end.
We expect emerging market GDP growth to accelerate to 5.3% in 2013 from this year's 4.7%.
• Monetary policy in the US, the Eurozone, and Japan remains supportive. One implication of these low
interest rate policies, we believe, will be to enhance emerging market (EM) equity returns in USD by
supporting EM currencies more broadly against the USD over the next six months.
• In our base case, we see the P/E multiple of the MSCI EM Index staying around the current level of 11x
trailing (i.e. realized) earnings over the next six months. Over the next 12 months, we expect EM earnings
growth of around 11% (slightly below consensus).
• Over the past month, structural reforms that will have longer-term benefits were announced in India
(retail sector), Russia (energy sector) and Mexico (labor market). This highlights that the emerging
economies have options to improve the competitiveness of their economies, if they choose to do so.
� Positive scenario MSCI EM (6-month target): 1,325
• The outlook for the global economy improves, boosting EM's ability to grow more strongly in 2013. This
stronger economic growth leads to earnings growth of 15%. Investor confidence improves, leading to a
better P/E multiple of 14x trailing earnings. If oil prices rose too, Russia would benefit in this scenario.
� Negative scenario MSCI EM (6-month target): 800
• A significant escalation in the Eurozone, a sharp fiscal contraction in the US, and a rapid deceleration in
Chinese growth could each hit EM's economic prospects. In such a scenario, we would expect a 20% decline
in earnings over six months. More defensive Malaysia would do better, whereas more cyclical South Korea
and Russia would underperform. We assume, however, that the market would also be expecting some
recovery in earnings for 2014, helping the P/E multiple to recover to 10x trailing earnings.
What we're watching
Emerging market
monetary policy
Food and oil prices
Note: Scenarios refer to global economic scenarios (see slide 7)
Why it matters
Investors are trying to figure out which emerging market central banks still have
room to ease monetary policy and where rates may be heading up. Inflation
data is due for Russia (6 Nov), Brazil (7 Nov), China (9 Nov), India (14
Nov) and South Africa (21 Nov).
The prices of grains and oil are higher than this time last year. For now, negative
output gaps should counterbalance some of this inflationary pressure.
Recommendations
Tactical (6 months)
• Within emerging markets, we have a
preference over six months for the large
equity markets, Brazil, China and South
Korea. We expect an acceleration of
growth into 2013 in Brazil and South
Korea, and a stabilization in the case of
China. We see relatively less upside for
more defensive Malaysia. We believe that
South Africa and Indonesia are expensive.
The ECB's announcement that it stands
ready to buy the bonds of compliant
Eurozone governments has lessened the
tail risks for the smaller European
emerging equity markets (Turkey,
Hungary, Poland), but their equity markets
are susceptible to setbacks.
Strategic (1 to 2 years)
• Strategically, we would advise that EM
portfolios tilt toward cash-rich and fastergrowing
Asia.
Country preferences within emerging
markets (relative to MSCI EM)
Current most
preferred markets
Brazil
China
South Korea
Current least
preferred markets
Indonesia
Malaysia
South Africa
For further information please contact CIO asset class specialist Costa Vayenas, costa.vayenas@ubs.com
Please see important disclaimer and disclosures at the end of the document.
19
Asian equities (ex-Japan)
C:\Program Files\UBS\Pres\Templates\PresPrintOnScreen.pot
MSCI Asia ex-Japan (24 Oct): 518 (last publication: 510)
UBS view MSCI Asia ex-Japan (6-month target): 545
• China released a set of positive data for September. While the headline 3Q GDP number only met
expectations at +7.4% YoY (consensus +7.4%, prior +7.6%), the higher frequency data was better.
Industrial production of +9.2% YoY (consensus +9.0%, prior +8.9%), retail sales of +14.2% YoY
(consensus +13.2%, prior +13.2%), and fixed asset investment of +20.5% (+20.2% consensus, prior
+20.2%) all came in higher.
• Chinese H-Shares are up almost 10% in the last month, while the S&P 500 is within 0.4 index points of
where it was a month ago. Valuations of MSCI China remain extremely attractive as the market
continues to price in a hard landing scenario, although sentiment is clearly turning. In India, the
government has proposed several key economic reforms, but there are implementation risks and
consensus GDP forecasts still have downside risk, while Indonesia's economic momentum is on track.
• We expect 12.8% earnings-per-share growth over 12 months for the MSCI Asia ex-Japan. It trades on
11.0x 12-m forward earnings and 1.6x price-to-book. We expect a stable earnings multiple in the next six
months. Economic growth should stabilize and earnings downgrades come to an end toward the end of
2012.
� Positive scenario MSCI Asia ex-Japan (6-month target): 670
• More supportive monetary and fiscal policy, stable inflation, sustained domestic demand growth, and an
improved global growth outlook lead to a better earnings outlook. In such a scenario, we expect
earnings growth of 15% and a trailing P/E of about 15.0x.
� Negative scenario MSCI Asia ex-Japan (6-month target): 400
• A hard landing in China with a global recession leads to negative earnings revisions for 2012. In this
scenario, Asia ex-Japan could trade down to about 10.5x realized earnings.
Recommendations
Tactical (6 months)
• The Fed's implementation of QE3 provides
support to Asia ex-Japan equities. In
conjunction with improving growth
prospects we see good near term upside.
• Should economic growth surprise to the
upside, more defensive markets such as
Singapore and Malaysia are likely to
underperform. Instead, higher beta,
export-oriented markets like South Korea,
Taiwan, Hong Kong and China are likely to
take advantage from a strengthening in
global growth.
Strategic (1 to 2 years)
• Consider a portfolio mix of high yield
stocks largely found in Singapore, Taiwan
& HK, complemented by growth-oriented
stocks in the rest of Asia.
Country preferences within Asia ex
Japan (relative to MSCI Asia ex Japan)
China
Hong Kong
underweight
neutral
overweight
What we're watching
Politics
Policy responses
Why it matters
Leadership in China is set to change, resulting in a newly defined future
economic policy. The US Presidential elections have implications on the
outcome of the Fiscal Cliff. Key dates: Nov 6, 57 th US Presidential
Elections; Nov 8, 18 th Communist Party Congress
Some other countries in the region have near-term macroeconomic issues due
to fiscal and current account deficits, as well as hiccups in market and economic
reforms. Policy responses often come on an ad-hoc basis.
India
Indonesia
Korea
Malaysia
Philippines
Singapore
Taiwan
Thailand
Others
new
old
20
For further information please contact CIO asset class specialist Kelvin Tay, kelvin.tay@ubs.com
Please see important disclaimer and disclosures at the end of the document.
Equity styles
C:\Program Files\UBS\Pres\Templates\PresPrintOnScreen.pot
UBS view
Prefer mid caps in US, large caps in Europe
• We believe that medium-sized companies (mid caps) will outperform large caps in the US. US economic
data is forecast to stabilize and then show moderate economic growth in the second half of 2012 and into
2013. The greater domestic sales exposure of US mid caps reduces the earnings risk coming from Europe.
• In Europe, we prefer companies with a large market capitalization (large caps) over ones with a small one
(small caps) in the current very challenging economic environment. Small caps generate more sales in
Continental Europe than large caps. Thus, they are more negatively affected by weak domestic demand.
Small caps also have a more cyclical earnings exposure than large caps.
• Globally, high-quality dividend paying stocks promise to provide a real and stable income stream to
investors in the current low-yield environment. Furthermore, they give exposure to the long-term potential
of equity markets while tending to suffer less in declining markets.
� Positive scenario
Prefer value, low quality and small caps
• Leading indicators continue to move higher, and risks related to the Eurozone debt crisis subside. In this
case, add deep cyclical value (cheap price/book, price/earnings) regardless of the sector, with high beta and
high leverage. In such an environment, small and mid-cap stocks should also perform well. A dividend
strategy would be too defensive to outperform the market.
� Negative scenario
Prefer quality and large caps
• The global economic picture deteriorates markedly. In this case, buy high-quality growth companies and
large caps. Do not look for value opportunities, but be as defensive as possible with your equity exposure.
Look to high-quality, dividend-paying stocks for yield.
Note: Scenarios refer to global economic scenarios (see slide 7).
Regional differentiation
• In the US, we prefer mid caps to large
caps. Moderate economic growth should
support their earnings generation.
• In the US, there are opportunities in value
names that also show strong growth.
• Within Europe, we avoid small caps and
instead rotate into large caps.
Strategic (1 to 2 years)
• We expect value strategies to outperform
the European market over a multi-year
time horizon.
• Mid-cap stocks provide attractive
opportunities over the longer term.
Avoid small caps and favor large caps
in Europe
DJ STOXX small over large and business
confidence
1.3
1.2
10
5
0
What we're watching
Earnings revisions – see
chart
(3-month moving
average upgrades vs.
downgrades)
US and Eurozone PMIs
Why it matters
Watch for signs of improvement in earnings revisions (aggregated from stock
level). An improved earnings outlook would cause investors to add more risk –
influencing our preferences among equity styles.
PMIs are important for earnings generation and preferences for value, growth
and size. Key dates: Nov 2, PMI manufacturing Eurozone (final); Nov 1,
US ISM manufacturing
1.1
(5)
(10)
1.0
(15)
Large caps (20)
0.9
outperforming
(25)
0.8
(30)
(35)
0.7
(40)
2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012
Small cap over large cap Eurozone business sentiment (rhs)
Source: Thomson Reuters, UBS, as of September 29, 2012
Note: Past performance is no indication for future returns.
For further information please contact CIO's asset class specialist Christopher Wright, christopher-zb.wright@ubs.com
Please see important disclaimer and disclosures at the end of the document.
21
Section 2.B
Asset class views
Fixed Income
Bonds overview
C:\Program Files\UBS\Pres\Templates\PresPrintOnScreen.pot
Government bonds – Key points
• We expected government bond yields to move towards slightly higher ranges over the next 6 months,
as seen in late 2011/early 2012. This is likely to have a slightly negative effect on most developed
government bond prices, and is likely to result in a total return around zero over this period.
• Price fluctuations in the month ahead could originate from developments in the Eurozone and the US.
They include the Troika report on Greece, Spanish local elections/referendum and the possible delayed
request for additional ECB support in Europe. In the US, the extent of the fiscal cliff is dependent on the
election outcome and the results from the debates in the subsequent lame duck session of congress.
While we expect the full cliff to be avoided, it poses a significant downside risk to domestic growth.
• Overall, we suggest keeping the duration close to neutral, as we expect global growth to remain
lackluster and central banks to continue supporting bond markets.
Preferences (6 months)
short duration neutral
USD
EUR (DE)
GBP
JPY
CHF
CAD
long duration
Corporate and emerging market bonds – Key points
• We maintain a preference for investment-grade (IG) and US high-yield (HY) corporate credit. A strong
(US) corporate sector, the ongoing moderate recovery of the US economy, determined central bank
support and a strong technical backdrop are likely to further support credit segments.
• Investment-grade corporate bonds have achieved a total return of more than 10% so far this year, at
remarkably low volatility. While absolute returns will likely be moderate in the next six months (1-2%),
the asset class should continue outperforming government bonds, offering higher liquidity than HY
bonds. We see the highest return potential in the lower-rated IG segments (BBB and A).
• US corporate bonds of lower credit quality (HY) remain fundamentally supported by solid balance
sheets and a benign US growth outlook. Given the low risk of default losses, valuations are attractive at
an effective yield of above 6%. For US HY, we expect mid single-digit total returns in the next six months.
US senior loans are an attractive alternative to traditional fixed income assets.
• Emerging market (EM) bonds should continue to benefit from better fundamentals than those of
developed markets over the medium term. However, valuations have now moved towards a fair level for
sovereign bonds (in USD) and we take profits on selected sovereign bond issuers. For EM corporate bonds
in USD, there is still some potential for spreads to trend lower in the quarters ahead, and we continue to
recommend this area as a CIO-preferred theme.
AUD
Bonds total
Government
bonds
Investment
grade
corporate
bonds
High yield
bonds
Emerging
market
bonds
new
underweight
old
neutral
overweight
new
old
Source: UBS CIO WM Global Investment Office
23
For further information please contact CIO's asset class specialists Achim Peijan, achim.peijan@ubs.com and Daniela Steinbrink Mattei, daniela.steinbrinkmattei@ubs.com
Please see important disclaimer and disclosures at the end of the document.
US rates
C:\Program Files\UBS\Pres\Templates\PresPrintOnScreen.pot
Duration preference: neutral
US 10-year (24 Oct): 1.8% (last month: 1.8%)
UBS view US 10-year (6-month forecast): 2.0%
• US 10-year yields traded largely sideways within a narrow range. Improving domestic economic and sentiment data
was balanced by concerns of the elections/fiscal cliff weighing on the US economy. However, both the ECB and the
Fed have provided substantial and credible backstops that significantly reduce tail risks. This reduces the flight to
quality and the risk discount placed on Treasuries in the event of a re-escalation of the European debt crisis. This
represents a clear floor with little chance of retesting the historical lows of July (~1.4%). In addition, the Fed's
willingness to fall behind the curve in support of the domestic labor market will increase inflation expectations over
the medium term. This implies steeper yield curves.
• In addition, the credible and conditional central bank backstops have already improved sentiment and should help
to kick-start growth if politicians provide the necessary tailwinds. Yields will then return to their slightly higher,
previously stable ranges over a six-month horizon (1.8%-2.1%).
• At the same time, US yields should be capped, as the US economy continues to be vulnerable to spillover effects
from the Eurozone. Structurally weak growth which will be dampened by the upcoming US fiscal consolidation, will
add to volatility and limit the increase in yields.
� Positive scenario for US bonds US 10-year (6-month range): 1.4–1.6%
• US fiscal deleveraging beyond our expectations weighs on the cyclical recovery and is a drag on yields.
• A re-escalation of the European debt crisis burdens yields. Implementation risks in the ECB framework remain, given
that Italy and Spain have not yet made the necessary application, which will result in the peripheral spread widening.
At the same time, Greece is likely to announce a second debt restructuring and leave the Eurozone next year.
• The labor market fails to recover, increasing the likelihood of even more MBS purchases or alternative measures, and
yields stay low or fall further.
� Negative scenario for US bonds US 10-year (6-month range): 2.1–2.5%
• If the ECB buying of short-dated Spanish and Italian sovereign bonds increases risk appetite, it would reduce the
flight to quality more substantially and this represents an upside risk to our forecasts.
• If EU leaders make progress toward increased fiscal integration, and US growth recovers with a rapidly improving
labor market, then yields could rise more significantly.
Note: Scenarios refer to global economic scenarios (see slide 7)
Recommendations
Tactical (6 months)
• Weak global growth momentum, ongoing
bond market support from central banks
and the lingering euro crisis are likely to
keep yields at extraordinarily low levels for
some time. Tactically, we suggest a neutral
duration position.
Strategic (1 to 2 years)
• Yields have significant upside potential
over the next couple of years given the
extraordinarily low current levels of real
interest rates in particular. Thus clients
with a longer time horizon should focus
on bonds with short and medium
maturities.
USD 10-year yields and forecasts
What we're watching
Fed policy
Inflation expectations
US presidential
election/Fiscal cliff & debt
ceiling
Why it matters
The Fed's assessment of the labor market determines its stance on quantitative easing
and is key for yields. Key dates: Nov 2, NFP; Dec 11 Fed FOMC meeting
Current yields do not reflect low real-interest rates, but rather normal inflation
expectations. Inflation expectations increased on the back of the latest Fed action,
leading to more upside risk for long maturity yields.
The US presidential election will guide fiscal spending for the coming years.
Source: Bloomberg, UBS, as of October 15, 2012
Note: Past performance is not an indication of future returns.
24
For further information please contact CIO's asset class specialist Daniela Steinbrink Mattei, daniela.steinbrinkmattei@ubs.com
Please see important disclaimer and disclosures at the end of the document.
European rates
C:\Program Files\UBS\Pres\Templates\PresPrintOnScreen.pot
Duration preference: neutral
EUR (DE) 10-year (24 Oct): 1.6% (last month: 1.6%)
UBS view EUR (DE) 10-year (6-month forecast): 1.8%
• Bund yields have trended sideways over the month, lacking a directional trigger. Markets still await
crucial developments in Spain, Greece and the extent of the US fiscal cliff, and have not fully reflected
mixed but stabilizing fundamentals. However, when compared to the all-time lows witnessed in August
(~1.2%), yields are still trading at decisively higher levels. This is supported by the ECB announcement to
act as a lender of last resort by intervening in the secondary markets with unlimited and conditional
government bonds purchases. In addition, the open-ended Fed stimulus hinging on the labor market
contributed to improving sentiment. This provides a cap for short-term peripheral yields and a floor for
Bund yields.
• Over a six-month horizon, we expect yields to trend slightly higher, returning to previously higher ranges.
The central bank backstops have already improved confidence and resulted in convergence between the
periphery and the core. This speaks for slightly better growth prospects and thus slightly higher yields.
• However, growth is still structurally weak, and short-term uncertainties (US elections, fiscal cliff, Spain)
remain. Consequently, short-term downside risks persist around year end. The ECB, however, will limit the
spread from widening, providing a bottom to Bund yields as well.
• In the UK, economic data stabilized and we expect the BoE to extend quantitative easing in November.
• In Switzerland, yields rose only slightly owing to mixed economic data. The Swiss National Bank stands
ready to act. With much negative news priced in, we believe Swiss yields will gradually start to normalize.
� Positive scenario for German bonds 10-year Bund yield (6-month range): 1.2–1.5%
• Implementation risks in the ECB framework remain, in particular the need for Italy and Spain to apply for
aid. At the same time, Greece may announce a second debt restructuring and is likely to leave the
Eurozone in 2013.
• US fiscal deleveraging beyond our expectations weighs on the cyclical recovery and is a drag on yields.
• Further non-standard policy measures by the Fed are supportive for Bunds and speak for lower yields.
� Negative scenario for German bonds 10-year Bund yield (6-month range): 1.8–2.3%
• A moderate Eurozone economic recovery kicks in. Spain and Italy are ahead on their austerity
commitments without needing ECB support. This reduces safe-haven inflows, driving Bund yields higher.
Alternatively, Germany gives additional guarantees and the Eurozone moves towards a transfer union.
Note: Scenarios refer to global economic scenarios (see slide 7)
Recommendations
Tactical (6 months)
• If the ECB were to intervene with massive
amounts in the peripheral bond markets,
Bund yields would rise more significantly.
But, for the time being, we expect only
moderate interventions that do no
meaningful harm to Germany's credit
quality. We recommend staying neutral on
duration tactically.
Strategic (1 to 2 years)
• Yields have significant upside potential
over the next couple of years. Thus clients
with a long time horizon should focus on
bonds with short and medium maturities.
EU 10-year yields and forecasts
What we're watching
Political risks and fiscal cliff
Central banks
Economic variables
Eurozone yield spreads
Why it matters
The US fiscal cliff, Greek negotiations, Spanish local elections and Spain delaying its
application for assistance add to policy uncertainty.
Key dates: Nov 8, ECB; Dec 11, Fed FOMC meeting
Credit conditions (ECB bank lending survey)
The level of yield spreads to German bonds influences the level of German Bund yields due
to safe-haven flows.
Source: Bloomberg, UBS, as of October 15, 2012
Note: Past performance is not an indication of future returns.
For further information, please contact CIO's asset class specialist Daniela Steinbrink Mattei, daniela.steinbrinkmattei@ubs.com, Sebastian Vogel, sebastian.vogel@ubs.com
25
or Nina Gotthelf, nina.gotthelf@ubs.com
Please see important disclaimer and disclosures at the end of the document.
Investment grade corporate bonds
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Preference: overweight
UBS View
Current global spread (24 Oct): 150bps (last month: 173bps)
Spread target (6-month): 140bps
• Given the recent rally in investment grade (IG) bonds, spreads have approached fair levels, in our view
and are likely to trade more or less sideways in the coming 6 months. Still, IG bonds will likely continue to
outperform government bonds, offering low volatility and stable income.
• We lower our spread target from 170bps to 140bps due to the improved global macro and risk
environment after recent central bank action and the pickup in economic data. IG bonds remain
supported by our outlook for sluggish but positive global growth, ongoing investor appetite for incomegenerating
assets, and expected negative net issuance.
• Non-financial corporates: While total yields are at record lows, the pickup over government bonds and
money market rates is still attractive. Aggressive re-leveraging by companies looks unlikely.
• Financial corporates: Due to regulatory challenges, spreads are expected to remain above past averages.
US banks are in a more favorable position than their European peers as they are better capitalized and
earnings have been strong recently. US financial spreads are thus likely to tighten further.
� Positive scenario
Spread target (6-month): 130bps
• Global growth accelerates more forcefully than expected. This could compress spreads closer to pre-crisis
levels. Spreads for Financials are likely to remain elevated due to regulatory challenges. However, in this
case, rising benchmark yields would likely lead to slightly negative IG returns over six months.
� Negative scenario
Spread target (6-month): 380bps
• Main risks include a sharp slowdown of the US economy (e.g. the ""fiscal cliff""). Also, risks in the
Eurozone persist (e.g. Greek exit, Spain/Italy getting cut off from private funding). Still, we would be
unlikely to see spread levels reached in 2009, given companies’ superior balance sheet positions. European
financial issuers would be most at risk. Note: Scenarios refer to global economic scenarios (see slide 7)
What we're watching
Core market yields
Corporate fundamentals
New issuance
Why it matters
Developed market sovereign yields are only expected to increase gradually. A
sudden rise and high volatility would hurt IG credit. Key dates: 8 Nov, ECB
rate decision; 11 Dec, US Fed rate decision
Robust corporate earnings and low leverage on corporate balance sheets
should help prevent defaults. Key dates: US ""earnings season"" (ongoing)
As companies continue to deleverage, net negative supply on the IG market
should support higher prices.
Recommendations
Tactical (6 months)
• We keep an overweight in IG corporate
over government bonds.
• In Europe, internationally diversified
companies from non-financial sectors
offer a low but stable income stream for
conservative investors.
• Financials in the US are in a better position
than their European peers.
• We recommend bonds from the lower IG
rating segments (BBB and A) over higherrated
issuers.
Strategic (1 to 2 years)
• We prefer corporate over sovereign assets
given how much more robust companies
are compared to the structural weakness
of public finance in many countries.
Yield spreads
700
600
500
400
300
200
100
0
bps
2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012
EUR Investment Grade
USD Investment Grade
Source: Bloomberg, UBS, as of 16 Oct 2012
Note: Past performance is not an indication of future returns.
26
For further information please contact CIO’s asset class specialist Philipp Schöttler, philipp.schoettler@ubs.com
Please see important disclaimer and disclosures at the end of the document.
High yield corporate bonds
C:\Program Files\UBS\Pres\Templates\PresPrintOnScreen.pot
Preference: overweight
UBS View
Spread USD HY (24 Oct): 540bps (last month: 573bps)
USD HY spread target (6-month): 475bps
• We reiterate our spread target of 475bps based on still robust corporate fundamentals, a favorable
technical backdrop and the commitment of major central banks to provide strong monetary support. In
particular, the Fed's buying of mortgage-backed securities (MBS) is likely to provide further support for the
credit universe.
• Thus, US high yield (HY) bonds continue to offer attractive value although spreads tightened
considerably in Q3. We think the recent rally has been justified in light of the favorable default outlook
and central bank action. The ongoing slow recovery of the US economy, healthy company balance sheets,
robust earnings, and strong investor appetite for yield assets continue to push spreads lower. US HY thus
remains our preferred asset class.
• Despite the recent uptick in defaults, in the absence of a renewed US recession, we expect the default
rate to remain stable at 3.5% until the end of the year. A heavy load of new issuance so far this year means
that HY companies will be faced with a lower risk of failed refinancing going forward (e.g. in case of an
unexpected economic slump).
� Positive scenario
USD HY spread target (6-month): 400bps
• Even in the positive economic scenario, spreads are unlikely to tighten to pre-crisis lows of below 300bps
due to lower liquidity and a generally higher risk premium after the financial crisis. Benchmark yields
would rise, limiting HY returns to around 7%. European HY outperforms the US.
� Negative scenario
USD HY spread target (6-month): 1,000bps
• A global recession is the major risk for high yield bonds. Based on the robust state of the corporate
sector, we would not expect spreads to surpass ""usual"" recession levels around 1,000bps. Although shortterm
spikes are possible due to liquidity suddenly drying up, we expect a quick normalization.
Note: Scenarios refer to global economic scenarios (see slide 7)
Recommendations
Tactical (6 months)
• US high yield corporate bonds offer an
attractive return outlook and should be
overweighted.
• We prefer US over European issuers given
the increasing proportion of peripheral
and financial issuers in the European HY
universe and the poorer economic outlook
in Europe.
• Inflows into HY mutual funds have been
strong so far in 2012. New issuance was
strong in Q3.
Strategic (1 to 2 years)
• We expect US defaults to remain at belowaverage
levels for longer. Significant releveraging
is unlikely in the medium term.
• We believe US high yield corporate bonds
will provide good returns both relative to
other fixed income and for absolute
return-oriented investors.
Yield spreads
2,500
2,000
1,500
bps
What we're watching
Credit quality/
default cycle
New issuance
Bank lending standards
Why it matters
US earnings were roughly flat in 2Q compared to 1Q. A modest pickup is expected in 2H.
Balance sheets are backed by high cash levels and low debt ratios. Against this backdrop
the default rate will likely remain below its long-term average.
For now, favorable conditions in the primary market have mainly been used for
refinancing. More aggressive issuance activities should be monitored.
Bank lending provides an important source of funding. US banks relaxed standards
further in early 3Q. Key dates: late October, US Fed Senior Loan Officer Survey
1,000
500
0
2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012
EUR High Yield
USD High Yield
Source: Bloomberg, UBS, as of 16 Oct 2012
Note: Past performance is not an indication of future returns.
27
For further information please contact CIO’s asset class specialist Philipp Schöttler, philipp.schoettler@ubs.com
Please see important disclaimer and disclosures at the end of the document.
Emerging market bonds
C:\Program Files\UBS\Pres\Templates\PresPrintOnScreen.pot
Preference: neutral
UBS View
EMBI Global/CEMBI spread (24 Oct): 281bps / 334bps (last month: 292bps /363bps)
EMBI Global/CEMBI spread target (6-month): 275bps/290bps
• Current spread levels of EM sovereign bonds are roughly in line with fundamentals. We think valuations
of EM corporate bonds are more attractive than valuations of EM sovereign bonds. Additionally, the
gradual recovery in EM we expect over coming quarters should support the performance of EM corporate
bonds relative to EM sovereign bonds. Corporate bonds tend to outperform sovereign bonds during
periods of accelerating growth.
• However, absolute returns of EM bonds will be lower than in the past, we think, as the room for spreads
to tighten further has become more limited. We expect total returns of less than 2% for EM sovereigns
and close to 4% for EM corporate bonds over the next six months.
• Negative headlines from the Eurozone or global growth fears might put renewed short-term pressure on
EM bond prices. We think that periods of price weakness offer attractive entry points.
� Positive scenario
EMBI Global/CEMBI spread target (6-month): 235bps/230bps
• Yield stability in Europe's core markets and higher-than-expected growth in the US would provide a
favorable backdrop for EM fixed-income spreads. In such an environment, issuers of lower credit quality
would likely fare better. Average spreads could tighten to below 240bps in such an environment.
� Negative scenario
EMBI Global/CEMBI spread target (6-month): 555bps/750bps
• An environment of renewed escalating risk aversion in Europe, deteriorating EM funding markets,
weakening global growth prospects, and lower commodity prices could impact EM credit negatively.
Liquidity in emerging market bonds could dry up and spreads could spike.
Note: Scenarios refer to global economic scenarios (see slide 7)
Recommendations
Tactical (6 months)
• EM corporate bonds are particularly
attractive due to their favorable
valuations, solid fundamentals, and
relatively short duration. We advise
clients to focus on investment grade
bonds in the current environment. We
recommend taking profit on selected EM
sovereign bonds. Please refer to our EM
bond list for issuer- and bond-specific
guidance.
Strategic (1 to 2 years)
• EM bonds are attractive for longer-term
investors looking for higher yields.
• Local markets in Asia offer interesting
opportunities for longer-term investors
because of a supportive currency outlook.
EM sovereigns relatively expensive
compared to EM corporates
Spreads of EM bonds over US Treasuries, in bps
What we're watching
Core market yields
Capital flows
Monetary policy cycles
Why it matters
The direction of US Treasury and German Bund yields are important for EM fixed
income spreads, especially for USD- and EUR-denominated bonds.
Key date: Dec 6, European Central Bank meeting
The European debt crisis may lead to further periods of outflows and weaker
prices, which could offer attractive entry levels for investors.
Monetary policy easing remains a key topic for local currency bonds. We look for
central bank policy announcements in key markets. Key policy rate
announcement dates: Nov 11, Indonesia; Nov 20, Turkey; Nov 22, South Africa;
Nov 30, Mexico
600
500
400
300
200
100
0
Okt-09 Apr-10 Okt-10 Apr-11 Okt-11 Apr-12
Emerging market sovereign bonds (EMBI Global)
Emerging market corporate bonds (CEMBI Broad)
Source: JP Morgan, UBS, as of 15 October 2012
Note: Past performance is not an indication of future returns.
28
For further information please contact CIO's asset class specialist Michael Bolliger, michael.bolliger@ubs.com and Kilian Reber, kilian.reber@ubs.com
Please see important disclaimer and disclosures at the end of the document.
Section 2.C
Asset class views
Foreign Exchange
Foreign exchange overview
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Foreign exchange – Key points
• The ECB's announcement of Outright Monetary Transactions (OMT) has reduced tail risk in the Eurozone
considerably, while the Federal Reserve announcing a new round of potentially unlimited asset purchases
at their September 13 meeting has weakened the USD. Given that the ECB action was EUR-positive and
the Fed action USD-negative, EURUSD has jumped considerably, but since then moved little.
• We believe the risks to the pair are now more balanced, and see a range between EURUSD 1.28–1.35 for
the months ahead. A Spanish ESM/OMT request would be EUR positive. While the US elections and US
fiscal cliff could lead to short term USD strength, we see the USD weaker over the next 6 months.
• The CAD remains supported by better growth dynamics in Canada and QE in the US. However, we believe
the recent appreciation against the USD could see a near-term setback and we close the overweight.
• We keep the overweight position in the GBP despite the current asset purchasing program by the Bank of
England (BoE), which we believe will be terminated in November. The GBP remains well supported given
the recent rebound in economic data, the expectation of a stronger economy in 2013 and because
investors are seeking liquid alternatives to the EUR, the USD and the JPY.
• EURCHF has traded higher in our 1.20–1.23 range recently and we continue to see the pair in that range.
The SNB protects the downside, while a strong upside move is also limited by a potential flare-up in the
euro crisis and reserve unwinding of the SNB at some point. Given this balance, we have decided to close
the underweight in the CHF.
• Sweden and Norway stand out for their lower debt-to-GDP ratios and current account surpluses. Both the
SEK and NOK have appreciated on diversification and safe-haven inflows, but economic data in both
countries has become weaker recently, which led to a setback in the SEK. A rate cut in Sweden cannot be
ruled out, but seems to be priced in already.
• Longer-term debt issues and weak competitiveness of major exporters are hurting the Japanese economy
and PMIs have disappointed. We therefore think the Bank of Japan and Ministry of Finance will maintain
an expansive policy bias and continue trying to weaken the JPY. We are underweight JPY.
• For commodity currencies, the AUD and NZD continue to trade at the top of their well established
ranges. We got the expected rate cut in Australia and expect another cut by year end. Do not buy AUD
above AUDUSD 1.00. We have a preference for the NZD over the AUD.
• We maintain a positive medium-term view on emerging market (EM) currencies. This is supported by
higher short-term rates which provide an attractive yield pick-up relative to developed market currencies
as monetary policies are expected to remain loose for longer. We think investors should increase EM FX
exposure across regions. Lower tail risks in Europe should be especially supportive of the higher-yielding
currencies in EMEA and Latin America.
• Our most preferred emerging market currencies are currently the MXN, ZAR, PLN, KRW and SGD.We
expect the CNY to appreciate 2% against the USD, moving towards 6.20 over the coming 12 months.
Internationally marketable instruments (such as CNH, the offshore version of the Chinese currency traded
in Hong Kong) have similar appreciation potential.
Preferences (6 months)
underweight
neutral
USD
EUR
GBP
JPY
CHF
SEK
NOK
CAD
NZD
AUD
new old
Source: UBS CIO WM Global Investment Office
overweight
30
For further information please contact CIO asset class specialist Thomas Flury, thomas.flury@ubs.com
Please see important disclaimer and disclosures at the end of the document.
G10 currencies
C:\Program Files\UBS\Pres\Templates\PresPrintOnScreen.pot
UBS View
See table for current exchange rates and CIO forecasts
• We believe the risks to the EURUSD currency pair are now more balanced, as tail risks on the European
side have been considerably reduced.
• The GBP trended higher despite stimulus measures by the Bank of England. The main reason is the need
for diversification out of the EUR and USD and decisive UK policy making. We maintain an overweight
after the strong rebound of economic data in 3Q 2012 which we expect to persist into 2013.
•The CAD remains supported by better growth dynamics. However in the short term, around the US
elections and fiscal cliff debate, a setback cannot be ruled out. We also remain underweight in the AUD.
• The SNB has shown that it can defend the CHF floor. With EUR tail risk reduced the CHF likely recovers
together with the EUR against most other currencies. Thus we close the CHF underweight.
• We expect stronger policy intervention in Japan to weaken the JPY over the coming months.
� Positive scenario FX targets: EURUSD >1.35 / EURJPY 115
• The announcement of unlimited QE in the US, as well as a stronger-than-expected acceleration of global
growth or further European integration would be EURUSD positive. EURUSD should trade above 1.35 in
this case. Yen weakness should come as the Bank of Japan intervenes to weakens its currency.
� Negative scenario FX targets: EURUSD <1.25 / EURJPY 90
• The European growth outlook deteriorates further with continued recession in 2013. The euro could
rapidly fall below 1.25. A European debt-default cascade (possibly triggered by a disorderly Greece euro
exit) is a tail risk for the single currency. Risk aversion would lead to an extended USD and JPY rally.
What we're watching Why it matters
Chinese growth
European sovereign
crisis, ECB policy
US growth and Fed
policy response
Note: Scenarios refer to global economic scenarios (see slide 7)
We expect China to land softly and then recover. Should China disappoint with a
hard landing, then risk-unwinding would support USD and JPY vs. risk-taker
currencies. In the base case, a Chinese recovery should support the AUD in the
medium term, but a dip below parity is likely in the short term.
The main focus lies on the Spanish application for ESM/ECB support, which would
be EUR positive; a rate cut (not expected) would hurt the EUR. Key date: Nov 8,
ECB meeting
What will the Fed do once Operation Twist ends at year end? How will the
presidential elections change political power in Washington? Key dates: Nov 6,
US presidential elections; Dec 12, FOMC meeting
Recommendations
Tactical (6 months)
• We continue to have a preference for the
GBP and keep the short in the JPY.
Strategic (1 to 2 years)
• We recommend that investors diversify
from large USD and EUR exposures into
minor currencies. Structural financing
issues weigh on all the major currencies.
• The best diversifiers based on long-term
macroeconomic fundamentals are the
CAD and the SEK. The AUD, NOK and CHF
should only be added at better entry
levels. The GBP also remains attractive.
UBS CIO FX forecasts
24-10-12 3M 6M 12M PPP
EURUSD 1.294 1.30 1.32 1.34 1.30
USDJPY 79.75 80 82 86 79
USDCAD 0.991 0.94 0.94 0.92 0.98
AUDUSD 1.0322 0.97 1.00 1.05 0.74
GBPUSD 1.6018 1.65 1.68 1.70 1.69
NZDUSD 0.8138 0.78 0.80 0.83 0.60
USDCHF 0.9346 0.93 0.92 0.92 1.03
EURCHF 1.2097 1.21 1.21 1.23 1.33
GBPCHF 1.4974 1.54 1.54 1.56 1.73
EURJPY 103.27 104 108 115 102
EURGBP 0.8079 0.79 0.79 0.79 0.77
EURSEK 8.6577 8.20 8.00 8.00 8.86
EURNOK 7.4373 7.30 7.20 7.20 8.53
Source: Thomson Reuters, UBS, as of 15 October 2012
Note: Past performance is not an indication of future returns.
31
For further information please contact CIO asset class specialist Thomas Flury, thomas.flury@ubs.com
Please see important disclaimer and disclosures at the end of the document.
Emerging market currencies
C:\Program Files\UBS\Pres\Templates\PresPrintOnScreen.pot
UBS View
See table for current exchange rates and CIO forecasts
• We continue to like emerging market (EM) currencies over a medium term horizon. We think monetary
policies of major central banks will remain loose for longer whereas the easing cycle in several emerging
markets is over. This should support EM currencies relative to major currencies (USD, EUR, and JPY). Long
term investors should therefore diversify into EM currencies using surplus exposure to these currencies.
• In Europe, both the Polish zloty (PLN) and the Turkish lira (TRY) have supportive fundamentals in the
long-term and could benefit from inflows into their fixed-income market which offers attractive yield
relative to G4 currencies. Due to structural reasons we remain cautious on the Hungarian forint (HUF).
• The South African rand (ZAR) is currently attractively valued, but Investors should be willing and able to
tolerate bouts of volatility due to the current strikes and a cyclical slowdown of the economy.
• In Asia, we like the Korean won (KRW), the Singaporean dollar (SGD) and the Malaysian ringgit (MYR) as
all three countries have a strong economy and should benefit from increasing liquidity and a recovering
Chinese economy.
• In Latin America, the Mexican peso (MXN) remains attractively valued, despite its recent rally.
� Positive scenario > 5% outperformance of EM FX against G4 currencies over a 6-month horizon
• Macroeconomic data comes in stronger than expected and contagion risks in Europe subside further. EM
exchange rates could appreciate swiftly against major currencies (USD, EUR, and JPY).
� Negative scenario > 5% depreciation of EM FX across regions against USD over a 6-month horizon
• Global growth prospects suffer a prolonged deterioration and the European debt crisis intensifies. EM
exchange rates could see a significant, although likely temporary, sell-off across regions.
What we're watching
Inflation dynamics
in EM
European sovereign crisis
Growth
Why it matters
Note: Scenarios refer to global economic scenarios (see slide 7)
Inflation dynamics are important to forecast central bank policy rate
decisions. Monetary easing typically weighs on EM currencies, while rate hikes
tend to be supportive. Key policy rate announcement dates: 11 Nov,
Indonesia; Nov 20, Turkey; Nov 22, South Africa; Nov 30, Mexico
Setbacks in sentiment will likely lead to bouts of EM currency depreciation,
providing attractive entry points for longer term investors.
Growth in the US, Europe, and China is key for risk sentiment, growth
prospects in EM. Key date: Dec 6, European Central Bank meeting
Recommendations
Tactical (6 months)
• Several EM currencies look attractive at
current levels and we advise investors to
keep existing holdings for further gains
while increasing exposure to our
preferred EM currencies (KRW, SGD, MYR,
MXN, TRY, PLN, ZAR), using the JPY, USD,
and EUR for funding.
Strategic (1 to 2 years)
• We recommend EM currencies backed by
stable fundamentals as a strategy to
diversify currency exposure.
• Our favorites include the Chilean peso,
Mexican peso, Czech koruna, Polish zloty,
Chinese renminbi, Korean won, Malaysian
ringgit, and Singapore dollar.
UBS CIO EM FX forecasts
24.10.2012 3-month 6-month 12-month
Americas
USDBRL 2.02 1.95 1.90 1.85
USDMXN 12.9 12.7 12.5 12.3
Asia
USDCNY 6.25 6.30 6.30 6.20
USDINR 53.6 53.0 54.0 55.0
USDIDR 9,615 9,400 9,400 9,400
USDKRW 1,103 1,100 1,080 1,050
USDSGD 1.22 1.21 1.20 1.19
EMEA
EURPLN 4.12 4.30 4.15 3.90
EURHUF 280 290 300 300
EURCZK 24.9 26.0 25.0 24.3
USDTRY 1.80 1.75 1.75 1.72
USDZAR 8.66 8.20 7.90 7.80
USDRUB 31.1 33.0 32.0 31.0
Source: Bloomberg, UBS, as of 15 October 2012
Note: Past performance is not an indication of future returns.
32
For further information please contact CIO's asset class specialists Michael Bolliger, michael.bolliger@ubs.com or Teck Leng Tan, teck-leng.tan@ubs.com
Please see important disclaimer and disclosures at the end of the document.
Section 2.D
Asset class views
NTAC: Commodities, Listed real estate, Hedge funds and
Private equity
Commodities overview
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Commodities – Key points
• The impact of new quantitative easing (QE) measures on commodity prices is losing strength, as broadly
diversified commodity indices have not been advancing anymore on a month-on-month basis. Investors
have started to reflect on the underlying economic challenges that motivated the easing decisions by
key central banks. With global economic growth barely accelerating, the asset class will struggle to
appreciate firmly over the coming months. We therefore advise investors to have only low single digit
return expectations for commodities warranting a neutral stance.
• Gold is less depending on economic growth, however the metal could be a beneficiary of ample
liquidity provided by central banks. But ebbing QE news flow at a later stage (6-12 months) might
challenge the necessary investment demand inflows to balance the market. Hence, we stay neutral
on precious metals.
• The return outlook of the energy sector remains not compelling in 4Q12 and we stay neutral. Global
crude oil supply should expand firmly and surpass incremental demand in 4Q12. We think this will bring
Brent crude oil prices temporarily towards USD 95/bbl while WTI should slide towards USD 78/bbl in
4Q12. However, a weaker USD due to QE3, ongoing social turmoil in the Middle East and North Africa
and the risk that Iranian tensions have the potential to heat up after the US presidential elections are
likely to keep the oil price at around USD 105-110/bbl in 6 months. In addition, demand growth from
EM countries in 1Q13 could start to gather pace.
• Base metal prices should hold their ground, with China's growth deceleration coming to an end. So
we keep our neutral stance. That said, it is too early to call for a strong extension of the liquidity
driven price rally seen until now, despite the RMB 1 trillion in infrastructure approvals by the NDRC
(National Development and Resource Commission) in rail, highways, ports and other infrastructure
projects. Many of the announced projects are already part of the 12th 5-year plan. The incremental
demand impact of speeding up investments should therefore be rather muted this time compared with
previous stimulus packages. Besides that, China's steel intensity for one unit of RMB of investment (FAI)
has halved over the last 5 years.
• A 15% increase in grain prices remains our base case for 4Q12, with room for prices to top out in
1Q13. Demand rationing in case of corn and soybeans is still needed to limit the damage done to global
inventories by lower supply. The quarterly stock and the monthly WASDE report by the USDA are
reiterating the critical conditions of US grain inventories. The softs, on the other hand, should remain
under pressure due to ample South American production and export activity. That said, the sub-sector
already weakened quite a bit, which will limit the downside in the short run and we remain neutral.
Preferences (6 months)
Commodities
total
Precious
Metals
Energy
Base Metals
Agricultural
underweight
new
neutral
Source: UBS CIO WM Global Investment Office
old
overweight
34
For further information please contact CIO's asset class specialists Dominic Schnider, dominic.schnider@ubs.com or Giovanni Staunovo, giovanni.staunovo@ubs.com
Please see important disclaimer and disclosures at the end of the document.
Precious metals
C:\Program Files\UBS\Pres\Templates\PresPrintOnScreen.pot
Preference: neutral
Gold (24 Oct): USD 1,702oz (last month: USD 1,764/oz)
UBS View (gold)
Gold 6-month target: USD 1,875/oz
• So far we saw inflows into gold of around 4 million ounces via physically backed ETFs since Bernanke's
speech at Jackson Hole. We expect this trend to continue and to lead to an undersupplied market, with
financial demand also finding its way into gold futures and physical gold bars and coins.
• Additional demand support comes from central banks, which are likely to further increase their foreign
reserve allocation to the yellow metal. At the same time the drag from India's jewelry demand is set to fade
with an already lower base in 2H11 and a stabilizing Indian rupee.
• Securing sufficient investment demand to push prices sharply higher is different from securing the
needed demand over a long period of time, and along these lines we see less support for the price over a 6-
month perspective. Secondly, from a portfolio perspective we currently prefer to take some risk off the
table instead of on, and we thus maintain our neutral stance on gold.
� Positive scenario
6-month target: USD 2,250/oz
• Unorthodox monetary policy measures by the Fed start to weaken the USD persistently. Moreover, the
risk of a Eurozone breakup intensifies, which triggers a tidal wave of investment demand for gold.
� Negative scenario
6-month target: USD 1,450/oz
• A hard landing of China and India or the Fed backing off from the recent monetary policy
announcements would be a key drag on the yellow metal. The latter would have the strongest impact.
Recommendations
Tactical (up to 6 months)
• Although it is possible for gold to test its
all-time high in the next three months, we
are aware that the metal has already
appreciated firmly ahead of the QE3
announcement, which requires an ever
growing amount of investment demand
to hold the current upward trajectory.
Strategic (1 to 2 years)
• To protect investors' portfolios from
unorthodox monetary policy measures,
holding gold exposure is a viable and
attractive strategy. Alternatively, we
recommend palladium as well as
platinum. Structural supply issues with
regard to platinum and a reduction in
Russian stock sales of palladium speak in
favor of PGM exposure, despite higher
volatility.
What we're watching
Physical demand/supply
Investment flow
Monetary policy
Why it matters
In the months ahead, with the festive season in India starting and monsoon
activity having improved considerably, supporting rural incomes, Indian
physical demand is likely to pick up. Key dates: World Gold Council mid-
November release.
Mining activity in South Africa is unlikely to return to normal in the coming
months. Hence, we are closely tracking mining news from South Africa,
including the aggregated PGM IP numbers to assess the overall situation.
In order to see the gold price reaching our target, investment inflows into
physically backed ETFs need to continue. To gauge investor interest in gold
(sector) a build-up in futures positions is likely to materialize as well.
Key dates: 2 Nov US payrolls; 8 Nov ECB meeting, 12 Dec Fed meeting
Money created per hour
(in mn USD)
60
50
40
30
20
10
-
USD created (via QE3 only)
Per hour….
Value of new gold mined (Valued at USD
1,770/oz)
Source: WGC, Bloomberg, UBS, as of Oct. 2012
Note: Past performance is not an indication of future returns.
35
For further information please contact CIO's asset class specialists Dominic Schnider, dominic.schnider@ubs.com or Giovanni Staunovo, giovanni.staunovo@ubs.com
Please see important disclaimer and disclosures at the end of the document.
Energy
C:\Program Files\UBS\Pres\Templates\PresPrintOnScreen.pot
Preference: neutral
Brent (24 Oct): USD 109/bbl (last month: USD 111/bbl)
UBS View (crude oil)
Brent 6-month target: USD 105-110/bbl
• Growing fear over an escalation of the Syrian civil war, involving Turkey, allowed crude oil prices to move
higher again. While Syria's crude oil exports already dropped to near zero due to international sanctions,
the oil market's concerns relate to the Kirkuk–Ceyhan oil pipeline (Iraq-Turkey – capacity of 0.4mbpd) and
the crude exports from the Turkish port of Ceyhan, around 70km from the Syrian border.
• Though we believe that Syria and Turkey are not interested in a military confrontation, a stop of crude oil
flows from Iraq via Turkey would curb global incremental crude oil supply in 4Q12 by more than 50%. It
would also tighten up the market balance in early 2013 and put additional pressure on the structurally low
spare capacity in the crude oil market.
• In the absence of a further escalation, which remains our base case, ebbing news related to Syria-Turkey is
likely to ease supply concerns. This should keep the market focus on weak demand growth and strong
crude oil output from North America, allowing the Brent price to temporarily reach USD 95/bbl.
• A weaker USD, reduced economic tail risk for Europe, ongoing social turmoil in the Middle East and
North Africa and the risk that the Iranian topic heats up again after the US presidential elections are likely
to keep the Brent price around USD 105-110/oz in 6 months.
� Positive scenario
Brent 6-month target: USD 140–180/bbl
• Iranian oil exports are subject to a complete embargo, which would drain another 0.5–0.75 mbpd of
global crude oil supply. Alternatively, a military confrontation that affects crude oil supply via the Strait of
Hormuz would be the ultimate supply shock, requiring crude oil to be rationed on a large scale.
� Negative scenario
Brent 6-month target: USD 75–80/bbl
• Political tensions lead to a breakup of the Eurozone or intensify the economic contraction. At the same
time, the Fed is not successful in promoting growth. Supply-wise, a restoration of Iranian exports and no
supply cuts by OPEC would push oil inventories firmly up and weaken Brent prices towards USD 80/bbl.
What we're watching Why it matters
The biggest risk related to a potential military confrontation is an Israeli air strike
Iran tensions
on nuclear facilities in Iran. A preemptive strike could easily destabilize the region
even further and threaten global crude oil supply.
Supply
Changes in the US gasoline blending mandate with ethanol (made from corn)
might fuel higher crude oil prices as spare capacity increases slides further.
US crude oil supply progress (room to grow by 1.3 mbpd from 2011 to 2013) is a
vital offsetting factor to supply outages seen in the MENA region.
Demand
Most of China's demand growth seems to be related to stock building (strategic
and by refineries). If this is true, the import should stay on the weak side y/y.
Recommendations
Tactical (6 months)
• OPEC is in a good position to balance the
oil market, which should limit the price
weakness. Along with central banks'
support and with the geopolitical risks
remaining, we believe that the potential
downside for the oil price has declined,
thereby warranting allocation.
Strategic (3–5 years)
• We regard the long end of the forward
curve in crude oil as mispriced. To satisfy
emerging market demand in the long run,
prices around USD 90–95/bbl are unlikely
to secure the needed investments to keep
supply growing adequately. This gives
strategically oriented crude oil investors
the opportunity to build up some longterm
crude oil exposure over the next
three to five years.
Petroleum demand in selected markets
Year-on-year change – in mbpd
1.2
0.8
0.4
0.0
-0.4
-0.8
0.3
0.4
0.2
0.2
China
Latin
America
2012E
-0.4
-0.2
-0.3
-0.1
Europe
US
0.1
-0.1
Japan
0.2
0.2
0.2
0.2
Middle
East
Other
Asia
2013E
0.7
1.0
World
Oil market reports Key date: 13 Nov, IEA Oil market report Source: UBS, as of Oct. 2012
Note: Past performance is not an indication of future returns.
36
For further information please contact CIO's asset class specialists Dominic Schnider, dominic.schnider@ubs.com or Giovanni Staunovo, giovanni.staunovo@ubs.com
Please see important disclaimer and disclosures at the end of the document.
Base metals
C:\Program Files\UBS\Pres\Templates\PresPrintOnScreen.pot
Preference: neutral
Current (24 Oct) (last month): Copper USD 7,815/mt (8,271); Nickel USD 16,336/mt (18,351);
Aluminum USD 1,912/mt (2,079)
6-month target: Copper: USD 8,800/mt; Nickel: USD 19,000/mt; Aluminum: USD 2,100/mt
UBS View
• After the swift uptick in prices, base metals have been under renewed pressure. The initial price strength
– a simple catch up with Chinese prices triggered by a shift in demand expectations – is losing strength.
• In order to continue the price rally, a firm increase in final metal demand is needed. Since global
economic growth is far from seeing such a demand uptick in industrial activity during 4Q12, we think that
prices are likely to trade only sideways in the coming months before trending higher in 1Q13.
• Loose monetary policy is a good precondition for activity to pick up, but not a guarantee after so many
rounds of monetary stimulus. We therefore look east to China. Although industrial activity growth in China
is likely to bottom out, the upcoming leadership change in the country (November 2012 to March 2013),
will likely delay a bigger investment program into 1Q13. The latest stimulus program will probably prevent
Chinese IP from decelerating even further, but will not lift it meaningfully higher.
• On a single commodity level, we favor copper and nickel. For nickel, short-term supply issues due to a
slower ramp up of new and existing projects have temporarily brought the market closer to balance than
initially expected. Furthermore, we should see higher Chinese stainless steel demand with stabilizing
housing activity and a demand pick up in stainless steel related products.
• With regards to copper, we expect import activity to remain strong, as seen in the import figures for
September. Overall, the copper market should remain undersupplied, which could widen if financial
demand is finding some store of value in the metal. We think this puts structurally low LME inventories at
risk and should push the metal price towards USD 8,800/mt or higher over six months.
� Positive scenario
• China eases monetary policy aggressively, pushing credit growth to 20% y/y. In the US the Fed is able to
lift GDP growth via QE3 and the ECB puts an effective backstop to declining industrial activity.
� Negative scenario
• To passive Chinese authorities keep GDP growth on a constant deceleration path. A severe escalation of
the Eurozone crisis (room for a break-up) triggers a setback in investment activity – including in Germany.
What we're watching
Demand
Supply
Economic data/forward
curve
Why it matters
China's growth deceleration should come to an end. But hard economic activity
indicators, especially for China, have yet to catch up with the increase in prices.
Hence, the current base metal market is already reflecting considerable growth
goodwill that is in need of a demand confirmation by China, the US or Europe.
Copper output continues to undershoot market expectations and should be
watched closely, as investment activity in mines increased sharply. For zinc,
prospects for mine closures have been delayed and should keep the market
oversupplied.
Chinese economic data – trade data, CPI, IP and loan growth by financial
institutions. Key date: 10-15 Oct
Recommendations
Tactical (6 months)
• We reiterate that the strong uptick in
base metal prices is skating on thin ice, in
our view. Real activity has yet to follow
and support prices over a longer time
period. 50% of the upside potential on a
6-month horizon is likely to be behind us,
making only copper and nickel attractive,
with +10% expected return.
Strategic (2 years)
• Although the strongest performance
should be visible in zinc and lead, with
existing mine capacity expected to peak
in 2014/15, the recent price strength
makes such an investment unattractive
now, based on timing. Given a
structurally solid supply side, investors
should avoid aluminum and nickel. A
firmer supply side should also limit the
upside in copper.
Net speculative copper position at
Comex are far from being overstretched
80
60
40
20
0
(20)
(40)
(60)
(80)
In thousand contracts
Jan-93 Jan-96 Jan-99 Jan-02 Jan-05 Jan-08 Jan-11
Long positions Short positions Net long position
Source: Bloomberg, UBS, as of Oct. 2012
Note: Past performance is not an indication of future returns.
37
For further information please contact CIO's asset class specialists Dominic Schnider, dominic.schnider@ubs.com or Giovanni Staunovo, giovanni.staunovo@ubs.com
Please see important disclaimer and disclosures at the end of the document.
Agriculture
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Preference: neutral
Current (24 Oct) (last month): Soybeans, USD 15.17/bu (16.12); Corn, USD 7.54/bu (7.44);
Wheat, USD 8.84/bu (8.87)
UBS View
6-month target: Soybeans: USD 17.0/bu; Corn: USD 9.0/bu; Wheat: USD 9.5/bu
• Major US supply surprises on the grains side are rather unlikely in the near term as harvesting is in full
swing. However, we think that demand is unlikely to drop as quickly as the USDA expects. According to the
latest USDA grain stocks and WASDE reports, feed demand remained surprisingly resilient in 3Q12. To
effectively ration demand, especially on the feed side, in an environment of critically low US corn and
soybean stocks, higher prices are still required. For wheat, global production estimates were further
lowered due to production losses in Australia, EU, Russia for 2012/13, which likely keeps prices supported in
the near term. We expect corn and soybean prices to appreciate by 15% in the coming months.
• On the other side, the softs are likely to remain well supplied, which should keep prices under pressure.
Improved export activity of coffee and strong stock selling from Vietnam in 4Q12 should weigh on coffee
prices in the short-term. For sugar, higher production from Brazil and other producers should continue to
burden prices in the near term, but also offer buying opportunities on a 12-month perspective.
• Aggregating the above points, the risk/reward for being long across the entire sector is not a given. We
therefore reiterate our neutral sector stance.
� Positive scenario
Corn 6-month USD 10/bu; Soybeans 6-month USD 19/bu
• With a reduced probability of El Niño, the yield potential for South American crops is likely to be lower.
Any deterioration in South American supply prospects would require additional demand to be rationed.
� Negative scenario
Corn 6-month USD 6/bu Soybeans 6-month USD 12.5/bu
• A change of the US ethanol-gasoline blending mandate would be a game changer. Increases in planted
acreage combined with a steep decline in US demand for exports and feed would weigh on prices.
Recommendations
Tactical
• Despite the recent setback in corn prices,
risk-seeking investors should still hold on
to long positions in corn. Demand
rationing is still required to limit the drag
on inventories. The expected return
target for a long position in corn stands
at 15%.
Strategic
• Our expected return outlook for grains
stands at around –10% over the next 12
months. With grain prices not far below
historical highs, the supply side is highly
likely to expand meaningfully in 2013/14
and pressurize prices at a later stage. On
the soft side, 3Q12 does not offer the
right timing to build up positions.
US grains stocks continue to drop,
demand remains resilient
Values in mn tons
What we're watching
USDA WASDE report
(monthly)
US grains stock report
(quarterly)
USDA crop progress
(weekly, Monday)
COT (weekly, Friday)
Why it matters
Revisions in acreage and yield estimates for the US crops remain a topic. Demand
estimates are important, too, as they are key drivers behind inventory levels at
the end of the year. Key date: 9 Nov
The latest stocks data is not correctly reflecting the demand for Jun-Aug’12 as it
contains both old and new crop stock figures. We expect stocks as of 1 Dec to
reflect the true demand picture. Key date: Jan 2013
Faster US grain harvests than usual have been exerting downward pressure on
prices in the short run, which have reversal potential at a later stage.
Investors' net long positions in grain futures are still at high levels, but stable
80
70
60
50
40
30
20
10
0
1st Sep'10 1st Sep'11 1st Sep'12
Jun-
Aug'10
Jun-
Aug'11
Stocks
Demand
Corn Wheat Soybean
Jun-
Aug'12
Source: USDA, UBS, as of Oct. 2012
Note: Past performance is not an indication of future returns.
38
For further information please contact CIO's asset class specialists Dominic Schnider, dominic.schnider@ubs.com or Giovanni Staunovo, giovanni.staunovo@ubs.com
Please see important disclaimer and disclosures at the end of the document.
Listed real estate
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Preference: neutral
UBS Global Index DTR (24 Oct): 1,490 (last month: 1,500)
UBS View UBS Global Index DTR (6-month target): 1,600
• Since July global listed real estate has again performed well. Despite the good performance the asset class
remains slightly attractive based the high dividend yield and implied property yield compared to bonds.
Asia has been the strongest performer and Europe has outperformed the US year-to-date as tail risk was
reduced by the ECB launching the OMT. QE3 is not an imminent performance driver but provides a support
for capital values going forward and helps to keep interest levels low.
• Due to the current search for yields, listed real estate companies are able to refinance their investments at
lower yields with longer maturities. The implied property yields to bonds and earnings yields over five-year
swap rates are even more attractive due to low interest rates offering good opportunities within the global
real estate space.
• Low to decent supply of commercial surfaces helps to push vacancy rates down which in turn increases
the rent. We further see capital appreciation as possible in the light of overall stable fundamentals.
• Asia remain the positive performance generators in our view as this is the more cyclical market, whereas
Australia is supported by high dividend yields. Overall Europe remains comparatively weak, while the UK
and the US have already priced in some market improvements.
� Positive scenario UBS Global Index DTR (6-month target): 1,650
• Improving fundamentals maintain listed real estate in fairly valued territory, despite stronger
performance as occupancy rates grow faster than expected and rental income accelerate. Ongoing
reflationary monetary policies across the world help to maintain favorable spreads between rental yields
and bonds, maintaining real estate as a comparatively attractive asset class. Refinancing costs remain low.
� Negative scenario UBS Global Index DTR (6-month target): 1,300
• US, European and Chinese growth rates disappoint investor expectations and cause the comparatively
high valuation levels in the US to partially correct. Furthermore, a more severe recession in Europe triggers
a tightening of credit standards and cuts real estate companies from the capital market, making listed real
estate more dependent than ever on bank financing. Real estate underperforms global equities.
What we're watching
Corporate bond yields
Rental yield and capital
appreciation
Credit markets and
financing costs
Note: Scenarios refer to global economic scenarios (see slide 7)
Why it matters
This is one of the best indicators for listed real estate as a low yield helps reduce
financing costs. A steep yield curve is furthermore a signal that the overall
economic environment is improving. Both are currently supportive.
The rental yield is usually inflation linked, as the upcoming supply is currently low
this pushes up the occupancy rates and thus increasing the rents. Capital
appreciation is expected to be stable to positive. Overall are both supportive.
Lending conditions are still challenging for developers and private investors.
Public companies by contrast have very good access to credit and capital.
Recommendations
Tactical (6 months)
• We continue to be neutral global listed
real estate recommending to have
exposure to the Hong Kong, Singapore
and Australia markets. The asset class is
overall slightly attractive on relative
valuation and the current low interest
rate is supportive, but the uncertain
environment warrants a neutral stance.
Strategic (1 to 2 years)
• Real estate is supported by several factors
in the long term. We anticipate a gradual
increase in payout ratios coupled with
portfolio optimizations and ongoing costcutting.
A weak economy limits strong
rental growth, but low supply supports
high occupancy rates keeping rents up.
Preference (6 months)
Our market preferences for listed real estate*
North America
Cont'l Europe
UK
Japan
Hong Kong
Singapore
Australia
-- - neutral + ++
Old
New
* This is our relative preference within the global real estate
sector based on UBS Global Real Estate Index domestic total
return, which is not the overall sector view
Source: UBS, as of 16 October 2012
Note: Past performance is not an indication of future returns.
39
For further information please contact CIO's asset class specialist Thomas Veraguth, thomas.veraguth@ubs.com
Please see important disclaimer and disclosures at the end of the document.
Hedge funds
C:\Program Files\UBS\Pres\Templates\PresPrintOnScreen.pot
UBS View
Prefer Relative-value and Event-driven
• We expect hedge funds (HF) to offer positive asymmetric return characteristics due to active risk
management and stop-loss strategies. On the active risk side of the equation, we have seen lower gross
exposure and net-market exposure within the overall hedge funds group, with traders being cautiously
positioned. With systemic risk at bay, we favor relative-value (RV ) and event-driven (ED) strategies.
• The inherent hedging in relative value is appealing. Credit relative-value managers should perform well
in this environment of higher fixed-income volatility and increasing pricing anomalies created by central
bank interventions and limited competition.
• While ED managers share some of the performance drivers, idiosyncratic bets reduce the correlation to
markets. The real reason to own this strategy, however, is the potential for outsized returns in distressed,
high-yield, and other credit investments as the Eurozone crisis plays out.
� Positive scenario
Prefer Equity long-short
• Reduced uncertainty (e.g. resolution in Europe) lowers equities' correlation and volatility. This helps
bottom-up fundamental analysis and equity long/short managers the most. Also, CEOs will likely make
more corporate transactions that can be monetized by event-driven managers, and a clearer
macroeconomic environment with more persistent trends would support CTA managers.
� Negative scenario
Prefer Trading (Global Macro + CTA)
• So far this year, the market has remained plagued by short-term reversals, due to central banks'
intervention and stimulus effects, an obstacle for trend-following managers. Still, if the European
deleveraging (or fiscal cliff, China hard landing) is unmanaged, this could threaten risky assets. Trading
can do well if such a scenario unfolds.
Note: Scenarios refer to global economic scenarios (see slide 7).
Recommendations
Strategic (1 to 2 years)
• Recommendation: Active risk
management is instrumental for capital
preservation during adverse market
conditions. At the moment, we therefore
favor relative-value and event-driven
strategies, since they are less correlated to
equity markets and other risky assets than
trading.
• Value proposition: Hedge funds should
achieve robust performance over an
extended horizon, while displaying
limited volatility vis-à-vis equities and
other risky assets. Hedge funds try to
minimize downside losses in adverse
market conditions (e.g. active risk
management), which plays a crucial role in
wealth appreciation. Similarly, hedge fund
managers attempt to capture most of the
upside of risky assets owning to valid
value preposition.
What we're
watching
Global equity direction/
economic cycle
Correlation
Leverage
Volatility
Liquidity
Regulation
Why it matters
The outlook for global equities is an important HF performance driver. The
economic cycle impacts the strategies differently.
Correlation is an important performance/alpha driver for equity long/short, the
largest HF strategy by assets under management.
Gross and net leverage are key to monitoring risk.
The direction influences certain HF strategies (e.g. convertible arbitrage).
Important in particular for large, less nimble HFs, it enables them to enter and
exit their strategies.
Volcker rule, USCITS III/IV
Performance, year-to-date
Relative value
Event driven
Trading
Equity hedge
Hedge Funds
-2.0% -1.5% -1.0% -0.5% 0.0% 0.5% 1.0% 1.5% 2.0% 2.5% 3.0% 3.5% 4.0% 4.5% 5.0% 5.5%
Source: HFRI, UBS, as of 31 Sep 2012
Note: Past performance is not an indication of future returns.
40
For further information please contact CIO's asset class specialist Cesare Valeggia, cesare.valeggia@ubs.com
Please see important disclaimer and disclosures at the end of the document.
Private equity
C:\Program Files\UBS\Pres\Templates\PresPrintOnScreen.pot
Prefer small-/mid-cap buyouts in US/emerging markets;
UBS View
distressed debt in Europe
• Global M&A volume has continued its downward trend since Q4 2010, falling by -20% quarter-by-quarter
in Q3 2012, with a drastic decline in Europe of -46%, the third lowest quarter since 2001. However, private
equity withstood the negative M&A environment as global activity grew by +13% in Q3, and the US posted
its strongest quarter since Q3 2007. The importance of private equity in emerging markets continues to
grow, now accounting for 13% of global activity, strongly driven by Asia, but increasingly also by Africa.
• We prefer buyout strategies in North America, given reasonable valuations, liquid debt markets and our
house view of economic outperformance vs. Europe. Emerging markets offer compelling opportunities for
PE investors, especially outside the main hubs (China, Brazil), which have become expensive. Distressed
strategies which focus on acquiring complex/illiquid loan positions from banks in Europe are also attractive.
� Positive scenario
Prefer small-/mid-cap buyout and secondaries
• An abating Eurozone debt crisis and improved business confidence would increase deal flow and exit
opportunities for private equity managers, but would also increase entry prices. In such a positive scenario,
we would perceive commitment strategies to secondary funds as attractive for building exposure to an
invested private equity portfolio.
� Negative scenario
Prefer distressed debt
• A renewed escalation of the debt crisis would significantly impact deal activity, the availability of debt
and company owners' willingness to sell. At the same time, it would offer even more attractive
opportunities within distressed strategies and lower entry prices for long-term private equity investors.
What we're watching
Credit markets
Exit activity
Sector activity
Note: Scenarios refer to global economic scenarios (see slide 7)
Why it matters
In H1 2012, leveraged loan issuance, an important ingredient of PE activity,
dropped 17% y/y in the US, but over 41% in Europe. The US debt market is
much deeper than Europe, raising over EUR 153bn of leveraged debt, while
Europe achieved only EUR 16bn in 1H 12 at less attractive conditions.
Exit activity is an important indicator for the health of the PE market and a key
return driver for investors. Despite the difficult macro environment,
distributions from portfolio sales (USD 69bn) have held up, and grew 20% yoy.
Transactions in consumer discretionary and in energy & utilities remain the
most preferred sectors for private equity investors in 2012.
Recommendations
Strategic (1 to 2 years)
• In Europe, the ongoing deleveraging has
led to attractive opportunities for special
situations. We thus recommend pursuing
less liquid investment strategies with a
preference for debt to benefit from the
macroeconomic adjustment process and
selling pressure for many European banks.
• We prefer small-/mid-cap buyouts in North
America given the better economic
outlook vs. Europe, higher transaction
certainty and more attractive entry prices.
• Investors looking for downside protection
during economic uncertainty can consider
large-cap buyouts in the US, which offer
exposure to large, diversified companies
at more attractive prices and are
supported by liquid debt markets.
• We advise investors make an ongoing
allocation to private equity in emerging
markets, which offer an attractive way to
capture superior long-term growth and
gain access to small-/mid-cap companies
unavailable on the stock market.
The US has seen its strongest quarter since
Q3 2007, while sentiment in Europe remains
weak
USD billions
50
40
30
20
10
0
Q1
2010
Q2
2010
Q3
2010
Q4 Q1 Q2 Q3
2010 2011 2011 2011
US Europe RoW
Q4
2011
Q1
2012
Q2
2012
Q3
2012
Source: S&P, UBS CIO, as of October 2012
Note: Past performance is not an indication of future returns.
For further information please contact CIO's asset class specialist Stefan Brägger, stefan.braegger@ubs.com
Please see important disclaimer and disclosures at the end of the document.
Note: We emphasize the equal importance of fund manager selection and the commitment strategy. Please note that private equity is an illiquid asset class and must be held at least until the end of the fund (10+ years).
Please note that UBS might not have a product available which reflects our UBS CIO private equity recommendations. Private equity is only suitable for qualified investors (> USD 5m investable assets).
41
Contact list
C:\Program Files\UBS\Pres\Templates\PresPrintOnScreen.pot
UBS WM Global Chief Investment Officer
Alexander Friedman
alexander.friedman@ubs.com
UBS WM Head of Investment
Mark Haefele
mark.haefele@ubs.com
UBS WM Global Investment Office
Themes / UHNW
Simon Smiles
simon.smiles@ubs.com
Asset Allocation Advisory
Mark Andersen
mark.andersen@ubs.com
Asset Allocation Discretionary
Mads Pedersen
mads.pedersen@ubs.com
Alternative Investments
Andrew Lee
andrew.lee@ubs.com
Kiran Ganesh
kiran.ganesh@ubs.com
Karsten Bagger
karsten.bagger@ubs.com
Christophe de Montrichard
christophe.de-montrichard@ubs.com
James Purcell
james.purcell@ubs.com
Achim Peijan
achim.peijan@ubs.com
Walter Edelmann
walter.edelmann@ubs.com
Christopher Wright
christopher-zb.wright@ubs.com
Philipp Schöttler
philipp.schoettler@ubs.com
Markus Irngartinger, CFA
markus.irngartinger@ubs.com
Oliver Malitius
oliver.malitius@ubs.com
Matthias Uhl
matthias-w.uhl@ubs.com
UBS WM Regional Chief Investment Officers (CIO)
Regional CIO Europe
Andreas Höfert
andreas.hoefert@ubs.com
Regional CIO Asia-Pacific
Yonghao Pu
yonghao.pu@ubs.com
Regional CIO Asia-Pacific
(South)
Kelvin Tay
kelvin.tay@ubs.com
Regional CIO Emerging Markets
Jorge Mariscal
jorge.mariscal@ubs.com
Regional CIO Switzerland
Daniel Kalt
daniel.kalt@ubs.com
42

Disclaimer
C:\Program Files\UBS\Pres\Templates\PresPrintOnScreen.pot
UBS CIO WM Research is published by Wealth Management & Swiss Bank and Wealth Management Americas, Business Divisions of UBS AG (UBS) or an affiliate thereof. In certain countries UBS AG is referred to as UBS SA. This publication is
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43
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019157.txt,"Firtuy Ricu
ERSON

no. And he still paid me the I mean, I'm sorry, he is circumcised, my bad. He's circum-

st. L went home. cised, a hundred and ten percent sure. A matter of fact, he

has some sort of birth defect. On his thing. I don’t know what

it is [giggles]; I’ve never really looked at it, because I’ve never
at was it. Yeah, he ejaculated. | done anything where I had to touch it. I’ve never touched
it— out of the whole time I worked for him, I never touched
his penis. Like, he—I’m pretty sure he rubbed it against me,

nt there?
but I've never ever been, like, “Okay, I’m letting you do this”
ath, I know, I can see iri yOu or “I’m gonna do this to you.” Um, it’s really weirdly shaped.
mu went there multiple times? (intr know ds jn sesnie tetas, fell eomthte?
| what happened the first time. .
ineay macs ‘ot | I'm just really embarrassed. Um, it’s like a teardrop, like a
ding six bucks an hour. drop of water. It's really fat at the bottom and skinny at the

au were sixteen now? top, where it’s attached. And he never gets fully hard, ever.
re of my age. I was under seven- Like, I just could tell by looking at it—like, by looking you
can obviously tell if you’re hard or not, and I could tell that
he wasn't.
first time you went, when he a
: D: The next time you went, or as you continued to go, did it
escalate more?

V. Mm-hmm. 1 actually —I don’t remember how long it took for

to ask me if I saw, like, hiscome. 7 a me to start working for him regularly, from the first time I
a went there. But I started working every day. Every single day

| he was in the country I would be there... And, um, I told
tked? Fully naked? ] i him that I wouldn't let him put anything inside of me; that
ked. He had a towel on for some =~ 4 was my rule. Nothing inside of me—no fingers, no, no noth-
anything. Like, he was naked.  S 1 ing, absolutely nothing inside of me. He increased my pay to

; 43 three or four hundred dollars as long as he could touch me.
q Um, I still never —I, I swear I never touched him, the whole
q entire time I never, ever touched him. Um, but he, he—

4]

40

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019157
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022379.txt,"House profile

Chairman Rodney Frelinghuysen (R-NJ} Ranking Member Nita Lowey (D-NY)

Chairman Tom Price (R-GA)} Ranking Member John Yarmuth (D-KY)

Current ranking Member Chris Van Hollen (D-MD) was elected to the Senate; Yarmuth is expected to replace him.

Chairman Jeb Hensarling (R-TX) Ranking Member Maxine Waters (D-CA)

Chairman Bob Goodlatte (R-VA) Ranking Member John Conyers (D-Ml)

Chairman Jason Chaffetz (R-UT) Ranking Member Elijah Cummings (D-MD)

Chairman Bill Shuster (R-PA) Ranking Member Peter DeFazio (D-OR)}

EY 7 | Election 2016

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022379
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010873.txt,"02:46:40

02:46:43

02:46:46

02:48:50

02:46:54

02:46:55

02:46:55

ON GO OA bh & ND

02:46:56
02:46:58 9
02:47:00 1 0
02:47:00 1 1
02:47:03 1 2
02:47:06 1 3
02:47:06 1 4
02:47:07 1 5
02:47:08 1 6
02:47:12 1 7
02:47:16 1 8
02:47:20 1 9
02:47:23 20
02:47:26 21
02:47:29 22
02:47:30 23
02:47:32 24
02:47:35 25

02:47:39
02:47:44
02:47:43
02:47:44
02:47:46
02:47:46

02:47:48

On Oo kh Wh =

02:47:49
czars 9
o247s2 10
02:47:55 11
02:47:55 12
o2a7ss 13
o2arss 14
o2aaco 15
o24a02 16
o24s05 17
ozasos 18
02:48:10 19
ozasto 20
o24a10 21
oraeit 22
ore 23
024811 24
o2zas12 25

280
settlement discussions, Mr. Boies will not, at
least at this time, describe what was actually
said. However, Mr. Boies does state that
Mr. Dershowitz's description of what was said is
not true.”

A. That's the one.

Q. You read that?

A. Yeah. I -- I learned of it -- yeah, I don't
remember whether I read or how I got it, but yeah,
that's the one.

Q. In light of that statement by Mr. Boies,
would you agree that any privilege has been waived?

A. Iwould not.

Q. So--

A. That's -- that’s a newspaper article.

Q. It's a pub -- it's a quote. Let me clarify.

That's a statement -- quoting a statement issued by
Ms. McCawley and quoting Mr. Boies as saying,

Mr. Dershowitz's description of what was said is not
true, so that’s a public statement by Mr. Boies saying
that Mr. Dershowitz's testimony is not true; is that a
waiver in your view?

A. No. And that would require -- I'm with --
I'm just putting you on notice, talking about notice, if
you want me to, I could give you the law professor

ESQUIRE DEPOSITION SOLUTIONS
(954) 331-4400
281
answer as to why that's not a waiver. Off the top of my
head, I can start talking about that.

Q. No. I don't -- I don't need that.

A. Right. That's why I just wanted to let you
know, So...

Q. But I really wanted to clarify -- and what I
wanted to clarify was --

A. Ido not -- let me just be clear, so the
record is clear: I absolutely do not believe that's a
waiver and I could give you an extended answer, but I
know time is drawing short --

Q. All right.

A. -- so...

Q. But you -- what I want to clarify is that,
notwithstanding that statement, you will continue to
answer all my questions about the substance of
discussions with Mr. Boies; you're continuing not to
answer, you're continuing --

MS. McCAWLEY: Yes --

MR. SCAROLA: You just said you --

MS. McCAWLEY: -- I believe --

MR. SCAROLA: -- continue to answer.

MS. McCAWLEY: I'm sorry.

MR. SIMPSON: I'm sorry.

MS. McCAWLEY: Continue not to answer.
ESQUIRE DEPOSITION SOLUTIONS

(954) 331-4400

33 of 46 sheets

02.48:13

02:48:15

02:48:15

02:48:16

02:48:19

02:48:22

02:48:22

on Om hb &© Nh

02:48:25
ozaaz7 9
024828 10

02:48:31 1 1

ozaa33 12
oz4eas 13
ozaeas 14
ozaeze 15
ozan3e 16
ozaa30 17
ozaear 18
0248-43 19
ozaear 20
o248-47 24
o2aeso 22
o24e51 23
024852 24
oz4es3 25

02:48:57

02:48:58

02:49:01

02:49:03

02:49:05

02:49:05

02:49:08

On Om bh & HN

02:49:10

©

02:49:12
o2ao14 10
czas 11
ozaais 12
ozaora 13
02:49:23 14
ozaa.26 15
o24930 16
ozaoze 17
ozao26 18
o249a7 19
024033 20
o24e39 21
o2aga2 22
024950 2S
ozaos2 24
o2aoss 25

282

MR. SCAROLA: Why don't you start over again?

MR, SIMPSON: No. I just want --

MS. McCAWLEY: We disagree with
your characterization of that as a waiver. It
was a statement that was issued in order to stop
the waivers that Mr. Dershowitz was trying to
engage in, and we -- we don't agree that's a
waiver and we will not allow any testimony
regarding those communications.

MR. SIMPSON: Okay. I disagree with the
position and the characterization, but I just
wanted to clarify on the record, I didn't have to
ask those questions again.

MR. SCAROLA: Sure.

MS. McCAWLEY: I understand.

MR. SIMPSON: And, obviously, our position is
that if it hadn’t already been -- if it hadn't
already been waived -- either it wasn't
privileged or hadn't been waived, it's now
waived.

THE WITNESS: And my -- just --

MR. SIMPSON: I don't have a question.

THE WITNESS: I know, but I -- but I think
now in light of, since the record has these
characters, I just want to put one sentence into

ESQUIRE DEPOSITION SOLUTIONS
(954) 331-4400

283
the record, which is: It doesn't seem to me that
an attorney can inject into a deposition
confidential settlement proceedings, have
somebody deny that, and then say, aha, they're no
longer confidential settlement proceedings, so
that's --

MR. SIMPSON: There's no question pending. I
move to strike the comments.

THE WITNESS: Right. I just didn't want your
comments to -~ to reflect back on my earlier
answer.

BY MR. SIMPSON:

Q. I want to go back, Mr. Cassell, get back to
yesterday's exhibits. I'm going to hand you what was
marked yesterday as Cassell Exhibit Number 2, which is
the joinder motion, and when you have that in front of

you --
A. Got it.
Q. Do you have that in front of you?
A. Ido.

Q. Allright. Would you -- find my copy of
it -- if you would turn to page -- bottom of page 3,
part of -- top of page 4; do you have that?
A. Got it.
Q. All right. I'm going to read it. Tell me if
ESQUIRE DEPOSITION SOLUTIONS
(954) 331-4400

Page 280 to 283 of 335

10/20/2015 01:08:15 PM

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010873
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026275.txt,"What does this have to do with Mr. Mueller, who was appointed in May 2017 after President Trump
fired Mr. Comey? The inspector general concludes that the pervasive bias “cast a cloud over the FBI
investigations to which these employees were assigned,” including Crossfire. And 1f Crossfire was
politically motivated, then its culmination, the appointment of a special counsel, inherited the taint. All
special-counsel activities—investigations, plea deals, subpoenas, reports, indictments and
convictions—are fruit of a poisonous tree, byproducts of a violation of due process. That Mr. Mueller

and his staff had nothing to do with Crossfire’s origin offers no cure.

When the government deprives a person of life, liberty or property, it is required to use fundamentally
fair processes. The Supreme Court has made clear that when governmental action “shocks the
conscience,” it violates due process. Such conduct includes investigative or prosecutorial efforts that

appear, under the totality of the circumstances, to be motivated by corruption, bias or entrapment.

In U.S. v. Russell (1973), the justices observed: “We may someday be presented with a situation in
which the conduct of law enforcement agents is so outrageous that due process principles would
absolutely bar the government from invoking judicial processes to obtain a conviction.” It didn’t take
long. In Blackledge v. Perry (1974), the court concluded that due process was offended by a
prosecutor’s “realistic likelihood of ‘vindictiveness’ ” that tainted the “very initiation of proceedings.”
In Young v. U.S. ex rel. Vuitton (1987), the justices held that because prosecutors have “power to
employ the full machinery of the state in scrutinizing any given individual . .. we must have assurance
that those who would wield this power will be guided solely by their sense of public responsibility for
the attainment of justice.” Prosecutors must be “disinterested” and make “dispassionate assessments,”
free from any personal bias.

In Williams v. Pennsylvania (2016), the court held that a state judge’s potential bias violated due
process because he had played a role, a quarter-century earlier, in prosecuting the death-row inmate
whose habeas corpus petition he was hearing. The passage of time and involvement of others do not
vitiate the taint but heighten “the need for objective rules preventing the operation of bias that might
otherwise be obscured,” the justices wrote. A single biased individual “might still have an influence
that, while not so visible . . . is nevertheless significant.”

In addition to the numerous anti-Trump messages uncovered by the inspector general, there is a strong
circumstantial case—including personnel, timing, methods and the absence of evidence—that Crossfire

was initiated for political, not national-security, purposes.

It was initiated in defiance of a longstanding Justice Department presumption against investigating
campaigns in an election year. And while impartiality 1s always required, a 2012 memo by then-

Attorney General Eric Holder emphasizes that impartiality is “particularly important in an election

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026275
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028709.txt,"will bring in between 3,000 and 5,000
permanent jobs within the next five years --
hopefully, we were told, in the
informational technology sector (an
aspiration that might imply a certain
cooperation with the burgeoning tech
industry on the other side of the Green
Line). The engineer said that Rawabi had
already created 3,000 construction jobs for
West Bank Palestinians. The city is
Palestinian-designed and Palestinian-built -
- making the surfeit of Qatari flags at the
construction site somewhat puzzling at
first. And while the project does not
purchase materials from Jewish settlements
in the West Bank, the engineer was hardly
shy in explaining that Rawabi would add
an estimated $85 million to the Israeli
economy.

As we drove around the construction site,
the engineer's talk made few demands on
the imagination. The sheer scale of the
project is already obvious. Within the next
18 months, the first phase, which includes
six neighborhoods, a mosque, the
amphitheater, and two-thirds of the city's
commercial center, will be complete, and
3,000 people are scheduled will move into
Rawabi by the end of 2013. Apartment
blocks built of a local white stone --
""Rawabi stone,"" the engineer called it -- are
already rising out of a network of
concentric ring-roads centered on the top of
the hill. Most of these roads have already

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028709
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030146.txt,"Actions

1. Signing the agreement (Payment method, successful fee)
2. Program Launching

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030146
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010898.txt,"Case 9:08-cv-80736-KAM Document 291-1 Entered on FLSD Docket 01/21/2015 Page 8 of 20

New Mexico, New York, as well as France and many other locations. I also observed Maxwell
have sex with dozens of underage girls.

23. Maxwell took pictures of many of the underage girls. These pictures were
sexually explicit. Maxwell kept the pictures on the computers in the various houses. She also
made hard copies of these images and displayed them in the various houses. Maxwell had large
amounts of child pornography that she personally made. Many times she made me sleep with
other girls, some of whom were very young, for purposes of taking sexual pictures.

24, Harvard law professor Alan Dershowitz was around Epstein frequently.
Dershowitz was so comfortable with the sex that was going on that he would even come and chat
with Epstein while I was giving oral sex to Epstein.

25. I had sexual intercourse with Dershowitz at least six times. The first time was
when I was about 16, early on in my servitude to Epstein, and it continued until I was 19.

26. The first time we had sex took place in New York in Epstein’s home. It was in
Epstein’s room (not the massage room). I was approximately 16 years old at the time. I called
Dershowitz “Alan.” I knew he was a famous professor.

27. The second time that I had sex with Dershowitz was at Epstein’s house in Palm
Beach. During this encounter, Dershowitz instructed me to both perform oral sex and have
sexual intercourse.

28. I also had sex with Dershowitz at Epstein’s Zorro Ranch in New Mexico in the
massage room off of the indoor pool area, which was still being painted.

29, We also had sex at Little Saint James Island in the U.S. Virgin Islands. I was
asked to give Dershowitz a massage on the beach. Dershowitz then asked me to take him

somewhere more private, where we proceeded to have intercourse.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010898
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029417.txt,"10.

Case 1:17-cv-03956-PGG Document1 Filed 05/25/17 Page 2of3

under 5 U.S.C. § 552(a)(4)(B).
FACTS

Background of Request

Jeffrey Epstein is a billionaire financier, philanthropist, and sex offender. In 2005, Epstein
became the subject of an undercover sex trafficking investigation by Palm Beach, Florida
police and the FBI. Dozens of underage women were trafficked by Epstein to perform sexual
acts on him as well as his friends.

Despite the gravity of his offenses, the Department of Justice allowed Epstein to plead guilty
to a single count of soliciting prostitution from a minor under Florida state law, and serve
only 13 months in prison. In addition, prosecutors agreed not to bring charges against

Epstein’s alleged co-conspirators.

. Mr. Epstein enjoyed close ties to numerous prominent political figures, including former

President Bill Clinton and Prince Andrew of the British Royal Family, leading many to
speculate whether he received preferential treatment from authorities. See Goodnough, Abby,
“Questions of Preferential Treatment Are Raised in Florida Sex Case,” The New York Times,

Sep. 3, 2006. (Exhibit A)

FOIA Request and Constructive Denial
On April 20, 2017 James Robertson, a Senior Editor for The National Enquirer and sister-
publication Radar Online, submitted a FOIA request to the FBI for all documents relating to
the investigation and prosecution of Epstein (the “Request”). (Exhibit B)
Robertson requested expedited processing because Epstein’s crimes are the subject of
widespread and exceptional media interest, and raise questions about the government's

integrity, which affects public confidence; specifically, whether Mr. Epstein received

2

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029417
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022392.txt,"Energy

Trump’s tax reform plans generally adhere to the
precepts of the House Republican tax reform Blueprint,
but he differs with that outline in some important
respects. The House Blueprint proposes, among other
things, to allow 100 %expensing of qualified business
investments and to deny the deductibility of net business
interest expenses. It would also eliminate most fossil fuel-
specific tax incentives such as deductions for intangible
drilling costs (IDCs) and percentage depletion, but its
proposal to allow expensing of all business investment
would mitigate the loss of many of the specific
deductions. The Blueprint appears to allow both
independent and integrated producers to deduct 100%of
IDCs in the year they are paid or incurred. Whilethis
would preserve the status quo for independent producers,
allowing integrated oil and gas companiesto also expense
100%of IDCs could increase the rate of return on oil and
gas wells drilled by integrated companies. This change, in
combination with the possible loss of the percentage
depletion deduction (which allows cost recovery in excess
of cost basis) could ultimately make independent
producers less competitive with integrated companies.

Trump offered qualified support for the Blueprint’s
proposal to allow 100 %expensing — but would limit the
provision to manufacturers—and those who elect
expensing will lose the deductibility of businessinterest
expenses. Further, he may be more inclined to keep
traditional fossil fuel-specific tax incentives, such as the
deduction for intangible drilling costs and the percentage
depletion deduction.

While President-elect Trump has spent much of his time
discussing federal policy issues surrounding conventional
energy resources, he has expressed opposition to
continued federal support for the development of wind
and solar energy and has said that he will eliminate all
federal spending for clean energy research. How he
proceeds in the new Congress may be heavily influenced
by both electoral politics (e.g., ethanol-rich lowa largely
supported his candidacy) and the pre-existing dynamics in
Congress. Many congressional Republicans have opposed
even temporary extensions of renewable energy
incentives and the fate of these provisions may well be
linked to the effectiveness of the Democratic minority.

EY 20

| Election 2016

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022392
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028950.txt,"From: Lesley Groff 
Sent: 12/2/2015 5:54:55 PM 
To: Jeffrey Epstein [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Subject: Re: Poetry Update and Thank You 
Importance: High 
did you want to send the below to Lisa? (or have me ask her?) 
On Dec 2, 2015, at 12:53 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
Do you know Chomsky, he Is with me 
On Wednesday, 2 December 2015, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
----------Forwarded message----------s with me 
From: Lisa New 
Date: Wednesday, 2 December 2015 
Subject: Poetry Update and Thank You 
To: ""jeffrey E."" <jeevacation@gmail.com> 
That's ideal. Larry's away and I'll be working all day. I'm free any time. 
On Wed, Dec 2, 2015 at 10:31 AM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
I'm in Cambridge sat? 
On Wednesday, 2 December 2015, Lisa New < > wrote: 
Dear Jeffrey, 
May I drop by before the New Year (perhaps on the 9th, or on the 17th or 18th?) to get your 
advice about my renewal of the Templeton campaign, and also my needs in the coming year for 
Poetry in America? Below is the letter I'm sending out to my friends and supporters, and at the 
bottom a message just for you.... 
-Lisa 
That you are receiving this letter means that you are among a special community of friends whose 
support— financial, moral, intellectual, logistical— has allowed my initiative, Poetry in America, to 
realize what seemed, a year ago, almost certainly too ambitious a vision. That vision was to 
produce the highest quality educational video on American poetry, creating a body of 
humanities content capable of reaching a broad community of learners: formal and 
informal, online and residential, young and old, American and international. And it was to 
begin— rapidly— to disseminate and distribute our work. 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 028950 
Whether you donated to Poetry in America through Filmmaker's Collaborative (our 501c3 fiscal 
sponsor), through Harvard, or through WGBH; whether you appeared on camera or talked an 
elusive friend into appearing on camera to discuss a poem; whether you lent us your film crew, or 
provided overnight use of your hotel suite or apartment or of your whole skyscraper; whether you 
highlighted our work on your stage, or talked your colleagues into becoming corporate sponsors; 
whether you flew to Boston to install state-of-the-art editing and video storage equipment, or asked 
your children's school to let us film there; whether you encouraged your family foundation to take 
an interest in the project, or gave us a lesson in IP, in licensing, in the rudiments of finance, or of 
distribution; whether you praised, or gave timely, much-needed criticism— you enabled what we 
have done. 
Here's what we have to report, and to show, a year later, thanks to your help. Links offer sneak 
peeks of works -in-progress across the full portfolio of Poetry in America projects. 
• The first eight-episode season of the public television series Poetry in America (a co-
production between WGBH, Emmy Award-winning filmmaker David Grubin, and my own new 
production company, Verse Video), is now fully funded and in production, with episodes featuring  
Bill Clinton, Herbie Hancock and Sonia Sanchez on Langston Hughes, Frank Gehry on Carl 
Sandburg, Katie Couric on Elizabeth Bishop, Nas on Whitman, and many more scheduled for 
nationwide launch in 2017. 
• Poetry in America's many initiatives to reach Middle and High School teachers and their 
students are taking root. Our first online course for Middle and High School Teachers, Poetry of 
the City, will launch this Spring with the Harvard Graduate School of Education. Companion 
materials to this course will be made available for free on PBS LearningMedia. This course is 
designed to meet the needs of English Language Arts and Social Studies teachers in the US and 
internationally. 
• We are eager to begin production of The Poetry of Earth, Sea, and Sky. Designed, too, for 
Middle and High School teachers, The Poetry of Earth, Sea, and Sky will draw English Language 
Arts instruction into dialogue with science, and will include extraordinary footage of the natural  
world, conversations with poets, scholars, and scientists as well as footage shot in class and in the 
field with great teachers. 
• A recent partnership with Greenwich Country Day School and the Success Academy Network 
of charter schools will provide a base for the production of a new collection of classroom-ready 
educational material on The Poetry of Art Sport, and Play. This collection will include 
discussions on poems filmed everywhere from sports fields to Broadway theaters, and will feature 
dancers, athletes, fashion designers, and more. 
• With a growing archive of footage capturing teachers and students reading American poems, 
we are eager to expand our reach and move into America's schools, disseminating, testing, 
and learning from teachers and students using our materials. We hope to be able to begin work 
evaluating the impact of poetry on literacy levels and character development and, eventually, to 
produce a full suite of materials that foster character development along with intellectual growth. 
Working closely with such partners as The Nantucket Project, Nautilus Magazine, The Aspen Ideas 
Festival, and The Big Think, and, of course, HarvardX, Harvard's provider of free open online 
courses, we are continuing to create rich educational media on poetry for adult learners and 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 028951 
lifelong learners. These materials include short form videos such as this one on Robert Pinsky's  
""Shirt"" (as featured in The New Yorker), and, this spring, the sixth module of the free seven-part 
Poetry in America MOOC, which has registrants in over 150 countries. 
Growing rapidly, and outpacing our current staff and infrastructure, Poetry in America has a 
fundraising goal this year of 2.5 million dollars to fund its expanding group of projects. We've taken 
a big step, hiring the design agency Threespot to help us develop our web presence. Our 
website— to launch early 2016— will eventually serve as an online hub for our TV show and 
educational projects. We hope you'll join us then for a virtual launch! 
Finally, Jeffrey, you have been such a wonderful supporter of my Poetry in America project. The 
Leon Black gift changed everything for me last year. It paid salaries for staff I desperately needed 
to complete projects (detail below), but first and foremost, it gave me leverage, enabling me to set 
down a solid Harvard base for my activities by giving the school something to point to: this public 
humanities project among the list of projects the Dean supports. The money did it: as soon as they 
heard about the gift, they took my project more seriously. Because of that gift, the Faculty of Arts 
and Sciences, which is space-stingy, found and rewired a studio space for me to house my video 
production operation and team. That gift woke up the Deans to the importance of Harvard's role in 
producing the highest quality humanities content for the WORLD, and not just for Harvard 
students. My main employee has half of her salary paid with these funds, and the foundation of our 
collection for PBS LeamingMedia is being made with this support. This gift represented one of the 
most consequential shifts of the last year, allowing me create content and launch projects this year 
that make future projects that much more likely. If I can keep this base sturdy at Harvard, refilling 
these coffers, I will be that much more able to keep working. 
I am also so grateful for the help you gave me in defining my project for Templeton, and, what help 
you have offered to give in bringing them around. I have, since Templeton turned me down, gotten 
funding to produce video on two of the poems I'd proposed to Templeton and to create, and test, 
that video in schools as I proposed. One of my partners in that project is Success Academy, where 
I could also expand my work with Templeton. And there are still other poems that may satisfy their 
character criteria more fully, including the third of the poems I'd originally proposed and that Joe 
Biden had agreed to discuss with me (on parenthood and humility). At this point, I'm gaining the 
platform and the name recognition to be an effective spokesperson for the foundation on building 
literacy and character in the schools. 
It really means a lot to me, all financial help aside, Jeffrey, that you are rooting for me and thinking 
about me. You push back a lot (as Larry does), and it's always annoying but I always learn. 
With abundant gratitude, 
Lisa 
Elisa New 
Powell M. Cabot Professor of American Literature 
Harvard University 
148 Barker Center 
12 Quincy Street 
Cambridge, MA 
02138 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 028952 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
Elisa New 
Powell M. Cabot Professor of American Literature 
Harvard University 
148 Barker Center 
12 Quincy Street 
Cambridge, MA 
02138 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 028953 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 028954 
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032318.txt,"please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032318
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010640.txt,"Filer's Name Page Number |
Donald J. Trump 24 of 51

Part 2: Filer's Employment Assets and Income

Description EIF {attached schedule Value — Income Type Income Amount |
(Part 2 - EXHIBIT A) |
Reference # |
126 N/K/A DTW VENTURE LLC N/A 1093 $1,000,001 - $5,000,000 rent $50,001 - $100,000 |
Underlying Assets: residential real estate
Location: Palm Beach, FL
See attached schedule a

127 DT Marks Worli LLC N/A 1089 royalties $100,001 - $1,000,000 |
Underlying Assets: license deal
Licensee(s): JAWALA REAL ESTATE PRIVATE LTD, LODHA
DEVELOPERS PRIVATE LTD |
Location: New York, NY |
See attached schedule |
Value not readily ascertainable |
130 THC VANCOUVER MANAGEMENT CORP N/A 1190 |
Underlying Assets: management company
Location: Vancouver, Canada |
See attached schedule management fees $21,576 |
Value not readily ascertainable
THE TRUMP ENTREPRENEUR INITIATIVE LLC N/A 1201

residual income $38,542
N/A }227
management fees $468,346 |
N/A 254
management fees $1,292,392
N/A 1256 $15,001 - $50,000
$2,198,295
$677,122

Underlying Assets: seminar program
N/A 1333 $1,001 - $15,000 $5,001 - $15,000

131

Location: New York, NY
See attached schedule
Value not readily ascertainable

132 TNGC JUPITER MANAGEMENT LLC
Underlying Assets: management company
Location: Jupiter, FL
See attached schedule
Value not readily ascertainable
TRUMP CHICAGO COMMERCIAL MANAGER LLC
Underlying Assets: management company
Location: New York, NY
See attached schedule
Value not readily ascertainable
TRUMP CHICAGO HOTEL MANAGER LLC
Value reported reflects bank account holding only.
Additional Underlying Asset: management company - value not
readily ascertainable. New York, NY
See attached schedule
TRUMP CHICAGO RESIDENTIAL MANAGER LLC
Underlying Assets: management company
Location: New York, NY
See attached schedule
Value not readily ascertainable
136 TRUMP MARKS FINE FOODS LLC

Value reported reflects bank account holding only.

Additional Underlying Asset: license deal with TWO RIVERS

a:

133

134

135 N/A }260

management fees

COFFEE - value not readily ascertainable. License holder, New
York, NY
See attached schedule

THE ACCOMPANYING SCHEDULE (PART 2- EXHIBIT A) 1S AN INTEGRAL PART OF THE ABOVE AND SHOULD BE READ IN CONJUNCTION THEREWITH. Gaps in numerical
sequence are due to the removal of previously reported items nalonger reportable on this part. Information being reported is as of April15, 2017.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010640
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031611.txt,"Office:
Mobil
Sa

Reuters.com

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031611
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024489.txt,"The Projections do not assume that the Company will make any future material acquisitions, even though
the Company expects fo use the proceeds of the sale of the Units, among other purposes, for
acquisitions, which will likely affect actual performance and cause it to differ from the Projections. The
Projections assume the success of the Company's operating strategy, although no assurance can be
given that the Company's strategy will be effective or that the anticipated benefits from the strategy will be
realized in the periods for which the Projections have been prepared. The assumptions described herein
are those that the Company believes are most significant to the Projections; however, not all assumptions
used in preparing the Projections have been set forth herein.

The Projections, in general, assume that: (i) the Company will not be negatively or positively impacted by
any material legal proceedings; (ii} there will be no material change in any of the Company's existing
contracts or leases; (ili) there will be no change in generally accepted accounting principles in the U.S.
that will have a material effect on the financial results of ihe Company; (iv} there will be no labor disputes,
natural disasters, acts of terrorism, epidemics (such as avian flu) or other disturbances that would
materially affect the operations or revenues of the Company; and (v) that worldwide economic conditions
and economic conditions in the U.S. remain generally favorable and consistent with those prevailing on
the date of this Memorandum.

The Projections are based upon a number of assumptions and estimates that, while considered
reasonable by management, are inherently subject to significant business, economic and competitive
risks, uncertainties and contingencies which are beyond the control of KLC, and upon assumptions with
respect to future business decisions which are subject to change. Accordingly, the Projections are only
an estimate, and actual results will vary from the Projections, and these variations may be material.
Consequently, the inclusion of the Projections herein should not be regarded as a representation of the
Company, its advisors, the Agents, or any other person of results that will actually be achieved.
Projections are necessarily specuiative in nature, and it is usually the case that one or more of the
assumptions in projections do not materialize. Prospective purchasers of the Units are cautioned not to
place undue reliance on the Projections.

The limited 412 projections contained in this Memorandum were received from k12 management and
were not prepared by the Company or its management.

The Company does not intend to update or otherwise revise the Projections to reflect circumstances
existing after the date hereof or to reflect the occurrence of unanticipated events, even in the event that
any or all of the underlying assumptions do not come to fruition. Furthermore, the Company does not
intend to updaie or revise the Projections to reflect changes in general economic or industry conditions.

6.4. Risks Related to Investing in the Units

6.4.1. There will be significant unallocated net proceeds from the offering

lf there are additional closings after the initial closing of the offering, after repayment of KUE’s debt, a
significant amount of the anticipated net proceeds from the offering of the Units may not have been
designated for specific uses. Therefore, the Company's management will have broad discretion within
the business scope of the Company with respect to the use of the net proceeds of the offering. There can
be no assurance that the uses of proceeds will benefit the Company or investors.

6.4.2 Investors will only have limited rights to receive ongoing information about the
Company

Other than as expressly provided in the Limited Partnership Agreement of KUE (the “Limited Partnership
Agreement""), the Company does not expect fo provide ongoing detailed information regarding its

business, financial condition or results of operations to Investors. The Limited Parinership Agreement
provides that Investors shall receive yearly audited financial statements of the Company, as well as semi-

56

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024489
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025797.txt,"Notes from Aspen Strategy Group

US Policy on Arab Revolutions
TJP summary: Plenty of different opinions on what was done right and wrong. No

consensus.

Indyk: syria will spill into Bahrain and KSA (Saudi). We should have moved earlier.
KSA is a BFD.

Feaver (ex Bush): BO's obsession w anti Bush (especially wrt Iraq) has
unnecessarily limited Administrations ability to engage in Iraq which -as we see
now w Syria - is just dumb.

Dannzinger (ex Obama Admin): obama has done a remarkable job and the only
way he could have done better is if I had held a senior post in the Administration.
Kahl (ex Obama Admin) : Feaver is living in a fantsy world. BO couldn't make a
SOFA deal w NAM. He tried, but we had no leverage and Iraqis wanted to break
sense of occupation. So President went to zero based engagement and now wants
to build engagement w Iraq from zero base.

Flornoy: Feaver, you make me feel like I lived in a different reality. Did a good job
of articulating ""lead from behind"" strat in Libya. When you consider our national
interests in the context of our domestic condition, we did the best we could.
Zelikow: what are the top priorities of admin. Defeat AQ and avoid a ""pre mature
war w Iran; avoid Iraqi civil war - Iraq is moving troops now to west; manage the
hot situations in ME.

Froman: ""lead fom behind"" is not admin policy. Leverage our resources and those
of our allies.

Hadley: now in era of big bets. We need to define our objectives and spot moments
when we should lead and take a big bet.

Maghan O: advancing our interests w a Lead from behind or a light handed
approach will only work if a numner of assumptions are accurate (eg Muslim Bro
will moderate; monarchy -KSA- will self reform). These are big assumptions and
therefore using a light hand may fail. Agrees w Hadly that there are times we should
take a big bet and Iraq would have been an example of that.

Indyk: we need to engage more in Syria. It is a regional lynch pin and lead from
behind won't work.

Feaver: Dannzinger is uncharacteristically wrong. A different approach 4 yrs ago
would have left us in better positions in Iran Iraq and Syria.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025797
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021843.txt,"Oo O DN OO FF WwW NY =|

NO RO PO PNP NM NO | S| S| HS SF S| S| S| S| S|
non BP WO NO -|- ODO OO WDN OO OT BP WO NYO —

20

way that works is, people Know that when, for example,
you know, a Professor speaks from the university, they
are giving their own point of view. The -- a school
like the University of Utah has, gosh, several hundred
faculty members, if not more, and so any time a member
of the University of Utah speaks, they are giving their
views on the subject. There may be a range of views.

Some Professors at the university of Utah may
be in favor of crime victim rights. Other Professors
may be opposed to crime victim rights. Young people
generally jump to the conclusion that just because they
are hearing a Professor from a particular school speak,
that that necessarily means that they are saying
something that the university endorses.

Q. If that's true, why do you include the
footnote on some pleadings?

A. Well, I included the footnote in this
particular case, the dean at the law school said, hey,
you know, it might be useful just to drop a footnote in
just to make sure that there's no misunderstanding and I
said, sure, I would be glad to do that. And so I think
pleadings, in this case leading up to this, had the star
footnote. Apparently on the signature block had got
dropped out. And then we were able to fix that ina

couple of days on this one.

ROUGH DRAFT ONLY

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021843

"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012057.txt,"11/14/2017 Rockefeller & Co. :: Who We Are

CEO
MESSAGE

IW thigvideo, Reubeneffery Ill discusses Rockefeller
&(Co.Ocomraitnaant| to,service and stewardship. We
pride ourselves on our client focus and the strong
relationships we develop with individuals, families, and

institutions.

PLAY VIDEO

OUR LEADERSHIP TEAM

http:/Avww.rockco.com/who-we-are 4/6

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012057
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022903.txt,"is, in Epstein’s dining room, always an alternative
version of world events—“perception versus reality,”
says Epstein, “not to imply that one necessarily has
greater weight than the other.”

“Why,” I ask Weingarten, when Epstein briefly
steps out of the room, “do so many people keep coming
back here, everything considered.” This is before the
most recent blowup but has been an obvious question
ever since his stint in jail.

“Why we camp out here? I guess because there’s
no place like it.”

Epstein summons in the next person cooling his
heels in the ante-room. It’s a young man named Brock
Pierce, a former child actor and dotcom high flyer—a
principle in a gaming company called DEN, a notorious
dotcom burnout with its own sex scandal—who now
describes himself as the “the most active investor” in
Bitcoin and the programmable currency space.

After a bit, Epstein invites his next appointment to
join them. Larry Summers, the former treasury secretary
and President of Harvard, enters the dining room.
Summers, off Diet Coke, digs deep into the Sheikh
Hamad chocolates, then focuses in on the Bitcoin
investor.

“Okay,” he says, after listening for a bit to Pierce
and his update on the rapid Bitcoin price swings, “I have
opportunities here. But an additional feature of my
decision problem, roughly speaking, is that the worst
that could happen to you is that you could lose all the

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022903
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020585.txt,"126

Conclusion and Recommendations

China’s aggressive policy is threatening the advantages the United States has long enjoyed as a
scientifically creative nation. This is occurring as a declining number of US students

are getting advanced degrees in science and technology, R&D funds are dropping off,
and the nation’s manufacturing base is shrinking.” When combined with a more
scientifically competent China that is also using the discoveries of others, the future of
US competitiveness comes into question.

The best source of resiliency in the face of rampant IP theft from China is continued
and expanded reinvestment in American innovation. The United States can recover its
competitiveness by manufacturing what it invents and rebuilding the scientific foundation
on which its competitive edge depends. But unless active efforts are made to prevent
countries from inappropriately exploiting American technologies developed at great cost,
efforts at national reconstruction will be wasted. The United States’ current defense of
intellectual property has not been effective in refuting appropriation by China, by all
accounts the world’s worst offender.

A key source of American creativity—the country’s individualism and openness—makes

it difficult to implement collective efforts to protect the products of American innovation.
Nonetheless, policies and processes can be improved to reduce the risk of misappropriation
without compromising America’s innovative capacity. These require improved transparency
with better information and screening, enhanced export controls, and stronger investment

reviews.

Transparency, better information, and screening

One of the most glaring factors that facilitates IP theft is the fact that recipients of Chinese
funding programs, such as the Thousand Talents Program described above, routinely do
not declare their work in China. At a minimum, recipients should be required to register as
foreign agents under the Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA).”? Recipients who are active
government employees may be breaking the law, as 18 US Code § 209 prohibits accepting
supplemental income for performing the same role that falls under the scope of their
government employment.”

The US government and universities should also take an evidence- and risk-based assessment
when determining whether to admit students into major research programs. The current
system, known as the Student and Exchange Visitor Information System (SEVIS),”* is
designed “to track and monitor schools and programs, students, exchange visitors and their
dependents while approved to participate in the US education system.” SEVIS collects data
on surnames and first names, addresses, date and country of birth, dependents’ information,
nationality/citizenship, funding, school, program name, date of study commencement,

Technology and Research

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020585
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014717.txt,"From: Ens, Amanda 
Sent: 3/16/2017 6:27:30 PM 
To: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com]; Richard Kahn 
Subject: Buy hedges for May expiry 
Attachments: image001.jpg; Woo - Cause and Effect - 13-Feb-2017.pdf; Woo - Year Ahead - 16-Nov-2016.pdf 
Importance: High 
David Woo (BAML head of FX, Rates and EM Strategy, very highly regarded across our client base) is back from meetings 
in DC with senior policymakers. 
Bottom line: sees market pullback over the next 6-8 weeks on near term policy disappointment and recommends 
buying protection such as S&P puts — very cheap and market is priced for perfection right now. 
May 
expiry 100%/90% SPX put spread costs 1.7% (6:1 gross max payout) 
David Woo takeaways 
• #1 focus these days is tax reform - if they don't get it done by Jan 2018, it won't happen at all, and then 
Republicans would be out of a job when midterm elections come 
• ACA has to be completed first — and it was a mistake to tackle this before tax reform. Obamacare difficult with 
only 52 seats in the Senate but Ryan has gone too far to back away from ACA and refocus on tax reform as a priority. 
McConnell's ACA target is mid-April and then they can start to focus on tax reform 2H April at the earliest. 
• Position for a market pullback over the next 6-8 weeks on bad headlines, data rollover (consumer confidence) 
as market focuses on ACA, low approval ratings and lack of progress with tax reform — 
buy early- or mid-May expiries 
vol and SPX puts are cheap — 
• Still long term bullish 
• 95% tax reform still happens this year (2H17 or Jan 2018) because Republicans know it has to happen this year 
or they are sitting ducks in 2018 and potentially unelectable for 6 years 
• Predicts no progress on tax reform over the next 6 weeks and then Republicans rally together to get behind a 
new plan and get it done (enter Woo's VAT proposal) — with market messy in the meantime 
• Trump is obsessed with the stock market — when he sees it trade lower, he will act 
• Regarding valuation adjustment tax (VAT) vs. border adjustment tax, Woo favors a 5% VAT over BAT 
o Why there is a <10% chance current proposal of BAT will get passed 
• Paul Ryan/Keven Brandy's proposal implies USD will appreciate +25%. Ryan is telling retailers this will happen 
but this is completely unrealistic and has serious consequences. Why this cannot happen: 
• $20tn in non-USD assets owned by US households - $5tn hit on country's balance sheet 
• EM has —$4tn in USD-denominated debt — increase of $1tn in EM debt and hurts US investors ultimately 
• —30% corporate profits are overseas ($400bn — so $100bn hit to [PS) — even exporters get hit — 
counterproductive 
• Commodity prices are in USD — hits purchasing power of rest of world in commodities — would see oil in the mid-
$30s — hits Russia, Brazil, even Exxon 
• 60% of central bank reserves are in USD — this would go above 70% - would foreign CBs want to hold this much 
when the US economy is 25% of global GDP? Yields would need to increase 
o BAT could get hung up with WTO (3-4 years.) Under BAT, wages are deductible (imported goods taxed as a share 
of total value but domestic goods taxed on only profits) — trade partners like Canada, Japan would take this to the WTO 
and we would wait 4 years for a verdict 
o 5% VAT is WTO compliant and has several benefits 
• VAT levels playing field for US imported vs exported goods (no longer see BMW's cheaper in the US than 
Germany) 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 014717 
• VAT is revenue neutral — would raise enough revenue to cut corporate tax rate to 15%, even 10% possibly 
• While consumption taxes like VAT can hit the poor (Democrats hate them), there is room for carve-outs on 
groceries, etc. There will be pushback from Republicans who hate lack of visibility of VAT as well. Only person who can 
pass this is Trump. 
• Under BAT, the working class is arguably hit even worse than under VAT 
o BAT would cause prices to go up at WMT and TGT (most of Trump's supporters shop there) 
o Retailers would raise prices but exporters won't lower prices 
o 5% VAT will result in a smaller average rise in prices (not entirely passed through), so less disruptive — would 
need USD to strengthen only 3-4% 
• Where does this leave us? Only Trump can cut through the logjam. 
• Woo prefers Europe over US right now. European equities are climbing a wall of worry 
• Getting positive on energy 
• Buy the dip in May (-6 weeks). But own early-May or mid-May equity puts now. 
• Other anecdotes 
o Regardless of your political preference, he thinks we all need Trump to succeed or the economy will get Bernie 
Sanders or worse. 
o Tillerson vs Kerry — Woo thinks Tillerson is actually working and getting things done, as opposed to Kerry who 
just cared about the Nobel. 
• Thus sees zero risk of a trade war with China 
• NAFTA is really more about China, not Mexico - and will ultimately benefit Mexico. Renegotiating NAFTA will 
remove the ability for Chinese exports to come in tariff-free through Mexico. 
o Mnuchin and Cohn really know what they're doing and Woo thinks they will get there on VAT/ tax reform 
• Cases for tax reform 
1. US marginal tax rate = 35 % = highest among OECD = diminished returns to investment 4 solution = decrease 
marginal tax rate 
2. US taxed on global income vs. territorial like other major economies. Issue because 1) US companies hold over 
$2t in capital overseas and 2) US companies acquiring smaller foreign companies to relocate headquarters 
internationally 4 solution = shift to territorial tax system 
3. US = only OECD country w/ no VAT which puts US produced goods at disadvantage. (VAT — producer of exported 
goods get rebate while importers pay) 4 solution = create VAT 
• Solutions have nothing to do with stimulus, will allow companies to take risk, invest, grow, and critical for global 
growth for next 10 yrs 
And from earlier presentations/calls: 
1. He mentioned on our March 1st tax reform call that the US is the only country amongst OECD without a VAT. 
BMW's thus cost less in the US than in Germany, as foreign companies get a VAT rebate when they export. US 
companies do not and they have to pay import tax. He views tax reform as very bullish for USD and yields (bearish for 
bond prices) and thinks the market is underpricing this. His rationale for the bullish USD and higher yields story is that 
tax reform encourages more money to come home to the US, adds US investment, evens the playing field for US 
companies — all good for US growth longer term and bullish the dollar. He had wanted tax reform by the August recess 
but then Senate would need to pass the bill by July, so they would need a bill to work with by May for the House to pass 
it in May — which means they need a bill to work with by the end of March (running out of time!) BAT is the only really 
controversial aspect holding back tax reform even though it's a small part (2 paragraphs of the 50-page Ryan-Brady plan) 
— still vague on details but he hoped they're learning from their mistake of releasing a half-baked travel ban that 
imploded after a week. 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 014718 
2. From a panel discussion last week: 
• Woo actually disagrees with some people's view that there is euphoria in the market. With real yields at -30bp, 
the fixed income market is pricing in pessimism on Trump (and as I've mentioned, our colleagues in fixed income/FX and 
their clients have been quite a bit more bearish than those in equities.) 
• Believes there is fear of stagflation in the market, while gold going through the roof on worries of inflation. 
• However, if the US$ strengthens by 25%, it will be deflationary. Dangerous for EM countries loaded in US$ debt, 
esp in the wake of boarder adjustment tax reform talk. 
• Tax reform is the only thing that matters. 
o US companies have $2-2.5trn of dormant cash sitting on their B/S outside of the US to avoid paying tax. 
o US is the only OECD country without a VAT tax. 
o What needs to happen is: implement a VAT tax that is border adjusted, and fix corporate tax rate. This will not 
only boost US economy, but will give a jolt to the world economy as well. 
o Positive that there is a solution, reform momentum on tax is strong regardless of political affiliation. There is a 
road out of the quagmire. 
o Question is: why when most other issues are getting leaked out of the White House, information on tax reform 
is not being leaked at all? Could it be a sign that the administration believes it is that important, and trying not to mess 
up on execution? [Or you could argue that there is nothing to leak at this point!] 
o On timing of tax reform: It is crucial we get a blue print of tax reform in the next 2-3 weeks [now 1-2 weeks], 
because Congress would like to raise debt ceiling while discussing tax reform before summer recess. 
o July 29th is start of summer recess, which means need to pass by May, requiring the bill proposal to be ready by 
March. Therefore, in the next few weeks, we need to see progress for an August deadline. 
o On personal income tax, Trump and Obama are actually on the same page in terms of taxing the wealthy. 
• US banks have $100bn of excess capital in reserve: beyond what they need. Next big growth area for US banks is 
commercial banking loans. Growth driver for US economy will be easy access to credit 
• Ryan-Brady Tax Blueprint released in 2016 - not many have actually read it, but many of the corporate clients 
seem better informed than hedge fund investors on this topic of late. 
• Rates: Just two weeks ago, the market was putting a less than 20% chance of a March 15th rate hike, vs now, it 
is priced in at an 86% chance. At this point, equities will sell off if no hike. 
• Fed will not hike in May ahead of French elections. 
3. David Woo's latest ""Cause and Effect"" is attached 
4. David Woo's Top Rates and FX Trades for 2017 is also attached. Woo believes that Brexit and the US election 
have signaled that the world has changed. These ground shifts have been brought on by a backlash to globalization, 
increasingly viewed as the culprit for wage stagnation, growing disparity of income and wealth between the rich and the 
poor, and the loss of national identity. For the year ahead, we recommend being bearish 5y US rates (seeing higher 
yields), long USDJPY (weaker JPY) and short a basket of EM LatAm long bonds (Mexico, Brazil and Colombia). But in the 
near term, we urge caution with the reflation trade. Short by US real rates (seeing higher yields) offers the best risk-
reward after recent moves. 
Regards, 
Amanda 
Amanda Ens 
Director 
Bank of America Merrill Lynch 
Merrill Lynch, Pierce, Fenner & Smith Incorporated 
One Bryant Park, 5th Floor, New York, NY 10036 
Phone: Mobile: 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 014719 
Risk 
Awards 
Winner 
Bank of America 
Merrill Lynch 
Equity derivatives 
house of the year 
This message, and any attachments, is for the intended recipient(s) only, may contain information that is 
privileged, confidential and/or proprietary and subject to important terms and conditions available at 
http://www.bankofamerica.com/emaildisclaimer. If you are not the intended recipient, please delete this 
message. 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 014720 
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015877.txt,"7
.

Holding a Real Number in your Hand

First: 3.1233249837583462136421472374
Second: 3.1233249837583462 134421472374

You have 2 seconds to answer!
TRY ANSWERING WITHOUT READING ON

The first is larger. I changed one digit. Can you see?

Notice, you need time to read each digit and process the information.
If you were an obedient reader and attempted it in two seconds you either
guessed or gave up. Two seconds is too short to take in all the digits.

Let me give you another test. Again, I'll ask you the question, “Is the
first number larger than the second?”

First

3.1233249837583462 1364214723751646464646464636...
Second
3.12332498375834621364214723751646464646464636...

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015877
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031177.txt,"Date: Friday, July 16 2010 04:47 PM
Subject: Re: Some of those girls | invited to ibiza
From: Jeffrey Epstein <jeevacation@gmail.com>

To: Danie! Sicd I

tigran has the best taste next to you.. ,, iam happy to meet him, he had a girl named[jjjin paris, that he had
told many bad things about me.

On Fri, Jul 16, 2010 at 12:33 PM, Daniel Siad (i wrote:

Hello Jeffrey

A great friend of mine rented Huge House in Ibiza so invited a lots of girls from Russia all models because
they will be doing the shootings down there for several magazines with and great scout named Tigrane He use
to scout For Trump but he deosnt work for him any more he coming with 12 girls the first weeck 22th of Jully
then 13 others the second weeck from the th of 5 th of august

He would like to meet you . I just called Jean Luc to see with him if he can come too that will be great to
build this great network for Mc2

Please let me know if you can come to spend some time with us

My best regards

Confidentiality Notice: The information contained in this electronic message is PRIVILEGED and
confidential information intended only for the use of the individual entity or entities named as recipient or
recipients. If the reader is not the intended recipient, be hereby notified that any dissemination, distribution or
copy of this communication is strictly prohibited. If you have received this communication in error, please
notify me immediately by electronic mail or by telephone and permanently delete this message from your
computer system. Thank you.

3s 2fe 2s 24s 2s 2s 24s 5s 2fe 2s fe 2s 2 2s ois 2fe ois fe fs 2s 2c ois 2fe ois fe 2s fs ofc ois 2fe ois fe fs fs 2c ois 2fe ois 2fe ois fe 2s ois 2fe ois 2fe ois fe 2c ois 2s ois 2fe ois oie 2s ois 2 ok

The information contained in this communication 1s
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of

Jeffrey Epstein

Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031177
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019233.txt,"﻿June 2017
Breaking Down Democracy:
Goals, Strategies, and Methods
of Modern Authoritarians
by Arch Puddington
CONTENTS
Executive Summary 1
Introduction: Modern Authoritarians: Origins,
Anatomy, Outlook 5
Chapters
1. Validating Autocracy through the Ballot 10
2. Propaganda at Home and Abroad 15
3. The Enemy Within: Civil Society at Bay 22
4. The Ministry of Truth in Peace and War 29
5. The Rise of ‘Illiberal Democracy’ 35
6. Flacks and Friends 41
7. Bullying the Neighbors: Frozen Conflicts,
the Near Abroad, and Other Innovations 47
8. Back to the Future 52
Conclusion: Authoritarianism Comes Calling 57
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This report emerged from a presentation on the state of global freedom conducted by the author and David J. Kramer, former
president of Freedom House. The major source of data and analysis is Freedom in the World, the report on political rights and
civil liberties published annually by Freedom House. The author wishes to thank the Freedom House analysis staff and the
many scholars who have participated in Freedom House assessments of global democracy. The author also extends special
thanks to Elen Aghekyan, Tyler Roylance, Alexandra Cain, Danielle Recanati, Amy Slipowitz, Alan Williams, Christopher Walker,
Bret Nelson, Michael Johnson, Rebeka Foley, Zselyke Csaky, Sarah Repucci, Vanessa Tucker, Robert Ruby,
and Daniel Calingaert.
THE AUTHOR
Arch Puddington is Distinguished Scholar for Democracy Studies at Freedom House and a co-editor of Freedom in the World.
ON THE COVER
Chinese President Xi Jinping and Russian President Vladimir Putin in Beijing, 2016. Lintao Zhang/Getty Images
Executive Summary
Breaking Down Democracy: Goals, Strategies,
and Methods of Modern Authoritarians
by Arch Puddington
The 21st century has been marked by a resurgence of authoritarian
rule that has proved resilient despite economic fragility and
occasional popular resistance. Modern authoritarianism has
succeeded, where previous totalitarian systems failed, due to refined
and nuanced strategies of repression, the exploitation of open
societies, and the spread of illiberal policies in democratic countries
themselves. The leaders of today’s authoritarian systems devote fulltime
attention to the challenge of crippling the opposition without
annihilating it, and flouting the rule of law while maintaining a
plausible veneer of order, legitimacy, and prosperity.
Central to the modern authoritarian strategy is the
capture of institutions that undergird political pluralism.
The goal is to dominate not only the executive
and legislative branches, but also the media, the
judiciary, civil society, the commanding heights of the
economy, and the security forces. With these institutions
under the effective if not absolute control of an
incumbent leader, changes in government through fair
and honest elections become all but impossible.
Unlike Soviet-style communism, modern authoritarianism
is not animated by an overarching ideology or
the messianic notion of an ideal future society. Nor
do today’s autocrats seek totalitarian control over
people’s everyday lives, movements, or thoughts.
The media are more diverse and entertaining under
modern authoritarianism, civil society can enjoy an
independent existence (as long as it does not pursue
political change), citizens can travel around the country
or abroad with only occasional interference, and
private enterprise can flourish (albeit with rampant
corruption and cronyism).
This study explains how modern authoritarianism defends
and propagates itself, as regimes from different
regions and with diverse socioeconomic foundations
copy and borrow techniques of political control.
Among its major findings:
• Russia, under President Vladimir Putin, has
played an outsized role in the development of
modern authoritarian systems. This is particularly
true in the areas of media control, propaganda,
the smothering of civil society, and the
www.freedomhouse.org
1
BREAKING DOWN DEMOCRACY: Goals, Strategies, and Methods of Modern Authoritarians
MAJOR DECLINES FOR INFLUENTIAL COUNTRIES OVER THE PAST 10 YEARS
0
Change in Freedom in the World Aggregate Score, 2007-2016
-5
-10
-15
-20
-25
Turkey
Bahrain
-25
Ethiopia
-21
Azerbaĳan
Venezuela
-17 -17
Hungary
-16
Ecuador
Russia
Ukraine
-12 -12 -12
Afghanistan
-10
-30
-28
weakening of political pluralism. Russia has also
moved aggressively against neighboring states
where democratic institutions have emerged or
where democratic movements have succeeded
in ousting corrupt authoritarian leaders.
• The rewriting of history for political purposes is
common among modern authoritarians. Again,
Russia has taken the lead, with the state’s assertion
of authority over history textbooks and the
process, encouraged by Putin, of reassessing
the historical role of Joseph Stalin.
• The hiring of political consultants and lobbyists
from democratic countries to represent the
interests of autocracies is a growing phenomenon.
China is clearly in the vanguard, with multiple
representatives working for the state and for
large economic entities closely tied to the state.
But there are also K Street representatives for
Russia, Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan, Turkey, Ethiopia,
and practically all of the authoritarian states in
the Middle East.
• The toxic combination of unfair elections and
crude majoritarianism is spreading from modern
authoritarian regimes to illiberal leaders in what
are still partly democratic countries. Increasingly,
populist politicians—once in office—claim
the right to suppress the media, civil society,
and other democratic institutions by citing
support from a majority of voters. The resulting
changes make it more difficult for the opposition
to compete in future elections and can pave
the way for a new authoritarian regime.
• An expanding cadre of politicians in democracies
are eager to emulate or cooperate with
authoritarian rulers. European parties of the
nationalistic right and anticapitalist left have
expressed admiration for Putin and aligned
their policy goals with his. Others have praised
2
Freedom House
EVERY INDICATOR HAS DECLINED OVER THE PAST 10 YEARS
0.0
Electoral
Process*
Pluralism and
Participation
Functioning of
Government*
Expression and
Belief
Association and
Assembly*
Rule of Law
Personal and
Individual Rights
-0.1
-0.2
Change in Score, 2007-2016
-0.3
-0.4
-0.5
-0.6
-0.7
*Denotes indicators scored on a 12-point scale. All others are scored on a 16-point scale.
illiberal governments in countries like Hungary
for their rejection of international democratic
standards in favor of perceived national interests.
Even when there is no direct collaboration,
such behavior benefits authoritarian powers by
breaking down the unity and solidarity of the
democratic world.
• There has been a rise in authoritarian internationalism.
Authoritarian powers form loose
but effective alliances to block criticism at the
United Nations and regional organizations like
the Organization for Security and Co-operation
in Europe and the Organization of American
States, and to defend embattled allies like Syria’s
Bashar al-Assad. There is also growing replication
of what might be called authoritarian best
practices, vividly on display in the new Chinese
law on nongovernmental organizations (NGOs)
and efforts by Russia and others to learn from
China’s experience in internet censorship.
• Modern authoritarians are working to revalidate
the concept of the leader-for-life. One of the
seeming gains of the postcommunist era was
the understanding that some form of term limits
should be imposed to prevent incumbents from
consolidating power into a dictatorship. In recent
years, however, a number of countries have
adjusted their constitutions to ease, eliminate,
or circumvent executive term limits. The result
has been a resurgence of potential leaders-forlife
from Latin America to Eurasia.
• While more subtle and calibrated methods of repression
are the defining feature of modern authoritarianism,
the past few years have featured
a reemergence of older tactics that undermine
the illusions of pluralism and openness as well
as integration with the global economy. Thus
Moscow has pursued its military intervention in
Ukraine despite economic sanctions and overseen
the assassination of opposition figures;
www.freedomhouse.org
3
BREAKING DOWN DEMOCRACY: Goals, Strategies, and Methods of Modern Authoritarians
Beijing has revived the practice of coerced public
“confessions” and escalated its surveillance
of the Tibetan and Uighur minorities to totalitarian
levels; and Azerbaijan has made the Aliyev
family’s monopoly on political power painfully
obvious with the appointment of the president’s
wife as “first vice president.”
• Modern authoritarian systems are employing
these blunter methods in a context of increased
economic fragility. Venezuela is already in the
process of political and economic disintegration.
Other states that rely on energy exports
have also experienced setbacks due to low oil
and gas prices, and China faces rising debt and
slower growth after years of misallocated investment
and other structural problems. But these
regimes also face less international pressure to
observe democratic norms, raising their chances
of either surviving the current crises or—if
they break down—giving way to something even
worse.
In subsequent sections, this report will examine the
methods employed by authoritarian powers to neutralize
precisely those institutions that were thought
to be the most potent weapons against a revitalized
authoritarianism. The success of the Russian and
Chinese regimes in bringing to heel and even harnessing
the forces produced by globalization—digital
media, civil society, free markets—may be their most
impressive and troubling achievement.
Modern authoritarianism is particularly insidious in its
exploitation of open societies. Russia and China have
both taken advantage of democracies’ commitment to
freedom of expression and delivered infusions of propaganda
and disinformation. Moscow has effectively
prevented foreign broadcasting stations from reaching
Russian audiences even as it steadily expands the
reach of its own mouthpieces, the television channel
RT and the news service Sputnik. China blocks the
websites of mainstream foreign media while encouraging
its corporations to purchase influence in
popular culture abroad through control of Hollywood
studios. Similar combinations of obstruction at home
and interference abroad can be seen in sectors including
civil society, academia, and party politics.
The report draws on examples from a broad group
of authoritarian states and illiberal democracies, but
the focus remains on the two leading authoritarian
powers, China and Russia. Much of the report, in
fact, deals with Russia, since that country, more than
any other, has incubated and refined the ideas and
institutions at the foundation of 21st-century authoritarianism.
Finally, a basic assumption behind the report is that
modern authoritarianism will be a lasting feature of
geopolitics. Since 2012, both Vladimir Putin and Xi
Jinping have doubled down on existing efforts to
stamp out internal dissent, and both have grown more
aggressive on the world stage. All despotic regimes
have inherent weaknesses that leave them vulnerable
to sudden shocks and individually prone to collapse.
However, the past quarter-century has shown that
dictatorship in general will not disappear on its own.
Authoritarian systems will seek not just to survive, but
to weaken and defeat democracy around the world.
4
Freedom House
Introduction
Modern Authoritarianism: Origins, Anatomy, Outlook
As the world’s democracies confront a dangerous
internal challenge from populist and nationalist
political forces, it is imperative that they recognize the
simultaneous external threat presented by modern
authoritarian regimes. These 21 st century authoritarians
developed an arsenal of new tactics to use
against their domestic opponents, and gone on the
offensive in an effort to subvert and replace the liberal
international order.
But modern authoritarian systems are not simply
adversaries of free societies. They also represent an
alternative model—a grim future for beleaguered
democracies that have already fallen under the sway
of illiberal leaders and have suffered an erosion of
freedom.
Democracy under siege
Global democracy is currently facing the repercussions
of what has been called the “decade of decline.”
The phrase describes a 10-year-plus period, from 2006
to 2016, during which the state of freedom experienced
more reversals than gains as measured by Freedom
in the World, the annual report on political rights
and civil liberties published by Freedom House. 1
According to Freedom in the World, the crucial
indicators of democracy experienced setbacks in
each of the 10 years in question. In all, 105 countries
suffered net declines, while 61 showed some measure
of improvement. The decade marked the longest
democratic slump of its kind in more than 40 years of
Freedom House analysis. 2
The decade of decline has been principally characterized
by a steady erosion of political institutions in established
authoritarian countries, or in countries that
were clearly headed in that direction. In other words,
repressive countries became even more repressive—
the bad became even worse. 3
However, a parallel pattern of institutional erosion has
affected some more democratic states, pushing them
into the category of “illiberal democracies.” In these societies,
elections are regularly conducted, sometimes
under conditions that are reasonably fair. But the state,
usually under the control of a strong party or leader,
applies much of its energy to the systematic weakening
of political pluralism and the creation of a skewed
electoral playing field. Opposition parties are often
impotent, freedom of the press is circumscribed, and
the judiciary tends to be dominated by the ruling party.
Countries that fit this description include Hungary,
Bolivia, Ecuador, and, if recent trends continue, Poland.
There are many reasons for the global decline in democratic
indicators, but the statistical evidence from
Freedom in the World suggests that modern authoritarian
regimes have found a way to survive without
resorting to democratic reforms, and that a number
of democracies—as part of the general loss of liberal
consensus—are engaging in their own antidemocratic
experiments.
Modern authoritarianism
The traditional authoritarian state sought monopolistic
control over political life, a one-party system organized
around a strongman or military junta, and direct
rule by the executive, sometimes through martial law,
with little or no role for the parliament.
Traditional dictatorships and totalitarian regimes were
often defined by closed, command, or autarkic economies,
a state media monopoly with formal censorship,
and “civil society” organizations that were structured
as appendages of the ruling party or state. Especially
in military dictatorships, the use of force—including
military tribunals, curfews, arbitrary arrests, political
detentions, and summary executions—was pervasive.
Often facing international isolation, traditional dictatorships
and totalitarian regimes forged alliances based on
www.freedomhouse.org
5
BREAKING DOWN DEMOCRACY: Goals, Strategies, and Methods of Modern Authoritarians
common ideologies, whether faith in Marxist revolution
or ultraconservative, anticommunist reaction.
As the 20th century drew to a close, the weaknesses
of both communist systems and traditional dictatorships
became increasingly apparent. Front and center
was the growing economic gap between countries
that had opted for market economies and regimes
that were committed to statist economies.
The political and economic barriers that had long sheltered
the old dictatorships were soon swept away, and
those that survived or recovered did so by making a
series of strategic concessions to the new global order.
Modern authoritarianism has a different set of defining
features:
• An illusion of pluralism that masks state control
over key political institutions, with co-opted or
otherwise defanged opposition parties allowed
to participate in regular elections
• State or oligarchic control over key elements of
the national economy, which is otherwise open
to the global economy and private investment,
to ensure loyalty to the regime and bolster
regime claims of legitimacy based on economic
prosperity
• State or oligarchic control over information on
certain political subjects and key sectors of the
media, which are otherwise pluralistic, with high
production values and entertaining content; independent
outlets survive with small audiences
and little influence
• Suppression of nongovernmental organizations
(NGOs) that are focused on human rights or
political reform, but state tolerance or support
for progovernment or apolitical groups that work
on public health, education, and other development
issues
• Legalized political repression, with targets punished
through vaguely worded laws and politically
obedient courts
• Limited, selective, and typically hidden use of
extralegal force or violence, with a concentration
on political dissidents, critical journalists, and
officials who have fallen from favor
• Opportunistic, non-ideological cooperation with
fellow authoritarian states against pressure
for democratic reform or leadership changes,
international human rights norms and mechanisms,
and international security or justice
interventions
• Knowledge-sharing with or emulation of fellow
authoritarian states regarding tactics and legislation
to enhance domestic control
China and Russia
The two major modern authoritarian powers are China
and Russia.
Until fairly recently, the conventional wisdom was that
China’s one-party authoritarian system would gradually
relax as the middle class expanded and the country
became fully integrated into the global economic
and diplomatic systems. The leadership did expand
citizens’ freedom to travel, make money, and access
information and entertainment that did not touch on
sensitive subjects. But it has resolutely refused to give
up control over the political sphere.
In fact, the state has become increasingly aggressive
in its suppression of political dissent and information
that might challenge the Communist Party narrative.
The regime’s rhetoric and policies have become more
hostile to democracy and “Western” values. Its propaganda
asserts the superior efficiency of the one-party
system and sneers at the messiness of democracy.
And the focus of its repressive apparatus has steadily
expanded from a relatively narrow segment of political
opposition figures to encompass a broad collection of
target groups, including human rights lawyers, ethnic
minorities, Christians, women’s rights advocates, liberal
academics, and independent journalists.
Russia is much smaller than China in terms of population
and economic might, but it has emerged as
a leader of modern authoritarian innovation. Under
Vladimir Putin, the Russian regime pioneered the
capture of the media through state enterprises and
oligarchic cronies, the adoption of laws designed to
dismember civil society, the use of the judiciary as
an instrument of political harassment, and, perhaps
most importantly of all, the development of modern
propaganda and disinformation.
Russia has also been in the vanguard of a relentless
campaign against liberal values, and has moved
relentlessly to export authoritarian ideas and techniques
to other societies, both in neighboring
6
Freedom House
Eurasian countries and elsewhere in the world. While
today there is nothing that resembles the Comintern
of Soviet times, authoritarian countries have developed
an ad hoc network of cooperation that has
proven effective at the United Nations and in regional
bodies like the Organization of American States.
Adapting to survive
Modern authoritarianism matured as regimes sought
to defend themselves against the sorts of civil society
movements that triggered “color revolutions” in
Georgia, Ukraine, and elsewhere in the early 2000s.
On their own, formal opposition parties were relatively
easy to marginalize or co-opt, and traditional mass
media could be brought to heel through pressure on
private owners, among other techniques. But civil
society organizations presented a formidable challenge
in some settings, as they were able to mobilize
the public—especially students and young people—
around nonpartisan reformist goals and use relatively
open online media to spread their messages.
It is now a major objective of modern authoritarian
states to suppress civil society before it becomes
strong enough to challenge the incumbent political
leadership. Yet whereas dissidents were dispatched
to the gulag or explicitly exiled by the Soviets, or jailed
and murdered by traditional dictatorships like Augusto
Pinochet’s Chile, today’s activists are checked by
NGO regulations that control registration and foreign
funding, laws that allow arbitrary restrictions on public
protest, and trumped-up criminal charges for key
organizers that serve to intimidate others.
Modern authoritarianism has also devised special
methods to bring the internet under political control
without shutting it down entirely. While old-style dictatorships
like Cuba long prevented the widespread
use of the internet out of fear that online communications
would pose a threat to the state’s monopoly
on information, modern authoritarians understood
that a high rate of internet penetration is essential to
participation in the global economy. However, once
online media emerged as a real alternative to traditional
news sources and a crucial tool for civic and
political mobilization, these regimes began to step up
their interference.
The Chinese government has developed the world’s
most sophisticated system of internet controls. Its socalled
Great Firewall, a censorship and filtering apparatus
designed to prevent the circulation of information
that the authorities deem politically dangerous
without affecting nonsensitive information, requires
tremendous financial, human, and technological resources
to maintain. Other regimes have not attempted
anything approaching the scale of China’s system,
but some have constructed more limited versions or
simply relied on inexpensive offline techniques like
arrests of critical bloggers, direct pressure on the
owners of major online platforms, and new laws that
force internet sites to self-censor.
Alternative values
While modern authoritarians initially mobilized for
defensive purposes, to thwart color revolutions or
the liberal opposition, they have become increasingly
aggressive in challenging the democratic norms that
prevailed in the wake of the Cold War, and in setting
forth a rough set of political values as an alternative
to the liberal model. Examples of this phenomenon
include:
1. Majoritarianism: A signal idea of many authoritarians
is the proposition that elections are
winner-take-all affairs in which the victor has an
absolute mandate, with little or no interference
from institutional checks and balances. Putin,
Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and the
Venezuelan chavista leadership all behave as
if there are no valid controls on their authority,
the opposition has no rights, and the system
is theirs to dismantle and remake from top to
bottom. Disturbingly, the leaders of some democratic
societies have begun to embrace the
majoritarian idea. The Hungarian prime minister,
Viktor Orbán, has instituted a thorough overhaul
of the country’s constitution and national legislation
with an eye toward measures that will
insulate his party from future defeat.
2. Sovereignty: A number of governments have
invoked the doctrine of absolute sovereignty
to rebuff international criticism of restrictions
on the press, the smothering of civil society,
the persecution of the political opposition, and
the repression of minority groups. They claim
that the enforcement of universal human rights
standards or judgments from transnational legal
bodies represent undue interference in their
domestic affairs and a violation of national prerogatives.
3. Dictatorship of law: Initially articulated by Vladimir
Putin, this phrase has come to signify the
adoption of laws that are so vaguely written as to
www.freedomhouse.org
7
BREAKING DOWN DEMOCRACY: Goals, Strategies, and Methods of Modern Authoritarians
give the authorities wide discretion in applying
them to regime opponents. Such measures are
typically paired with a court system that uses law
merely to justify political instructions from the executive
branch, making a mockery of due process
and international conceptions of the rule of law.
4. History revised: A number of countries have undertaken
a refashioning of history to buttress the
legitimacy and aims of the current government.
Historians and journalists are forbidden to cross
certain redlines set by the authorities. In China,
the state has prevented the publication of full,
accurate, or critical accounts of the Great Leap
Forward, the Cultural Revolution, or the Mao Zedong
era in general. In Russia, Joseph Stalin has
been rehabilitated. He is now officially portrayed
as a strong if mildly flawed leader rather than as
the man responsible for the deaths of millions of
his own people. In Turkey, Erdoğan has decreed
that high school students should study the defunct
Ottoman language, challenging a nearly
century-old reform linked to Mustafa Kemal
Atatürk, modern Turkey’s founder. 4
5. Democracy redefined: It is a testament to the
power of the democratic idea that authoritarian
leaders around the globe have claimed the mantle
of democracy for forms of government that
amount to legalized repression. Even as they
heap disdain on the liberal order, they have often
insisted on the validity of their own systems
as types of democratic rule. They even devise
terms to describe their special variant, such as
“sovereign democracy,” “revolutionary democracy,”
or “illiberal democracy.”
6. Return of the leader for life: Among the changes
invariably instituted by modern authoritarians is
the de facto or de jure removal of constitutional
limits on presidential terms. Preventing the
concentration of power in a single leader is a
fundamental goal of democratic governance, but
authoritarian propaganda has presented term
limits as artificial constraints, associated them
with foreign origins, and claimed that they do
not suit every country’s unique historical, cultural,
or security conditions.
While these ideas may not amount to a coherent
or complete ideology, they do form the basis for an
impressive degree of collaboration and alliance-building
that has brought together modern authoritarian
regimes with significantly different economic systems,
official creeds, and sources of political legitimacy.
A loose-knit league of authoritarians works to protect
mutual interests at the United Nations and other international
forums, subverting global human rights standards
and blocking precedent-setting actions against
fellow despots. With the formation of the Shanghai
Cooperation Organization, Russia, China, and a number
of Central Asian governments have come together to
discuss common regime-security strategies. 5
More disturbingly, modern authoritarians collaborate
to prop up some of the world’s most reprehensible
regimes, apparently reasoning that the toppling of
one dictator thins the herd, inspires imitation, and
endangers them all. This is most visible in Syria, where
Russia, China, Iran, and Venezuela at various times
have offered diplomatic support, loans, fuel, or direct
military aid to the regime of Bashar al-Assad.
Dashed hopes
Democracy recorded unprecedented gains during the
20th century’s last decades. In 1975, Freedom House
found that just 25 percent of the world’s sovereign
states qualified for the Free category; by 2000, the
share of countries rated as Free had reached 45
percent. 6
The numbers told an optimistic story, and a series of
accelerating social trends suggested that the recent
improvements would hold firm and expand as the new
millennium dawned.
There was, to begin with, a strong identification of free
societies with free markets. The degree of economic
freedom varied from one society to the next, and
corruption was a problem in practically all of the new
democracies. But there was no longer a major bloc of
countries that rejected capitalism, and practically every
country sought to deepen their participation in the
global economic system, as witnessed by the number
of governments seeking admission to the World Trade
Organization. Authorities in the United States and
elsewhere predicted that as countries came to accept
the rules of the game set down by the WTO, they
would also be more amenable to accepting the norms
of liberal democracy, including fair elections, freedom
of expression, minority rights, and the rule of law.
A second development was the introduction of the internet
and other digital media. In the wake of the collapse
of the Soviet Union, communist governments in
8
Freedom House
Eastern Europe, and military dictatorships elsewhere,
there was an explosion of newspapers, radio and
television stations, and other independent media with
diverse editorial policies. But the internet in particular
was seen as an irresistible force that could render
censorship of any kind impossible. In 2000, President
Bill Clinton compared China’s efforts to control internet
content to “trying to nail Jell-O to the wall.” 7
Third, a growing number of experts began to identify
a new instigator of democratic change in global civil
society. Unlike the “people’s movements” of earlier
decades, in which well-known leaders mobilized mass
demonstrations and often insurrectionary violence
with the goal of overthrowing despotic regimes, the
phenomenon that was labeled civil society consisted
of organizations that were often committed to a single
cause or a few causes united by a particular theme.
Most activists were young, with little prior involvement
in politics, and many regarded themselves as part of
a global effort to advance goals like reducing carbon
emissions, empowering women, or fighting corruption.
In a prescient 1997 article, Jessica T. Mathews predicted
that in the future global civil society would be the
triggering force behind liberal change. 8 She suggested
that in many cases civil society organizations would
play a more important role than governments. Her
words seemed prescient in light of later events in
Serbia, where student activists organized a campaign
that eventually brought about the downfall of President
Slobodan Milošević in 2000, and in Ukraine, where
young reformers played a pivotal role in ensuring that
the 2004 elections were not stolen through fraud.
In declaring that dictatorships or even authoritarian
methods were destined to succumb to this triad of
new social forces, commentators were also expressing
optimism about the universal appeal of liberal
values. The decade after the end of the Cold War
was a heyday for democratic ideas and norms. It was
increasingly expected that countries would not only
hold elections, but that their elections would meet
international standards and be judged “free and fair.”
There was also an expectation that political parties
would be able to compete on a reasonably level
playing field, that opposition leaders would not be
harassed or arrested, and that minorities would be
able to pursue their agendas through normal political
channels and not find it necessary to wage perpetual
protest campaigns.
However, there were nagging questions. It remained
unclear whether most societies would have access to
multiple sources of political ideas, multiple interpretations
of the news, and open scholarly inquiries about
the past. Would there be honest judicial proceedings,
especially in cases with political implications? Would
property rights be secure?
Beyond these primarily domestic issues, there was
another series of questions related to individual
governments’ relations with their neighbors and the
rest of the world. The end of the Cold War had brought
a peace dividend, both financial and psychological,
for all sides. At the time, most assumed that peace
would prove durable. But would the general decline
in military budgets hold? Would the new national
boundaries that divided the former Soviet Union and
the former Yugoslavia be sustainable?
As modern authoritarianism has taken root and expanded
its influence, the answers to these questions
are increasingly negative.
1. Freedom in the World 2016 (New York: Freedom House, 2016), https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/freedom-world-2016.
2. Ibid.
3. Ibid.
4. Ceylan Yeginsu, “Turks Feud Over Change in Education,” New York Times, December 8, 2014, http://www.nytimes.com/2014/12/09/
world/europe/erdogan-pushes-ottoman-language-classes-as-part-of-tradtional-turkish-values.html.
5. Eleanor Albert, “The Shanghai Cooperation Organization,” Council on Foreign Relations, October 14, 2015, http://www.cfr.org/
china/shanghai-cooperation-organization/p10883.
6. “Freedom in the World at 41,” in Freedom in the World 2014 (New York: Freedom House, 2014), https://freedomhouse.org/sites/
default/files/Freedom%20in%20the%20World%202014%20Booklet.pdf.
7. “China’s Internet: A Giant Cage,” Economist, April 6, 2013, http://www.economist.com/news/special-report/21574628-internetwas-expected-help-democratise-china-instead-it-has-enabled.
8. Jessica T. Mathews, “Power Shift,” Foreign Affairs (January/February 1997), https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/1997-01-01/
power-shift.
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BREAKING DOWN DEMOCRACY: Goals, Strategies, and Methods of Modern Authoritarians
Chapter 1
Validating Autocracy through the Ballot
A major difference between modern authoritarian
systems and traditional dictatorships lies in the role of
elections for parliament and head of state.
Twentieth-century dictatorships often dispensed with
elections entirely or conducted them under blatantly
fraudulent conditions. In the Soviet bloc, elections
were a pointless ritual in which citizens were pressured
to go to a polling place and cast ballots for the
Communist Party candidate, the only one permitted to
compete. Military and postcolonial dictatorships often
canceled elections on spurious “national emergency”
grounds, or rigged the outcome through crude ballot-stuffing
and open intimidation.
“We’re not perfect. But we do have
democracy.”
—Hugo Chávez
“Yes, we falsified the last election.…
In fact, 93.5 percent [of ballots were]
for President Lukashenka. People
say this is not a European result, so
we changed it to 86 percent.”
—Alyaksandr Lukashenka
At a certain point in the 1980s, however, the strongmen,
juntas, and revolutionary councils of the era
realized that reasonably fair elections could no longer
be avoided. Sometimes a ruling group understood
that this would likely lead to an opposition victory. But
usually, the incumbent leaders—and often foreign
journalists and diplomats—presumed that voters in
repressive settings preferred stability to uncertainty
and would opt for the reassuring faces of authority.
These calculations proved wildly misplaced. Opposition
parties swept to victory in country after country—in
Uruguay, Argentina, Nicaragua, South Korea,
the Philippines, Poland. The word “stunning” made
a frequent appearance in news accounts, as in the
stunning rejection of the ruling party in Poland, or the
stunning setback suffered by Chile’s Augusto Pinochet
in a referendum on the continuation of his dictatorship.
Or, perhaps most astonishing, the stunning
defeat of Communist Party stalwarts in a number of
Soviet cities in 1990 local elections. 1
Elections became a key force behind the wave of democratization
that engulfed much of the world during
that decade. Today, the obligation to hold some form of
multiparty balloting is felt by nearly all governments.
The illusion of pluralism
Yet just as with other democratic institutions, modern
authoritarians have mastered the techniques of control
over the electoral process, maintaining political
dominance behind a screen of false diversity.
They have adapted in many ways to the age of the internet
and the expectations of a better-informed public. In
the most sophisticated authoritarian states, professional
political operatives—in Russia they are called
“political technologists”—work just as hard as their
counterparts in the United States. Their goal, however,
is not to defeat opposition candidates in a competitive
setting, but rather to organize a system that creates the
illusion of competition while squelching it in reality.
In most countries, elections are largely “free and fair,”
meaning the playing field is reasonably level, there is an
honest tabulation of the ballots, vote buying and ballot
stuffing do not change the outcome, and independent
election observers are allowed to monitor the proceedings.
For 2015, Freedom in the World placed the number
of electoral democracies at 125, around 64 percent
of the world’s sovereign states. 2 By historical standards,
this is an impressive figure. Still, there are 70 countries
that do not qualify as electoral democracies. In all but
a few of these settings, elections are indeed held, but
they are either badly flawed or patently dishonest.
Yet even in systems where elections are tainted or fixed
outright, authoritarian leaders often claim legitimacy
from the ballot box. Of the countries assessed in this
study, only China rejects elections as part of the leadership’s
strategy for political control. In Russia, Turkey, Venezuela,
and elsewhere, the leadership invokes victory at
the polls as a mandate for government, including the
adoption of policies that are in fact deeply unpopular.
In some authoritarian states, elections are neither free
nor fair, with heavy manipulation that directly ensures
10
Freedom House
the ruling party’s dominance. But in other settings, elections
are held under conditions that are relatively free
but effectively unfair. That is, the electoral playing field
is tilted to favor the incumbents, though the balloting
itself is not fixed and remains somewhat unpredictable.
In illiberal environments like Hungary and Turkey over
the past five years, prospects for an opposition victory
are remote, but not out of the question. Even in a quasi-dictatorship
like Venezuela, the opposition can score
impressive victories in parliamentary elections and mobilize
competitive campaigns for the presidency.
A display of supremacy
In December 2011, members of the Russian opposition
obtained video evidence of ballot stuffing committed by
operatives from Vladimir Putin’s United Russia party in
that month’s parliamentary elections. A series of unusually
large protests ensued. Putin weathered the furor and
went on to win a presidential poll the following year. But
for a brief period, Putin lost control of Russia’s political
narrative and was placed on the defensive. He seemed
angry and rattled, and subsequently blamed the turmoil
on the United States, claiming that statements by then
secretary of state Hillary Clinton were meant as a signal
to the opposition to launch a color revolution in Russia.
(The theme of Clinton as the puppet master behind
a plot aimed at regime change in Russia was revived
during the 2016 U.S. presidential campaign, when the
Russian media displayed a clear preference for Republican
candidate Donald Trump and disdain for Clinton. 3 )
For Putin, the events of late 2011 and early 2012 were
evidence of weakness and political incompetence. A
ruling party whose triumph requires that party members
be ferried by bus from one voting district to another
to cast multiple ballots is, by today’s authoritarian
standards, a party that has grown careless and lazy.
Authoritarian rulers today seek to fix outcomes well
before election day through laws and policies that embed
unfairness at every level.
These leaders take a measure of pride in election victories,
even if the results were secured through dishonest
methods. They are held up as demonstrations of political
mastery rather than neutral measurements of public
preference. Putin’s victories at the polls enable him
to reject comparisons with Leonid Brezhnev and other
doddering, defensive Soviet-era leaders. Likewise, Hugo
Chávez boasted that unlike the colonels and generals
who ruled over South American dictatorships during
the 20th century, his tenure as president of Venezuela
was sanctified by no fewer than 17 elections, including
a number of referendums. Chávez won all but one. 4
There are, of course, examples of elections whose outcome
resembles the obviously rigged results in totalitarian
or junta-like settings. Eurasian presidents such
as Azerbaijan’s Ilham Aliyev and Belarus’s Alyaksandr
Lukashenka have repeatedly won elections with over
80 percent of the vote, and others have easily broken
the 90 percent barrier. The ruling Ethiopian Peoples’
Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) won every
seat in the most recent parliamentary polling. 5
However, more sophisticated autocracies try to
manage elections so as to maintain a pluralist façade
and hide evidence of systematic fraud or intimidation.
In Russia, nominal opposition parties usually garner a
significant share of parliamentary seats. But all defer
to Putin as the country’s unchallenged leader and
typically vote according to his wishes on key issues. 6
Genuine opposition forces that seek to win political
power are not tolerated, particularly if they champion
liberal values. Putin has long sought to prevent
the rise of a democratic opposition that could raise
embarrassing questions about systemic corruption,
foreign interventions, or economic stagnation.
State media and state resources
Predetermining ballot results depends both on the
rules and regulations that govern the administration
of elections and on the regime’s control of other assets
that can influence the outcome.
Control of the media is crucial. The methods of modern
censorship are examined in more detail in another
section of this report. But when a would-be authoritarian
leader assumes power, one of the first goals is
to secure domination over whichever sector of the
media has the greatest impact on public opinion and
therefore on voting behavior.
The first clear indicator of Putin’s authoritarian bent was
his aggressive move to eliminate independent ownership
of Russia’s major television stations. Through various
forms of intimidation, the new president persuaded
private media moguls to surrender ownership to the
state, state-owned corporations, or political cronies.
Television thus became a propaganda vehicle for Putin
and a potent weapon against his critics, who have
since been mocked, vilified, or ignored on the nation’s
most important medium. All this occurred within a few
years after his election as president in 2000.
In Venezuela, Chávez used his authority over media
licensing to destroy Radio Caracas Television (RCTV),
a popular broadcast station that was aligned with the
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BREAKING DOWN DEMOCRACY: Goals, Strategies, and Methods of Modern Authoritarians
opposition. Other critical voices in television and print
media later faced legal suits, regulatory harassment,
and withdrawal of advertising revenue until the owners
agreed to sell their holdings to business interests
that were on more friendly terms with the regime. 7
A prominent theme that runs through authoritarian
media is the imperfect nature of electoral processes
in the leading democracies, especially the United
States. The goal is less to portray elections in Russia,
Venezuela, or Iran as paragons of democratic practice
than to muddy the waters—to make the case that
countries like the United States have no right to lecture
others on democracy, and that perhaps all elections
are equally flawed. The Kremlin’s chief propagandist
described the 2016 U.S. election as “so horribly
noxious that it only engenders disgust towards what is
still inexplicably called a ‘democracy.’” 8
A second important instrument in authoritarians’
election toolbox is the state itself. During his period
as Venezuela’s president, Chávez became a master
at using state money and manpower to ensure voter
loyalty. In the 2012 election, the last before his death,
Chávez is estimated to have invested billions of dollars
in state resources, including giveaways of household
goods to ordinary citizens, in a rather unsubtle
vote-buying campaign.
That election vividly illustrated the powerful interplay
of state media and state resources in undemocratic
settings, and it is worth examining in greater detail. Superficially,
it seemed reasonably consistent with democratic
standards. The voting itself took place without
serious violence or major complaints of irregularities.
But to a substantial degree, the results were shaped by
the regime’s actions well before the ballots were cast.
Chávez had by that time secured an iron grip on the media.
Through the state or political allies, he controlled six
of the eight national television stations and about half
of the country’s radio stations. In some regions, he commanded
a virtual information monopoly. The opposition
was effectively shut out of the Chávez-aligned outlets,
earning mention only as cartoonish villains.
The incumbent benefited especially from a practice
whereby all radio and television stations are obliged to
preempt normal programming to accommodate the
president’s speeches to the nation. During 2012, Chávez
took advantage of this tool to fill 100 hours of broadcasting,
47 of them in the 90 days prior to the election. Aurelio
Concheso, an analyst with Transparency Venezuela,
placed the value of this free airtime at $1.8 billion. Another
government mandate required radio and television
stations to broadcast 10 state messages of 30 seconds
each on a daily basis; the messages, not surprisingly,
dovetailed with the arguments of the Chávez campaign.
Concheso estimated the value of this free airtime at
$292 million. In addition, the government spent an estimated
$200 million on advertising with private radio
and television stations. By contrast, the opposition had
access to five minutes of airtime a day, at a cost of $102
million. The opposition was thus limited to an incredible
4 percent of the airtime enjoyed by Chávez.
Meanwhile, according to Concheso, the state oil company
spent some $20 billion on gifts of home durable
goods, apartments, and outright cash subsidies to
purchase the allegiance of Venezuelan voters and
underscore the message that without Chávez, this
largesse would dry up.
Finally, a measure of fear was introduced through a
campaign suggesting that although the balloting was
secret, the government had ways of ascertaining a
voter’s choice. The threat had a special effect given
public memories of an episode in 2004, in which those
who signed a petition for a referendum to remove
Chávez from office were blacklisted and excluded
from government jobs, benefits, and contracts.
Favored tactics
The following are among the other tactics deployed by
modern authoritarians to ensure success at the polls:
1. Intimidating the opposition: Opposition leaders
are only occasionally targeted for assassination.
But they can face a variety of other cruel fates.
Wealthy businessman and opposition supporter
Mikhail Khodorkovsky was dispatched to a Russian
prison for 10 years for daring to challenge
Putin. In 2017, anticorruption campaigner Andrei
Navalny, widely regarded as the most serious
challenger to Putin, was effectively eliminated
from the 2018 presidential contest after being
convicted in a trumped-up embezzlement case. 9
In Malaysia, opposition leader Anwar Ibrahim
has twice been convicted and jailed on sodomy
charges. Prominent political figures have also
been jailed in Belarus, Venezuela, Iran, Ethiopia,
Turkey, and Egypt, among many others. Human
rights activists and bloggers are also subject to
harassment and persecution. They are frequently
jailed on trumped-up charges of defamation,
tax fraud, or drug trafficking, among others.
12
Freedom House
2. Marginalizing the opposition: As noted above,
authoritarian leaders use their media power to
paint critics as knaves or buffoons. Especially
through television coverage, opposition figures
are presented as clownish, effeminate, shady,
elitist, or enslaved by foreign interests. The message
is pounded home day after day, until the
image of the opposition as small and unfit to
rule is fixed in the public’s mind.
3. Tolerating the pseudo-opposition: Having jailed,
exiled, or silenced potentially competitive opposition
figures, authoritarians tolerate nominal opposition
parties that are effectively controlled by
the regime. These groups have accepted the supremacy
of the incumbent leadership and settled
into their roles in a stage-managed democracy.
4. Criminalizing protest: The crippling of formal
opposition parties leads many voters to channel
their dissent into loosely organized civic
activism, often relying on protests to mobilize
support and reach the broader public despite
state control of the media. Authoritarian governments
have responded by adopting harsher laws
on public assembly, enabling them to jail protest
leaders and even ordinary participants for
vaguely defined offenses like disturbing public
order and gathering without a permit. Protesters
can also be imprisoned on trumped-up charges,
such as assaulting a police officer or possessing
a weapon. This discourages others from joining
the civic movements and prevents them from
growing into organized political forces.
5. Discarding term limits: Term limits designed
to prevent the concentration of power in one
individual have been rolled back, circumvented,
or removed altogether in Venezuela, Nicaragua,
Bolivia, Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, and many
other countries over the past 15 years. 10 Endless
incumbency denies opposition forces an opportunity
to win over both voters and elements of
the ruling establishment that may be ready for
new leadership. It also promotes personal loyalty
at the expense of public service, stunts the
development of possible successors, reinforces
the impression that only the current leader is fit
to govern, and feeds a self-perpetuating fear of
political change.
Returning to old habits
While modern authoritarian regimes have generally
maintained some illusion of pluralism as one of their
main concessions to the post–Cold War international order,
a number of governments have been less attentive
to this priority, drifting back toward the electoral tactics,
and lopsided results, of 20th-century dictatorships.
In Belarus, the election of just two members of the
opposition to the rubber-stamp parliament in 2016 was
actually regarded as a step forward from the 2004, 2008,
and 2012 balloting, in which no opposition candidates
won seats. Lukashenka, in power since 1994, was
accused of directing an assassination squad prior to the
2001 presidential election. Four politicians and journalists
who had been critical of the incumbent disappeared
prior to the vote. After Lukashenka won another term in
a deeply flawed 2010 election, the authorities arrested
over 700 protesters, including seven of the nine opposition
presidential candidates. The regime later sentenced
three of the former candidates to prison terms. 11
Ethiopian opposition members were beaten and arrested
during the 2015 electoral campaign. The Semayawi
Party reported that more than 50 of its members were
arrested ahead of the polls, and nearly half of Semayawi
candidates were deregistered on administrative
grounds. The ruling EPRDF and its allies took all 547
seats in the lower house. The 2010 elections were also
tightly controlled, with local officials or neighborhood
militia going door to door and verifying that residents
had registered as members of the EPRDF. Voters were
threatened with the loss of their jobs, homes, or government
services if they did not turn out for the party.
The most charismatic opposition figure, the leader of
the Unity and Justice Party, Birtukan Mideksa, remained
in prison during the election, in which opposition
candidates took only two seats. 12
The possible motivations for retrograde electoral abuses
vary from country to country, but authoritarians
may feel emboldened to drop their quasi-democratic
camouflage due to the lack of diplomatic repercussions
for such actions. The European Union and the
United States have criticized Belarus as “Europe’s last
dictatorship,” but they always seem willing to give Lukashenka
another chance to improve relations based
on the thinnest hopes of reform. Democratic powers
have treated Ethiopia as a counterterrorism ally and a
model of rapid economic development, granting it billions
of dollars in foreign assistance.
Elections and democratic renewal
Whether through blatant repression or less obvious
methods, modern authoritarians seek to control the
www.freedomhouse.org
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BREAKING DOWN DEMOCRACY: Goals, Strategies, and Methods of Modern Authoritarians
outcome of elections. They need to hold votes to validate
their rule, but they also recognize the risk involved,
as elections remain a potent instrument of democratic
renewal even in deeply troubled societies.
The events of late 2014 and 2015 include vivid reminders
of the power of the ballot. In Nigeria, Africa’s
most populous country and largest economy, voters
who were fed up with governmental complacency,
terrorism, and graft rejected the incumbent president,
Goodluck Jonathan, and elected Muhammadu Buhari
to replace him. In Myanmar, a huge turnout produced
an overwhelming victory in parliamentary elections for
longtime opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi and her
National League for Democracy (NLD), a remarkable
turnaround in a country that until recently ranked
among the world’s most repressive.
Voters in Sri Lanka ousted their increasingly authoritarian
and divisive president, Mahinda Rajapaksa,
in favor of Maithripala Sirisena. Upon taking office,
Sirisena immediately overturned some of Rajapaksa’s
repressive policies and began repairing relations with
both the country’s Tamil minority and the international
community. And in Argentina, opposition candidate
Mauricio Macri won the presidency by defeating the
nominee of incumbent Cristina Fernández de Kirchner,
who with her late husband, Néstor Kirchner, had
dominated the executive branch for over a decade.
Combined with a victory for the democratic opposition
in Venezuela’s parliamentary elections, Macri’s
victory may have been the beginning of a rollback of
Latin America’s populist movements, which had previously
made impressive gains across the region. 13
Voters in these countries retained faith in the democratic
process even after experiencing hardship after hardship,
including military rule (Myanmar), civil war and authoritarian
rule (Sri Lanka), a terrorist scourge (Nigeria),
economic collapse and political repression (Venezuela),
and economic setback and unaccountable government
(Argentina). They prevailed despite, in some cases, an
electoral playing field tilted sharply against the opposition;
in other cases, a history of political violence; and in
still other cases, apprehensions about what lies ahead
when dictatorships give way to normal politics.
Some of these voters were also rejecting political
figures who had publicly disdained the world’s democracies
and drawn closer to authoritarian powers like
Russia, China, and Iran. They were willing to listen to
candidates who talked about the rule of law, freedom
of expression, and the right to be free of payoffs and
bribes, and they were unimpressed by those who
blamed every step backward on foreign plots.
There will always be dictators and would-be leaders
for life who grow overconfident, lose touch with the
mood of their people, and fail to do what it takes to
ensure victory at the polls, as apparently occurred in
The Gambia in late 2016. But the rest can be expected
to learn from such mistakes and invest the necessary
resources in a false mockery of democratic suffrage.
1. Arch Puddington, “The Rise of Virtual Elections,” Freedom at Issue, October 10, 2014, https://freedomhouse.org/blog/rise-virtual-elections.
2. Freedom in the World 2016 (New York: Freedom House, 2016), https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/freedom-world-2016.
3. See, among others, Steve Rosenberg, “Russian Media’s Love Affair with Trump,” British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), November
2, 2016, http://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-37837432.
4. Javier Corrales, “Autocratic Legalism in Venezuela,” Journal of Democracy 26, no. 2 (April 2015): 37–51, http://www.journalofdemocracy.org/sites/default/files/Corrales-26-2.pdf.
5. “Ethiopia,” in Freedom in the World 2016.
6. “Russia,” in Freedom in the World 2016.
7. “Venezuela,” in Freedom of the Press 2015 (New York: Freedom House, 2015), https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-press/2015/venezuela.
8. “Whoever Wins the American Presidential Election, Russia Comes Out Ahead,” Economist, November 8, 2016, http://www.economist.com/news/europe/21709892-americas-campaign-has-served-vladimir-putins-purpose-discrediting-democracy-whoever-wins.
9. Neil MacFarquhar and Ivan Nechepurenko, “Aleksei Navalny, Viable Putin Rival, Is Barred from a Presidential Run,” New York Times,
February 8, 2017, https://www.nytimes.com/2017/02/08/world/europe/russia-aleksei-navalny-putin.html?_r=0.
10. Farid Guliyev, “End of Term Limits,” Harvard International Review, February 28, 2009, http://hir.harvard.edu/end-of-term-limits/.
11. “Belarus,” in Freedom in the World 2011 (New York: Freedom House, 2011), https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2011/
belarus.
12. “Ethiopia,” in Freedom in the World 2016; “Ethiopia,” in Freedom in the World 2011 (New York: Freedom House, 2011), https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2011/ethiopia.
13. “Anxious Dictators, Wavering Democracies,” in Freedom in the World 2016.
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Chapter 2
Propaganda at Home and Abroad
The following propositions have all appeared in the
Russian media over the past few years:
• The United States hired Islamic State terrorists
to sabotage the Russian commercial airliner that
was destroyed after takeoff in the Sinai in 2015.
• A three-year-old boy was crucified by the U.S.-
backed Ukrainian army in Slovyansk in 2014.
• The United States is planning a major war in Europe
to enable Washington to cancel its national
debt.
• The downing of the Malaysian airliner over
eastern Ukraine in 2014 was in fact the central
ingredient in an elaborate, American-driven plot
to place blame on Russia.
• American policies will lead to a global “homosexual
sodomite tsunami.”
This is just a small sample of similar claims or conjectures
that have made their way into Russian news coverage,
especially in the wake of Moscow’s occupation
of Crimea and invasion of eastern Ukraine. They stand
as a reminder that under Vladimir Putin, the Russian
media environment has been transformed from one
marked by vibrancy and diverse opinions (if not high
professional standards) to one dominated by blatant
propaganda on the most sensitive international topics
of the day.
The basic regime narrative of U.S.-led conspiracy is
applied to a broad set of themes: depression in oil
prices, downgrading of Russia’s credit ratings, political
change in Ukraine, Russia’s Olympics doping scandal.
Every problem, Russians are told, is due to American
plots and maneuvers.
Press freedom and democracy
A free press ranks among the most critical institutions
of liberal democracy. Among the reforms introduced
by Mikhail Gorbachev in his campaign to modernize
the Soviet system, glasnost, or openness, played the
most important role in challenging the decades-old
system of Soviet totalitarianism. Something similar
can be said of press freedom initiatives in other new
democracies during the latter part of the 20th century,
“If the 20th century was defined by
the battle for freedom of information
and against censorship, the 21st
century will be defined by malevolent
actors, states or corporations,
abusing the right to freedom of
information for quite other ends.”
—Vasily Gatov, media analyst
“Information wars have already
become standard practice and the
main type of warfare. The bombers
are now sent in after the information
campaign.”
—Dmitry Kiselyov, chief Russian propaganda strategist
particularly in postcommunist societies where strict
press censorship had prevailed for years. Even if the
professionalism and ethical standards of journalism
in those countries were not always up to the highest
levels, the fact that the press spoke with different
voices, different opinions, and even different biases
was a huge step toward a world in which democracy
was the norm.
Authoritarians push back
It is precisely because of press freedom’s central
importance to democracy that the new generation of
authoritarian leaders has made its annihilation a top
priority. However, modern authoritarians recognize
that the methods of the print and analog broadcast
era—prepublication censorship and stilted, formulaic
propaganda—were no longer viable in the age of
digital media and globalization.
At a minimum, governments that sought involvement
in the world economy found it advisable to tolerate a
measure of openness about budgets, economic data,
and those aspects of social life that are critical for
international business. Authoritarian leaders thus face
the dilemma of retaining domination over the political
story while permitting a degree of accurate information
about economic affairs.
www.freedomhouse.org
15
BREAKING DOWN DEMOCRACY: Goals, Strategies, and Methods of Modern Authoritarians
Furthermore, because the population now has greater
access to foreign sources of news and entertainment,
regimes must grapple with the complex task of
monopolizing the political discourse in ways that are
far more convincing and compelling than the robotic
pronouncements that played such a crucial part in
communism’s loss of credibility.
As is the case with so much of modern authoritarian
practice, Russia has taken the lead in developing strategies
and methods of media domination. The system
built under Vladimir Putin is defined by the following
characteristics:
1. Control over the commanding heights of the
media: Among Putin’s first goals as president
was securing domination of the most influential
media—the national television stations. They
had been controlled by various oligarchs, who
used the outlets to promote their personal and
political interests. While the resulting journalism
was hardly objective and independent, Russian
television and Russian media generally were notable
for their liveliness and diversity during the
presidency of Boris Yeltsin. All did not sing out
of the same hymnal, and most influential outlets
reflected a variety of opinions about government
policies, including the Kremlin’s conduct of the
war in Chechnya.
Putin moved quickly to change these conditions.
He reorganized and exerted tighter political control
over state-owned television stations, brought
others under indirect state control, and ensured
that most of the remainder fell into the hands
of loyal businessmen. Likewise, a number of the
country’s leading newspapers and journals were
bought by cronies of the leadership. The era of
media diversity came to an abrupt end. 1
2. Distortion of coverage on sensitive topics: Unlike
in communist times, the media do provide
independent coverage of topics that the Kremlin
considers less politically relevant. However,
some normally apolitical topics can take on a
highly political meaning. For example, coverage
of the penalties meted out to Russian Olympic
athletes for systematic doping reflected the
leadership’s position that the scandal was a
product of American machinations. 2
3. Shrinking gap between offline and online media:
For much of Putin’s tenure, the internet
remained lightly regulated in comparison with
the Kremlin’s tight control over television and
other mass media. However, Freedom House
has noted growing restrictions over the past
several years, with a series of new laws, prosecutions,
and ownership changes that have reduced
the Russian internet’s freedom and diversity in
practice. 3
4. A small stable of independent outlets: A token
number of media outlets are allowed to remain
independent at the sufferance of the Kremlin.
These include the newspaper Novaya Gazeta,
the indirectly state-owned radio station Ekho
Moskvy, and a handful of internet-based news
services, some of which are forced to operate
from neighboring countries. Coerced ownership
changes and other forms of pressure have
gradually reduced the already tiny independent
media sector in recent years. And the remaining
independent outlets have little reach, small audiences,
and at best modest impact on domestic
politics.
5. The ‘weaponization’ of information: While Putin
has used the press as a propaganda instrument
throughout his political career, it was after his
third term as president began in 2012 that the
media were given a special, central role in demonizing
Putin’s critics, preparing the Russian
people for armed conflict in Ukraine and elsewhere,
depicting Europe as morally corrupt, and
attributing Russia’s problems and setbacks to
the United States. 4 With the invasion of Ukraine
in 2014, the world awakened to the return of
propaganda as an instrument of warfare. This is
not just normal political spin or public diplomacy,
but sheer, raw propaganda that deliberately
crosses the line between interpretation of facts
and outright mendacity. The aim is both to stir
up belligerence at home and to isolate, confuse,
and demoralize the enemy. 5
6. The centralization of information policy: The
creation in 2013 of Rossiya Segodnya, an umbrella
organization for Moscow’s foreign news services,
signaled the leadership’s intention to use
information in a more strategic way to advance
the country’s international objectives. Dmitry
Kiselyov, a controversial television presenter,
was named to head the new entity. 6 He actually
embraces his identity as the Kremlin’s chief
propagandist, arguing that “Western” concepts
16
Freedom House
of journalistic neutrality are fraudulent and
self-serving. There is, he contends, no difference
between his role and the role of a chief editor of
Reuters or the Associated Press. In one interview,
Kiselyov equated those two news services
with Rossiya Segodnya: “Both are propaganda
agencies—they shape the dominant narrative
and tell their audiences what and how to think.”
He continued: “In today’s world, information—
how it is gathered, analyzed, interpreted and
processed … pushes a value system, certain
views on good and evil, and shapes attitudes to
different events.” 7
7. The irrelevance of truth: “For the Soviets, the
idea of truth was important—even when they
were lying,” Peter Pomerantsev has written. “Soviet
propaganda went to great lengths to ‘prove’
that the Kremlin’s theories or bits of information
were fact.” By contrast, in today’s Russia the idea
of truth is seen as irrelevant and “the borders
between fact and fiction have become utterly
blurred.” Pomerantsev quotes Russia’s deputy
minister of communications as admonishing
journalism students at Moscow State University
to forget about high ideals. “We should
give students a clear understanding: They are
going to work for The Man, and The Man will tell
them what to write, what not to write, and how
this or that thing should be written.” 8 Russian
propaganda outlets, especially RT, derive their
influence from a clever blend of act and faction,
mixing reports on genuine events with exaggerations,
biased coverage, and outright lies. And
this mixture of fact and fiction is presented with
modern production techniques that mimic credible
outlets like the BBC.
Propaganda works
The idea that governments can influence events
through propaganda once seemed far-fetched in the
internet age. Developments in Ukraine, however, have
spurred a reassessment of propaganda’s role in setting
the stage for intervention abroad and repression at
home.
According to numerous accounts in the international
media, many Russians believe that the Ukrainian government
is responsible for massive war crimes, including
the crucifixion of small children and the downing
of the Malaysian Airlines passenger jet. 9 Many of the
wildest assertions have been reinforced by altered or
repurposed images that allegedly depict Ukrainian
atrocities but actually show events in Mexico, Syria,
Iraq, or other zones of civil conflict. Ordinary Russians
and many Ukrainian consumers of Russian media
have told foreign journalists of fears that “fascism” has
come to power in Ukraine. 10
In George Orwell’s dystopian novel 1984, the Ministry
of Truth advanced what today would be called a regime
narrative, with accounts of never-ending conflict
abroad and treasonous enemies within. In similar
fashion, though with considerably more finesse and
sophistication than was described in Orwell’s masterpiece,
Russian media today preach a strident message
of external encirclement by Russophobes in Ukraine,
the Baltics, Georgia, and elsewhere, and internal
fifth-columnists among bloggers, civil society organizations,
and advocates of gay rights.
The media in democracies, especially in Europe,
proved unprepared for the deluge of Russian propaganda
during and after the seizure of Crimea. Putin
was thus able to drum home the portrayal of Ukraine
as a “divided state” or an “artificial state,” labels that
could be attached to many sovereign nations, Russia
included. 11 Few were ready to mount a challenge
to the Russian proposition that Ukraine’s status
was unique, and was a legitimate cause for Russia’s
concern and even a justification for war. The Russian
propaganda machine also zeroed in on Ukraine’s supposed
lack of respect for minority rights, a problem
that Moscow had not raised during the administrations
of Viktor Yanukovych or Leonid Kuchma. Neither
Ukrainians nor informed observers in the outside
world believed that Ukraine was faced with a civil war.
This was entirely a creation of Moscow’s propaganda
and active intervention. 12
Russia’s government is not alone in its use of propaganda
to further its interests. But it is uniquely aggressive
in pressing the dominant theme of the moment
and the most effective in mimicking the idioms of
modern commercial media while doing so. Furthermore,
as the country faces serious decay in economic
and other material terms, the Kremlin sees success
in the war of information as critical to Russia’s identity
as a great power. Other authoritarian regimes will take
note of Russia’s successes, and act accordingly.
In past eras, dictators’ instrument of choice was censorship.
However, people understood that they were
being cheated when the authorities banned books
and prosecuted those who possessed “unauthorized
literature.” Under a modern propaganda regime,
www.freedomhouse.org
17
BREAKING DOWN DEMOCRACY: Goals, Strategies, and Methods of Modern Authoritarians
alternative perspectives are permitted on a carefully
rationed basis. But dissenting opinions are invariably
subjected to relentless attack and ridicule, and
the dissidents themselves face a form of character
assassination in which their views are twisted to make
them appear foolish, extreme, unpatriotic, or immoral.
Christopher Walker, a vice president at the National
Endowment for Democracy who has written extensively
on modern authoritarianism, believes that control
of information is the most important achievement
of today’s generation of autocrats:
I think modern authoritarians have been
adept at adjusting to the new environment.
They recognize that trying to control the
wealth of information out there is impossible,
and therefore they don’t try. There are
a number of countries which have found
effective ways to incorporate entertainment
and culture into their media offerings while
keeping domination over the political sphere.
They have thus defied the assumptions we
held 20 years ago when the internet was
emerging. The conventional wisdom then
was that the internet guaranteed media
diversity, and there is no way regimes could
keep the genie in the bottle. In fact, in many
countries authoritarians have kept the genie
in the bottle through managing the political
narrative and denying people access to key
information. 14
Walker’s comments certainly apply to conditions in Russia.
During the communist period, Soviet propaganda
was meant to justify both state socialism and Russia’s
isolation from the global economic system and Western
culture. In Russia, China, and elsewhere, it is now possible
for citizens to enjoy the latest international music,
fashion, and entertainment while hating the liberal
values that are systematically disparaged in the media.
What is tragic about all this is that Russians already
came through a decades-long period of propaganda
in which reality was twisted and lies circulated as a
conscious matter of national policy. Orwell and other
foes of totalitarian rule sought to describe the danger
that propaganda and censorship posed to knowledge,
reality, and independent thought. But instead of
things getting better after the demise of totalitarianism,
a newer and in some ways more insidious form of
information control has emerged, one which does not
so much try to persuade people that the government
line is the only correct line, but that facts do not exist
as such and nothing can be believed.
China: 21st-century censorship
The Chinese model of information control differs in
crucial ways from the propaganda methods favored by
Russia. Especially in its policies towards the internet,
China focuses its energies on preventing access to information
or news on a wide and perpetually evolving
range of subjects that the ruling Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) regards as sensitive.
Under Xi Jinping, who took power in late 2012, the
government has been much more open in arguing for
the right of the political leadership to censor internet
content. He has, in fact, launched a campaign designed
to radically redraw the global rules on internet
freedom so as to enshrine the concept of “internet
sovereignty,” according to which individual countries
would “independently choose their own path of cyber
development” and “model of cyber regulation.” 15
In late 2015, Xi also made the baffling statement,
“Freedom is what order is meant for, and order is
the guarantee of freedom.” 16 Over the next several
months, regulators moved to enforce the president’s
vision for tighter CCP control over all news media and
imposed rules that further restricted the production
of independent news content by online outlets. 17
Perhaps most important have been the threats to the
livelihood and personal liberty of bloggers and online
commentators. In recent years, the state has pursued
a campaign of arrest, prosecution, and public humiliation
directed against well-known microbloggers
and other media personalities, including a series of
televised “confessions.” The machinery of repression
was directed against those who had used their platforms
to criticize the leadership or its policies, and to
a disturbing extent, the effort has been successful in
silencing such criticism.
Among other recent developments in the CCP’s censorship
drive:
• The authorities have punished journalists
for publishing news about the economy that
highlighted negative trends, and issued media
directives aimed at shaping coverage of economy-related
topics. The economy was the second
most censored topic in China in 2015, a year
that featured a dramatic stock-market crash and
slowing economic growth. 18
18
Freedom House
• Chinese censors sent out guidelines listing subjects
that should not be covered or not covered
in a negative way during parliamentary sessions
in 2016. Included on the list were the wealth
of parliamentary delegates, military budgets,
compliance with international human rights
conventions, air pollution, church demolitions,
and jokes about parliamentarians’ proposals. 19
• Censorship officials quashed coverage of the
“Panama Papers,” the trove of documents leaked
in 2016 that listed the offshore holdings of the
global elite, including the relatives of top Chinese
officials. 20
• China added Time and the Economist to the list
of blocked media websites in 2016, apparently
in retaliation for articles that were critical of Xi
Jinping’s accumulation of power. 21
• In February 2016 visits to China Central Television
(CCTV), the Xinhua news agency, and
the People’s Daily newspaper—the flagships of
the party and state media—Xi admonished the
assembled journalists to give absolute support
to the party leadership and later declared that
all media should “have the party as their family
name.” 22
While critical voices can still be found on the internet,
the authorities have been highly successful in
suppressing material that might lead to any broad
form of online protest or collective action. In addition
to intrusive laws and regulations, the regime deploys
armies of paid and volunteer commentators to flood
social media with progovernment remarks, influence
online discussions, report or attack those who make
antigovernment comments, or sow confusion about
particular incidents that might reflect poorly on the
leadership. 23
The overall goal of this strategy is to weaken the
internet’s potential as a mobilizing force for critics or
reformers. Indeed, after years of intense pressure, the
medium is drawing closer to Xi Jinping’s ideal of an
internet that is “clear and bright.” 24
Global reach
Both Russia and China have launched ambitious and
expensive projects to expand the reach of propaganda
and censorship beyond their borders. Russia’s project is
better known due to RT, a global television network that
is available to foreign audiences in a number of languages
and through many cable packages. Russia has
also launched Sputnik, an international news service,
in multiple languages. These outlets tend to be more
effective than China’s at imitating the production styles
and intentionally contentious formats now employed
by many major outlets in democratic countries.
The degree to which RT and other arms of the Russian
global media apparatus actually influence the debate
about Russia is unclear. RT makes grandiose claims
of high viewership, but some analysts believe that its
audience in the United States and elsewhere is much
lower than asserted, and that its sizeable audience on
YouTube may be inflated by enticing video clips with
little political relevance. 25
When it was launched in 2005, RT’s programming
stressed the achievements of Russia and the strong
leadership of Vladimir Putin. Subsequently, the focus
changed to negative messages about the West,
especially the United States. Programs have chronicled
American poverty, inequality, political hypocrisy,
racial injustice, and other real or perceived flaws. The
network often promotes conspiracy theories about
everything from the destruction of New York’s World
Trade Center in 2001 to America’s alleged role as puppet
master behind the Ukrainian protest movement of
2013–14. 26
Superficially, China’s overseas propaganda efforts
seem less aggressive. While Beijing has greatly expanded
the capacity of CCTV’s international broadcasts
and opened media offices around the globe,
the news content is less polemical and therefore less
interesting than that of RT.
But the CCP’s ultimate objectives may actually be far
more ambitious. Rather than engaging, like Russia, in
what amount to guerrilla-style attacks on mainstream
news and information abroad, the Chinese regime is
using its superior economic muscle to steadily gain
control over how China is depicted in news coverage
and popular culture in the rest of the world, and to
establish something of a consensus on the idea of a
“sovereign internet.”
Its various tactics include state pressure on foreign
correspondents tasked with informing the world
about developments in China: Those who are too critical
or too aggressive in conducting investigations into
sensitive matters may find their visas revoked, their
outlet’s website blocked, and their employers placed
in a sort of political purgatory. 27
www.freedomhouse.org
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BREAKING DOWN DEMOCRACY: Goals, Strategies, and Methods of Modern Authoritarians
The CCP has also asserted control over news outlets
in Hong Kong, Taiwan, and Chinese diaspora communities
around the world. 28 Beijing has used pressure
tactics and exerted influence through intermediaries
to change editors or owners of critical outlets in
Hong Kong. 29 Wealthy progovernment forces from the
mainland have begun to buy up media outlets in Hong
Kong and elsewhere. 30 And there have been instances
in which businessmen with economic interests in
China have attempted to expand their media holdings
in Taiwan. 31
Perhaps more disturbing is China’s effort to purchase
influence in global culture through its state-affiliated
and nominally private companies. For example, Visual
China Group, a mainland company, has purchased
the image and licensing division of Corbis, a company
that controls a huge archive of historically important
photographs. The trove includes iconic photographs
of the 1989 Tiananmen Square demonstrations,
which CCP censors have worked hard to keep out of
the Chinese media. Those involved in the sale offered
assurances that the new owners would not hinder the
global circulation of politically sensitive images, but
there is little to prevent them from casting aside such
pledges at some future date. 32
Another Chinese company, Dalian Wanda Group,
has raised concerns with its rapid incursions into the
U.S. film industry. Already the world’s largest owner
of cinemas, including the second-largest U.S. theater
chain, Wanda purchased Legendary Entertainment, a
production company, in 2016 and is said to be interested
in gaining control of a major Hollywood studio.
American lawmakers were sufficiently disturbed by
Wanda’s initiatives to request a Justice Department investigation.
There is concern that China’s companies,
with state encouragement, are pursuing influence in
Hollywood to ensure a favorable depiction of China
and its CCP regime in major films. 33 Even with studios
under U.S. ownership, the international media have
repeatedly uncovered cases in which U.S. filmmakers
altered elements of their work to address or anticipate
the objections of Chinese censors, who serve as gatekeepers
to the country’s lucrative domestic market. 34
Exploiting democratic culture for authoritarian ends
Ironically, some products of democratic culture have
facilitated the work of modern authoritarian propagandists.
The notion that there is no such thing as
objective truth and that history is nothing more than a
contest of competing narratives owes its popularity to
radical theorists who have gained a strong foothold in
academia and even among some who call themselves
journalists, such as Glenn Greenwald.
While accusations that the press is biased or publishes
lies are common in American political campaigns,
the hysterical charges hurled by Donald Trump against
the media during the 2016 presidential campaign
served to reinforce the Kremlin’s model of a world in
which the truth is determined by power rather than
impartial investigation.
Moscow especially makes shrewd use of an unfortunate
journalistic habit in which evenhandedness—a
worthy goal when presenting two sides in a genuine
debate—is improperly applied, so that patently false
assertions are treated as symmetrical with legitimate
views or facts.
Many outside Russia would not disagree with Kiselyov’s
dismissive views on the concept of impartial
reporting. In meeting the challenge of authoritarian
propaganda, a good place to start would be a reaffirmation
of the central role occupied by high-quality,
traditional journalism in democratic societies.
1. See for example “Russia,” in Freedom of the Press 2004 (New York: Freedom House, 2004), https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-press/2004/russia.
2. Christopher Walker and Robert Orttung, “Russia’s Media Autarky Strengthens Its Grip,” Real Clear World, November 30, 2014, http://
www.realclearworld.com/articles/2014/11/30/russias_media_autarky_110826.html.
3. “Russia,” in Freedom on the Net 2016 (New York: Freedom House, 2016), https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-net/2016/russia.
4. Peter Pomerantsev and Michael Weiss, The Menace of Unreality: How the Kremlin Weaponizes Information, Culture and Money
(New York: Institute of Modern Russia, 2014), http://www.interpretermag.com/wp-content/uploads/2014/11/The_Menace_of_Unreality_Final.pdf.
5. Ibid.
6. “From Burning Hearts to Civil Unions: The Unlikely Evolution of Dmitry Kiselyov,” Radio Free Europe/ Radio Liberty, June 30, 2015,
http://www.rferl.org/a/dmitry-kiselyov-civil-unions-lgbt-unlikely-evolution/27102541.html; Joshua Yaffa, “Dmitry Kiselev Is Redefining
the Art of Russian Propaganda,” New Republic, July 1, 2014, https://newrepublic.com/article/118438/dmitry-kiselev-putins-favorite-tv-host-russias-top-propogandist.
20
Freedom House
7. “Dmitry Kiselev: ‘Western Behavior Borders on Schizophrenia,’” Sputnik, April 5, 2014, https://sputniknews.com/analysis/20140405189054528-Dmitry-Kiselev-Western-behavior-borders-on-schizophrenia/.
8. Peter Pomerantsev, “Russia and the Menace of Unreality,” Atlantic, September 9, 2014, http://www.theatlantic.com/international/
archive/2014/09/russia-putin-revolutionizing-information-warfare/379880/.
9. Editorial Board, “Putin’s Propaganda Keeps Russians in the Dark about Ukraine and More,” Washington Post, August 31,
2014, https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/putins-propoganda-keeps-russians-in-the-dark-about-ukraine-andmore/2014/08/31/6ba4114a-2fc5-11e4-9b98-848790384093_story.html?utm_term=.835f55ca0486.
10. Janina Semenova, “Behind Russia’s TV Propaganda Machine,” Deutsche Welle, February 9, 2015, http://www.dw.com/en/behind-russias-tv-propaganda-machine/a-18689297.
11. Alexander Motyl, “Is Russia Artificial?” World Affairs, November 7, 2014, http://www.worldaffairsjournal.org/blog/alexander-j-motyl/
russia-and-ukraine-artificial-or-authentic.
12. Halya Coynash, “Russia Continues Its False Narrative as Defender of Oppressed Minorities in Ukraine,” Human Rights in Ukraine,
March 29, 2014, http://khpg.org/en/index.php?id=1396038633.
14. Interview with author.
15. “China Touts Its Great Firewall in Push for Internet Control,” Wall Street Journal, December 16, 2015, http://www.wsj.com/articles/
china-touts-its-great-firewall-in-push-for-internet-control-1450251090.
16. Tom Phillips, “China’s Xi Jinping Says Internet Users Must Be Free to Speak Their Minds,” Guardian, December 16, 2015, https://
www.theguardian.com/world/2015/dec/16/china-xi-jinping-internet-users-freedom-speech-online.
17. “Xi Jinping Visits Flagship State Media, Lays Out Vision for Party Control,” China Media Bulletin no. 113 (March 2016), https://freedomhouse.org/china-media/china-media-bulletin-issue-no-113-march-2016;
“New Rules Clamp Down on Online News,” China
Media Bulletin no. 116 (September 2016), https://freedomhouse.org/china-media/china-media-bulletin-issue-no-116-september-2016.
18. “China’s Most Censored News Topics in 2015,” China Media Bulletin no. 111 (January 2016), https://freedomhouse.org/china-media/china-media-bulletin-issue-no-111-january-2016.
19. Didi K. Tatlow, “What Chinese Media Mustn’t Cover at the ‘2 Sessions,’” New York Times, March 9, 2016, http://www.nytimes.
com/2016/03/10/world/asia/china-news-censorship-two-sessions.html.
20. Michael Forsythe and Austin Ramzy, “China Censors Mentions of ‘Panama Papers’ Leaks,” New York Times, April 5, 2016, http://
www.nytimes.com/2016/04/06/world/asia/china-panama-papers.html.
21. Emily Feng, “China Blocks Economist and Time Websites, Apparently over Xi Jinping Articles,” New York Times, April 8, 2016, http://
www.nytimes.com/2016/04/09/world/asia/china-blocks-economist-time.html.
22. Edward Wong, “Xi Jinping’s News Alert: Chinese Media Must Serve the Party,” New York Times, February 22, 2016, http://www.
nytimes.com/2016/02/23/world/asia/china-media-policy-xi-jinping.html.
23. “China,” in Freedom on the Net 2016 (New York: Freedom House, 2016), https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-net/2016/china.
24. David Bandurski, “How Xi Jinping Sees the Internet,” China Media Project, December 9, 2015, http://cmp.hku.
hk/2015/12/09/39451/.
25. Katie Zevadski, “Putin’s Propaganda TV Lies About Its Popularity,” Daily Beast, September 17, 2015, http://www.thedailybeast.com/
articles/2015/09/17/putin-s-propaganda-tv-lies-about-ratings.html.
26. Neil MacFarquhar, “A Powerful Russian Weapon: The Spread of False Stories,” New York Times, August 28, 2016, http://www.nytimes.com/2016/08/29/world/europe/russia-sweden-disinformation.html.
27. PEN America, “New PEN America Report Shows Growing Pressure on Foreign Correspondents to Bias Coverage in China,” news
release, September 22, 2016, https://pen.org/press-release/2016/09/22/new-pen-america-report-shows-growing-pressure-foreign-correspondents-bias.
28. Sarah Cook, The Long Shadow of Chinese Censorship: How the Communist Party’s Media Restrictions Affect News Outlets around
the World (Washington: Center for International Media Assistance, 2013), http://www.cima.ned.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/02/
CIMA-China_Sarah%20Cook.pdf.
29. Michael Forsythe and Alan Wong, “Timing of Editor’s Firing Has Hong Kong Worried about Press Freedom,” New York Times, April 20,
2016, http://www.nytimes.com/2016/04/21/world/asia/hong-kong-ming-pao-editor.html.
30. David Barboza, “Alibaba Buying South China Morning Post, Aiming to Influence Media,” New York Times, December 11, 2015, http://
www.nytimes.com/2015/12/12/business/dealbook/alibaba-scmp-south-china-morning-post.html.
31. Ben Goren, “China’s Influence on Taiwan’s Media,” Chinet, June 23, 2014, http://chinet.cz/reviews/contemporary-china/chinas-influence-on-taiwans-media/.
32. Mike McPhate, “With Corbis Sale, Tiananmen Protest Images Go to Chinese Media Company,” New York Times, January 27, 2016,
http://www.nytimes.com/2016/01/28/business/media/with-corbis-sale-tiananmen-protest-images-go-to-chinese-media-company.html.
33. Michael Forsythe, “Justice Dept. Is Asked to Review Chinese Company’s Hollywood Purchases,” New York Times, October 7, 2016,
http://www.nytimes.com/2016/10/08/world/asia/us-hollywood-dalian-wanda.html.
34. Clare Baldwin and Kristina Cooke, “How Sony Sanitized the New Adam Sandler Movie to Please Chinese Censors,” Reuters, July 24,
2015, http://www.reuters.com/investigates/special-report/china-film/.
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BREAKING DOWN DEMOCRACY: Goals, Strategies, and Methods of Modern Authoritarians
Chapter 3
The Enemy Within: Civil Society at Bay
Among the more surprising developments in
21st-century politics are the reversals experienced by
civil society, once regarded as an irresistible force in
the global struggle for democracy.
According to Freedom in the World, the ability of
nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and other
civil society institutions to function without state restrictions
has suffered a pronounced decline over the
past decade. The setbacks have been concentrated in
authoritarian states like Russia, China, Venezuela, and
Iran. But civil society has also met with growing problems
in democracies—India and Indonesia among
them—and in settings where democracy’s prospects
are unclear, as with Ecuador, Hungary, and Kenya.
The growing offensive against civil society is in many
respects a tribute to the prominent role that NGOs
have come to play in the political life of most countries.
An active civil society is often seen as a formidable
threat to a repressive or illiberal status quo. Civil
society was the linchpin in the successful popular
revolutions in Serbia, Ukraine, and Georgia. In fact,
civil society organizations frequently pose a greater
threat to autocracy than do traditional opposition parties,
which have proven relatively easy for determined
strongmen to sideline, neutralize, or co-opt. Civil society
movements, by contrast, are generally composed
of younger activists, committed to a cause, more
resilient, more agile, and less prone to corruption.
To be sure, even some authoritarian states can boast
of an active and growing civil society sector consisting
of humanitarian organizations, religious entities,
conservation groups, associations focused on public
health or development, and so forth. It is with the
NGOs that pursue politically sensitive objectives—human
rights advocacy, democratic reform, or anticorruption
measures—that oppressive leaders have
serious differences. Especially in countries where
elections have been rendered meaningless, civil society
groups can become surrogates for a democratic
opposition, and are therefore regarded with deep
suspicion by the leadership.
The specter of ‘color revolution’
The term “color revolution” emerged in 2003–05 to
describe a phenomenon whereby an existing political
leadership is overthrown by a popular movement
”Countries in western Asia and
northern Africa, Ukraine and Thailand,
which have experienced street
protests and even armed conflicts,
have been led astray to the wrong
path of Western-style democracy,
that is, ‘street politics.’… The United
States and some Western forces
have been involved in the street
politics in these countries, either on
stage or behind the scenes.”
—Xinhua, paraphrasing an editorial by Mi Bohua of the
People’s Daily
“In the modern world, extremism is
being used as a geopolitical instrument
and for remaking spheres of
influence. We see what tragic consequences
the wave of so-called color
revolutions led to…. We should do
everything necessary so that nothing
similar ever happens in Russia.”
—Vladimir Putin
using tactics of nonviolent civil disobedience.
Successful nonviolent democratic revolutions are not
new. Perhaps the first color revolution took place in
1974, when a dictatorship in Portugal was overthrown
by military officers who drew on the support of civilian
democracy advocates. Later peaceful revolutions
overcame authoritarian regimes in the Philippines,
South Korea, Chile, and Poland.
In the 21st century, however, the definitive events
behind the new label took place in Georgia (2003) and
Ukraine (2004–5). Both countries were governed by
politicians with close ties to Moscow who were either
personally corrupt or tolerated high levels of graft.
In the Ukrainian elections of 2004, there was strong
evidence of rigging to ensure the victory of Viktor Yanukovych,
the candidate of the pro-Russian old guard.
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Tightening the Screws: The Kremlin’s Legal Campaign against Civil Society
l JANUARY 2006: Amendments to Certain
Legislative Acts of the Russian Federation
This law gave authorities the power to deny
registration to organizations that “threaten”
Russia, bar foreigners from opening
organizations, subject foreign funding to more
scrutiny, and make the founding and operation of
organizations excessively burdensome, including
by imposing frequent audits and reporting
requirements.
l JULY 2012: Amendments to the Law on
Noncommercial Organizations, the Criminal
Code, the Law on Public Associations, and the
Law on Combating Money Laundering and the
Financing of Terrorism
This package of measures, which included
the provision known as the “foreign agents
law,” required nongovernmental organizations
(NGOs) that receive foreign funding and carry
out broadly defined “political activity” to register
with the Justice Ministry and meet onerous
requirements, including filing quarterly financial
reports, submitting to annual and unscheduled
audits, subjecting foreign donations to
monitoring, and marking all publications and
events with the “foreign agent” label. Penalties
for noncompliance include fines, suspension
of funds, and imprisonment of personnel.
Other amendments penalized creating and
participating in “illegitimate” groups and groups
that urge citizens to shirk their civic duties or
perform other illegal acts.
l FEBRUARY 2014: Amendments to the Law on
Noncommercial Organizations
This change greatly expanded the list of reasons
for unannounced audits of NGOs.
l JUNE 2014: Amendments to the Law on
Noncommercial Organizations
Enacted to strengthen enforcement of the
foreign agents law, this legislation authorized
the Justice Ministry to register NGOs as foreign
agents without their consent and without a court
order, and shifted the burden of proof to NGOs,
compelling them to go to court to fight the label.
l MAY 2015: Amendments to Certain Legislative
Acts of the Russian Federation
Known as the “undesirable organizations
law,” this package of changes empowered the
prosecutor general to shut down or restrict the
activities of NGOs that are deemed “undesirable,”
vaguely defined as groups that pose “a threat
to the foundation of the constitutional order of
the Russian Federation, the defense capability
of the country, or the security of the state.”
The amendments bar such organizations from
opening delegate offices, carrying out programs,
and promoting their activities in Russia, and
subject collaborators with these NGOs to
possible fines and imprisonment.
l JUNE 2016: Amendments to the Law on Public
Associations and the Law on Noncommercial
Organizations
This legislation revised the loose definition of
“political activity” under the foreign agents law,
but rather than narrowing the meaning of the
term, it applied the law’s restrictions to any
activity aimed at influencing the government
or public opinion. That could include opinion
surveys, monitoring of government agencies’
performance, analysis of laws or policies, and
petitions or other communications aimed at
government officials.
Confronted by mass demonstrations, the authorities
ordered a rerun. The candidate of the reformist
Orange coalition won that election, which was widely
seen as free and honest.
The Orange Revolution was to have far-reaching repercussions.
While democracies celebrated the outcome,
repressive regimes reacted with alarm. The concerns
expressed by Russian officials were soon echoed
in China, Iran, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Venezuela, and
other authoritarian countries. Vladimir Putin spoke
of the color revolution as the latest form of American
interventionism, and began a process of restricting
Russian NGOs that was to reach a climax a decade
later.
Yanukovych eventually won the presidency in a 2010
comeback, but a second protest-driven revolution
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BREAKING DOWN DEMOCRACY: Goals, Strategies, and Methods of Modern Authoritarians
in Ukraine, the Maidan uprising of 2013–14, forced
him to flee to Russia after a bloody crackdown failed
to disperse the demonstrators. Among other things,
the episode shattered the old political establishment,
which had been more or less equally divided between
parties that were friendly to Russia and parties that
favored independence from the Kremlin and an
orientation toward Europe. For the foreseeable future,
pro-Russian parties were unlikely to play a major role
in Ukrainian political life.
Russia responded by seizing and illegally annexing
Crimea and fomenting a frozen conflict in eastern
Ukraine. But the Kremlin also stepped up its campaign
to demonize color revolutions more broadly as America’s
favored instrument of regime change, though no
serious evidence of U.S. involvement in the Maidan
revolution was put forward. The color revolution threat
became a major theme of Russian domestic propaganda
and political discourse. It even became a focus
of the country’s military planning.
When speaking of color revolutions, Russian officials
and commentators have struck several common
themes:
1. Color revolutions are a U.S. strategy to break
Russia’s influence over its neighbors. 1 Nikolay
Patrushev, secretary of Russia’s Security Council
and a longtime director of the Federal Security
Service (FSB), has described color revolutions
as an American scheme to bring down governments
through the financing of opposition
groups and economic sanctions “under the pretext
of human rights protection and the necessity
to form civil society institutions.” 2 Russian
officials in 2015 warned that Electric Yerevan, an
Armenian protest movement against electricity
price hikes, could be a provocation by the West
dedicated to toppling a Moscow-friendly administration.
3
2. The threat of military action is an integral part of
the strategy. While color revolutions by definition
employ nonviolent tactics, Russian strategists
claim that the military dimension can be indirect,
embedded in democratic governments’ warnings
not to use force against protesters. In other words,
according to the Kremlin, the United States and
its allies stoke uprisings and then threaten to intervene
if the authorities defend themselves. Russia’s
own response to the Maidan revolution was a
reflection of this distorted image: It orchestrated
separatist revolts in parts of Ukraine and then
used its military to defend them. 4
3. Color revolutions pose a danger to Russia’s allies
around the world. To communicate its concerns
on this front, the Kremlin has invited military
delegations from China, Iran, Egypt, and other
authoritarian regimes for meetings at which
countering color revolutions is an important
theme. 5 Russian propaganda encourages governments
to do what is necessary to put down
civil society challenges, and praises incumbents
who succeed.
4. Russia itself is under threat. “The aim is obvious,”
Putin said of protests and social media activity
in 2015, “to provoke civil conflict and strike
a blow at our country’s constitutional foundations,
and ultimately even at our sovereignty.” 6
5. Incumbents are ‘legitimate’ rulers. Russian officials
have stressed the legal and constitutional
legitimacy of authoritarian leaders facing major
protests, regardless of their crimes and blatant
abuses of human rights and democratic norms.
Moscow insisted that Yanukovych remained the
“legitimate” president even after he had abandoned
his post to escape punishment for his
role in the crackdown on demonstrators.
6. Russia reserves the right to intervene in defense
of ethnic Russians. By asserting this right, the
Kremlin is effectively saying that any color revolutions
in neighboring states—many of which
have Russian-speaking minorities—could trigger
a Russian invasion, as in Ukraine. It could also
become a self-fulfilling prophecy, whereby the
governments of neighboring countries come
to mistrust and mistreat their ethnic Russian
citizens, providing the Kremlin with an excuse to
get involved. 7
The Russian leadership’s reaction to the color revolutions,
with its paranoid obsession with sinister outside
forces, is a clear indication of the lack of self-confidence
that is shared by all authoritarian powers. Whether the
state is led by a strongman, a politburo, or a supreme
religious leader, the world’s most repressive regimes
understand that their systems offer few regular outlets
for public frustration with government performance.
Fear of color revolutions has intensified since the 2014
events in Ukraine, with a particular focus on the alleged
24
Freedom House
Authoritarians on Color Revolutions
“In my opinion, everything that happened in
Ukraine shook Russia.… Young people began
to discuss and think about Russia’s direction.”
—Ivan Mostovich, press secretary of the pro-Kremlin youth
organization Nashi, April 2005
“We’re only afraid these changes will be chaotic.…
It’ll be a banana republic where the one
who shouts loudest is the one who wins.”
—Vladimir Putin, President of Russia,
September 2005
“We have sympathy with [Arab governments]
because they did not read warnings that
they should have read. That things were
changing because of the wishes of their
people, and because of machinations of the
imperialists.”
—Robert Mugabe, President of Zimbabwe, June 2011
“It is hardly likely that the US will admit to
manipulating [Hong Kong’s] ‘Occupy Central’
movement, just as it will not admit to manipulating
other anti-China forces. It sees such
activities as justified by ‘democracy,’ ‘freedom,’
‘human rights’ and other values.”
—People’s Daily commentary, October 2014
“Hostile forces have always attempted to
make Hong Kong the bridgehead for subverting
and infiltrating mainland China…. The illegal
Occupy Central activities in 2014 came
as minority radical groups in Hong Kong,
under the instigation and support of external
forces … orchestrated a Hong Kong version of
a color revolution.”
—Gen. Sun Jianguo, deputy chief of general staff, People’s
Liberation Army, March 2015
“Various human rights organizations, think
tanks, and simple NGOs of the U.S. and its
allies in Europe, concealing their true goals,
have established a huge network of affiliates
around the world.… It is they who act as the
‘fifth column.’”
—Ramiz Mehdiyev, head of presidential administration,
Azerbaijan, December 2014
“The sides noted that Russia and China had
a common approach to the key problems
of regional and international security and
expressed readiness to counteract ‘color
revolutions.’… Russia and China suffered the
biggest losses during WWII and should be
resolutely opposed to any attempts to revive
fascism and falsify the results of the bloodiest
conflict in human history.”
—Russian Security Council, statement on security consultations
with China, May 2015
role of the United States as puppet master. Yet neither
the Kremlin nor likeminded regimes have advanced
credible evidence that the various civic movements
were inauthentic. The American role in the Orange Revolution
of 2004–5, for example, was limited to funding
for voter training, upgrading of election technology,
and other measures designed to assist authorities in
ensuring fair balloting. There is no evidence of direct
American government help to the Orange forces. If the
United States influenced the eventual outcome, it did
so by making it more difficult for the Ukrainian authorities
to rig the election results. 8
Strangled by law
Over the past decade there has been a steady stream
of laws that restrict the funding and operations of
NGOs. While more than 50 countries have passed
such legislation, the most aggressive campaign to
bring civil society to heel through legal constraints
has been carried out by the Russian authorities.
There are 11 laws on the books in Russia that deal
solely with civil society organizations and another 35
that mention NGOs. Yet nowhere are NGOs defined.
This vagueness is deliberate. It gives officials the
discretion to decide which civil society organizations
should be prosecuted and harassed and which should
be left alone or encouraged. It enables them to penalize,
for example, a foundation that supports scientific
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BREAKING DOWN DEMOCRACY: Goals, Strategies, and Methods of Modern Authoritarians
research due to alleged foreign funding, while ignoring
foreign funding for a quasi-political charity sponsored
by the Orthodox Church. 9
In fact, most of these laws are unnecessary. In a state
like Russia, China, or Iran, the authorities already have
ample latitude to deregister and ban any organization,
and to prevent foreign organizations from doing
business with domestic partners. A legal system that
is flexible enough to serve the evolving needs of the
regime and target virtually any adversary is a hallmark
of modern authoritarianism. But the NGO measures
give an added veneer of legality to what is essentially
arbitrary rule.
The repeated adoption of new laws also gives the
leadership the opportunity to showcase emotional
propaganda that stresses the subversive nature of
foreign or independent domestic civil society organizations,
reinforcing the idea that the motherland
is threatened by hostile encirclement and political
infiltration. 10
Foreign agents
In 2012, Russia adopted the so-called foreign agents
law. It requires NGOs that receive foreign funding and
engage in what the authorities define as political work
to register as “foreign agents,” a term that, in Russian,
is synonymous with foreign spy. Subsequent amendments
allow the Justice Ministry to register groups as
foreign agents without their consent. As with many
other Russian laws, the standards for enforcement are
entirely political. The designation is applied principally
to NGOs that seek political reforms or criticize
the Kremlin’s antidemocratic direction, though the
authorities’ reasoning in many cases is difficult to
fathom. State-friendly organizations have generally
been left alone.
Memorial, the human rights organization founded
to carry forward the ideals associated with Andrey
Sakharov, was one of the first groups to be unilaterally
registered as a foreign agent by the Justice Ministry
in 2014. In 2015, the ministry accused Memorial of
“undermining the foundations of constitutional order”
by describing the Russian invasion of Ukraine as
aggression and by asserting, correctly, that active duty
Russian troops were taking part in the conflict. 11
As in most countries, including some democracies,
civil society organizations in authoritarian climates
are largely funded by governmental or foreign entities.
There is little tradition of private philanthropic funding
for NGOs, and even if there were, few wealthy Russians
or Iranians would risk reprisal from the authorities
by donating to regime critics. Consequently, organizations
that lose access to foreign funding typically
have no domestic alternative and must curtail their
operations or give up their political independence.
In Russia, even NGOs with politically anodyne missions
have been targeted as foreign agents, as the
regime seeks to deter any civil society activity that
could challenge official policies or foster international
ties without state approval. One such organization
was the Northern Nature Coalition, which protects
old-growth forests and had protested certain development
projects. Another was Young Karelia, which
sponsors puppet shows for children in Karelian—a
language closely related to that spoken in neighboring
Finland. The latter group was declared a foreign agent
in part because of a $10,000 grant from the United
Nations. 12
The undesirables
Once it was the CIA that dictatorships reflexively
blamed when under pressure. More recently, the target
of attack is a group of prodemocracy foundations,
mostly American, that encourage political reform
through nonviolent methods. According to the denunciations
of officials from Russia, China, Venezuela,
and other repressive states, the National Endowment
for Democracy and the organizations associated with
philanthropist George Soros present a danger to the
status quo that rivals NATO or Western intelligence
agencies. 13
In 2015, Putin signed a law that allowed the prosecutor
general to declare foreign organizations “undesirable”
if they are deemed to pose a threat to the
country’s security, defense capability, or public order.
The measure empowered the authorities to shut such
entities’ offices in Russia, ban Russian groups from
working with them, and freeze their assets.
While the law has been used to expel foreign prodemocracy
organizations, the real targets are Russian
citizens. This is made clear by a section of the law
that calls for heavy fines and jail terms of up to six
years for Russians who collaborate with organizations
on the undesirable list. Conceivably, a Russia human
rights advocate who attends a seminar in Poland or
Germany sponsored by the International Republican
Institute—one of the groups added to the list in
2016—could be prosecuted once back in Russia. 14
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Freedom House
Sharing worst practices
During the 1990s there was much discussion in the
major democracies regarding the export of “best practices,”
meaning the institutions, policies, and ways
of doing things that had strengthened democratic
governance in some of the more successful post-authoritarian
societies, especially in Central Europe.
More recently, modern authoritarian regimes have
turned this concept on its head by sharing their own
experiences with laws and tactics that have the effect
of retarding democratic development.
Laws restricting the autonomy and funding of NGOs
have been widely copied around the world. Many of
the affected countries tolerated civil society activism
in the period after the Cold War, only to move in a
more repressive direction after the most prominent
color revolutions alerted incumbent leaders to potential
threat posed by civic activism. Once Russia had
demonstrated a willingness to adopt legislation and
then enforce it, other countries followed suit, first in
Eurasia but subsequently in Africa, Asia, the Middle
East, and Latin America.
Governments that adopt such laws seldom if ever
shut down the civil society sector entirely. Instead,
they deal with NGOs selectively, tolerating those that
present no threat to the status quo, monitoring others,
and repressing those that the leadership regards
as a potential focus of opposition activity. Even some
democracies, such as India, Indonesia, and Kenya,
have enacted laws to strengthen state control over
NGOs. But the most serious restrictions have been
imposed by authoritarian regimes. 15
According to a 2013 report, 12 countries had prohibited
foreign funding for NGOs outright while another
49 placed restrictions on foreign donations. 16 For
authoritarian leaders, the imposition of foreign funding
restrictions is a convenient tactic in that it makes
it difficult for the organization to function effectively
but falls short of an outright ban, which could attract
sharper criticism. Furthermore, governments can justify
their action on grounds of protecting sovereignty
against foreign interference—a potent argument in
an era when nationalist ideas have garnered greater
public support. Thus in rejecting an appeal to government
policies that restrict NGO work, the Venezuelan
Supreme Court spoke of foreign assistance as “a
typical manifestation of the interventionist policies of
a foreign power to influence the internal affairs of the
Venezuelan state.” 17
China piles on
In early 2016, joining its authoritarian colleagues,
China adopted its first formal law meant to regulate
the country’s rapidly expanding NGO sector. Previously,
foreign NGOs registered as commercial enterprises
and conducted their advocacy work “off the books.”
Under the new law, foreign NGOs are subject to a series
of additional bureaucratic hurdles, some of which
could seriously impinge on their work.
For example, foreign NGOs are now required to join in
partnership with a Chinese organization. In practice,
this could make it difficult for NGOs that work on sensitive
issues like the rule of law to function, as Chinese
organizations would be hesitant to join a foreign entity
in pursuing such a politically explosive mission.
Moreover, foreign NGOs will be compelled to register
with the police rather than the Ministry of Civil Affairs,
as had been the case. 18 The law gives the police
sweeping powers to detain staff, restrict activities or
events, or regulate an NGO’s ability to open an office. 19
An NGO’s registration can be revoked under a vague
clause that forbids spreading rumors, engaging in
defamation, or publishing “other harmful information
that endangers state security or damages the national
interest.” 20
The new law was passed in the context of intensified
repression, an economic slowdown, and a drive by
the Xi Jinping leadership to suppress discussion of
“Western ideas” in the media and at universities. Even
as the country’s leadership boasted of China’s role as
a world power, the country’s education minister, Yuan
Guiren, felt compelled in 2015 to warn against the use
of “textbooks promoting Western values” in Chinese
classrooms.
Indeed, the authorities had carried out a series of
arrests, focusing on precisely the sort of independent-minded
activists with whom reform-oriented
international NGOs would expect to collaborate: human
rights lawyers, advocates for minority rights and
religious freedom, and women’s rights campaigners. 21
Around the time of the law’s adoption, the government
took the unusual step of showcasing a televised
confession by a Swedish citizen who had worked with
legal reform groups in China. Xinhua claimed that
the activist, Peter Dahlin, had served a human rights
organization that “hired and trained others to gather,
fabricate, and distort information about China.” 22
The adoption of formal restrictions on NGOs is one
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BREAKING DOWN DEMOCRACY: Goals, Strategies, and Methods of Modern Authoritarians
sign among many that China is rolling up the welcome
mat for the outside world. The leadership’s exertion
of pressure on reform-minded foreigners parallels its
increasingly skeptical attitude toward the international
press, certain foreign technology firms, Christian
churches, and especially “Western” ideas like democracy,
the rule of law, and press freedom. The hostility to
NGOs is particularly troubling, however, given the total
absence of national elections and opposition political
parties in China. The NGO sector was one of the few
outlets available to Chinese citizens who seek political
change. The Xi Jinping leadership, in adopting the new
law, is communicating its determination to shut off all
possible avenues for independent political action.
1. Roger McDermott, “Protecting the Motherland: Russia’s Counter–Color Revolution Military Doctrine,” Eurasia Daily Monitor, November
14, 2014, https://jamestown.org/program/protecting-the-motherland-russias-counter-color-revolution-military-doctrine/.
2. Leon Aron, “Drivers of Putin’s Foreign Policy,” American Enterprise Institute, June 14, 2016, https://www.aei.org/publication/
drivers-of-putins-foreign-policy/; Dennis Lynch, “Russian Security Council Warns US Seeks ‘Color Revolution’ against Kremlin,”
International Business Times, March 25, 2015, http://www.ibtimes.com/russian-security-council-warns-us-seeks-color-revolution-against-kremlin-1859808.
3. Howard Amos, “Russian Officials See ‘Color Revolution’ in Armenia,” Moscow Times, June 24, 2015, https://themoscowtimes.com/
articles/russian-officials-see-color-revolution-in-armenia-47670.
4. Alexander Golts, “Are Color Revolutions a New Form of War?” Moscow Times, June 2, 2014, https://themoscowtimes.com/articles/
are-color-revolutions-a-new-form-of-war-36093.
5. Dmitry Gorenburg, “Countering Color Revolutions: Russia’s New Security Strategy and Its Implications for U.S. Policy,” Ponars Eurasia,
September 2014, http://www.ponarseurasia.org/memo/countering-color-revolutions-russia%E2%80%99s-new-security-strategy-and-its-implications-us-policy.
6. Gabrielle Tétrault-Farber, “Putin Sounds the Alarm over Budding ‘Color Revolutions’ in Russia,” Moscow Times, March 4, 2015,
https://themoscowtimes.com/articles/putin-sounds-the-alarm-over-budding-color-revolutions-in-russia-44473.
7. Dmitry Gorenburg, “Countering Color Revolutions: Russia’s New Security Strategy and Its Implications for U.S. Policy.”
8. Anders Aslund and Michael McFaul, eds., Revolution in Orange: The Origins of Ukraine’s Democratic Breakthrough (Washington:
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, 2006).
9. “Briefing on Shrinking Space for Civil Society in Russia,” Human Rights Watch, February 24, 2017, https://www.hrw.org/
news/2017/02/24/briefing-shrinking-space-civil-society-russia.
10. Tanya Lokshina, “Russia Civil Society Deemed ‘Undesirable,’” Open Democracy, May 20, 2015, https://www.hrw.org/
news/2015/05/20/russian-civil-society-deemed-undesirable.
11. Heather McGill, “Russian NGOs Cynically Treated Like Enemies of the State,” Amnesty International, November 13, 2015, https://
www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2015/11/russian-ngos-cynically-treated-like-enemies-of-the-state/.
12. Thomas Grove, “Russia Squeezes Critics at Home by Declaring Them ‘Foreign Agents,’” Wall Street Journal, August 16, 2015, http://
www.wsj.com/articles/russia-squeezes-critics-at-home-by-declaring-them-foreign-agents-1439778187.
13. Fred Weir, “Russia Moves to Silence Civil Society and Its ‘Undesirable’ Contacts,” Christian Science Monitor, May 27, 2015, http://
www.csmonitor.com/World/Europe/2015/0527/Russia-moves-to-silence-civil-society-and-its-undesirable-contacts.
14. “Russia Deems Two U.S.-Based NGOs ‘Undesirable,’” Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, August 18, 2016, http://www.rferl.org/a/russia-u-s-ngos-undesirable/27931869.html.
15. Thomas Carothers, “Closing Space: Democracy and Human Rights Support Under Fire,” Carnegie Endowment for International
Peace, February 20, 2014, http://carnegieendowment.org/2014/02/20/closing-space-democracy-and-human-rights-support-under-fire-pub-54503.
16. Civicus 2013: Enabling Environment Index (Civicus), http://civicus.org/downloads/2013EEI%20REPORT.pdf.
17. Carothers, “Closing Space.”
18. Josh Chin, “China Gives Police Broad Powers over Foreign Nonprofits,” Wall Street Journal, April 28, 2016, http://www.wsj.com/
articles/china-passes-law-clamping-down-on-foreign-ngos-1461853978.
19. Charlie Campbell, “China’s New Foreign NGO Law Is Threatening Vital Advocacy Work,” Time, April 26, 2016, http://time.
com/4307516/china-ngo-law-foreign-human-rights/.
20. Stanley Lubman, “China’s New Law on International NGOs—And Questions about Legal Reform,” Wall Street Journal, May 25, 2016,
http://blogs.wsj.com/chinarealtime/2016/05/25/chinas-new-law-on-international-ngos-and-questions-about-legal-reform/.
21. “China’s Strange Fear of a Colour Revolution,” Financial Times, February 9, 2015, https://www.ft.com/content/9b5a2ed2-af96-11e4-
b42e-00144feab7de.
22. Tom Phillips, “Swedish Activist Peter Dahlin Paraded on China State TV for ‘Scripted Confession,’” Guardian, January 19, 2016,
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/jan/20/swedish-activist-peter-dahlin-paraded-on-china-state-tv-for-scripted-confession.
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Chapter 4
The Ministry of Truth in Peace and War
An early and telling sign that Vladimir Putin planned
something more ambitious than a mere tightening
of state control over political life was his decision to
return Joseph Stalin to his position in the pantheon
of great Russian leaders. Stalin’s rehabilitation was
formalized in 2007, with the publication of a new curriculum
guide for teachers of Russian history. 1
The manual’s content dovetailed with Putin’s broader
promotion of a narrative in which Russia is a great
power that recovered from the chaos and weakness
of the Yeltsin era and overcame the hostility of determined
enemies, especially the United States. According
to the manual, Russia’s dark chapters—its domination
of Eastern Europe, internal repression, Stalinist
purges—were the regrettable but understandable
responses to the country’s underdevelopment and
encirclement by foreign enemies. The new history
paints a picture of an all-wise Russian state, under
both Stalin and Putin, whose requirements always
take precedence over the needs of the individual. 2
Putin took unusual interest in the preparation of the
history manual. The idea that history should be written
by historians, not political leaders, was never voiced in
public discussion. Putin later called for history textbooks
“written in proper Russian, free of internal contradictions
and double interpretation.” 3 He said the manual
was needed to clear up “the muddle” in teachers’ heads.
And in unveiling the new guide, he struck a theme
that runs through Russian propaganda in the Putin
era: Russian history “did contain some problematic
pages,” he said. “But so did other states’ histories.
We have fewer of them than in other countries. And
they were less terrible than in some other countries.”
Putin’s basic message was that “we can’t allow anyone
to impose a sense of guilt on us.” 4 More broadly, Putin
was saying that a sovereign state has the right to
interpret its history in whatever way it wants, to ignore
or distort the tragic chapters, and to burnish the reputations
of mass murderers and thugs.
Whereas other countries simply avoid serious study
of the most shameful episodes of their histories, as
Indonesia has done with the epidemic of political
killings during the 1960s, or as China has done with
the Cultural Revolution, Russia treats the Stalin era
“It’s easy predicting the future;
what’s difficult is predicting the
past.”
—Soviet joke
“A lie isn’t an alternative
point of view.”
—Linus Linkevičius, Lithuanian foreign minister
“The implied objective of this line
of thought is a nightmare world in
which the Leader, or some ruling
clique, controls not only the future
but the past…. This prospect frightens
me much more than bombs.”
—George Orwell, Looking Back on the Spanish War
as a time of progress during which the foundation for
modern Russian greatness was laid. 5
To build a case that Russia’s dark pages were “less
terrible” than those of other countries, Russia’s official
history depicts Stalin as a strong leader who was capable
of acts of cruelty but whose rough tactics were
necessary for the defense of the homeland, which was
besieged militarily by the Nazis and politically by the
capitalist powers.
Excusing the Soviet empire
The Russian leadership is especially tenacious in
defending Stalin’s World War II diplomacy. Putin, for
example, has defended the Hitler-Stalin pact, the
1939 nonaggression agreement that opened the door
to Nazi Germany’s invasion of Poland and carved up
much of Eastern Europe between the two totalitarian
states. 6 While Putin called the pact “immoral” during
a 2009 visit to Poland, he defended the agreement
during a joint press conference with Angela Merkel in
2015, following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.
He did so in a fashion typical of current Russian propaganda
methods. He accused the West of trying to “hush
www.freedomhouse.org
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BREAKING DOWN DEMOCRACY: Goals, Strategies, and Methods of Modern Authoritarians
up” the agreement between British prime minister
Neville Chamberlain and Adolf Hitler that resulted in
Germany’s seizure of parts and eventually all of Czechoslovakia.
This clearly falsified the historical record. Far
from suppressing Chamberlain’s actions, historians and
politicians alike have held up the Munich agreement
as a symbol of all that went wrong due to the European
democracies’ appeasement of Hitler. 7
Putin has also justified the Hitler-Stalin pact on the
grounds that it kept the Soviet Union out of war for a
time and was in keeping with the amoral power politics
practiced in that era. As for the divvying up of Eastern
Europe, he repeated the hoary lie that the record was
unclear as to whether the pact’s secret protocols—in
which the two parties agreed on which territories each
would subsequently control—were genuine. 8 Predictably,
Putin did not go into the unwritten parts of the
agreement that caused Stalin to forcibly repatriate a
group of German dissidents, mostly Communists, who
had sought refuge in the Soviet Union.
Both the history manual and the political leadership
justify the transformation of postwar Eastern Europe
into a Soviet-controlled bloc—in which the economy
came under state control, religious belief was
persecuted, civil society was destroyed, the press was
converted into a monolithic instrument of propaganda,
and opposition political parties were crushed—by
claiming that Moscow needed a layer of territorial
security to protect it from the hostile West. “Historical
necessity” is how Putin’s spokesman described Soviet
domination of the region. Putin likewise blames the
democracies for the Iron Curtain: “We understand the
fatality of an ‘iron curtain’ for us. We will not go down
this path. No one will build a wall around us.” 9
The manual recalls Mikhail Gorbachev not for his
attempts to reform and liberalize the Communist
system, but instead for his having permitted the
unraveling of the European security belt in 1989 and
the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. Moving into
the 21st century, the manual denounces the color
revolutions in neighboring countries like Georgia
and Ukraine as Western-backed schemes to replace
pro-Russian leaders with pro-American usurpers. In
this view, the centuries may change and the Soviet
empire may fade into history, but Russia’s geopolitical
predicament remains constant.
Sakharov as nonperson
Because Putin is intent on blaming the West for Russia’s
problems, both past and present, he has worked
to ensure that critical domestic voices are removed
from Russian history. This explains the near total absence
of Andrey Sakharov from any discussion of the
Soviet past or Russia’s future course.
Today Sakharov is recalled abroad as a dissident and
Nobel Peace Prize laureate. In Russia, however, he
has been relegated to the status of nonperson. Putin
and other leaders never refer to him, his legacy, or
his views. The organizations that were launched to
promote his principles are harassed and placed on the
“foreign agents” list. 10 In an age of flourishing digital
media, Russians are ironically less likely to know what
Sakharov stood for than was the case under Soviet
censorship, when underground samizdat literature
was reproduced on manual typewriters to reach an
audience of a few hundred. 11
In fact, Sakharov was an imposing global presence
from the mid-1960s until his death in 1989. His stature
derived from his prominent role in the development
of the Soviet nuclear arsenal. He was sometimes
called the “father of the hydrogen bomb,” and because
of the respect he enjoyed in the global scientific community,
his views on arms control carried enormous
weight.
His initial forays into political dissent consisted of cautious
statements about the importance of weapons
treaties between Washington and Moscow. But the
more he thought about arms control, the more closely
he looked at his own society. And soon he was making
caustic comments about the yawning gap between
Soviet boasts on the achievements of socialism and
the reality of Soviet backwardness.
He eventually came to see the system that prevailed
in the Soviet Union as inherently repressive. Sakharov
attributed Russia’s epidemic of alcoholism to the
leadership’s having purged the governing system of
moral considerations. He said it was “important that
our society gradually emerge from the dead end of
unspirituality.” He spoke of the need for the “systematic
defense of human rights and ideals, and not a
political struggle, which would inevitably incite people
to violence, sectarianism, and frenzy.” 12
The Kremlin has worked hard to make Russians forget
that he once ranked among the eminent figures of
global political protest. The current leadership is
especially determined to ensure that Sakharov’s core
goals disappear from the debate: a Russia committed
to humane and democratic values, a government that
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deals honestly with the people, and a country that
lives at peace with its neighbors.
The Ukraine factor
The falsification of history that began during the early
years of Putin’s leadership has been intensified in the
wake of the invasion of Ukraine and seizure of Crimea
in 2014. To convince the Russian people that waging
a form of low-intensity warfare against a neighbor was
justified, Putin has stepped up efforts to depict the
West as antagonistic to Russian interests, launched
a campaign to label those responsible for Ukraine’s
Maidan uprising as fascists, driven home the idea that
ethnic Russians living outside the Russian Federation
were under relentless persecution, and identified
Russian critics of aggression against Ukraine as a
treasonous fifth column.
A recurring theme of post-Crimea propaganda is the
notion that Russia faces the same threats from the
West today as it did during the Cold War. To make this
point, Russian television aired a documentary meant to
justify one of the more shameful events of the Soviet
period, the 1968 Soviet-led Warsaw Pact intervention in
Czechoslovakia. The invasion was undertaken to crush
the reformist Prague Spring movement, whose leaders
were moving increasingly in the direction of jettisoning
state socialism, embracing democratic reforms, and
seeking a kind of neutral geopolitical status much like
that enjoyed at the time by Austria. The documentary
used archival footage to build a concocted case that
the invasion was necessary to thwart a NATO-inspired
coup in Prague. 13 The clear purpose of the film was to
portray NATO as a permanent threat to Russian interests,
as much in 2014 as in 1968. 14
Another television documentary focused on the seizure
of Crimea, a year after the event. As Lucian Kim
has noted, the program is something of a celebration
of the tactics of dictatorship. The filmmakers offer no
conflicting opinions and present American leaders
as puppet masters. Among other claims, the documentary
asserts that Washington gave the Maidan
forces information about Ukrainian security methods
that American officials had obtained during bilateral
exchange programs with the Kyiv government. 15
To further bolster the case for the invasion of Ukraine,
the Russian propaganda machinery devoted great
energy to demonstrating the fascist nature of the
Maidan, relying heavily on invocations of Soviet
history. The Ukrainian protesters and activists who
helped drive out corrupt president Viktor Yanukovych,
and the European-oriented politicians who replaced
him, were repeatedly labeled as present-day followers
of Stepan Bandera, a controversial nationalist leader
who fought the Soviets and at times cooperated with
the Nazis in a doomed campaign for an independent
Ukraine during World War II. Russian media presented
Bandera and his followers as unambiguous allies of
the Nazis, and highlighted their wartime atrocities.
Russian media also featured a number of documentaries
that emphasized Russian, as opposed to Soviet,
resistance to Hitler. The objective was to equate
contemporary Ukrainians who favored full sovereignty
and independence from Russian influence with Nazi
collaborators and pogromists. This served not only
to explain Moscow’s response, but also to deter any
emulation of the Maidan protests in Russia itself.
The assault on academic freedom
Since the occupation of Crimea and invasion of eastern
Ukraine, it has become increasingly dangerous
to express dissenting views on Russian foreign policy
in Russia’s schools and universities. Putin made the
point quite clearly in a speech before the parliament
in March 2014, when he referred to a “fifth column”
and a “disparate bunch of national traitors” sowing
discord within Russia. 16
In the ensuing months, anyone criticizing Russian policy
risked the label of foreign agent, which in Russian
usage is tantamount to being called a spy. Around
this time a new website called Predatel (traitor) began
listing alleged traitors, specifically those who had
criticized Russia’s annexation of Crimea or supported
sanctions against Russian officials. The site encouraged
Russians to send in the names of other traitors.
Meanwhile, a number of educators fell afoul of the
new policies on the teaching of history. In March 2014,
Andrey Zubov, who held a position at the Moscow State
Institute of International Relations, was fired for “an immoral
act”—namely an article he published in the newspaper
Vedomosti that criticized the seizure of Crimea
and compared it to Hitler’s annexation of Austria. “We
must not behave the way the Germans once behaved,
based on the promises of Goebbels and Hitler,” he
wrote. The university’s explanation claimed that Zubov’s
writings “contradict Russia’s foreign policy and inflict
careless, irresponsible criticism on the actions of the
state.” 17 In a similar incident, senior sociologist Aleksandr
Konkov was let go by Sakhalin State University after
declaring that Russia had seized Crimea opportunistically
because Ukraine was weak, not because Crimeans
themselves had clamored for the takeover. 18
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BREAKING DOWN DEMOCRACY: Goals, Strategies, and Methods of Modern Authoritarians
In May 2014, Putin signed a new law that criminalized
the purposeful distortion of the Soviet Union’s role in
World War II. It could easily be applied to historians
who, for example, criticize Stalin’s Great Terror and
its decimation of the military leadership in the years
before the war. 19 Historians who make the “wrong”
interpretations of the Hitler-Stalin pact, the huge
casualties suffered by the Red Army, or the rape and
plunder committed by Soviet troops as they marched
toward Berlin might also risk criminal penalties.
In late 2016 the Russian Security Council discussed
the establishment of a new center to counter the
“falsification” of history. The council placed the proposal
in the context of the country’s national security,
pointing to “deliberate destructive activity by foreign
state structures and international organizations to
realize geopolitical interests by means of carrying out
anti-Russian policies.”
A group of experts identified six topics from Russia’s
past that they claimed were being actively distorted
as part of an anti-Russia strategy. Among the topics:
the Soviet Union’s ethnic policies, the Hitler-Stalin
pact, the Soviet Union’s conduct during World War II,
the 1917 Russian Revolution, and the Soviet Union’s
suppression of uprisings in Hungary, Czechoslovakia,
and East Germany during the Cold War. 20 In each case,
the most serious and respected historical accounts
have been written by foreign scholars, due largely to
the pressures, including outright censorship, brought
to bear on Russian historians during Soviet times and
more recently during the Putin era.
China: Evading the past
Mao Zedong’s Great Leap Forward ranks among
the most deadly politically inspired catastrophes in
human history. From 1958 to 1962, Communist Party
authorities, under strict orders from Beijing, forcibly
herded millions of farmers into communes and then
proceeded to seize grain harvested in the countryside
to feed the urban population. The result, according to
long-standing estimates, was the death of some 30 million
people in the provinces. Historian Frank Dikötter,
who studied the archives in some of the most seriously
affected regions, has argued that the number of deaths
was at least 45 million, and others have cited higher
numbers. While most died of starvation, many were
tortured to death or murdered by local Communists. 21
To this day, Communist Party officials have refused to
acknowledge anything approaching the full dimensions
of the tragedy. Nor have they admitted that the
party, and especially Mao, were responsible. Often
they blame the weather. There are no official monuments
to the victims, no days of commemoration, no
serious histories available to the general public, and
most significantly, no effort to place accountability
where it belonged.
Chinese leaders may be even more concerned about
presenting the “correct” interpretation of history
than their Russian counterparts. An updated official
version of the party history that was released in
2011 took 16 years to draft, including four extensive
rewrites. It was vetted by 64 state and party bodies,
including the People’s Liberation Army. In telling the
story of the Great Leap Forward, the history admits
that the project brought great suffering, but credits
Mao with wanting to “change a picture of poverty and
backwardness and make China grow rich and strong
so that it could use its own strength to stand tall in
the forest of nations.” 22 In other words, one of the
century’s great politically driven famines was justified
because it supposedly contributed to China’s emergence
as a world power. The history also insists that
Mao tried to change course when he learned of the
growing rural suffering—an outright lie, as Mao actually
doubled down on the most disastrous policies.
The determination to suppress any real assessment
of the dark corners of Chinese history under the
Communist Party is also reflected in the exhibits at
the National Museum of China in Tiananmen Square.
Mao’s Cultural Revolution (1966–76), a period of political
terror and violent nationwide purges, is dispensed
with through one photograph and a brief caption,
located in an out-of-the-way part of the facility. As for
the famine, it is glossed over with the euphemistic
phrase, “the project of constructing socialism suffered
severe complications.” 23
Seven ‘don’t mentions’
In 2013, the General Office of the Communist Party
Central Committee issued a secret directive prohibiting
universities from permitting the discussion of
seven themes—the “Seven Don’t Mentions.” According
to the directive, lecturers were not allowed to take
up universal values, freedom of the press, civil society,
civic rights, elite cronyism, judicial independence, and
past mistakes of the Communist Party. 24
To independent-minded scholars, the most disturbing
item in the roster of Don’t Mentions was the leadership’s
mistakes. While the authorities have never come
close to permitting a serious investigation of either
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the Great Leap Forward or the Cultural Revolution,
these and other aspects of the party’s past were not
considered utterly taboo, as long as the discussion did
not lead to serious challenges to orthodox historical
interpretations. According to the policies set down
under Xi Jinping’s leadership, talking in classrooms
about Mao’s errors is now forbidden. 25
The drive to inculcate a national amnesia on the
worst abuses of the Communist era is not limited to
university courses. Commentary and discussion in the
media and on the internet are also heavily censored,
especially on anniversary days when, in normal
societies, problematic events of the past are remembered
and debated. 26 The most sensitive anniversary,
of course, falls on June 4, marking the deadly 1989
crackdown on prodemocracy protests in Tiananmen
Square. Even the most oblique or coded reference to
that date on social media is quickly censored.
There are no museums devoted the Cultural Revolution
or the Great Leap Forward. The archives of
the Cultural Revolution period are mainly closed to
researchers. Chinese historians have made some important
breakthroughs, but can discuss their findings
only with small groups of peers.
The Communist Party’s refusal to come to terms with
the crimes of the Mao era has enabled a revival of
the former leader’s personality cult that has captured
the support of millions of Chinese. As Jamil Anderlini
wrote in the Financial Times, Mao has come to be
seen as a symbol of a “simpler, fairer society—a time
when everyone was poorer but at least they were
equally poor.” 27 Xi and his colleagues have actively
promoted Maoist images, songs, and propaganda
themes as ornaments of Chinese nationalism, and
used Mao-style tactics and terminology in their drive
for ideological discipline and political loyalty.
The melding of nationalism and reverence for Mao is
no accident. According to the regime’s updated historical
narrative, China was subjugated by foreign powers
for more than a century until the party took power in
1949 and restored the country’s national greatness.
Admitting Mao’s abuses would mean admitting that
the first three decades of Communist rule left China
poor, isolated, and traumatized, and that only the
partial abandonment of party doctrine and control
allowed the country to prosper.
A side effect of the party’s appropriation of Chinese nationalism
is a renewed hostility toward the foreign powers
that kept China weak before Communist rule. Basic
history textbooks—in addition to omitting or distorting
the mistakes, failures, and criminal acts of the Communist
leadership—focus on China’s persecution at the
hands of outsiders, especially Japan. Some Chinese
critics worry that the teaching of history is cultivating
an alarming degree of xenophobia and jingoism. 28
History held hostage
In much of the world today, there are or have been
major efforts to confront uncomfortable truths
about the past. This is certainly true of Germany and
South Africa. Latin American countries like Chile and
Argentina have probed the histories of ugly conflicts
between military juntas and Marxist revolutionaries. In
China’s own backyard, South Korea and Taiwan have
moved to address the complex legacies, including
outright crimes, of dictators.
The process of accounting for the mistakes and
crimes of earlier decades can raise a tangle of ethical
and emotional challenges in any country. But resistance
to a full examination of the past is especially
bitter in societies where communism held sway. In
China, the heirs of Mao still control the state, and the
very legitimacy of the system is built on a veneration
of the Great Helmsman. In Russia, the Putin leadership
praises the achievements of Stalin and aspires to
the superpower status of the Soviet Union. A consequence
of this ahistorical nostalgia is that in Russia
today, 26 percent of those polled by Levada believe
that Stalinist repression was necessary; a decade
ago, the figure was just 9 percent. Likewise, only 45
percent told Levada that political persecution was a
crime; in 2007, the figure was 72 percent. 29
The communist system was responsible for four of
the most destructive episodes of the 20th century:
Stalin’s purges, the Great Leap Forward, the Cultural
Revolution, and the Cambodian genocide. Add to this
the persecutions inflicted on the people of the Baltic
states, Eastern Europeans, Cubans, North Koreans,
and many others, and the population affected by mass
killings and misery swells even further. While few people
today admire totalitarian Marxism as a governing
system, there is a reluctance to reject it with the same
moral clarity as in assessments of Nazism. Scholars,
not to mention political figures, who express even modest
admiration for Hitler are immediately and properly
condemned. As long as Stalin and Mao, two of history’s
worst mass murderers, escape similar opprobrium in
their own countries, a reckoning with historical truth
and an understanding of its lessons will be postponed.
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BREAKING DOWN DEMOCRACY: Goals, Strategies, and Methods of Modern Authoritarians
1. Andrew E. Kramer, “New Russian History: Yes, People Died, but ...,” New York Times, August 15, 2007, http://www.nytimes.
com/2007/08/15/world/europe/15iht-letter.1.7122937.html.
2. “The Rewriting of History,” Economist, November 8, 2007, http://www.economist.com/node/10102921.
3. Gabriela Baczynska, “Putin Accused of Soviet Tactics in Drafting New History Book,” Reuters, November 18, 2013, http://www.
reuters.com/article/us-russia-history-idUSBRE9AH0JK20131118.
4. “The Rewriting of History,” Economist.
5. Ben Hoyle, “Putin Rewrites History for New School Textbook,” Times (London), November 20, 2013, http://www.thetimes.co.uk/tto/
news/world/europe/article3926546.ece.
6. Gabriela Baczynska, “Putin Accused of Soviet Tactics in Drafting New History Book.”
7. “​Merkel Listens as Putin Defends USSR’s Pact with Nazi Germany,” Kviv Post, May 10, 2015, https://www.kyivpost.com/article/content/war-against-ukraine/merkel-listens-as-putin-defends-ussrs-pact-with-nazi-germany-388241.html;
“Putin Defends Ribbentrop-Molotov
Pact in Press Conference with Merkel,” Moscow Times, May 11, 2015, https://themoscowtimes.com/news/putin-defends-ribbentrop-molotov-pact-in-press-conference-with-merkel-46441.
8. Linas Linkevičius, “Putin Has Defended the Nazi-Soviet Pact. Time for the West to Wake Up,” Guardian, November 7, 2014, https://
www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2014/nov/07/vladimir-putin-defended-nazi-soviet-pact-west-world-war-two; Tom Parfitt,
“Vladimir Putin Says There Was Nothing Wrong with Soviet Union’s Pact with Adolf Hitler’s Nazi Germany,” Telegraph, November 6,
2014, http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/vladimir-putin/11213255/Vladimir-Putin-says-there-was-nothing-wrong-with-
Soviet-Unions-pact-with-Adolf-Hitlers-Nazi-Germany.html; Timothy Snyder, “Putin’s New Nostalgia,” New York Review of Books,
November 10, 2014, http://www.nybooks.com/daily/2014/11/10/putin-nostalgia-stalin-hitler/.
9. Reuters, “Putin: ‘We Understand the Fatality of an Iron Curtain,’” Business Insider, November 23, 2014, http://www.businessinsider.
com/r-putin-says-russia-is-not-isolated-tass-2014-11.
10. Fred Weir, “How a Liberal Bastion Is Persevering in an Increasingly Illiberal Moscow,” Christian Science Monitor, January 25, 2016,
http://www.csmonitor.com/World/Europe/2016/0125/How-a-liberal-bastion-is-persevering-in-an-increasingly-illiberal-Moscow.
11. Serge Schmemann, “Sakharov, Little Remembered in Putin’s Russia,” New York Times, December 17, 2014, http://www.nytimes.
com/2014/12/18/opinion/sakharov-little-remembered-in-putins-russia.html.
12. Arch Puddington, “A Prophet Ignored in His Own Land: Andrey D. Sakharov,” Freedom at Issue, September 28, 2015, https://freedomhouse.org/blog/prophet-ignored-his-own-land-andrey-d-sakharov.
13. Tony Barber, “Russia Rewrites History of the Prague Spring,” Financial Times, June 3, 2015, https://www.ft.com/content/340a086c-
09df-11e5-b6bd-00144feabdc0.
14. Andrew Pulver, “New Russian Invasion Documentary Dismays Czech and Slovak Governments,” Guardian, June 2, 2015, https://
www.theguardian.com/film/2015/jun/02/new-russian-invasion-documentary-dismays-czech-slovak-governments; “Russian
Documentary on ‘Helpful’ 1968 Invasion Angers Czechs,” Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, June 1, 2015, http://www.rferl.org/a/
russian-documentary-on-helpful-1968-invasion-angers-czechs/27047867.html.
15. Lucian Kim, “Vladimir Putin’s New Faux Documentary Is Trying to Rewrite the History of His Own Aggression,” Slate, March 19, 2015,
http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/foreigners/2015/03/vladimir_putin_s_documentary_is_trying_to_rewrite_history_crimea_the_way.html.
16. Joshua Yaffa, “Putin’s New War on ‘Traitors,’” New Yorker, March 28, 2014, http://www.newyorker.com/news/news-desk/putins-newwar-on-traitors.
17. “Russian Professor Sacked over Criticism of Actions in Ukraine,” Reuters, March 24, 2014, http://www.reuters.com/article/
us-ukraine-crisis-professor-idUSBREA2N1BM20140324; “Russian Propaganda: 1984 in 2014,” Economist, March 29, 2014, http://
www.economist.com/news/europe/21599829-new-propaganda-war-underpins-kremlins-clash-west-1984-2014.
18. Sergey Berzin, “Russian Academics Spooked by Zubov’s Dismissal,” University World News, April 11, 2014, http://www.universityworldnews.com/article.php?story=20140410172832334.
19. “Putin Signs Law Criminalizing Denial of Nazi War Crimes,” Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, May 5, 2014, http://www.rferl.org/a/
russia-criminalizes-nazi-denial/25373990.html.
20. Tom Balmforth, “Russia’s Security Council Turns Its Gaze to History and 1917,” Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, October 30, 2016.
http://www.rferl.org/a/russia-history-distortion-information-attacks/28087105.html.
21. Gao Wenqian, “China Must Purge Mao’s Ghost,” New York Times, December 25, 2013, http://www.nytimes.com/2013/12/26/opinion/china-must-purge-maos-ghost.html.
22. Andrew Higgins, “In China, a Long Path of Writing the Communist Party’s History,” Washington Post, May 26, 2011, https://www.
washingtonpost.com/world/in-china-a-long-path-of-writing-the-communist-partys-history/2011/05/16/AGDfMECH_story.html.
23. Ian Johnson, “At China’s New Museum, History Toes Party Line,” New York Times, April 3, 2011, http://www.nytimes.
com/2011/04/04/world/asia/04museum.html.
24. Anne Henochowicz, “Sensitive Words: Seven Don’t Mentions and More,” China Digital Times, May 11, 2013, http://chinadigitaltimes.net/2013/05/sensitive-words-seven-say-nots-and-more/.
25. Raymond Li, “Seven Subjects Off Limits for Teaching, Chinese Universities Told,” South China Morning Post, May 10, 2013, http://
www.scmp.com/news/china/article/1234453/seven-subjects-limits-teaching-chinese-universities-told.
26. Tom Mitchell, “China Deploys Amnesia on Fiftieth Anniversary of Cultural Revolution,” Financial Times, May 13, 2016, https://www.
ft.com/content/40b84132-18cf-11e6-b197-a4af20d5575e.
27. Jamil Anderlini, “The Return of Mao: A New Threat to China’s Politics,” Financial Times, September 29, 2016, https://www.ft.com/
content/63a5a9b2-85cd-11e6-8897-2359a58ac7a5.
28. Cameron White, “Beijing’s Textbook Hypocrisy,” Wall Street Journal, June 17, 2015, http://www.wsj.com/articles/beijings-textbook-h-1434555035.
29. Maxim Trudolyubov, “Putin Plays Politics with Russia’s Terrible Past,” Newsweek, November 3, 2016, http://www.newsweek.com/
putin-plays-politics-russias-terrible-past-515906.
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Chapter 5
The Rise of ‘Illiberal Democracy’
In July 2014, Hungarian prime minister Viktor Orbán
gave what has come to be known as his “illiberal
democracy” speech before an ethnic Hungarian audience
in Băile Tuşnad, Romania. 1 Several points in his
remarks are worth noting:
• Orbán urged his listeners to no longer regard the
1989 triumph over communism as the reference
point for developments in Hungary. Instead of
measuring progress from the transition from
dictatorship and foreign domination to elections,
civil liberties, and sovereignty, Orbán said Hungary
should adopt a new point of departure, the onset
of the global financial crisis in 2008, which also
marked the European Union’s greatest setback.
• He cited U.S. president Barack Obama and various
unnamed sources on the West’s weakness,
including an “internationally recognized analyst”
who wrote that liberal values today “embody
corruption, sex, and violence.”
• He suggested that in the future it would be
systems that were “not Western, not liberal,
not liberal democracies, and perhaps not even
democracies” that would create successful and
competitive societies. He asserted that “the
stars of the international analysts today are
Singapore, China, India, Russia, and Turkey.”
• In a passage devoted to the obstacles facing his
own political party, Fidesz, as it seeks to build an
alternative to liberalism, Orbán singled out civil
society and the nongovernmental sector. Civil
society critics, he insisted, “are not nongovernmental
organizations” but “paid political activists
who are attempting to enforce foreign interests
here in Hungary.” (In a separate speech in early
2016, he referred to “hordes of implacable human
rights warriors” who “feel an unquenchable
desire to lecture and accuse us.” 2 )
In this relatively short address, Orbán neatly summarized
most of the key factors that distinguish a fully
democratic “Western” system based on liberal values
and accountability from what he calls an “Eastern”
approach based on a strong state, a weak opposition,
and emaciated checks and balances.
”There is a race underway to find the
method of community organization,
the state, which is most capable of
making a nation and a community
internationally competitive.… [T]he
most popular topic in thinking today
is trying to understand how systems
that are not Western, not liberal, not
liberal democracies, and perhaps not
even democracies, can nevertheless
make their nations successful.”
—Viktor Orbán, prime minister of Hungary
“If we want to organize our national
state to replace the liberal state, it is
very important that we make it clear
that we are not opposing nongovernmental
organizations here, and
it is not nongovernmental organizations
who are moving against us,
but paid political activists who are
attempting to enforce foreign interests
here in Hungary.”
—Viktor Orbán
First, his exhortation to no longer regard the events of
1989 as a seminal, even sacred, juncture in Hungarian
history is noteworthy given Orbán’s biography. While
he often cites his own role in the anticommunist
struggle and describes himself as a freedom fighter,
he now regards 1989—so redolent of liberal values,
ideas about individual freedom, and democratic
solidarity—as an intellectual impediment to his plans
for a Hungary that is skeptical of such ideals and of
European integration.
Second, Orbán included full-blown dictatorships
(Russia and China) in the roster of governments he
admires, along with quasi-democratic illiberal states
(Turkey and Singapore) and one genuine, if inconsistent,
democracy (India).
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BREAKING DOWN DEMOCRACY: Goals, Strategies, and Methods of Modern Authoritarians
Third, he signaled his support for majoritarianism,
with its disdain for checks and balances and civil
society, as opposed to the values of pluralism that are
enshrined in liberal democratic practice.
The message here is important. For many, illiberalism’s
defining feature is intolerance toward minority groups:
the LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender)
community, Roma, Muslims, refugees and migrants
of all sorts. But in Hungary and elsewhere, illiberal
government signifies something much more comprehensive
than the prime minister asserting that “every
single migrant poses a public security and terror risk,” 3
and that refugees bring “gangs hunting down our
women and daughters” 4 —two of Orbán’s more incendiary
declarations.
The Hungarian leader is instead telling us that illiberalism
involves a wholesale rejection of liberal values and
democratic norms, with all that this implies for politics
and governance. Fidesz’s “reform” efforts have been less
concerned with the repression of unpopular minorities
than with the creation of a system in which the
institutions of pluralism are hollowed out and the ruling
party’s dominance is assured over the long term.
Having come to office with a two-thirds parliamentary
majority in 2010, Orbán was able to rewrite the
constitution without the consent of the opposition.
He rushed through a series of constitutional changes,
cardinal laws (requiring a two-thirds vote to change or
remove), and regular laws that had the effect of turning
the Hungarian political system upside down.
Among the steps taken by Fidesz after its 2010 triumph:
• The Constitutional Court was overhauled so that
Fidesz appointees became a majority and its
jurisdiction was narrowed. 5
• The government eliminated the independent
Fiscal Council, responsible for overseeing budgetary
policy, then replaced it with a new council
under Fidesz control.
• A new election law created gerrymandered legislative
districts that were favorable to Fidesz. 6
• Orbán gave voting rights to ethnic Hungarians
in neighboring countries, who were likely to
support Fidesz. 7
• The government created a new press authority
whose chair and members were Fidesz loyalists.
The authority was given wide-ranging powers to
fine media outlets. 8
While the measures listed above were some of the most
notorious of the Fidesz initiatives, in some cases drawing
critical attention from European oversight bodies,
they represent only part of the campaign that has transformed
Hungary into a full-fledged illiberal democracy.
Perhaps the more far-reaching measures introduced
under Orban have been in the economic sphere. Since
2010, Hungary has evolved into a crony capitalist state
par excellence. But unlike in outright kleptocracies
such as Russia, where the regime itself is organized
around the plunder of public wealth by the ruling
clique, Orbán has used state laws and procurement
contracts to create a wealthy Fidesz-affiliated business
constituency that can finance political campaigns, reward
party supporters, and operate friendly media outlets.
The enrichment of cronies is less an objective in
itself than a means of fortifying the dominant political
party against any future challenge from the opposition. 9
While Orbán is highly unpopular in European liberal
circles, he has gained a following among conservatives
in both Europe and the United States. At a 2015
congressional subcommittee hearing in Washington,
one Republican legislator after another defended the
Fidesz government, often in ways that demonstrated
blatant ignorance of political conditions in Budapest. 10
Conservatives praise Orbán for his commitment to
traditional values and decisive leadership, but they
ignore the course he has set for the economy.
Since taking power in 2010, the prime minister has
violated practically every principle of the free market
and prudent economic stewardship. Were Hungary a
developing state in Latin America or Africa, donor governments
would likely have imposed special conditions
on foreign assistance given the overt acts of corruption
and cronyism that Fidesz has embraced as a matter of
public policy. This includes a pattern of awarding government
contracts to businesses with Fidesz ties, the
adoption of special laws to benefit Fidesz supporters in
the business community, the use of punitive taxation
against foreign-owned corporations, tax concessions
for corporations controlled by Fidesz loyalists, and the
granting of control over nationalized sectors of the
economy to Fidesz supporters.
In its relentless drive to hand economic power to its
allies, Fidesz resembles the old-style political ma-
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Freedom House
chines, with their vast patronage networks, that presided
over American cities a half-century ago. Fidesz
is apparently seeking to ensure that rival parties will
never have access to the funds or influence necessary
to unseat the incumbent government.
Is Orbán a Central European version of Putin?
Orbán’s domestic critics have often compared his
governing style to that of Russian president Vladimir
Putin. On the surface, the comparison seems unfair.
Hungary is still rated Free by Freedom House. It still
has genuine opposition parties, however weak, in
parliament, a relatively unfettered civil society sector,
freedom of assembly, and other civil liberties. Hungary
has also been spared the routine violence that marks
Russian politics. 11
But Orbán also began his current tenure in an environment
very different from the Russia inherited by Putin.
Hungary had been a successful, if flawed, democracy
for two decades before Orbán took office in 2010.
It was a member of the European Union (EU) and
subject to that bloc’s norms and regulations. It was
also a member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization
(NATO). For Hungarians, the events of 1989 led to
democratic liberties and freedom from foreign domination.
For Russia, 1989 and 1991 meant the loss of a
vast empire and the beginning of a decade of political
and economic upheaval.
Given their different contexts, the striking feature in a
Putin-Orbán comparison is the similarities. The following
are some of the more obvious:
• Both have repeatedly expressed disdain for
“Western” liberal values.
• Both have employed a combination of control
over state broadcasters and crony ownership of
the private press to dominate the mainstream
media, though Hungary’s environment remains
notably more free than Russia’s.
• Both have hollowed out the institutions that
provide oversight and transparency regarding
actions by the executive branch.
• Both have made clear their dislike for civil
society organizations that pursue reformist or
human rights missions. While Orbán has yet to
enact Russian-style laws to declare such groups
“foreign agents” or ban them as “undesirable,” Fidesz
has announced the intention to introduce
parliamentary legislation designed to harass
NGOs and curb their funding. 12
• Both have seized political opportunities offered
by the presence of ethnic compatriots in surrounding
countries. Putin has exploited supposed
discrimination against ethnic Russians
and certain other minorities in Ukraine, Georgia,
Moldova, and the Baltic states as justification
for military intervention or hostile propaganda.
Orbán has brought nearby Hungarian minorities
into his political coalition by giving them the
right to vote in Hungarian national elections and
making it even easier for them to cast ballots
than it is for Hungarian citizens who are temporarily
working in Europe or elsewhere. 13
• As a matter of high priority, both Orbán and Putin
have secured domination over the judiciary
with the goal of removing its role as a check on
their power.
‘Law and Justice’ in Poland
Like Hungary, Poland was until recently regarded as
one of the chief success stories from the wave of democratization
that accompanied the end of the Cold
War. Poland’s democratic institutions were imperfect,
and the economic gains that were made possible by a
rapid changeover to free-market policies were spread
unevenly among the Polish people. But the achievements
seemed to outweigh the deficiencies. The
country’s rate of growth was impressive by European
standards; it was one of the few EU member states to
emerge relatively unscathed from the financial crisis
of 2008. Its leaders exercised influence within the EU
and NATO, and enjoyed global respect.
According to the leaders of the archconservative Law
and Justice (PiS) party, however, Poland was a deeply
troubled society whose system of government was in
need of a top-to-bottom overhaul.
Ahead of the 2015 elections, PiS appropriated a vocabulary
similar to that of Fidesz in its 2010 campaign.
It depicted the center-right government as the architect
of a failed economy. It denounced mainstream
leaders as more comfortable with the cosmopolitan
liberal values of Brussels and Berlin than with the
traditional Christian morality of rural Poland. And PiS
suggested that the liberal establishment that had governed
for most of the postcommunist period had “stowww.freedomhouse.org
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BREAKING DOWN DEMOCRACY: Goals, Strategies, and Methods of Modern Authoritarians
len” the democratic revolution from the Polish people
by failing to carry out a proper purge of communists
and their collaborators. 14 PiS even initiated a campaign
to sully the reputation of Lech Walesa, leader of
the anticommunist Solidarity movement in the 1980s,
by accusing him of working as a communist agent. 15
Since coming to power with a parliamentary majority
in October 2015, PiS has embarked on a course of
change that places it solidly in the illiberal camp, with
many of the initiatives mirroring those enacted by
Fidesz in Hungary.
As in Hungary, an initial focus for the new government
was securing control of the Constitutional Tribunal.
PiS has moved to pack the court with its own appointees,
using tactics that are blatantly illegal according
to Polish law and which have drawn criticism both
from the EU and the United States. 16 However, party
leader Jarosław Kaczyński, who holds a seat in the
parliament but no formal government position, has
much greater ambitions to refashion Poland along
culturally conservative and politically illiberal lines.
The media are a major target. The government quickly
asserted control over public broadcasters and purged
them of journalists whom it regarded as loyal to the opposition.
17 PiS officials have also spoken of the need to
“restore balance” to the private media by, among other
things, taking measures to reduce foreign ownership of
key outlets. Already, the new government has used its
power over the allocation of state advertising to reward
friendly media and punish its critics. 18
The new government has involved itself in a debate
over history. It proposed a law that would punish those
who use the phrase “Polish death camps” to refer to
sites established by Nazi Germany in Poland during
World War II. 19 PiS leaders have demonized scholars,
such as the eminent historian Jan Gross, who have
published research on the participation of Poles in
the persecution of Jews during the war. Gross was
questioned by a prosecutor on his research, and there
was talk of rescinding an award he had received. 20 The
government threatened to withdraw support from the
Museum of the Second World War, a project that was
near completion in Gdansk and enjoyed strong support
from such highly regarded scholars as Timothy Snyder
and Norman Davies. PiS complained that the museum
focused on all victims of the conflict rather than on
specifically Polish suffering. 21
Perhaps the most unsettling measure enacted under
the PiS government is an ambitious law that, in the
name of counterterrorism, gives the security services
sweeping powers over telecommunications and
personal information. With this legislation, Poland
became one of the first countries in the democratic
world to embrace the use of telecommunications
shutdowns in a particular area, a measure that
smacks of digital repression. 22
The law gives Poland’s domestic intelligence agency
unrestricted access to personal data without approval
from a court or any other body. Tax reports,
vehicle information, insurance information, financial
statements, and other records are all now available
to the intelligence service of a government that has
made a point of naming party loyalists to key security
positions. The legislation also grants the domestic
security agency the ability to shut down websites. The
action can be reviewed by a court within five days, but
this is far from reassuring in light of the government’s
efforts to exert political control over the judiciary.
The legislation is ostensibly needed to counter acts of
terrorism. But Poland has not experienced a terrorist
act since 1939, and has one of the smallest populations
of Muslim immigrants—often perceived as a risk
factor for terrorism—in Europe. Furthermore, the law
is written in vague terms that give the government
great latitude to decide what is and is not an act of
terrorism. 23 Given the PiS leadership’s penchant for
smearing its political adversaries as traitors to the
Polish nation, 24 it is not inconceivable that such a law
could one day be used against the opposition.
Illiberalism’s preconditions
The triumph of illiberal governments in countries like
Hungary and Poland raises the question of whether
the phenomenon will spread further. Might illiberalism
come to dominate a society with much deeper
democratic roots—Austria, France, or even the United
States?
From a practical standpoint, illiberal forces are unlikely
to transform countries where the political divide is relatively
equal and the established parties have strong,
loyal followings.
It is only when the mainstream parties suffer catastrophic
electoral setbacks that illiberal challengers
can rush into the breach.
The Socialist Party had governed Hungary for much of
the period since 1989, but it rapidly lost credibility due
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Freedom House
to economic mismanagement and political dishonesty.
It was devastated by the 2010 election results, and
has failed to reemerge as a viable opposition entity. In
Poland, the center-right Civic Platform had been the
dominant force until the 2015 PiS victory. It achieved
economic success and gained respect in Brussels,
but lost the support of the working class, the provinces,
and all those who felt bypassed by globalization.
Similarly, the elitist secular parties that had ruled
Turkey for most of the 20th century were swept aside
by Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s Justice and Development
Party, which appealed to a rising Islamist middle class.
And in Venezuela, it took only a few years in power
for Hugo Chávez to win over the country’s poor and
marginalize the conservative mainstream parties that
had led the country for decades.
A second precondition for the emergence of illiberal regimes
is a fundamental weakness in democratic institutions
beyond the political sphere, including the media,
civil society, anticorruption agencies, and the judiciary.
In many newer democracies, these checks and balances
remain fragile: It is widely assumed that whoever
controls the parliament will also come to dominate the
judiciary and the security services, and the media are
vulnerable to intimidation or partisan capture.
Illiberalism seems less likely to gain traction in the
United States because the courts, for example, are
proudly independent, and freedom of the press is firmly
protected by statute and constitutional jurisprudence.
But if illiberal forces have sufficient political
will and the defenders of democratic institutions lack
conviction and public support, anything is possible.
Polls have shown that popular faith in Congress and
the Supreme Court are at historic lows. A growing
number of Americans question the effectiveness of
representative democracy and ask whether it would
be better to let the president make decisions unencumbered
by the legislative branch. An astonishing
one in six Americans believe it would be acceptable
to have the army rule. And with each passing generation,
a smaller share of U.S. citizens believe that living
under a democracy is important. 25
1. “Prime Minister Viktor Orbán’s Speech at the 25th Bálványos Summer Free University and Student Camp,” Website of the Hungarian
Government, July 26, 2014, http://www.kormany.hu/en/the-prime-minister/the-prime-minister-s-speeches/prime-minister-viktor-orban-s-speech-at-the-25th-balvanyos-summer-free-university-and-student-camp.
2. “Speech by Prime Minister Viktor Orbán on 15 March,” Website of the Hungarian Government, March 16, 2016, http://www.kormany.hu/en/the-prime-minister/the-prime-minister-s-speeches/speech-by-prime-minister-viktor-orban-on-15-march.
3. Cynthia Kroet, “Viktor Orbán: Migrants Are ‘a Poison,’” Politico, July 27, 2016, http://www.politico.eu/article/viktor-orban-migrants-are-a-poison-hungarian-prime-minister-europe-refugee-crisis/.
4. “Speech by Prime Minister Viktor Orbán on 15 March,” Website of the Hungarian Government, March 16, 2016, http://www.kormany.hu/en/the-prime-minister/the-prime-minister-s-speeches/speech-by-prime-minister-viktor-orban-on-15-march.
5. See for example “Hungary,” in Freedom in the World 2011 (New York: Freedom House, 2011), https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2011/hungary.
6. “Hungary,” in Freedom in the World 2015 (New York: Freedom House, 2015), https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2015/hungary.
7. Ibid.
8. “Hungary,” in Freedom of the Press 2012 (New York: Freedom House, 2012), https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-press/2012/
hungary.
9. “Bálint Magyar’s Latest Book: Post-Communist Mafia State: The Case of Hungary,” Hungarian Spectrum, February 19, 2016, http://
hungarianspectrum.org/2016/02/19/balint-magyars-latest-book-post-communist-mafia-state-the-case-of-hungary/.
10. “Kim Lane Scheppele: Hungary and the State of American Democracy,” Hungarian Spectrum, May 21, 2015, http://hungarianspectrum.org/2015/05/21/kim-lane-scheppele-hungary-and-the-state-of-american-democracy/.
11. “Hungary,” in Freedom in the World 2016 (New York: Freedom House, 2016), https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/2016/hungary.
12. Pablo Gorondi, “Hungary Lawmakers Debate Bill Seen Meant to Intimidate NGOs,” Associated Press, April 19, 2017, https://apnews.
com/f70fa05a11fa4ec389d388b1f50aca19.
13. Mitchell A. Orenstein, Péter Krekó, and Attila Juhász. “The Hungarian Putin?” Foreign Affairs, February 8, 2015, https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/hungary/2015-02-08/hungarian-putin.
14. “Poland: An Inconvenient Truth,” Financial Times, May 1, 2016, https://www.ft.com/content/4344ca44-0b94-11e6-9cd4-2be-
898308be3.
15. Dalibor Rohac, “’Illiberal Democracy’ Spreads to Poland,” Wall Street Journal, June 9, 2016, http://www.wsj.com/articles/illiberal-democracy-spreads-to-poland-1465413404.
16. Noah Feldman, “Poland’s New Leaders Take Aim at Democracy,” Bloomberg View, December 31, 2015, https://www.bloomberg.
com/view/articles/2015-12-31/poland-s-new-leaders-take-aim-at-democracy.
17. Alison Smale and Joanna Berendt, “Poland’s Conservative Government Puts Curbs on State TV News,” New York Times, July 3,
2016, http://www.nytimes.com/2016/07/04/world/europe/polands-conservative-government-puts-curbs-on-state-tv-news.html.
www.freedomhouse.org
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BREAKING DOWN DEMOCRACY: Goals, Strategies, and Methods of Modern Authoritarians
18. Jan Cienski, “Polish Media Veers Back to Pre-1989,” Politico, July 11, 2016, http://www.politico.eu/article/polish-tv-viewers-turnoff-tune-out-drop-out-poland-kaczynski/.
19. “Jaroslaw Kaczynski’s Party Is Rewriting the History of Poland,” Financial Times, March 11, 2016, https://www.ft.com/content/67532c78-e62d-11e5-a09b-1f8b0d268c39.
20. Ibid.
21. Vanessa Gera, “Polish Leaders Threaten Fate of Nearly Finished WWII Museum,” Washington Times, April 24, 2016, http://www.
washingtontimes.com/news/2016/apr/24/polish-leaders-threaten-fate-of-nearly-finished-ww/.
22. Jan Rydzak, “Now Poland’s Government Is Coming After the Internet,” Foreign Policy, June 10, 2016, http://foreignpolicy.
com/2016/06/10/now-polands-government-is-coming-after-the-internet/.
23. Ibid.
24. Henry Foy, “Poland’s New Majoritarians,” American Interest, June 7, 2016, http://www.the-american-interest.com/2016/06/07/polands-new-majoritarians/.
25. Roberto Foa and Yascha Mounk, “Across the Globe, a Growing Disillusionment with Democracy,” New York Times, September 15,
2015, http://www.nytimes.com/2015/09/15/opinion/across-the-globe-a-growing-disillusionment-with-democracy.html.
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Freedom House
Chapter 6
Flacks and Friends
Did the Russian government attempt to surreptitiously
influence the 2016 U.S. presidential election
in Donald Trump’s favor? The answer to that question
may never be definitively known. There is, nevertheless,
a critical mass of evidence that Kremlin-allied
forces were responsible for hacking into the Democratic
National Committee’s computers, stealing
millions of files, and turning the information over to
WikiLeaks, which in turn circulated it to the media.
Some may find the evidence unsatisfactory. But given
Russia’s well-established record of cyberwarfare,
previously directed at neighboring states like Estonia
and Ukraine, and the Russian regime’s dislike for the
Democratic candidate, Hillary Clinton, there is ample
reason to treat charges of Russian culpability as
strongly credible.
Another body of evidence can be found in Russia’s
record of involvement in the internal politics of a
number of countries in Europe, including European
Union (EU) member states. In fact, under Vladimir
Putin, Russia has repeatedly interfered in the affairs of
European states in ways that the Kremlin would regard
as intolerable if Russia were the target.
Russian involvement is usually camouflaged so as
to ensure a degree of deniability, but the disguise is
sometimes rather thin. In late 2014, France’s far-right
National Front party, led by Marine Le Pen, secured a
€9 million loan from a Russian bank with indirect ties
to the government in what many interpreted as a bet
by Putin on the future of French politics. Le Pen has
subsequently spoken favorably of Putin and criticized
the sanctions imposed on Russia by the EU. 1 She has
even called for a strategic alliance with Russia and
proposed a pan-European grouping that would include
Russia while leaving out the United States. By 2016, the
National Front was seeking more funding that would
enable it to participate on an equal footing with mainstream
parties in the 2017 presidential contest. 2
The 2014 loan came just months after the National
Front helped provide a veneer of legitimacy to Russia’s
illegal annexation of Crimea. Aymeric Chauprade, a Le
Pen adviser who once called Russia “the hope of the
world against new totalitarianism,” participated in an
observer mission to monitor the Crimean referendum
on secession from Ukraine and union with Russia. The
“As an operator, but not as a human
being, I would say Putin. The way he
played the whole Syria thing. Brilliant.”
—Nigel Farage, on the world leader he most admires
“I admire his cool head. Because
there is a cold war being waged
against him by the EU at the behest
of the United States…. I admire that
he has managed to restore pride and
contentment to a great nation that
had been humiliated and persecuted
for 70 years.”
—Marine Le Pen
“[Putin] makes a decision and he executes
it, quickly. And then everybody
reacts. That’s what you call a leader.”
—Rudy Giuliani
mission was arranged by a pro-Moscow organization
called the Eurasian Observatory for Elections and
Democracy, and consisted largely of politicians from
a variety of European far-right parties, including Hungary’s
Jobbik and Austria’s Freedom Party. The vote,
held under Russian military occupation, was widely regarded
as falling well short of international standards.
However, the Eurasian Observatory delegation gave
the referendum an enthusiastic thumbs-up. 3
Moscow has paid considerable attention to evolving
political developments in Central and Eastern Europe.
Despite their relatively recent histories of Soviet
subjugation and communist rule, a number of these
countries have seen the rise of populist or nationalist
parties that express admiration for or affinity with
Putin’s regime. Meanwhile, mainstream parties have
developed attitudes toward Russia that are notable
for their ambivalence, including on the pivotal issue of
the Kremlin’s invasion of Ukraine.
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BREAKING DOWN DEMOCRACY: Goals, Strategies, and Methods of Modern Authoritarians
In some countries, Russia has made progress among
both far-right nationalists and more traditional conservative
parties. In Hungary, for example, Moscow
has a reliable ally in Jobbik and a business partner in
the ruling Fidesz party, which has been critical of the
EU’s economic sanctions. 4 The Hungarian parliament
conducted an investigation into allegations that the
Kremlin was helping to finance Jobbik. There were
also charges that a Jobbik member of the European
Parliament was a Russian agent. Gábor Vona, the
chairman of Jobbik, has embraced the idea of Eurasianism
and speculated that Hungary could serve as
a “bridge” between Europe and Asia.
At the intergovernmental level, Russia in 2015 provided
Hungary with a $10.8 billion loan to expand the Paks
nuclear power plant, a facility that supplies 40 percent
of the country’s electricity. The project was to have
been put out for open bidding until Hungarian officials
abruptly decided to accept the proposal from Russia’s
state nuclear energy firm—financed by the Kremlin’s
loan—without competition. 5 Some believe that the
Paks deal is meant to encourage the Fidesz government
to continue its support for an EU policy that would be
more sympathetic toward Russian interests. 6 While the
Fidesz leader, Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, has been
cautious in public statements about Putin and Russia,
he did identify Russia as one of several countries with
illiberal or authoritarian governments that would provide
the models for global political development in the
future, as opposed to supposedly declining powers like
the United States and the EU’s founding members. 7
The Russian government has also developed friendly
ties to parties in Slovakia. Marian Kotleba, leader of
the far-right People’s Party–Our Slovakia, supported
Ukrainian president Viktor Yanukovych in his decision
to reject an association agreement with the EU and
pursue closer ties with Russia instead—a decision
that ultimately led to Yanukovych’s fall from power in
February 2014. Slovakia’s left-leaning populist prime
minister, Robert Fico, has publicly expressed his lack
of enthusiasm for the EU sanctions imposed on Russia
following the invasion of Ukraine. 8
In other countries, there is evidence that Moscow has
bankrolled environmentalist protests against the development
of local hydrocarbon resources, which would
reduce European dependence on Russian oil and natural
gas. In 2012, street protests compelled Bulgaria’s
prime minister, Boyko Borisov, to cancel contracts with
Chevron to explore shale-oil sites in the country. Those
who suspect the Kremlin’s involvement in the demonstrations
point to a €20 million media campaign that
was handled by companies with Russian ties, as well
as enthusiastic support from Ataka, a far-right political
party that is aggressively pro-Russia. 9
Russia and the right
During the Cold War, the Soviet Union could count on
the uncritical support of a network of left-wing parties
and personalities in the democratic world. Some were
formally communist; others were independent leftists
or part of what was called the peace camp, which
argued that the West, especially the United States,
shared responsibility with the Soviets for the world’s
political tensions, and therefore chose a path of political
neutrality. In the Cold War’s later years, a growing
collection of business interests encouraged détente
between the Soviet Union and the United States due
to the economic opportunities it would offer.
Under Putin, Russia has formed its alliances on a
strictly nonideological basis. Russia has built close
diplomatic ties with Venezuela, governed by a socialist
movement; Iran, an authoritarian system under the
rule of Shiite Muslim clerics; Syria, a dictatorship with
nominally Arab nationalist views; and China, a formally
communist regime devoted to state-led capitalism.
The interests that draw these governments together
are a common hostility to democratic norms, a need
for allies to block criticism and sanctions at international
bodies, a fear of “color revolutions” and the
potential consequences of democracy-promotion
projects backed by foreign donors, and an adversarial
relationship with the United States.
In its dealings with European political parties or movements,
Russia adheres to a similar policy of ideological
indifference, focusing instead on those with an
interest in disrupting Europe’s political establishment
and weakening its unity. Thus Putin has courted leftist
parties like Syriza, which leads the current government
of Greece and opposes austerity measures
imposed by the EU. Nigel Farage, former leader of the
anti-EU United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP),
and Nick Griffin, head of the far-right British National
Party, have both praised Putin for his leadership qualities;
but so has Alex Salmond of the Scottish National
Party, which seeks Scottish independence within the
EU and supports social democratic policies.
For the most part, however, Russia’s allies in democratic
countries are found on the political right. A
Swedish journalist who examined votes in the European
Parliament reported that right-leaning Euroskeptic
42
Freedom House
Putin’s Foreign Admirers
“Putin decides what he wants to do, and he
does it in half a day, right? He decided he had
to go to their parliament—he went to their
parliament, he got permission in 15 minutes.…
He makes a decision and he executes
it, quickly. Then everybody reacts. That’s what
you call a leader.”
—Rudolph Giuliani, former New York City mayor
“In my opinion, Putin is right on these issues.…
Obviously, he may be wrong about
many things, but he has taken a stand to protect
his nation’s children from the damaging
effects of any gay and lesbian agenda.”
—Franklin Graham, American Christian evangelist
“Putin is certainly a pure democrat, but with
an authoritarian style. Russia is a great state.
The president has been endowed with great
power by the constitution.… Putin tries to
keep Russian interests from his perspective.”
—Heinz-Christian Strache, leader of Freedom Party of
Austria
“As an operator, but not as a human being, I
would say Putin [is the most admirable world
leader]. The way he played the whole Syria
thing. Brilliant.’”
—Nigel Farage, former leader of UK Independence Party
“I admire his cool head. Because there is a
cold war being waged against him by the EU
at the behest of the United States, which is
defending its own interests. I admire that he
has managed to restore pride and contentment
to a great nation that had been humiliated
and persecuted for 70 years.”
—Marine Le Pen, leader of France’s National Front
“Between Putin and [Italian prime minister
Matteo] Renzi I will always choose Putin. I
wish Putin tomorrow morning became chairman
of the Council of Ministers of Italy.… Punishment
against Russia [through sanctions] is
a stupid measure, which will cost us 5 billion
euros. If there is a part of Ukraine, which
wants to be Russia, I don’t see why not.”
—Matteo Salvini, national secretary of Italy’s Northern
League
parties supported Russian interests on a select group
of issues. The most reliable pro-Russian party was
Dutch politician Geert Wilders’ Party for Freedom,
followed by France’s National Front, Italy’s Northern
League, the Swedish Democrats, and UKIP. 10
Putin and other Kremlin officials speak of Russia as a
successful example of interreligious harmony, boast
of government policies to ensure fair treatment for
Russia’s large Muslim population, and denounce
those who brought down Yanukovych’s government in
Ukraine as fascists and pogromists. Yet when it comes
to potential allies in Europe, it makes no difference to
the Kremlin whether a party has views that are racist,
anti-Semitic, Islamophobic, or even openly fascist.
Russia welcomes the support of parties like Jobbik,
with its history of anti-Semitism and contempt for
Hungary’s Romany population, and has no qualms
about right-wing parties that speak of Muslims as
criminals and rapists.
For Russia, the payoff from this strategy is a network
of parties that identify with the Kremlin’s hatred of
liberal values, support Russia on critical foreign policy
issues, and praise Putin as a strong leader. While some
of these parties are still marginal forces in domestic
politics, a growing number are regarded as legitimate
contenders, especially since an uncontrolled influx of
refugees and an increase in terrorist attacks dented
public trust in mainstream parties. Even if Russia
remains unpopular in most European countries, the
fact that increasingly influential political figures laud
Putin for his energy, decisiveness, and eagerness to
challenge liberal orthodoxies is regarded as a gain for
Moscow. As these parties acquire a share of governing
power in EU states, the prospects for a recognition
of the Crimea annexation and the abandonment of
economic sanctions improve significantly.
The benefit for European far-right parties is less clear.
Though they claim to be champions of national sov-
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BREAKING DOWN DEMOCRACY: Goals, Strategies, and Methods of Modern Authoritarians
ereignty, they are aligning themselves with a Russian
leader who has sought to dominate neighboring
states and who regularly invokes his country’s imperial
and Soviet past. Putin has refused to apologize for
Russia’s historical subjugation of Central and Eastern
Europe. He has defended the Soviet Union’s occupations
as necessary to secure its national interests, and
denounced the movement of former Soviet bloc countries
to join the EU and seek protection in the North
Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO).
Far-right parties apparently see Putin not as a threat
to national security, but as an exemplar of their own
nationalist values. Like him, they hope to build a
strong national state without regard for international
agreements, domestic checks and balances, or fundamental
human rights. Putin’s contempt for democracy
carries no stigma among these parties, for which
elections and civil liberties are purely instrumental.
While Le Pen, Wilders, and their ilk need elections as
a means of gaining power and a free press to convey
their arguments, they are hostile to the extension of
rights to immigrants and minorities, and unenthusiastic
about independent courts that might block their
initiatives. To the extent that the EU enforces democratic
norms in its region, Putin and Europe’s far right
have a common enemy in Brussels.
Flacks for autocrats
Paul Manafort, a Washington lobbyist and consultant,
had a long career of work for leading Republicans,
including presidents Richard Nixon, Gerald Ford, and
Ronald Reagan. But by the time he became Donald
Trump’s campaign chairman in 2016, Manafort was
best known for his work on behalf of foreign political
leaders, including several with distinctly autocratic
pedigrees: Ferdinand Marcos, the strongman of the
Philippines until 1986; Mobutu Sese Seko, the kleptocratic
dictator of what is now the Democratic Republic
of Congo; Sani Abacha, a Nigerian military ruler; and
Viktor Yanukovych, president of Ukraine from 2010 to
2014, when he was forced to abandon the presidency
and flee to Russia in the wake of nationwide protests.
Manafort’s work to dress up the images of Marcos and
Mobutu stood out at a time when American consultants
seldom represented dictators or authoritarians.
In the 1980s, U.S. political operatives with experience
in major campaigns were expanding their clientele
to include foreign governments and political parties,
though usually in democratic settings. 11
By 2005, when Manafort signed on to work with Yanukovych,
political consultants, public relations specialists,
and blue-chip law firms were earning fees paid
by a majority of the world’s autocracies, dictatorships,
and illiberal regimes. Some, especially Middle Eastern
monarchies, are American allies. But others are hostile
to democracy and regard the United States—and often
the EU—as adversaries. The lobbyists and spin masters
they employ are not located exclusively in the United
States. Authoritarians with the requisite means and
interests have hired representatives in London and
Brussels as well as Washington and New York.
Lawyers and consultants often represent dictatorships
indirectly, through state-owned enterprises. A
number of China’s state businesses have hired legal
and political consultants in major democracies, as
have state energy corporations in oil-rich countries
like Azerbaijan, Venezuela, and Angola.
But authoritarian governments generally seek the
assistance of global public relations companies in the
wake of repressive crackdowns at home or acts of
aggression against neighbors. During Manafort’s relatively
brief tenure with the Trump campaign, it emerged
that several American firms had been contracted to
discourage Congress from criticizing the Yanukovych
government for its jailing of Yanukovych’s 2010 presidential
campaign rival, Yuliya Tymoshenko. That effort
failed, as members of Congress and the American media
made Tymoshenko’s fate a crucial criterion in their
assessment of Yanukovych’s record. 12 Manafort had
more success in his earlier work to prepare Yanukovych
for his candidacy in 2010. Ukrainian observers credited
the American adviser with smoothing Yanukovych’s
rough edges, convincing him to stay on message, and
reminding him that it was important to assure U.S. and
European audiences that he was committed to democracy
and the fight against corruption. 13
In 2016, Reuters reported that five global public relations
firms had competed for a contract to improve
China’s image abroad. The planned campaign would
presumably repair reputational damage caused by
the Chinese government’s intensifying domestic
repression, its aggressive territorial policies in the
South China Sea, and a push by Chinese companies
to acquire crucial assets in democratic countries. The
firms that participated in the public relations audition
were Hill+Knowlton, Ogilvy, Ketchum, FleishmanHillard,
and Edelman. According to the Reuters account,
the firms were asked to give a presentation “on China’s
most pressing image problems and demonstrate their
expertise on managing new forms of media.” 14
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Freedom House
Several other examples of consultants in the pay of
authoritarians are worth mention:
• Until rather recently, Azerbaijan was represented
by a battalion of lawyers, political operatives,
and public relations specialists in Washington,
London, and Brussels. While some worked for
the national energy company, others were hired
directly by the government to explain away the
regime’s miserable human rights record to the administration,
members of Congress, think tanks,
and other opinion makers in the United States. 15
• Bahrain spent over $32 million between 2011,
when political protests broke out, and 2015 on
political consultants in the United States and
Britain. During that period, the country experienced
an explosion in the number of political
prisoners as the Sunni Muslim monarchy carried
out an often violent persecution of the Shiite
majority. 16
• Despite their efforts to hollow out Venezuela’s
democratic infrastructure and their virulent
anti-Americanism, the late Hugo Chávez and his
successor, Nicolás Maduro, had no difficulty in
finding American consultants who would represent
the interests of their government and the
national oil company. 17
• Richard Burt, a former U.S. diplomat in Republican
administrations, earned hundreds of
thousands of dollars promoting a critical Russian
energy project while also helping to shape
candidate Trump’s foreign policy positions.
According to Politico, Burt received $365,000
in the first half of 2016 for lobbying on behalf of
Nord Stream II, a Russian-backed pipeline plan
that would deliver more natural gas directly to
Western and Central Europe via the Baltic Sea,
bypassing Ukraine and Belarus. At the same
time, Burt was helping to write a major Trump
foreign policy address. That speech, among
other things, called for greater cooperation with
Russia. 18
• In early 2017, an Egyptian intelligence agency
hired two Washington public relations firms
to lobby on the country’s behalf and boost its
image. Filings with the Department of Justice
showed the General Intelligence Service hired
Weber Shandwick and Cassidy and Associates
in a deal worth $1.8 million annually. 19
• Michael Flynn, who served briefly as President
Trump’s national security adviser, did lucrative
consulting work for a firm with ties to the
government of Turkish president Recep Tayyip
Erdoğan before and immediately after the 2016
election. Among other things, Flynn wrote an
op-ed that urged the American government to
expel Fethullah Gülen, a controversial cleric
who was accused by the Turkish government of
masterminding the 2016 coup attempt. Flynn’s
consulting firm was paid $535,000 for work
between September 9 and November 14. 20
Balance sheet
Even as they declare their disdain for liberal values,
modern authoritarians take maximum advantage
of the freedoms that are embedded in democratic
systems. Russia, China, Venezuela, Iran, and others
have established television networks that broadcast
beyond their borders to countries around the globe.
Viewers in the United States or Europe can watch
Russia’s RT or China Central Television on their local
cable systems. Pro-Beijing tycoons have gained a
strong foothold in the Hong Kong press landscape,
and Chinese businesses are making substantial
investments in Hollywood studios and production
companies.
Russia would not tolerate a foreign power providing
funding for an opposition political party. Yet it helps
to finance France’s National Front and quite possibly
Hungary’s Jobbik. In 2013, Greenpeace activists
attempted to scale a Russian offshore drilling platform
as part of a protest against Arctic oil exploration; the
authorities arrested the protesters, charged them
with piracy, and held them for two months before their
release. 21 Yet at the same time, the Kremlin was allegedly
fostering anti-fracking demonstrations in parts
of Central and Eastern Europe. 22 Russia organizes
bogus election-monitoring missions that give a stamp
of approval to polling in Crimea and other authoritarian
settings, while effectively preventing legitimate
election observation teams from functioning on its
own soil.
Authoritarian states also rent the services of former government
officials and members of Congress, powerful
lawyers, and experienced political image-makers to persuade
skeptical audiences that they share the interests
of democracies. These lobbyists work to advance the
economic goals of their clients’ energy companies and
other businesses, but they also burnish the reputawww.freedomhouse.org
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BREAKING DOWN DEMOCRACY: Goals, Strategies, and Methods of Modern Authoritarians
tions of regimes that have been sullied by the jailing of
dissidents or opposition leaders, the shuttering of media
outlets, or violent attacks on peaceful demonstrators.
Is the money that authoritarians allocate for image
beautification well spent? Some campaigns have been
more successful than others, but autocracies that
hire well-known former cabinet secretaries or elected
officials to defend or deny their acts of repression often
fail to sway either the public or the policy community
in the United States. If democratic leaders have not
mounted adequate responses to such repression, it is
generally because of other strategic concerns or simple
neglect, not because lobbyists have persuaded them
that the regime in question is benevolent and just.
Authoritarian efforts to change governments, as
opposed to perceptions, may ultimately prove more
rewarding. Russia’s wager on the rise of friendly
European populist parties already seems to be paying
off. After Britain’s vote to withdraw from the EU and
the triumph of Donald Trump in the United States,
the prospect of radical shifts in global politics can no
longer be dismissed as unthinkable.
1. Brian Whitmore, “Vladimir Putin, Conservative Icon,” Atlantic, December 20, 2013, http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2013/12/vladimir-putin-conservative-icon/282572/?single_page=true.
2. Ivo Oliveira, “National Front Seeks Russian Cash for Election Fight,” Politico, February 19, 2016, http://www.politico.eu/article/lepen-russia-crimea-putin-money-bank-national-front-seeks-russian-cash-for-election-fight/.
3. Andrew Higgins, “Far-Right Fever for a Europe Tied to Russia,” New York Times, May 20, 2014, http://www.nytimes.com/2014/05/21/
world/europe/europes-far-right-looks-to-russia-as-a-guiding-force.html?_r=0.
4. Susi Dennison and Dina Pardijs, “The World according to Europe’s Insurgent Parties: Putin, Migration and People Power,” European
Council on Foreign Relations, June 27, 2016, http://www.ecfr.eu/publications/summary/the_world_according_to_europes_insurgent_parties7055.
5. Krisztina Than, “Special Report: Inside Hungary’s $10.8 Billion Nuclear Deal with Russia,” Reuters, March 30, 2015, http://www.
reuters.com/article/us-russia-europe-hungary-specialreport-idUSKBN0MQ0MP20150330.
6. Dennison and Pardijs, “The World according to Europe’s Insurgent Parties.”
7. “Prime Minister Viktor Orbán’s Speech at the 25th Bálványos Summer Free University and Student Camp,” Website of the Hungarian
Government, July 26, 2014, http://www.kormany.hu/en/the-prime-minister/the-prime-minister-s-speeches/prime-minister-viktor-orban-s-speech-at-the-25th-balvanyos-summer-free-university-and-student-camp.
8. Dennison and Pardijs, “The World according to Europe’s Insurgent Parties.”
9. Ibid.
10. Jason Karaian, “Putin Has Friends on Europe’s Far Right and Left (but Mostly Right),” Quartz, January 15, 2015, http://
qz.com/326487/putin-has-friends-on-europes-far-right-and-left-but-mostly-right/.
11. Amber Phillips, “Paul Manafort’s Complicated Ties to Ukraine, Explained,” Washington Post, August 19, 2016, https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/the-fix/wp/2016/08/19/paul-manaforts-complicated-ties-to-ukraine-explained/.
12. Steven Lee Myers and Andrew E. Kramer, “How Paul Manafort Wielded Power in Ukraine Before Advising Donald Trump,” New York
Times, July 31, 2016, http://www.nytimes.com/2016/08/01/us/paul-manafort-ukraine-donald-trump.html.
13. Ibid.
14. Engen Tham and Matthew Miller, “Exclusive: Beijing Auditions Foreign Public Relations Firms to Polish China Brand,” Reuters, April
22, 2016, http://www.reuters.com/article/us-china-pr-exclusive-idUSKCN0XJ007.
15. Arch Puddington, “Paul Manafort Is the Tip of the Iceberg,” Freedom at Issue, August 18, 2016, https://freedomhouse.org/blog/
paul-manafort-tip-iceberg; Ilya Lozovsky, “How Azerbaijan and Its Lobbyists Spin Congress,” Foreign Policy, June 11, 2015, http://
foreignpolicy.com/2015/06/11/how-azerbaijan-and-its-lobbyists-spin-congress/.
16. Ken Silverstein, “How Bahrain Works Washington,” Salon, December 8, 2011, http://www.salon.com/2011/12/08/how_bahrain_
works_washington/; Akbar Shahid Ahmed, “How Wealthy Arab Gulf States Shape the Washington Influence Game,” Huffington
Post, September 2, 2015, http://www.huffingtonpost.com/entry/arab-gulf-states-washington_us_55e62be5e4b0b7a9633ac659.
17. Lachlan Markay, “State-Owned Venezuelan Oil Firm Spends Millions on U.S. Lobbying,” Washington Free Beacon, June 6, 2016,
http://freebeacon.com/issues/state-owned-venezuelan-oil-firms-spends-millions-u-s-lobbying/.
18. Ben Schreckinger and Iulia Ioffe, “Lobbyist Advised Trump Campaign While Promoting Russian Pipeline,” Politico, October 7, 2016,
http://www.politico.com/story/2016/10/donald-trump-campaign-lobbyist-russian-pipeline-229264.
19. Brian Rohan, “Egypt’s Mukhabarat Hires Washington Lobbyists to Boost Image,” Associated Press, March 5, 2017, http://bigstory.
ap.org/article/d8d55dbbcedb4e589d33555cc5fa8855/egypts-general-intelligence-registers-washington-lobbyist.
20. Theodoric Meyer, “Flynn Lobbied for Turkish-linked Firm after Election, Documents Show,” Politico, March 8, 2017, http://www.
politico.com/story/2017/03/michael-flynn-lobby-turkey-235843.
21. Ben Stewart, “When Russia Declared War on Greenpeace: The Story of the Arctic 30 Captured on a Gazprom Drilling Platform and
Sentenced to Years in Jail,” Independent, April 11, 2015, http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/when-russia-declaredwar-on-greenpeace-the-story-of-the-arctic-30-captured-on-a-gazprom-drilling-10170138.html.
22. Andrew Higgins, “Russian Money Suspected Behind Fracking Protests,” New York Times, November 30, 2014, http://www.nytimes.
com/2014/12/01/world/russian-money-suspected-behind-fracking-protests.html.
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Freedom House
Chapter 7
Bullying the Neighbors: Frozen Conflicts,
the Near Abroad, and Other Innovations
Vladimir Putin’s publicists have used the phrase
“sovereign democracy” to describe the political
system that evolved in Russia under his leadership. 1
In practice, however, Putin’s regime respects neither
democracy nor sovereignty.
Sovereign democracy bears no more resemblance to
the unmodified original than did previous variants:
guided democracy, managed democracy, people’s
democracy. Nor does sovereign democracy represent
a genuine commitment to the notion of national
sovereignty, as countries on the Russian periphery
will attest. On repeated occasions, Putin has demonstrated
a readiness to intervene in the affairs of nearby
countries by fomenting ethnic discontent, undermining
the economy, or grabbing territory.
Putin has in effect set down a doctrine of limited
sovereignty for Russia’s neighbors, especially those
that were part of the Soviet Union. The Kremlin’s
tactics are meant to keep these countries fearful and
off balance. The instruments of choice range from
the nonviolent, such as destabilizing propaganda and
economic pressure, to the lethally aggressive, such as
proxy insurgencies and outright invasion.
The following are the main techniques employed by
the Kremlin to influence the actions of its neighbors:
1. Civil society and ‘traditional values’: The Kremlin
has funded and encouraged pro-Russian civil
society organizations in neighboring states to
build influence among local populations and
promote its policies and interests. The Russian
government has also exploited its partnership
with the Orthodox Church to present itself as a
champion of “traditional values,” and to portray
opponents—including human rights activists
and European democracies—as purveyors of
hedonism and immorality. 2
“Certainly within the next four to five
years [Russia] will have the ability
to conduct operations in eastern
Ukraine and pressure the Baltics
and pressure Georgia and do other
things, without having to do a full
mobilization.”
—U.S. Lieutenant General Ben Hodges
3. The energy weapon: At various times during Putin’s
tenure, Russia has sought to use its oil and
natural gas exports as a means of disciplining
Ukraine and other neighbors. It has raised and
lowered prices for political reasons, abruptly
halted deliveries in the dead of winter, and manipulated
pipeline routes and investments to
drive a wedge between Germany and other European
powers on one side and the Baltic states
and Ukraine on the other.
4. The trade weapon: Russia has invoked dubious
health concerns and other pretexts to block
the import of products from countries whose
governments displease Putin, including Georgia,
Moldova, and Poland, as well as the European
Union (EU) as a bloc. 3
5. Cyberwarfare: Russian-backed hackers are
widely believed responsible for a powerful 2007
cyberattack on government websites in Estonia
in the wake of a controversy over the removal of
a war memorial. Other countries in the region
have since suffered similar attacks, particularly
Ukraine following the 2014 ouster of President
Viktor Yanukovych and Russia’s invasion of
Crimea and the Donbas.
2. Propaganda offensives: The Kremlin has made
powerful use of Russian-language media, especially
state-controlled television stations, to
spread disinformation and foment discontent
among ethnic Russians in the Baltics, Ukraine,
Moldova, and elsewhere.
6. Military threats: In the wake of the Ukraine invasion
and subsequent sanctions, the Russian military
launched a series of military exercises on
its borders with the Baltic states and intensified
more distant patrols that tested the readiness of
a number of European navies and air forces.
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BREAKING DOWN DEMOCRACY: Goals, Strategies, and Methods of Modern Authoritarians
7. Military invasions: Russian forces poured into
Georgia through its two breakaway territories,
Abkhazia and South Ossetia, during a brief conflict
in 2008. In 2014, Russian troops occupied
Crimea, oversaw a stage-managed referendum
on annexation there, and unofficially entered
eastern Ukraine en masse to support a supposedly
indigenous rebellion by ethnic Russian
separatists.
8. Frozen conflicts: The term “frozen conflict” indicates
a condition in which active fighting has
ended or subsided but there is no peace agreement
beyond a tenuous cease-fire. Under Putin,
Russia has perpetuated or created frozen conflicts
that affect Armenia, Azerbaijan, Moldova,
Georgia, and Ukraine. In each case, the Kremlin
retains for itself the capacity to subdue or escalate
tensions as needed to maximize its political
influence over the relevant country.
Moscow applies these tactics according to its objectives
for a particular country or region. For nearby EU
and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) member
states, the goal is to remind local political leaders
that Russia can play a disruptive role, and to inject a
measure of fear into foreign policy calculations. While
the Kremlin holds out the possibility of military invasion
as an option, its preference thus far has been to
promote instability and uncertainty.
Russia’s message is meant both for the target country
and for its more distant allies. The target country is
effectively warned that challenging Russian interests
could provoke serious reprisals. For allies like the United
States, Britain, or Germany, the message is that
solidarity with the target country could entail a heavy
cost, including the possibility of a shooting war in
which they are obliged to defend small NATO member
states like Estonia and Latvia.
The ‘Russian world’
A favorite theme of Kremlin propaganda is the socalled
Russian world, a cultural or civilizational space
that extends beyond Russia’s political borders. This
deliberately flexible and nebulous concept suggests
that Russia claims the right to intervene wherever its
perceived brethren—ethnic Russians, other Russian
speakers, Orthodox Christians—are under threat.
Putin has spoken of one million Russians cut adrift by
the collapse of the Soviet Union. He has said it is his obligation
to protect these people, and he has tried to appeal
to them through culture, history, and the media. His
press spokesman, Dmitriy Peskov, has said that “Russia
is the country that underlies the Russian world, and the
president of that country is Putin; Putin precisely is the
main guarantor of the security of the Russian world.” 4
In 2014, amid Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, Putin
dredged up the tsarist-era term Novorossiya to describe
a large swath of southeastern Ukraine that he
hinted might be annexed. Suddenly, the Novorossiya
idea began appearing in Russian media, complete
with maps, while Russian-backed separatists moved
to write the “history” of the region into textbooks. 5
Eventually Putin dropped Novorossiya from his
speeches, having successfully stoked fears that the
Ukraine conflict could widen beyond Crimea and
the Donbas. The international community was then
apparently meant to feel grateful that Russian forces
did not press their attack any further.
In practice, Putin has invoked the idea of a greater
Russian world to intimidate only countries that have
embraced democracy and seek closer ties to the EU
and NATO. He has shown little interest in ethnic Russians
and other residents in Central Asian states like
Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, even though they suffer
under political conditions that Freedom House ranks
as among the least free in the world. 6
The case of Estonia
Throughout its history, Estonia has been fought over by
Russia and European powers to the west. During World
War II, it was occupied by the Red Army and forcibly
annexed to the Soviet Union. Its elites and intellectuals
were murdered or deported to the Soviet gulag, and the
Estonian people endured over four decades of Sovietization
and Russification, including a policy of encouraging
Russian speakers to relocate to Estonia.
The country regained its independence in 1991 with
the disintegration of the Soviet Union. From early on,
relations between the ethnic Estonian majority and the
sizeable ethnic Russian minority have been difficult.
Estonia has adopted citizenship laws that require many
ethnic Russians to pass an Estonian language test,
and they complain of being treated as second-class
citizens. In opinion surveys, however, Russian speakers
show little enthusiasm for becoming citizens of Russia,
and have indicated an appreciation for the access to
Europe that citizenship in an EU country confers. 7
There are an estimated 300,000 ethnic Russians in
Estonia. Approximately three-quarters get their news
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through Russian television stations. On a daily basis,
they are exposed to propagandistic programs in which
the EU is demonized, NATO is treated as an aggressor,
the democracies on Russia’s borders are presented as
enemies, and the annexation of Crimea is hailed as a
milestone in the rebuilding of a great Russian state. 8
By exploiting the tensions that already exist between
Estonia’s ethnic communities, the Kremlin has sought
to turn a complex problem into something combustible.
The tendency of Russian speakers and ethnic
Estonians to live in parallel universes is exacerbated
by Russian propaganda, which depicts the Estonian
political leadership as hostile to Russians and as
members of a cosmopolitan European elite that
promotes sexual degeneracy and cultural radicalism.
Moscow also tries to create distrust of the Baltic
states among their NATO allies by depicting them as
overly emotional, irresponsible, and intent on dragging
other countries into a conflict with Russia.
There is no strong evidence that Russian speakers in
Estonia are simply embracing the Russian explanation
of things. Instead, they tend to reject both Russian
and Estonian sources of information. This is in itself
a victory of sorts for Russia, since the goal of external
Russian propaganda is less to win people over to its
way of thinking than to sow confusion and mistrust.
Moscow’s interests are served so long as Estonian society
remains divided. As a report on the integration of
Russian speakers in Estonia concluded, “They [ethnic
Estonians and Russian speakers] reside in separate information
spaces and hold divergent perceptions and
perspectives not just about each other, but also about
the Estonian state and its history, its threat environment,
and its national security policies. Since these
two Estonias do not fully trust one another, when
security developments put pressure on the country
they tend to drift to opposing poles—especially if the
factor of Russia is involved.” 9
A wolf in sheep’s clothing
In their campaign to assert control over countries on
Russia’s periphery, Kremlin officials have not hesitated
to use traditional authoritarian methods, up to and
including military invasion and the creation or support
of proxy insurgents. But they have taken care to
defend their efforts in terms meant to appeal to, or at
least confuse, democratic audiences.
This is especially the case with propaganda broadcasts.
While the Russian government has sought to prevent
foreign news services like Radio Free Europe/Radio
Liberty from reaching the Russian people, it expects
its own broadcasts to remain unhindered in neighboring
democracies, which are committed to freedom of
expression. Thus when Latvian authorities imposed a
six-month ban on the Russian television channel Rossiya
RTR for inciting ethnic hatred in April 2016, Russian
officials called on international watchdog bodies to investigate
the incident as a violation of media freedom. 10
Something similar is at work in the nongovernmental
organization (NGO) sector. Moscow has established or
supported a series of charities, think tanks, and associations
that promote Russian interests, claim to represent
Russian minorities, and in some cases advance
secessionist causes in the near abroad. 11 The Russian
government presumes that these organizations will be
allowed to operate without restriction in democracies.
Meanwhile, it compelled the U.S. Agency for International
Development (USAID) to close down its Russia
operations in 2012, and has banned contact between
Russian NGOs and foreign organizations that have
been placed on its “undesirable” list.
Russia has also used the extensive distribution of
passports to draw populations involved in frozen
conflicts—or potentially involved in future conflicts—
into its orbit, and to justify its meddling in neighboring
states. Rather than conquering a foreign people, the
Russian authorities convert foreign individuals into
Russian citizens, then claim a right to defend them
from what had been their own government. Up to 90
percent of those living in Georgia’s breakaway region
of South Ossetia have Russian passports, which are
accessible to anyone who still has Soviet documents
or at least one ancestor who was a permanent resident
of Russia, among other forms of eligibility.
Limited sovereignty, limited options
For Russia’s neighbors, the constant intimidation and
interference from Moscow have significant consequences.
Most importantly, normal political development
becomes difficult, and sometimes impossible.
The affected countries lack full sovereignty in the sense
that they are not free to make fundamental decisions
about their political systems, their trading partners,
and whether to integrate into Euro-Atlantic institutions.
Their national identity and existence as states are regularly
cast into doubt. Democratic reform often takes
a back seat to security concerns, or to policy concessions
aimed at maintaining good relations with Russia.
Prior to the saber rattling from the Kremlin, Estonia
had an economy with one of Europe’s higher rates of
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BREAKING DOWN DEMOCRACY: Goals, Strategies, and Methods of Modern Authoritarians
growth and was among the vanguard in embracing
e-government and other innovations associated with
a modern open society. Since the invasion of Ukraine
and the Russian military’s menacing gestures along
its border, Estonia has ramped up defense spending
and launched war games to increase preparedness.
Indeed, all three Baltic countries announced major
increases in military spending in 2016.
Conditions are even worse for states where Russia
has instigated frozen conflicts. Russia maintains
military bases in Abkhazia and South Ossetia, both
on the territory of Georgia, and in Transnistria. These
enclaves, as well as the occupied portions of Ukraine,
are impoverished, heavily militarized, and marked by
gangsterism and corruption.
Crimea is an instructive case for neighboring peoples
who live under the threat of Russian military intervention.
Residents of the peninsula enjoyed a reasonable
array of civil liberties under the Ukrainian government.
Under Russian occupation, all that has changed.
Moscow has sent Russian officials to run the region as
de facto viceroys. Freedom of the press, which was relatively
vigorous before 2014, has been extinguished,
and independent voices have been arrested or forced
into exile. Property rights are routinely ignored, and
expropriation is used as a blunt instrument against
those who oppose the new order.
The fate of the Crimean Tatars is especially tragic,
given the group’s history of persecution and mass
removal during Soviet times. Their leaders have been
silenced or driven out of the region, their commemorations
banned, and their media muzzled. By supporting
a still-deadly frozen conflict in eastern Ukraine, the
Russian leadership has ensured that the attention of
policymakers in the democracies will be focused on
the fighting there, and not on the dreadful conditions
in Crimea. 12
Since its invasion of Ukraine, Moscow has done its
best to maximize the intimidating effect on other
neighbors. It conducted war games in which 33,000
troops rehearsed the invasion of Sweden, Norway,
Finland, and Denmark. 13 The Russian navy has held
multiple, large-scale exercises in the Black Sea to defy
NATO, assert its control over Crimea, and threaten
Georgia. 14 Russian and Abkhaz separatist officials
have announced what amounts to a merger of troops
from the two sides under the command of a Russian
officer. 15 Russia’s military is developing the capacity
to simultaneously carry out several operations on the
scale of the Ukraine conflict—limited, rapid offensives
involving elite troops, deception, and propaganda that
would leave opponents fumbling for an appropriate response.
16 The intervention in Syria has already demonstrated
Russia’s ability to project force unexpectedly in
a new theater while maintaining its existing engagements
in Ukraine and elsewhere.
Russia’s renewed embrace of cross-border aggression
has had wide repercussions in Central Europe,
a region that had expected a secure alignment with
the democratic world after the end of the Cold War.
Poland, for example, had achieved something quite
remarkable prior to 2014, given its history of domination
by outside powers. It enjoyed friendly relations
with Germany, one of its past occupiers, and stable
ties with Russia, traditionally the other main threat
to its sovereignty. After the annexation of Crimea,
Poland’s leaders were forced to seriously contemplate
the possibility of a Russian invasion, especially given
Putin’s bellicose language about the speed with which
his tanks could reach nearby capitals. 17 As a result, Poland
has embarked on a military buildup to maintain
its hard-won independence and territorial integrity. 18
But no single European country could ever match
Russia’s present military might. If Poland, the Baltic
states, and their allies fail to maintain solidarity based
on shared democratic standards, it will not be long
before their sovereignty erodes under pressure from
the Kremlin.
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1. Vladimir Frolov, “Rise and Fall of Surkov’s Sovereign Democracy,” Moscow Times, May 13, 2013, https://themoscowtimes.com/articles/rise-and-fall-of-surkovs-sovereign-democracy-23891.
2. Marlene Laruelle, The ‘Russian World’: Russia’s Soft Power and Geopolitical Imagination (Washington: Center on Global Interests,
May 2015), http://globalinterests.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/05/FINAL-CGI_Russian-World_Marlene-Laruelle.pdf.
3. Denis Cenusa, Michael Emerson, Tamara Kovziridze, and Veronika Movchan, “Russia’s Punitive Trade Policy Measures towards
Ukraine, Moldova and Georgia,” CEPS Working Document no. 400, September 2014, https://www.ceps.eu/publications/russia%E2%80%99s-punitive-trade-policy-measures-towards-ukraine-moldova-and-georgia.
4. Laruelle, The ‘Russian World.’
5. Peter Pomerantsev, “Russia and the Menace of Unreality,” Atlantic, September 9, 2014, http://www.theatlantic.com/international/
archive/2014/09/russia-putin-revolutionizing-information-warfare/379880/.
6. Freedom in the World 2016 (New York: Freedom House, 2016), https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-world/freedom-world-2016.
7. Jill Dougherty and Riina Kaljurand, Estonia’s ‘Virtual Russian World’: The Influence of Russian Media on Estonia’s Russian Speakers
(Tallinn: International Centre for Defence and Security [RKK ICDS], October 2015), http://www.icds.ee/publications/article/estonias-virtual-russian-world-the-influence-of-russian-media-on-estonias-russian-speakers-1/.
8. Ibid.
9. Juhan Kivirähk, Integrating Estonia’s Russian-Speaking Population: Findings of National Defense Opinion Surveys (Tallinn: RKK ICDS,
December 2014), https://www.icds.ee/fileadmin/media/icds.ee/failid/Juhan_Kivirahk_-_Integrating_Estonias_Russian-Speaking_
Population.pdf.
10. TASS, “Foreign Ministry Says Latvian Ban of Russian TV Channel Violates Freedom of Speech,” Meduza, April 8, 2016, https://meduza.io/en/news/2016/04/08/foreign-ministry-says-latvian-ban-of-russian-tv-channel-violates-freedom-of-speech.
11. Laruelle, The ‘Russian World.’
12. Andrii Klymenko, Human Rights Abuses in Russian-Occupied Crimea (Washington: Atlantic Council and Freedom House, 2015),
https://freedomhouse.org/report/special-reports/human-rights-abuses-russian-occupied-crimea#.WA-iD_krK70.
13. David Blair, “Russian Forces ‘Practiced Invasion of Norway, Finland, Denmark, and Sweden,’” Telegraph, June 26, 2015, http://
www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/europe/russia/11702328/Russian-forces-practised-invasion-of-Norway-Finland-Denmark-and-Sweden.html.
14. See for example “Russia Launches Large-Scale Naval Drill in Black Sea Same Day as NATO,” RT, July 4, 2014,
https://www.rt.com/news/170540-black-sea-russia-drill/.
15. Luke Harding, “Georgia Angered by Russia-Abkhazia Military Agreement,” Guardian, November 24, 2014,
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/nov/25/georgia-russia-abkhazia-military-agreement-putin.
16. Adrian Croft, “Russia Could Soon Run Multiple Ukraine-Sized Operations: U.S. General,” Reuters, January 16, 2015, http://www.
reuters.com/article/us-nato-russia-idUSKBN0KP1F620150116.
17. Ian Traynor, “Putin Claims Russian Forces ‘Could Conquer Ukraine Capital in Two Weeks,’” Guardian, September 2, 2014, https://
www.theguardian.com/world/2014/sep/02/putin-russian-forces-could-conquer-ukraine-capital-kiev-fortnight.
18. Jeffrey Simpson, “Why Russia’s Neighbors Are Getting Nervous,” Globe and Mail, September 5, 2014, http://www.theglobeandmail.
com/opinion/why-russias-neighbours-are-getting-nervous/article20346364/.
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BREAKING DOWN DEMOCRACY: Goals, Strategies, and Methods of Modern Authoritarians
Chapter 8
Back to the Future
Until recently, a distinguishing feature of modern
authoritarianism was the ruling group’s ability to consolidate
political power without resorting to the brutal
tactics that defined the mainstream dictatorships of
the 20th century.
The political leadership maintained control of the
commanding heights of the media while tolerating
a small group of critical outlets as a safety valve for
dissent and in order to tout the existence of diverse
opinions in the news. Reformist nongovernmental
organizations (NGOs) were allowed to operate, but
not to grow or gain traction. The regime used violence
against its critics, but only sparingly, targeting a few
dissidents or independent journalists as a deterrent to
others. And they were careful to keep the number of
political prisoners to a minimum.
Perhaps most importantly, modern authoritarian
regimes generally refrained from overt acts of hostility
toward their neighbors. Some, such as China, boasted
of a policy that sought harmonious, mutually beneficial
relations with other regional states. Turkey
similarly claimed a policy of “zero problems” with its
neighbors in the period before the Syrian civil war.
Freedom House’s Tyler Roylance has described a
“common set of concessions” that 21st-century authoritarians
made to the prevailing democratic ethos
in the wake of the Cold War, when these regimes were
balancing domestic political control with the need
for deeper integration into the global diplomatic and
economic systems:
• Economic openness: Rather than attempting
to preserve a closed, command, or autarkic
economy, the typical “modern authoritarian”
regime cultivated extensive connections with
the outside world, creating a sense of freedom
and prosperity. However, state enterprises and
crony tycoons retained a dominant position, and
pliant legal systems allowed the leadership and
other corrupt officials to set and routinely reset
the terms of economic participation for foreign
companies, investors, and local entrepreneurs.
• Pluralistic media: Formal prepublication censorship
and media monopolies were abandoned in
most cases, clearing the way for a proliferation
of commercialized, well-produced, and often
entertaining media outlets. But the state and its
agents retained direct or indirect control of key
sectors, manipulated mainstream news coverage,
and kept truly independent journalism on
the margins of the information landscape.
• Political competition: Most regimes allowed
multiparty systems to emerge, and held regular
elections, but opposition parties were fabricated,
coopted, or defanged in practice, allowing
the ruling group to retain a de facto monopoly
on power.
• Civil society: Nongovernmental organizations
were permitted to operate, but they were kept
under close watch and forced to compete with
state-sponsored groups. Organizations focusing
on apolitical topics like public health or education
often received less scrutiny than critical
human rights activists, who were variously
belittled, harassed, or suppressed.
• Rule of law: Twentieth-century authoritarian staples
like martial law, curfews, mass arrests, and
summary executions were largely left behind,
and force began to be used more selectively,
so that most of the population rarely experienced
state brutality. Dissidents were punished
through the legal system, with its vaguely worded
laws and obedient judges, and in cases where
extralegal violence was used, state authorship
was either hidden or not acknowledged. Only
certain ethnic minorities faced naked military
force or deadly police tactics. 1
While more calibrated and less expansive
methods of repression are the defining feature
of modern authoritarianism, the past few years
have seen a reemergence of older methods that
undermine the illusions of pluralism, openness,
and integration into the global economy.
The most extreme departure from the modern
authoritarian policy of balancing national ambitions
with participation in global governance
was Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and annexation
of Crimea. No breach of international standards
of that magnitude had been committed since
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Iraq’s seizure of Kuwait in 1990. China’s claim of
ownership of the South China Sea, along with its
creeping militarization of previously uninhabited
islets, is at least as ambitious as Russia’s move,
though the impact is perhaps less jolting given
the dearth of occupied populations.
There have been other reversions to 20th-century
methods of repression. For example:
• Political prisoners: During the 20th century,
opposition figures, political dissidents, advocates
for minority groups, and people who wrote critical
commentaries were regularly sentenced to prison
terms, often under grim conditions, by dictatorships
of all stripes. Amnesty International’s
founding mission was the defense of what were
called “prisoners of conscience,” and they ranged
from dissidents and Jewish refuseniks in the Soviet
Union to those who resisted right-wing juntas
in Latin America. Soviet dissidents like Natan
Sharansky and Vladimir Bukovsky were the focus
of international campaigns organized by human
rights organizations and cautiously embraced by
the United States and other governments.
The ranks of political prisoners declined substantially
after the end of the Cold War and the
collapse of dictatorships in Latin America, Asia,
and to a certain extent Africa. Indeed, it was a
major objective of the new authoritarianism to
maintain political control without shedding blood
or putting people behind bars, actions that provoked
condemnation by human rights advocates,
democratic governments, and UN entities.
Recently, however, the political prisoner has
made a comeback. One notably egregious
offender is Azerbaijan. Under President Ilham
Aliyev, this country of just 9.4 million people has
amassed one of the world’s largest numbers of
political prisoners per capita, with approximately
80 prisoners of conscience during 2015, according
to verified figures. Azerbaijan’s repression
has grown despite the fact that Aliyev already
enjoyed near-total control of key institutions and
distinctly gentle treatment from U.S. and European
political leaders due to Azerbaijan’s role as
an alternative to Russian energy exports.
Venezuela also has a substantial number of
political prisoners—around 100 as of June 2016,
according to credible sources, including prominent
members of the political opposition. 2 Under
President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, some estimates
suggest that Egypt holds as many as 60,000 political
prisoners. 3 Turkish authorities have similarly
rounded up tens of thousands of people in the
wake of the July 2016 coup attempt. A much
smaller country, Bahrain, has convicted hundreds
of people of political crimes since 2011, when the
monarchy began arresting members of the political
opposition who were demanding democratic
elections and other freedoms. 4
China is in a class by itself. Since the 1989
crackdown on prodemocracy protests in Tiananmen
Square, the Communist Party leadership
has regularly jailed political dissidents, especially
those who argued publicly for democratic
political changes or made gestures toward the
formation of opposition political parties. The
most notable political prisoner is Liu Xiaobo, the
Nobel Peace Prize winner who was sentenced to
11 years in prison in 2009. However, conditions
have grown far worse under President Xi Jinping,
as a numbing procession of lawyers, journalists,
bloggers, women’s advocates, minority rights
campaigners, and religious believers have been
detained, placed under house arrest, disappeared,
or sentenced to prison. 5
• Public confessions: Humiliating public confessions
of ideological crimes were a staple of
Soviet leader Joseph Stalin’s purges and Mao
Zedong’s Cultural Revolution in China. They
were also employed by Eastern European satellite
regimes during the show trials of the late
1940s. A peculiarly communist technique, the
public confession was largely abandoned after
the deaths of Stalin and Mao.
Under Xi, China has revived the practice. A growing
list of editors, human rights lawyers, and advocates
of political reform have been coerced into
making televised confessions of their “crimes.”
The Chinese authorities even intimidated a Swedish
citizen, legal reform activist Peter Dahlin, into
confessing that he broke Chinese law and “hurt
the feelings of the Chinese people.” Dahlin was
accused of endangering state security by funding
human rights lawyers and compiling reports on
the state of human rights in China. 6
Intensified media domination: Most modern authoritarian
countries allowed a sufficient degree
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BREAKING DOWN DEMOCRACY: Goals, Strategies, and Methods of Modern Authoritarians
of criticism in the media to justify a tenuous claim
of pluralism. In recent years, tolerance for ideas
and opinions that are not aligned with those of
the regime has steadily eroded. In Russia, a bad
situation became much worse after the invasion
of Ukraine in 2014. Those who criticized or even
raised questions about the morality or wisdom of
the Kremlin’s actions were persecuted, dismissed
from employment, and banned from media commentary.
Putin also expanded the zone of media
control from the mainstream television and print
sectors to the internet.
In Venezuela, one opposition or independent
voice after another has been neutralized, as key
newspapers and television stations were sold,
under duress, to businessmen with ties to the
government. The new and often opaque owners
generally watered down political reporting and
forced out prominent journalists. 7
Even before the 2016 coup attempt, media freedom
in Turkey was deteriorating at an alarming
rate. The government, controlled by President
Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s Justice and Development
Party, aggressively used the penal code,
criminal defamation legislation, and antiterrorism
laws to punish critical reporting. Journalists
also faced growing violence, harassment,
and intimidation from both state and nonstate
actors. The authorities also used financial and
administrative leverage over media owners to
influence coverage and muzzle dissent. 8
• War propaganda: For some time, propaganda
from Russia, China, and other authoritarian
countries stressed a hostility toward liberal values
and democracy, framed around a relentless
anti-Americanism. There were, however, certain
redlines that propagandists were unlikely to
cross. They would criticize American foreign
policy and blame it for a country’s problems.
But only rarely would they accuse Washington
of warlike intentions, and they seldom if ever
made military threats themselves. Since the
invasion of Ukraine and the resulting economic
sanctions imposed by the United States and the
EU, Russian propaganda has assumed an uglier,
more menacing tone. The same is true in China,
where official expressions of hostility toward the
United States and “Western” democratic values
intensified—indeed took on a histrionic and
belligerent character—after the ascension of Xi
Jinping as Communist Party leader. In Turkey,
progovernment commentators have accused
the U.S. government and even an American
think tank of involvement in the failed coup of
2016. 9
• Closing doors to the outside world: More
than anything else, modern authoritarianism is
distinguished from traditional autocracy by its
openness to relatively normal relations with the
outside world. China, for example, long sought
to balance calibrated repression at home with
participation in an impressive array of global institutions.
Beijing welcomed the establishment
of local branches of foreign, mostly American,
universities, joint research ventures with foreign
scholars, and even the involvement of foreign
NGOs in areas such as legal reform and environmental
conservation. While more ambivalent
about the international media, Chinese
authorities did give unprecedented freedom of
movement to foreign journalists in the period
surrounding the 2008 Beijing Olympics. Russia
was less welcoming to foreign involvement in
the country, whether by governmental or private
entities, but for a time it maintained academic
exchanges with the United States and European
countries, grudgingly tolerated foreign NGOs,
and took some pride in the freedom of Russians
to travel freely abroad.
Conditions have deteriorated over the past
several years. In Russia, the government reduced
trade with Europe in response to sanctions,
imposed travel restrictions on millions of
public-sector employees, smeared domestic
human rights organizations as “foreign agents”
for accepting international funding, and began
blacklisting foreign NGOs as “undesirable.” China
has increased regulatory and legal pressure
on foreign companies, bullied foreign countries
into repatriating Chinese political refugees,
significantly increased regulatory restrictions on
foreign NGOs, and sharply curbed journalistic
freedom for foreign correspondents.
Propaganda and official rhetoric in both
countries has increasingly portrayed them as
besieged fortresses, threatened on all sides by
hostile foreign powers, spies, separatists, and
traitors who seek to topple the government and
deny the nation its rightful place in the world. In
this environment, any interaction with foreigners
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becomes suspect, and national security takes
precedence over the benefits of global integration.
• Foreign aggression: The revival of Russia as a
military power has been a central goal of Putin’s
leadership. He increased troop levels, devoted
billions of dollars to equipment modernization,
and instituted a series of reforms designed to
enable the military to engage in several limited
conflicts simultaneously. To compensate for the
material advantages of the United States and
NATO, the Russian military developed a strategic
approach known as hybrid warfare, which seeks
to combine conventional tactics, espionage and
subversion, cyberattacks, and propaganda so as
to limit the role of traditional battlefield operations
and, where possible, sow confusion as to
who is responsible for the aggression and how
it should be dealt with. The strategy has been
put into action in Ukraine, and intrusive Russian
patrols have also harassed foreign navies and
air forces across Northern Europe. In Georgia,
Russian troops have constantly encroached on
the Tbilisi government by simply moving border
fences encircling the Russian-backed separatist
region of South Ossetia.
China has also engaged in a massive military
buildup, and is pressing its maritime territorial
claims with huge fleets of coast guard vessels
and new island bases that bristle with armaments.
Its tactics at sea are openly aggressive,
but stop just short of the sort of action that
might trigger live fire.
Iran has long cultivated indirect methods of foreign
aggression, particularly through the covert
equipping and training of allied Shiite militias
in Arab states. In recent years, however, it has
openly deployed these militias in large numbers—overseen
on the front lines by high-ranking
Iranian officers—to battle zones in Syria and Iraq,
and it has increasingly drawn on Afghan recruits
in addition to Arabs. Iran’s regional rivals, chiefly
Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, have
responded with more direct foreign interventions
of their own, most notably in Yemen.
The recent embrace of more overtly repressive policies
stems in part from the common structural flaws of the
modern authoritarian model. The question of succession
in authoritarian governments is a constant source
of tension, producing crises—such as Putin’s return to
the presidency after his circumvention of term limits in
2012—that require new crackdowns on dissent.
Moreover, because these regimes do not allow
peaceful rotations of power through elections, they
rely in large part on the promise of economic growth
as a source of legitimacy. However, they also feature
systemic corruption as a means of maintaining internal
cohesion. All of this leaves them ill-equipped to
cope with economic shocks and related public anger.
The global economic downturn of 2008 and the more
recent drop in energy prices have shaken economies
and political establishments around the world, but
while citizens of democracies can take their frustrations
to the ballot box, authoritarian rulers must
treat protests against austerity or unemployment as
existential threats.
The promise of national greatness and the menace
of external enemies are tried-and-true alternatives
to economic prosperity as sources of regime legitimacy.
Unfortunately, promoting these narratives also
generates new cycles of dissent and repression, and
damages ties with the outside world, further undermining
the economy.
A transition from bad to worse
While the return to the blunt instruments of the past
suggests a fundamental weakness in the modern
authoritarianism model, it would be a mistake to conclude
that these regimes are doomed to extinction.
The emergence of this model was in fact a remarkable
demonstration of adaptability on the part of authoritarian
rulers, who faced a uniquely inhospitable environment
in the years after the end of the Cold War.
Democracy, human rights, and the rule of law were
newly ascendant as the governing principles of the
international order, and undemocratic leaders made
the changes necessary to survive without surrendering
their political dominance.
If they are now reversing some of these changes, it
is not just because the basic structures and incentives
of authoritarian rule tend to encourage greater
repression over time. It is also because the external
pressure to conform to democratic standards is rapidly
disappearing.
Leading democracies have absorbed the economic
blows of recent years without revolution or repression,
but voter frustration has increasingly lifted up
antiestablishment, populist, and nationalist politicians
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BREAKING DOWN DEMOCRACY: Goals, Strategies, and Methods of Modern Authoritarians
who have little interest in the democratizing mission
traditionally espoused by mainstream parties with deep
roots in the global struggles of the 20th century. The
new mood is reflected in the democracies’ foreign policies,
many of which are aimed more at seeking national
advantage than at promoting the common good.
The rise of populist politics in democracies could give
modern authoritarianism a new lease on life. While it
may no longer be as useful for entrenched autocracies
to mask their nature with an illusion of pluralism, freely
elected leaders with authoritarian ambitions can
use similar techniques to replace genuine democratic
institutions with hollowed-out façades. This process
is already under way in the countries that have been
dubbed “illiberal democracies.”
With states across the spectrum shifting in an
authoritarian direction, there is not much comfort in
the fact that repressive regimes are fundamentally
more unstable and vulnerable to breakdowns than
democracies. Major authoritarian governments may
collapse in the face of economic crises, popular
protests, or succession battles. But in the absence of
international pressure and support, it seems doubtful
that they would be replaced by aspiring democracies.
Indeed, they could be succeeded by something
even worse.
1. Tyler Roylance, “The Twilight of ‘Modern Authoritarianism,’” Freedom at Issue, October 29, 2014, https://freedomhouse.org/blog/
twilight-modern-authoritarianism.
2. Daniel Lansberg-Rodríguez, “In Venezuela, Political Prisoners as Pawns,” New York Times, July 1, 2016, http://www.nytimes.
com/2016/07/02/opinion/in-venezuela-political-prisoners-as-pawns.html.
3. Albaraa Abdullah, “Egypt Fills Its Prisons, But Don’t Worry, It’ll Make More,” Al-Monitor, February 3, 2016, http://www.al-monitor.
com/pulse/originals/2016/02/egypt-authorities-prison-free-speech-sisi.html.
4. “Bahrain,” in Annual Report (London: Amnesty International, 2016), https://www.amnesty.org/en/countries/middle-east-and-northafrica/bahrain/report-bahrain/.
5. “China: List of Political Prisoners Detained or Imprisoned as of October 11, 2016,” U.S. Congressional-Executive Commission on
China, http://www.cecc.gov/sites/chinacommission.house.gov/files/documents/CECC%20Pris%20List_20161011_1433.pdf.
6. Tom Phillips, “Swedish Activist Peter Dahlin Paraded on China State TV for ‘Scripted Confession,’” Guardian, January 19, 2016,
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2016/jan/20/swedish-activist-peter-dahlin-paraded-on-china-state-tv-for-scripted-confession.
7. “Venezuela,” in Freedom of the Press 2015 (New York: Freedom House, 2015), https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-press/2015/venezuela.
8. “Turkey,” in Freedom of the Press 2016 (New York: Freedom House, 2016), https://freedomhouse.org/report/freedom-press/2016/
turkey.
9. John Hudson, “Erdogan Allies Accuse Leading Washington Think Tank of Orchestrating Coup,” Foreign Policy, August 8, 2016,
http://foreignpolicy.com/2016/08/08/erdogan-allies-accuse-leading-washington-think-tank-of-orchestrating-coup/.
56
Freedom House
Conclusion
Authoritarianism Comes Calling
Until very recently, the spread of the methods and strategies
described in this report has largely been greeted with complacency
and indifference in the democratic world. Even as it became clear
that the rejection of liberal values by Russia, China, and other
authoritarian states was a permanent fixture of global politics,
democracies convinced themselves that although modern
authoritarianism posed a challenge to the spread of freedom beyond
its current reach, their own freedoms were in no jeopardy.
In the aftermath of the stunning events of 2016, it is
apparent that the post–Cold War democratic order is
in fact facing an unprecedented threat. Britain’s vote
to leave the European Union (EU), the election of Donald
Trump as president of the United States, and the
emergence of populist demagogues across Europe
have all raised questions about the future of democracy
in its traditional bastions.
It can no longer be assumed that Russia’s challenge
to democracy is limited to its policies of internal
repression and aggression toward neighbors like
Ukraine and Georgia. The Kremlin’s development of
parallel institutions—government-controlled civil
society, a propaganda machine based on the latest
media technologies, realistic but purely decorative
elections—was once regarded as a project intended
for Russia alone. When Angela Merkel, in response to
Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, exclaimed that Vladimir
Putin lives in a different world, she meant a specifically
Russian universe where facts are irrelevant,
international treaties are obsolete, and sovereignty is
a matter of power rather than law.
Now, however, the Kremlin has attempted to project
this version of reality onto the democratic world. In
the United States, Russia brazenly interfered in the
electoral process through hacking efforts sponsored
by its intelligence agencies. Whether this interference
actually affected the outcome of the election is sub-
ject to debate. But there is strong evidence, endorsed
by the entirety of the U.S. intelligence establishment
and numerous independent analyses, that the interference
did occur.
Just as worrying is the suggestion that the United
States, much like Russia itself, has entered a “post-truth
era,” in which lies and distortions carry as much weight
as facts. Clearly, at least some of this hand-wringing
was a partisan reaction to Trump’s victory. But it
followed an election in which the winning candidate
falsely claimed, among other things, that the balloting
was rigged against him, that violent crime had reached
record levels, and that undocumented immigrants were
responsible for a large share of the violence.
Meanwhile, as of early 2017, populist parties with Russian-friendly
platforms and histories of nativism and
other forms of bigotry were expected to gain ground in
upcoming elections in countries like the Netherlands,
France, and Germany.
As it became more obvious that the democracies
were poorly equipped to contend with resurgent
authoritarianism, the leading autocracies were experimenting
with more frightening methods of assuring
domestic political control.
China in particular seemed to take an Orwellian
turn with the planned introduction of a social credit
www.freedomhouse.org
57
BREAKING DOWN DEMOCRACY: Goals, Strategies, and Methods of Modern Authoritarians
system. This form of digital totalitarianism would allow
the state to gather information on Chinese citizens
from a variety of sources and use it to maintain scores
or rankings based on an individual’s perceived trustworthiness,
including on political matters. Chinese
officials have claimed that by 2020, the system will
“allow the trustworthy to roam everywhere under
heaven while making it hard for the discredited to take
a single step.” 1 A citizen could receive bad marks for
petitioning the government, participating in protests,
or circulating banned ideas on social media.
As for Russia, the Kremlin complemented its covert interference
overseas with open and ugly acts of repression
at home. In one brief period in early 2017, Russian
opposition politician Aleksey Navalny was blocked from
competing in the 2018 presidential contest through
a trumped-up criminal conviction, dissident journalist
Vladimir Kara-Murza nearly died from his second suspected
poisoning, and the Russian parliament passed
a law to decriminalize domestic violence that results in
“minor harm” such as small lacerations and bruising. 2
Proponents of the domestic abuse law hailed it as a
win for traditional family values.
The confluence of authoritarian gains and setbacks
for democracy suggest a number of conclusions:
1. Modern authoritarianism is a permanent and
increasingly powerful rival to liberal democracy
as the dominant governing system of the 21st
century. Variations on the systems that have
proved effective in suppressing political dissent
and pluralism in Russia and China are less likely
to collapse than traditional authoritarian states,
given their relative flexibility and pragmatism.
2. The most serious threat to authoritarian systems
lies in economic breakdown. However, Russia,
China, and other major autocracies have shown
themselves capable of surviving economic setbacks
that, while affecting the standard of living,
did not push citizens to the limits of endurance.
The catastrophic case of Venezuela is a notable
exception. Of the main countries examined in
this study, only in Venezuela did the political leadership
attempt to impose a socialist economic
system and wage war on the private sector.
3. Illiberalism in democratic environments is more
than a temporary problem that can be fixed
through an inevitable rotation of power. In Hungary,
the Fidesz government has instituted policies
that make it difficult for opposition parties
to raise funds or present their political message,
creating a structurally uneven political playing
field. Other elected leaders with authoritarian
mindsets will take notice and follow suit.
4. Authoritarian states are likely to intensify efforts
to influence the political choices and government
polices of democracies. The pressure will
vary from country to country, but it will become
increasingly difficult to control due to global
economic integration, new developments in
the delivery of propaganda, and sympathetic
leaders and political movements within the democracies.
Putin and his cohorts have learned
well how to use democratic openness against
democracy itself.
5. Authoritarian leaders can count on an increasingly
vocal group of admirers in democratic
states. For several years now, European parties
of the nationalistic right and anticapitalist left
have forged ties with Moscow and aligned their
goals with Putin’s. The 2016 U.S. presidential
election revealed a new constituency, albeit
small, that harbors respect for Putin despite
his hostility to American interests and his interference
in the country’s democratic process.
A disturbing number of advisers to the Trump
campaign, including Trump himself, expressed
admiration for Putin and his system. In addition,
various political figures and commentators have
praised or come to the defense of despotic
rulers including Abdel Fattah al-Sisi and Bashar
al-Assad.
6. Modern authoritarians can be expected to double
down on their drive to neuter civil society
as an incubator of reformist ideas and political
initiatives. Civil society can serve as a vibrant
alternative to mainstream democratic parties
as those parties fall prey to corruption, elitism,
and ossification. After the Kremlin effectively
defanged the collection of human rights organizations,
conservation projects, election monitors,
and anticorruption committees in Russia, other
autocrats and illiberal leaders began to act in
similar fashion. Both Viktor Orbán in Hungary and
the leaders of the Law and Justice party in Poland
have spoken of “bringing order” to the nongovernmental
sector, though serious restrictions on
freedom of association have yet to be adopted by
an EU state. That could change in 2017.
58
Freedom House
7. The rewriting of history will become more widespread
and will greatly complicate societal efforts
to confront both past and present political
abuses. The rehabilitation of Joseph Stalin and
the airbrushing of Mao Zedong’s destructive
reign serve to facilitate an authoritarian form of
nationalism in which strength and unity supersede
justice and freedom, and the state is exalted
at the expense of individual human beings.
8. Authoritarian or illiberal forces are more likely to
gain supremacy in countries where the parties
that represent liberal democracy do not simply
lose elections, but experience a full-blown political
collapse, whether through corruption, ineptitude,
or failure to build lasting bonds with the public. In
the end, elections do matter, and real change still
requires victory at the polls. This is why robust,
self-confident, and uncorrupted opposition parties
are essential to democracy’s survival.
Recommendations
In studies of this kind, recommendations are primarily
addressed to policymakers, particularly in the administration
and Congress of the United States. Given
the election of Donald Trump, however, a different
approach is called for.
Trump has made clear again and again his admiration
for Vladimir Putin, to the point of asserting a kind of
moral equivalency between the Russian and American
governments. Since he assumed office, Trump and
certain aides have encouraged in America the kind of
“post-truth” environment that has prevailed in Russia
under Putin. The new president has shown no interest
in an American role in promoting human rights and
democracy around the world; indeed, he seemed to
dismiss this core element of U.S. foreign policy in
his initial address to Congress, instead emphasizing
“harmony and stability” and “the sovereign rights of all
nations.” Under these circumstances, to rely first and
foremost on the U.S. government to meet the challenge
posed by Russia, China, and other authoritarian
states would amount to an exercise in futility.
The role of governments, both in the United States
and Europe, will remain crucial. But the threat posed
by modern authoritarianism has spread well beyond
its original proving grounds. To some extent, the problems
discussed in this report have already infected
the United States and a number of European countries.
They represent a menace to the media, academic
freedom, civil society, electoral systems, and the
rule of law. They even put in jeopardy the integrity of
the facts and figures that an accountable government
and a successful economy require. When the values
of the political leadership are seen to waver, independent,
nongovernmental voices and institutions will
be called upon to do their part—not just to defend
democracy at home, but to convince skeptical politicians
and citizens that supporting the same struggle
abroad serves the public interest.
To the U.S. government: We urge the Trump administration
to appoint a director of global communications
who is experienced in journalism and allow that person
to build a program to counter hostile authoritarian
messaging through up-to-date delivery techniques,
honest reporting, and forthright commentary. Near
the end of 2016, Congress passed legislation that
placed the country’s government-supported international
media outlets—Voice of America (VOA), Radio
Free Europe/Radio Liberty (RFE/RL), and their sister
services focused on Asia and other regions—under
more direct presidential control, on the theory that a
commander-in-chief who was committed to countering
aggressive Russian influence would be better able
to develop and implement new strategies. President
Trump has yet to indicate how he intends to use this
authority.
In the contest against Soviet communism, America’s
international broadcasting entities were the crown
jewels of U.S. soft power. Indeed, in some countries,
such as Poland or Romania, Radio Free Europe
functioned as the opposition press, and clearly had
a greater audience and more influence than the
censored government press. In the post–Cold War
period, what were initially shortwave radio services
have evolved into modern media outlets, with video
content, podcasts, blogs, social media engagement,
and other forms of information delivery. Nevertheless,
the United States today needs to update the strategy
and operations of its publicly supported broadcasters
and—most importantly—provide them with the
resources to compete with a Russian propaganda
machine that is nimble, attuned to popular discontent,
and generously funded.
To the independent media: The mainstream press
in the United States has recently shown increased
interest in reporting on Russian methods of information
warfare, some of which have been embraced
by far-right media outlets that seek to undermine
popular support for the core institutions of American
democracy. We urge more responsible media to
www.freedomhouse.org
59
BREAKING DOWN DEMOCRACY: Goals, Strategies, and Methods of Modern Authoritarians
continue their investigation of these techniques and
experiment with ways to combat them.
We also urge more intense coverage of Beijing’s efforts
to undermine democratic norms in neighboring states
or territories, as in Hong Kong and Taiwan, and its
largely successful attempts to pressure other governments
into repatriating citizens who had fled persecution
in China.
Lastly, the media are not doing their job if they neglect
to give aggressive coverage to the lobbyists and public-relations
specialists who make money by representing
dictators and kleptocrats. Those who flack for
the leaders of China, Azerbaijan, Egypt, and their ilk
should be made to answer for each political prisoner,
murdered opposition figure, shuttered newspaper, and
offshore account full of stolen funds that can be tied
to their authoritarian clients.
To the academic community: We urge academic
associations, individual scholars, and university
administrations to stand up for freedom of thought
and open inquiry at a time when those values are
under relentless pressure from dictatorships. We
urge statements of protest against the persecution of
fellow scholars or the politicized rewriting of history,
especially in countries, like Russia and China, that are
integrated into the international university system.
We urge universities to reject the establishment of
projects and study departments—whether at home or
overseas—that do not adhere to the highest standards
of intellectual freedom or that restrict discussion
of certain subjects.
To the business community: We urge private businesses
to avoid commercial relationships with
authoritarian governments that force them to violate
fundamental democratic principles. Private companies
and investors have a clear interest in democratic
public goods like the rule of law, which guarantees
their property rights, and the transparency provided
by free media and corruption watchdogs, which
ensures the accuracy of economic data and the fair
allocation of state contracts. They should therefore do
what they can to prevent any further deterioration in
the condition of global democracy.
Some sectors are especially vulnerable to authoritarian
pressure, and have a special role to play in combating it.
We urge the film industry to reject involvement in joint
ventures with companies that have close ties to authoritarian
regimes and reputations for demanding politicized
censorship of artistic content. We also urge the
technology industry to refuse business arrangements
that require active complicity in or passive acceptance
of political censorship or information control.
To the European Union: We urge the EU to undertake
a comprehensive review of member states’ democratic
institutions to determine whether recent changes
have weakened checks and balances or unduly
protected incumbent parties from fair electoral competition.
The EU should adopt measures to publicize
departures from democratic standards and develop
a new set of sanctions that could be imposed on
noncompliant governments—whether inside, outside,
or hoping to join the bloc—even in the absence of
unanimity among member states. In the meantime,
the EU should use the sanctions already in place, even
if it means freezing a member state’s participation,
and be prepared to actually impose any new sanctions
that might be introduced.
To private foundations: We urge private foundations
to recognize and oppose the current assault on
democracy. With a few exceptions, the great institutions
of American philanthropy have studiously—and
shamefully—ignored the steady erosion of global freedom
and the rise of authoritarian powers. The recent
developments in Europe and the United States will
hopefully shake their complacency. There is a strong
need for analysis, support for individual dissidents,
and aid for societies under authoritarian threat, and as
many democratic governments waver in their commitment
to such priorities, it is essential for private
funders to step into the breach.
To mainstream political candidates: We urge responsible
political figures to call out colleagues or
rivals when they show contempt for basic democratic
ideas. Until now, politicians in the democracies have
been unimpressive in their responses to opponents
who embrace authoritarian figures like Putin. This
is despite the overwhelming evidence of egregious
crimes under Putin’s rule: murdered journalists and
political opposition leaders, the invasion of neighboring
states, brutish counterinsurgency campaigns in
the North Caucasus, the emasculation of a once-vibrant
media sector, rigged elections, and much more.
If they choose to shower him with praise, political
leaders like Marine Le Pen, Geert Wilders, and Donald
Trump should be forced to account for the realities of
Putin’s appalling record. The same is true for any politician
who praises dictators in the Middle East, Asia, or
Africa.
60
Freedom House
To human rights organizations: Human rights groups
operating from the safety of democracies should be
more aggressive in publicizing the plight of political
prisoners. The defense of jailed dissidents was a major
factor behind the rise of the modern human rights
movement. Political prisoners became a lower priority
as their numbers declined after the Cold War, but
today there are more than a thousand in China alone,
and many others in Venezuela, Iran, Azerbaijan, and
elsewhere. It is past time for the phrase “prisoner of
conscience” to again become an important part of our
regular political vocabulary.
Furthermore, human rights organizations need
to develop strategies that address the varied and
sophisticated methods of repression used by modern
authoritarians. There should be better efforts to
identify individual perpetrators of abuse, document
their culpability, and expose their actions. Among other
benefits, such work would feed into governmental
mechanisms for imposing sanctions, like the United
States’ Global Magnitsky Human Rights Accountability
Act, which allows visa bans and asset freezes
for foreign officials who are personally involved in
egregious human rights violations.
To the free world: All democratic governments should
make support for civil society in authoritarian and
illiberal environments a bigger priority. This is especially
urgent given that laws and regulations designed
to neutralize nongovernmental organizations, which
were first adopted by Russia, are now being taken up
in countries like Hungary and Poland.
Democracies will also have to push back against
Chinese censorship. The sheer size of China’s economy
gives Beijing the clout to insist on unreasonable,
nonreciprocal, and often antidemocratic concessions
from trading partners, the most prominent of which
is the state’s right to determine what its people can
read, watch, or circulate via social media. The Chinese
leadership expects the rest of the world to accept its
brand of censorship as the normal state of affairs in
China, and it is increasingly extending its demands
beyond its borders, affecting the information available
to global audiences.
Chinese censorship practices should be challenged at
international forums and in bilateral meetings. Democratic
governments should speak out when their own
academics, artists, media companies, and corporations
are subjected to censorship or blocking by the
Chinese authorities. As long as Beijing maintains its
current policies, democracies should take measures
to prevent their own media, entertainment, and other
information-related corporations from falling under
the control of Chinese companies that support or
benefit from censorship.
Finally, the free world must keep faith with states
whose democratic goals are under threat from large
and aggressive authoritarian powers. A prime example
is Ukraine. That country represents the absolute
front line in the global struggle for freedom. Building
democracy in an inhospitable neighborhood is always
difficult, particularly when your most powerful neighbor
is determined to steal your land and wreck your
home. Kyiv has made impressive strides; indeed, it has
gone much further along the democratic path than it
did after the Orange Revolution in 2005. But it still has
hard work ahead, and it remains in serious danger. A
positive outcome in Ukraine would not by itself erase
the broader gains secured by the world’s autocrats
over the past decade, but it would be a pivotal defeat
for their campaign to sow chaos and disunity among
those who still live or aspire to live in freedom.
1. “Big Data, Meet Big Brother: China Invents the Digital Totalitarian State,” Economist, December 17, 2016, http://www.economist.
com/news/briefing/21711902-worrying-implications-its-social-credit-project-china-invents-digital-totalitarian.
2. Feliz Solomon, “Vladimir Putin Just Signed Off on the Partial Decriminalization of Domestic Abuse in Russia,” Time, February 8,
2017, http://time.com/4663532/russia-putin-decriminalize-domestic-abuse/.
www.freedomhouse.org
61
Freedom House is a nonprofit,
nonpartisan organization that
supports democratic change,
monitors freedom, and advocates
for democracy and human rights.
1850 M Street NW, 11th Floor
Washington, DC 20036
120 Wall Street, 26th Floor
New York, NY 10005
www.freedomhouse.org
facebook.com/FreedomHouseDC
@FreedomHouseDC
202.296.5101 | info@freedomhouse.org
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013697.txt,"parameter, the R15 cell of the abdominal ganglion of the Aplysia demonstrates
transitions between bursting and periodic modes as well as period doubling, a
signatory period 3 and the Lyapounov characteristic exponent evidence (see below)
for the discontinuous onset of chaos (Canavier et al, 1990). Manipulating feed back
delay, the human pupillary light reflex will bifurcate into regular oscillations (Milton
and Longtin, 1990). A transition between a regime of irregular discharging to
oscillatory bursting behavior was induced in basal forebrain cholinergic neurons by
neurotensin (Alonso et al, 1994). Sympathetic nerve discharge in decerebrate,
ventilated cats demonstrated transitions between periodic, multiple periodic
(quasiperiodic with changing ratios to the ventilation frequency) and subharmonic
behavior in response to inferior vena cava occlusion, vagotomy, aortic constriction
and spinalization (Porta et al, 1996). Period adding bifurcations were induced by
changing calcium concentrations or the addition of a potassium channel blocker in
the “pacemaker” formed when (rat) sciatic nerve is chronically injured (Ren et al,
1997). Changing levels of the L-type calcium channel antagonist, verapramil, alter
the pattern of vasomotion of rabbit ear arteries among sets of multiple independent
periods, “quasi-periodicity,” mode locking and chaos (De Brower, 1998). At critical
intensity and frequency, flicker visual stimulation of the salamander generates a
pharmacologically modifiable period doubling bifurcation in their ganglion cells (one
spike for every two flickers) which is also seen subjectively and in occipital lobe
evoked potentials at critical frequencies in bright, full-field flickered humans (Crevier
and Meister, 1998).

Qualitative and Quantitative Universality in Nonlinear Dynamical Systems

“Universality” (see above) entered the parlance of physics in the context of
the statistical mechanics of phase transitions near their critical points (Stanley,
1971; Stauffer, 1985; Yeomans, 1993) and has come to refer to the finite set of
transitions and quantities common to nonlinear systems arising in_ their
neighborhoods. A common physical example is the triple point of water-ice-steam

on the temperature-pressure phase plane where a small change in temperature or

197

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013697
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029371.txt,"every effort.

¢ Right now diplomacy is in
hiatus at least until March 2015. It's
hard to imagine a good agreement with
the P5+1, and a bad agreement would
be best left unsigned. The problem is
that the [ranians have no real incentive
to reach a “final agreement” that would
keep them from becoming a nuclear
power.

e As far as they're concerned, at
any given time an improved ""interim
agreement"" would be better (unless the
P5+1 yield to a bad agreement.)

¢ The Iranians are very

sophisticated. In their opinion (1
emphasize: 1n their opinion), the

American government has changed its
goal without admitting it, from ""Iran
will not have military nuclear

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029371
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019802.txt,"314
80

80
80

81

81
81
81
81
82
82

83
83

84
85

86

88

88
89

89
go

go
go

| Notes to pages 80-96

At this point: Former DIA officer who requested anonymity, interview with
author.

He had visited Hong Kong: Lindsay Mills’s blog.

According to Albert Ho: Bradsher, “Hasty Exit Started with Pizza Inside a Hong
Kong Hideout.” Also, Keith Bradsher, interview with author.

for the next ten days: Former DIA officer who requested anonymity, interview
with author.

“his first priority”: Greenwald, No Place to Hide, 43.

“That whole period”: Rusbridger and MacAskill, “I, Spy.”

He e-mailed Gellman: Gellman, “Code Name ‘Verax.’”

Gellman could not make: Greenwald, No Place to Hide, 51-52.

more pressure on Gellman: Gellman, “Code Name ‘Verax.’”

“T’ve been working on”: Greenwald, No Place to Hide, 11.

Continuing his string pulling : Greenberg, “These Are the Emails Snowden Sent
to First Introduce His Epic NSA Leaks.”

asked Appelbaum to help: Appelbaum, “Edward Snowden Interview.”
Greenwald was awaiting: Greenwald, No Place to Hide, 16-18.

Gibson authorized Greenwald's trip: The description of The Guardian’s reac-
tion to Greenwald’s offer of a scoop was reported by Luke Harding, a Guard-
ian reporter commissioned to write The Snowden Files, a book that Oliver
Stone bought the film rights for from The Guardian for $700,000. See Harding,
Snowden Files, 100-115.

Snowden arranged for Micah Lee: Lee, “Ed Snowden Taught Me to Smuggle
Secrets Past Incredible Danger.”

cHaAPTER 10 Whistle-blower

“They elected me”: Gellman, “Edward Snowden, After Months of NSA Revela-
tions, Says His Mission’s Accomplished.”

“T feel alone”: Lindsay Mills’s blog.

“so we don’t have a clue”: Greenberg, “These Are the Emails Snowden Sent to
First Introduce His Epic NSA Leaks.”

“On timing, regarding meeting”: The description of the meetings with Snowden
in Hong Kong, June 3-June 9, is taken from Poitras’s documentary Citizenfour.
The film can be found at https://thoughtmaybe.com/citizenfour/.

“The initial impression”: Greenwald, No Place to Hide, 30.

“Minutes after meeting”: Packer, “Holder of Secrets.”

One possible reason: Snowden, interview with Williams; Bamford, “Edward
Snowden”; Jane Mayer, “Snowden Calls Russian-Spy Story ‘Absurd’ in Exclu-
sive Interview,” New Yorker, Jan. 21, 2014.

the Guardian policy required: Harding, Snowden Files, 114-16.

| The next morning he: Packer, “Holder of Secrets.”
| Tibbo and Man planned: Patrick Koehler, “The Hong Kong Layover in Snowden’s

Getaway,” New York Times, Sept. 8, 2016.

1 “Iam ina safe house”: Greenwald, No Place to Hide, 8.

The journalist chosen: Lam, “Post Reporter Lana Lam Tells of Her Journey into
the Secret World of Edward Snowden.”

| | Epst_9780451494566_2p_all_r1.indd 314 ®

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019802

9/30/16 e13.am | |
"
TEXT-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033110.txt,"From: jeffrey E. [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Sent: 8/22/2018 4:26:31 PM 
To: Tim Zagat 
Subject: Re: 
im back in ny after the 15th of sept 
On Wed, Aug 22, 2018 at 12:16 PM, Tim Zagat < > wrote: 
Jeffrey, 
I'm sending you a copy of House of Trump, House of Putin in case you haven't already received 10. 
When are you available to get together? 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 033110 
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012589.txt,"IN RE:
INVESTIGATION OF
JEFFREY EPSTEIN

/

NON-PROSECUTION AGREEMENT

IT APPEARING that the City of Palm Beach Police Department and the State
Attorney’s Office for the 15th Judicial Circuit in and for Palm Beach County (hereinafter,
the “State Attorney’s Office”) have conducted an investigation into the conduct of Jeffrey
Epstein (hereinafter “Epstein”);

IT APPEARING that the State Attorney’s Office has charged Epstein by indictment
with solicitation of prostitution, in violation of Florida Statutes Section 796.07;

IT APPEARING that the United States Attorney’s Office and the Federal Bureau of
Investigation have conducted their own investigation into Epstein’s background and any
offenses that may have been committed by Epstein against the United States from in or
around 2001 through in or around September 2007, including:

(1) knowingly and willfully conspiring with others known and unknown to
commit an offense against the United States, that is, to use a facility or means
of interstate or foreign commerce to knowingly persuade, induce, or entice
minor females to engage in prostitution, in violation of Title 18, United States
Code, Section 2422(b); all in violation of Title 18, United States Code, Section
371;

(2) knowingly and willfully conspiring with others known and unknown to travel
in interstate commerce for the purpose of engaging in illicit sexual conduct, as
defined in 18 U.S.C. § 2423(f), with minor females, in violation of Title 18,
United States Code, Section 2423(b); all in violation of Title 18, United States
Code, Section 2423(e);

(3) using a facility or means of interstate or foreign commerce to knowingly
persuade, induce, or entice minor females to engage in prostitution; in

violation of Title 18, United States Code, Sections 2422(b) and 2;

(4) traveling in interstate commerce for the purpose of engaging in illicit sexual
conduct, as defined in 18 U.S.C. § 2423(8), with minor females; in violation

Page | of 7

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012589
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011238.txt,"kevinbantz You're on your own SSPX FADE BREXIT and buy SVIX 23 Jun 2016, | Lake 0 | neutral
options https://t.co/iWNsAx3IqY 14:38 - CEST | Havasu
City, AZ
GlendaAhor | Buenos dAas!#BritAjnicos deciden su futuro y de la 23 Jun 2016, | Atlanta 1 | positive
a UniA?n Europea referendum #Brexit 14:38 - CEST
https://t.co/zIWOUdFkDW 2800io0e
https://t.co/NNdoGOuAOu
msaunders1 | Britain is too great to vote for Brexit! Check out the 23 Jun 2016, 0 | positive
35 important opinion piece by @Avaaz ED Ricken Patel: 14:38 - CEST
https://t.co/XJW305iFSi
PeopleEngin | Sterling Rises to Record 2016 High During Brexit Vote 23 Jun 2016, 0 | positive
eer https://t.co/GKyP8JKJAI @TIME 14:38 - CEST
https://t.co/SLASIRubg8
moore_patri | RT @BluegillRises: Britain has given the world so much | 23 Jun 2016, 13 | positive
cia and must stand tall #VoteLeave 14:55 - CEST
#Brexit #EUref #IndependenceDay @Nigel_Farage
htta€ |
IMAPictures | RT @IntYogaDay: The Sign Of #Brexit How May Effect | 23 Jun 2016, | Delhi 3 | neutral
UK's BankingSystem, See From This Lined Up In AQue | 14:55-CEST | Mumbai
Today Itself ;) @BharatSolar_ https:a€ | Kolkata
Chennai
fnalcountdO | RT @BlitzQuotidiano: Brexit, gli antiEuropa dicono 23 Jun 2016, | Piddinia 2 | negative
wn voto truccato dai servizi segreti 14:55 - CEST
https://t.co/tNcLx2kvRi
RedDave14 | RT @brian_bilston: Here is an EU Referendum ballot 23 Jun 2016, | iPhone: 0 | negative
paper which | have converted into a poem. 14:55 -CEST | 51.9137
https://t.co/QWTdQGjbEl 42,-
#Brexit #bremain 8.46060
2
Repeal the | RT @exsacerdotal: Dear #Remain with love from 23 Jun 2016, 25 | positive
Act freedom loving people everywhere #Brexit 14:55 - CEST
#VoteLeave https://t.co/t4qoBY7pm3
harshkenz RT @iamsrk: | c this trend in News where leaving of 23 Jun 2016, 3661 | positive
someone or something is headlined as Rexit or 14:55 - CEST
Brexit.So if | leave from sumwhere am la€ |
ShreyaSonu_ | RT @iamsrk: | c this trend in News where leaving of 23 Jun 2016, | Karachi, 3661 | positive
Holic someone or something is headlined as Rexit or 14:55 -CEST | Pakistan
Brexit.So if | leave from sumwhere am la€;
Ashok2038 RT @khjelmgaard: I'm holding out for the 23 Jun 2016, | Nepal 4 | negative
#BunniesAgainstBrexit https://t.co/eqKTSDJMKw 14:55 - CEST
#EUref
rpvega Very interesting #socialmedia sentiment analysis of 23 Jun 2016, | Dubai, 0 | positive
#Brexit #EUreferendum #EUref 14:55 - CEST | UAE
https://t.co/ZvCZpiHRIL
Z24nl LIVE: Brits EUreferendum, wel of geen Brexit: James 23 Jun 2016, | Amsterd 0 | NA
Bond is proEU, Basil Fawlty gaat ... 14:55 -CEST | am,
https://t.co/GuOxxwPn3y https://t.co/hvyFQpyJn2 Netherl
ands
DGTrading1 | Equities pretty quite here ahead of #Brexit ...good 23 Jun 2016, | New 0 | negative
01 riddance, 2am can't come soon enough 14:55-CEST | Jersey

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011238
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013683.txt,"Mentioned briefly above was one of humankind’s beacons, Pythagoras, the
intellectual and spiritual progenitor of Plato. He taught the disciples of the
Pythagorean Brotherhood in Crotona, Italy, that reality at its deepest level was
mathematical thought. Studies there included philosophy, geometry, music and
astronomy, all at the service of achieving closer union with the Divine. Pythagoras
and his school, only his student’s writings remain, was said to be working at unifying
elements of the ancient tribal mystery cults with the observables of worldly events
through meditative, mathematical, philosophical mysticism. Knowledge was gained
through spiritual intuition made harmonious with formal systems of thought. As Plato
later said and as quoted by Thomas Heath in his 1921 History of Greek
Mathematics, about the study of the motion of stars, “...leave the heavens alone...”
because what one sees is only an approximation of the real and more perfect
mathematical structures involving points, lines and circles. To which Newton added
an elongated circle, the ellipse, and Nineteenth and Twentieth Century
mathematicians and physicists, the geometries of positively and negatively curved
space.

It is perhaps not an accident that debates about evidence for the existence
and location of God and where the ideas and structures of mathematics live and
breath generally involves a stand off between those that believe that both are out
there and can be seen, like thoughtful, humanistic actions and caring service for
needful others, versus those that feel the phenomenology of both are projections of
the psychobiologically intuitive Brain God and can be felt like an ecstatic rush of

insightful illumination.

Further Reading for Faith And Rationality

Introduction of Comparative Mysticism. Jacques De Marquette, Philosophical
Library, N.Y. 1949,

183

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013683
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029365.txt,"out his main adversary, freeing him to
focus more intensely on the rest of the
rebels — meaning the ""moderate""
rebels, which the Coalition purports to
train and reinforce in order to take him
down.

Iran also wins and of course Hezbollah -
all members of President Bush's Axis of
Evil. In other words: the Coalition is

doing some of the ""dirty work"" for them.

¢ In my best assessment, the
Turks are right in their position that
there is no point in striking ISIS unless
you also set a goal to take down Assad,
and act to achieve it.
The Turks are right in their call for a
""humanitarian strip"" — 25-30 km into
Syrian territory along the borders, and
declare it a “no fly zone’’, a place for
refugees (there are several million of

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029365
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019816.txt,"328 | Notes to pages 293-299

http://intelligence.house.gov/1-four-declassified-examples-more-50-attacks
-20-countries-thwarted-nsa-collection-under-fisa-section.

290 Grand Central station: Mark Hosenball, “U.S. NSA Internet Spying Foiled Plot
to Attack New York Subways: Sources,” Reuters, June 7, 2013.

290 provided the “critical lead”: Marshall Erwin, “Connecting the Dots,” U.S. Senate
Committee on the Judiciary, Jan. 13, 2014,.

290 “I can tell you”: Rogers quoted in Ed Pilkington and Nicholas Watt, “NSA Sur-
veillance Played Little Role in Foiling Terror Plots, Experts Say,” Guardian, June
12, 2013.

290 The third NSA program: Glenn Greenwald, “XKeyscore: NSA Tool Collects
‘Nearly Everything a User Does on the Internet,” Guardian, July 31, 2013.

291 Further enabling furtive Internet: Appelbaum, “Edward Snowden Interview.”

291 These precise tips: Joseph Menn, “Exclusive: Secret Contract Tied NSA and
Security Industry Pioneer,” Reuters, Dec. 20, 2013.

291 as Greenwald writes: Greenwald, No Place to Hide, 2.

292 “We can’t penetrate”: Rebecca Savransky, “Head Prosecutor of Paris Attacks
Encryption Program,” Hill, March 13, 2016.

293 “Terrorist organizations”: Morell, Great War of Our Time, 294.

293 What further heightened Morell’s concern: Ibid., 315.

293 In addition, evidence: Milan Schreuer and Alissa J. Rubin, “Video Found in Bel-
gium May Point to a Bigger Plot,” New York Times, Feb. 18, 2016.

294 “saw one after another”: Mary Louise Kelly, “NSA: Fallout from Snowden Leaks

Isn’t Over, but Info Is Getting Old,” NPR, March 16, 2016.

294 “Have I lost capability”: Bill Gertz, “NSA Director: Snowden’s Leaks Helped
© Terrorists Avoid Tracking,” Washington Free Beacon, Feb. 24, 2015. ®

EPILOGUE The Snowden Effect

295 “Governments can reduce our dignity”: Edward Snowden, “Governments Can
Reduce Our Dignity to That of Tagged Animals,” Guardian, May 3, 2016.

298 published in The New York Times: David E. Sanger and Thom Shanker, “N.S.A.
Devises Radio Pathway into Computers,” New York Times, Jan. 14, 2014.

298 “Snowden has compromised more”: McConnell interview, King, “Ex-NSA Chief
Details Snowden’s Hiring at Agency, Booz Allen.”

299 a distrustful press: Pilkington and Watt, “NSA Surveillance Played Little Role
in Foiling Terror Plots, Experts Say.” The first “expert” was Michael Dowling, a
Denver-based attorney who acted as Zazi’s defense counsel. He said he had no
access to the undisclosed basis of the government position because Zazi pleaded
guilty in 2011. The second expert was David Davis, a British MP, who was in the
shadow government of the Conservative Party. He resigned from the shadow
government in June 2008, more than a year before the Zazi arrest. In any case,
because the PRISM program was a closely held secret, he would not have had,
and does not claim to have had, access to it.

299 Snowden speaks “truth to power”: Vanden Heuvel and Cohen, “Snowden
Speaks.”

| | Epst_9780451494566_2p_all_r1.indd 328 ® 9/30/16 8:13AM | |

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019816
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018199.txt,"is still years from completing an efficient enrichment infrastructure,
constructing a nuclear arsenal and developing a reliable means of delivery.
By agreeing to a compressed timeline, the U.S. only narrows its options
and makes a solution even more elusive.

As the United States again contemplates its Iran conundrum, it should
eschew calls for a take-it-or-leave-it deal. The history of Iran's
confrontation with the international community suggests that keeping it a
crisis situation benefits the Islamic Republic. Ironically, it is the Western
powers that have generated alarmist conditions. And then to escape the
predicament of their own making, they offer Iran more concessions and
further incentives.

To avoid a repeat of that outcome, it would be prudent to have a sense of
proportionality and appreciate that, in the end, time works best for the
United States and not the economically beleaguered theocracy.

Ray Takeyh is a senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations.

Article 2.

The Guardian

Whether it's North Korea or Iran, sanctions
won't work

Simon Jenkins

13 February 2013 -- Iranian president Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. ""Threats
and sanctions have not weakened the regime’s determination to proceed
[with nuclear weapons], but rather weakened opposition to it’. Photograph:
Sven Hoppe/EPA

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_018199
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015863.txt,"Complexity & Chaos 173

Lorenz went on to study the effect and created a new branch of
mathematics. His quote about the beat of a butterfly wing creating
tornados has entered the public psyche and is central to the plot of
numerous Hollywood movies. One of his functions —- known as the Lorenz
Attractor — nicely illustrates the nature of chaos. A very simple equation
plots the beautiful, apparently three-dimensional, non-repeating shape.

Chaosville

Chaos, taken to its logical conclusion could explain our Universe. Stephen
Wolfram in A New Kind of Science, makes the argument that simple rules
could explain the extraordinary complexity we see in our Universe. He
applies rules to elements in a two-dimensional grid programmed on
the computer which form ‘cellular automaton’ that function a little like
simple animals, generating all manner of complex shapes and behaviors.
The inspiration for this approach is almost certainly Conway’s Game of
Life developed by John Conway in the 1960’s. In his computer game,
animals and machines seem to appear on the screen but in truth they
derive from the most simple set of rules. You can check out the website
to see a live version of Conway’s Game of Life. It’s a lot of fun. Wolfram’s

Strange Attractor

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015863
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031163.txt,"Recent bank stress tests conducted by the EU concluded that only Eur 2.5 billion of capital needs to be raised (70 to 80
billion sounds more reasonable to us). And in the package announced last week, the following Orwellian clause
indicates how European policymakers feel about rating agencies these days:

Point 15. We agree that reliance on external credit ratings in the EU regulatory framework should be
reduced, taking into account the Commission's recent proposals in that direction, and we look forward to the
Commission proposals on credit ratings agencies

In Europe, denial appears to be an essential ingredient to the process (See “Five Stages of Greece”, June 30, 2011). Last
week’s package is a bold step towards Federalization and the worst-case outcomes have been avoided (money
market failures, bank runs, etc), but markets will remain nervous about Europe.

While we’re waiting: large cap growth stocks

One day, the melodramas around US and European sovereign debt will end. While we’re waiting, one of the asset classes
that looks attractive is large cap growth stocks. As shown below (for a universe of 300 U.S. large cap growth stocks that
meet certain earnings quality and stability factors), free cash flow relative to both revenues and stock prices looks
good compared to the last four decades. This is where we believe investors should be adding exposure if they are
underweight versus their desired equity allocations. This is also an asset class where active management can still provide
a lot of value; the dispersion of large cap growth managers is higher than large cap core, large cap value and international
equity manager dispersion.

Q2 earnings season in the US is off to a good start. Nearly 30% of the S&P has reported, and results have generally
been positive. Earnings are beating consensus estimates by almost 4% (7.4% ex-financials), all ten sectors are beating on
revenue targets, and only 7% of companies are reporting below-consensus earnings. Given earnings expectations for
2011 at $98.50, the S&P 500 is trading at a reasonable 13.5x forward multiple. However, y/y earnings growth
expectations appear to be flattening out for both 2011 and 2012 at around 11%-12%. While Q2 earnings are doing well
so far, some company guidance for the remainder of the year has been below consensus, which would be consistent with
the recent batch of reports indicating a slowdown in manufacturing and service sector surveys.

Michael Cembalest
Chief Investment Officer

Notes

[a] Bundesbank President Weidmann, in response to last week’s package: “By transferring significant risks to the
support-giving countries and their taxpayers, the Euro area has taken a large step to socialising risks created by unsound
government finances and macroeconomic problems. This weakens the foundations of the fiscal self-responsibility that
EMU is built on”.

CBO Congressional Budget Office

OMB _ Office of Management and Budget
EFSF European Financial Stability Facility
FICA Federal Insurance Contributions Act
EU European Union

IMF International Monetary Fund

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031163
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028188.txt,"/ BARAK / 54

Chapter Twenty-One

President Clinton and I met the next morning. My aim was to persuade him that
the time had come for a make-or-break summit with Yasir Arafat.

I suspected it would not be easy to convince him, and it wasn’t. But I made the
argument that if we were to have any hope of moving Oslo forward, we now faced
a Stark choice. We were three years behind the timeline for starting work on a
“permanent status” agreement, and only six months from an American election that
would choose President Clinton’s successor. We could, of course, pursue the Oslo
process along its current, meandering path. But even though Bibi had slowed it
down, that would inevitably mean Israel handing back yet more West Bank land to
Arafat — in return for familiar, but still unfulfilled and untested, verbal assurances
that he wanted peace. Each successive Israeli withdrawal reduced his incentive to
engage of the core issues like final borders, refugees, or Jerusalem. I could not in
good conscience justify that, either to myself or my country. The second option
was the summit. I realized there was no guarantee it would succeed. But it would
finally force Arafat to negotiate on the core issues — before the departure of an
American President who had a grasp of the all issues and characters involved, and
a personal commitment to converting the promise of Oslo into a genuine peace.

The obvious political risk, for both Clinton and me, was that after convening a
summit — with all the heightened expectations and pressures it would bring — we’d
fail to get an agreement. Though I’d be more directly affected, however, it was a
more straightforward choice for me. In part because I’d been in front-line politics
so briefly, but mostly because of what I’d done for the three-and-a-half decades
before then, I viewed the political risk as just one of many, and by no means the
most important. That was an obvious weakness in me as a traditional politician. I
would indeed pay a political price later on for having given too little heed, and
perhaps underestimated, the reaction in Israel to the summit and what came after it.
Yet as I tried to impress on President Clinton, there were risks in not holding a
summit as well, along with the obvious reward of a full and final peace if it
succeeded. If it failed? At least we would know a peace agreement with Arafat was
impossible. In fact, amid the diplomatic drift since Oslo, it was clear there was no
other way that we could know.

340

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028188
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031605.txt,"please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

Landon Thomas, Jr.
Financial Reporter
New York Times

http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/t/landon jr thomas/index.

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031605
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021857.txt,"Oo O DN OO FF WwW NY =|

NO RO PO PNP NM NO | S| S| HS SF S| S| S| S| S|
non BP WO NO -|- ODO OO WDN OO OT BP WO NYO —

34

Q. Okay. I want to put then aside Virginia
Roberts.

Had anyone else as of December 30th, 2014,
told you that Professor Dershowitz had abused any minor,
other than Virginia Roberts?

A. No one -- no other -- no other person, no
other person had spoken to me and told me that directly,
no.

Q. And when you say no other person, I'm
including not just any -- any victims of Mr. Epstein,
but anyone else, no one had said to you, I have
knowledge that Alan Dershowitz abused a minor, other
than Virginia Epstein -- Virginia Roberts; is that
correct?

MR. SCAROLA: Let me ask you for
clarification if I could. Are you asking whether
any person made that statement based upon the
direct personal Knowledge of that person? And
the purpose for my clarification is to the extent
information was conveyed to Professor Cassell by
co-counsel, or anyone within the joint
representation or common interest privilege, I'm
not going to permit him to answer that question.
If it's anybody outside that, he clearly can. So

if you're looking for someone with direct

ROUGH DRAFT ONLY

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021857

"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025783.txt,"Economic Research: How Increasing Income Inequality Is Dampening U.S. Economic Growth, And Possible Ways
To Change The Tide

help offset the growing divide in educational opportunities and outcomes, broadening the pathways for our future

leaders, to the benefit of all.

That said, some degree of rebalancing--along with spending in the areas of education, health care, and infrastructure,
for example--could help bring under control an income gap that, at its current level, threatens the stability of an
economy still struggling to recover. This could take the form of reallocating fiscal resources toward those with a
greater propensity to spend, or toward badly needed public resources like roads, ports, and transit. Further, policies
that foster job-rich recoveries may help make growth more sustainable, especially given that rising unemployment
correlates with rising income concentration. Additionally, effective investments in health and education promote

durable growth and equity, strengthening the labor force's capacity to cope with new technologies.

The challenge now is to find a path toward more sustainable growth, an essential part of which, in our view, is pulling
more Americans out of poverty and bolstering the purchasing power of the middle class. A rising tide lifts all

boats...but a lifeboat carrying a few, surrounded by many treading water, risks capsizing.

Writer: Joe Maguire

Glossary Of Relevant Terms

Market income

Based on CBO analysis, market income includes the following components:

co Labor income: cash wages and salaries (including 401(k) plans), employer-paid health insurance premiums, and the
employer's share of Social Security, Medicare, and federal unemployment insurance payroll taxes.

co Business income: net income from businesses and farms operated solely by their owners, partnership income, and
income from S corporations.

co Capital gains: profits realized from the sale of assets. Increases in the value of assets that have not been realized
through sales are not included in market income.

co Capital income (excluding capital gains): taxable and tax-exempt interest, dividends paid by corporations (excluding
S corporations), positive rental income, and corporate income taxes. The CBO assumes that corporate income taxes
are borne by owners of capital in proportion to their income from capital, so the corporate tax is included in
household income before taxes.

co Other income: retirement income for past services and any other sources of income.

Transfer income

Transfer income includes cash payments from Social Security, unemployment insurance, Supplemental Security
Income, Aid to Families with Dependent Children, Temporary Assistance for Needy Families, veterans' benefits,
workers' compensation, and state and local government assistance programs, as well as the value of in-kind benefits,
including food stamps, school lunches and breakfasts, housing assistance, energy assistance, Medicare, Medicaid, and
the Children's Health Insurance Program (health benefits are measured as the fungible value, a Census Bureau

estimate of the value to recipients).

WWW.STANDARDANDPOORS.COM/RATINGSDIRECT AUGUST 5, 2014 21

1351366 | 302136118

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025783
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022917.txt,"smile, was an attentive host, soliciting every guest’s
story and views. (One more thing about this trip: Google
founders, Larry Page and Sergey Brin, with their
company still in its infancy, came out to see the plane on
the Monterey tarmac and, with a few other Googlers,
literally ran whooping from one end of the plane to the
other. Then they described for Epstein, in what I cannot
now remember was a put-on or entrepreneurial
brainstorm, a brand extension in which they would
market a line of Google bras with the Os as convenient
cups. In fact, the name Google, they said, was invented
out of the belief that men would focus on a word with
two Os in it.)

Not long after this trip, Epstein’s assistant called to
invite me for tea at his house in New York, where
Epstein, with what seemed to me little understanding of
the subject, began to ask me about media—the upside,
downside, and nature of media coverage. (Epstein’s
flirtation with the media would result in his backing an
unsuccessful effort, of which I was a part, to buy New
York Magazine in 2004, and then later, with Mort
Zuckerman, backing the launch of Radar magazine.)

New York magazine was then soliciting him for a
profile, as was Vanity Fair, who had assigned the British
journalist, Vicki Ward, to the job. Both profiles—New
York’s by Landon Thomas—pivot on the Clinton
connection and detail the same quandary, how a man
without clear institutional bona fides nevertheless
achieved such wealth and influence. Epstein, sensing

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022917
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012043.txt,"Phil Hirschkorn contributed to this report.

Copyright © 2016, Los Angeles Times<http://www.latimes.com/>

Frank Pizzurro
Public Relations Senior Manager

LATHAM & WATKINS LLP

355 South Grand Avenue | Los _— CA 90071-1560

This email may contain material that is confidential, privileged and/or attorney work product for the sole use of
the intended recipient. Any review, reliance or distribution by others or forwarding without express
permission is strictly prohibited. If you are not the intended recipient, please contact the sender and delete all

copies.

Latham & Watkins LLP

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_012043
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020591.txt,"132

Technology and Research

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020591
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030152.txt,"From: Daniel Sicd

Sent: 7/24/2010 1:32:05 PM
To: Jeffrey Epstein [jeevacation@gmail.com]
Subject: Re:

the other girl name is Anastasia kuznetsova

On Sat, Jul 24, 2010 at 2:28 PM, Daniel Siad > wrote:

Can you call me

I am with tigrane he would like to meet you he is here with me in Ibiza with 8 top girls he said he would like to
build some thing with you

can you come to Ibiza we have a huge house or how can we orgnise this meeting even Jean Luc could doo a
great biz also

he has the most amizing top models on stand by I told him not to do any deals with anybody before he meet
with you .

he stoped working with IMG and Trump wi here please call me and let me know what is your plans
Pe

warmest regards

Daniel

On Fri, Jul 23, 2010 at 2:38 PM, Jeffrey Epstein <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:
what is your schedule?

De eee ee ee ee ee ee ee ee ee ee a

The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for

Confidentiality Notice: The information contained in this electronic message is PRIVILEGED and confidential
information intended only for the use of the individual entity or entities named as recipient or recipients. If the
reader is not the intended recipient, be hereby notified that any dissemination, distribution or copy of this
communication is strictly prohibited. If you have received this communication in error, please notify me
immediately by electronic mail or by telephone and permanently delete this message from your computer
system. Thank you.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030152
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029403.txt,"Reply-To: HMS-in the News <HMS_ In The News@HMS.HARVARD.EDU>

jy HARVARD In the News

COMMUNICATIONS AND EXTERNAL RELATIONS

WEDNESDAY, MARCH 22, 2017

Flexibility on ‘essential benefits’ will increase cost of insurance for pregnancy, addiction and mental
illness

STAT

Richard Frank (HMS) co-authored this opinion piece arguing that the Republican health care bill could drive up
the cost of coverage for pregnancy care, newborn care, and mental illness and addictive disorders treatment.

Deepak Chopra speculates about Trump’s brain
USA Today

A noted alternative medicine advocate is the latest medical professional to speculate about President Trump’s
mental health. Rebecca Brendel (HMS/Mass General) discusses the so-called Goldwater rule of the American
Psychiatric Association that discourages physicians from expressing public opinions about people whom they
are not treating.

Can my doctor out me to my parents?
U.S. News & World Report

The article discusses the confidentiality, legal and ethical conundrums faced by LGBTQ minors and the
pediatricians who treat them when it comes to disclosing certain medical information to parents and guardians.
Alex Keuroghlian (HMS/Mass General) is mentioned.

The $10 million quest to build a home health device inspired by ‘Star Trek’
The Washington Post

Then there were two. A global competition to stimulate the innovation and integration of precision diagnostic
technologies that will allow consumers to make their own medical diagnoses has been narrowed from 312 to
two teams. Chung-Kang Peng (HMS/Beth Israel Deaconess) is the leader of one of the finalist teams. The
winner will be announced in April.

Harvard Medical School News Clips are not intended to provide an exhaustive review of all news sources.
If you have any questions about our news clips, or would like to suggest an article for inclusion, please contact HMS_ News _Clips@hmsharvard.edu.

To unsubscribe to this mailing list, send an e-mail to HMSNEWS QUAD FAC STAFF-unsubscribe-
request@listserv.med.harvard.edu with ""Unsubscribe"" as the subject.

Way HARVARD In the News

COMMUNICATIONS AND EXTERNAL RELATIONS

Dr. Rudolph E. Tanzi
Joseph. P. and Rose F. Kennedy Professor of Neurology

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029403
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022386.txt,"Tax

Trump additionally proposed capping itemized deductions
at $100,000 for single filers and $200,000 for married
filers and highlighted the benefits of his proposals for
working Americans and the middle class. “By lowering
rates, streamlining deductions, and simplifying the
process, we will add millions and millions of new jobs. In
addition, because we have strongly capped deductions for
the wealthy, and closed special interest loopholes, the tax
relief will be concentrated on the working and middle
class taxpayer..,” he said. “This is a working and middle-
class tax relief proposal.” A campaign fact sheet
proclaimsthat Trump’s economic proposals would add 25
million jobs over a decade, which equates to 200,000 new
jobs per month.

The motivating factors for tax reform will remainthe
same as they were in the current Congress, but unified
government should make enacting tax reform much
easier. The statutory corporate incometax rate is seen as
too high and the international tax system compels profit
shifting to low-tax jurisdictions and erodes the US tax
base. That phenomenon escalated this year with the
European Commission’s latest state aid decision, which
was seen as demonstrating a tension between the US and
Europe over who should tax the foreign income of US
multinationals.

The passage of the EU’s harmful tax competition directive
willlead to enactment in all EU countries of a variety of
measures that could increase taxes on US companies
operating in Europe, while implementation of innovation
box regimes in many countries, following the OECD BEPS
project outline, will make it more attractivefor US
companies to move intellectual property and exploit that
IP into those jurisdictions. The Administration took
significant steps this year to try to prevent further
erosion of the US tax base through regulatory action to
deter inversions and earnings stripping, but all involved
said these were Band-Aid approaches that were no
substitute for US tax reform.

Design issues —international tax reform. As has been the
case for the last few years, there is broad agreement on
the design elements of businesstax reform, and more
specifically, international tax reform, but the devil is in
the details. For example, the House Republican Blueprint
ontax reform calls for a 8.75%tax rate on previously
untaxed accumulated foreign earnings held in cash or
cash equivalents, and a 3.5%tax rate on all other
accumulated earnings, with tax liability payable over an
eight-year period.

This is the same tax treatment of accumulated foreign
earnings called for under former Ways and Means
Committee Chairman Dave Camp’s (R-MI) Tax Reform Act
of 2014.

But in a departure from the Camp bill, the Blueprint also
callsfor a move to a destination-basis tax system, under
which border adjustments exempt exports from tax while
taxing imports, making the tax jurisdiction the location of
consumption rather than production. Exempting exports
from US tax and taxing imports regardless of where they
are produced will eliminate incentives for US businesses
to move or locate operations outside of the United States
under a territorial tax system, according to the Blueprint.
By relieving exports from US tax while imposing US tax on
imports, the Blueprint would eliminate the need for any
new exemption or territorialtax system to be
accompanied by a minimum tax or any other more
conventional anti-base erosion measure, thereby
sidestepping one of the more intractable and divisive
debates among the business community over the past
several years of tax reform discussions.

Developing a workable border adjustability mechanism
that is not actually a component of a value-added tax
presents some significant policy and technical hurdles.

US companiesthat are net exporters could end upina
perpetual tax loss position, and handing out refunds to
some of the largest US companies may not work froma
political standpoint, particularly as the domestic income
of US companies (including the suppliers for exporting
companies) is subject to tax. How to apply the border
adjustability concept to cross-border flows of capital, or
whether to exempt financial transactions must also be
considered.

While moving to a form of exemption system has some
level of bipartisan support, more liberal Democrats will
insist on a more pure worldwide system that includes
repeal of deferral. Senate Finance Committee Ranking
Member Wyden (intermittently) and Senator Warren
(consistently) have both backed the latter approach, and
Speaker Ryan noted the differing viewpoints in
September given that Democrats increasingly call for a
worldwide system and repeal of deferral.

EY 14

| Election 2016

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022386
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010654.txt,"OGE Form 278e (March 2014)
Instructions for Part 6
Note: This is a public form. Do not include account numbers, street addresses, or family member names. See instructions for required information.

Page Number
Donald J. Trump 38 of 51

Part 6: Other Assets and Income
Income Type

=

> > > Ss
©
wm
°
=
b=]
=
is}
i}

>

+
—=--
falal=|s|sl=lslele|[~[o|*

Information being reported is as of April 15, 2017.

2

[8 | 8 |

0
22
23

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010654
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025973.txt,"The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of

JEE

Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025973
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026833.txt,"If you would like copies of our other Alerts, please visit our website at www.sglawyers.com and choose
""Library"".

The information contained herein was prepared by Sadis & Goldberg LLP for general informational
purposes for clients and friends of Sadis & Goldberg LLP. Its contents should not be construed as legal
advice, and readers should not act upon the information in this Tax Alert without consulting counsel. This
information is presented without any representation or warranty as to its accuracy, completeness or
timeliness. Transmission or receipt of this information does not create an attorney-client relationship with
Sadis & Goldberg LLP. Electronic mail or other communications with Sadis & Goldberg LLP cannot be
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HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026833
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024396.txt,"THE

CONTROL
PAC DOR

Our Struggle to See the True Threat

LE |

BILL SIEGEL

FrontPage Interview’s guest today is Bill Siegel, a lawyer and business
executive. He has been a producer of several documentary films and assists numerous non-profit organizations.
He is the author of The Control Factor: Our Struggle to See the True Threat.

FP: Bill Siegel, welcome to FrontPage Interview.
Congratulations on this brilliant book. It is without question one of the most vital works of our time.
Let’s begin with what inspired you to write it.

Siegel: Thanks for having me Jamie. As a young boy born in the mid 1950s, I was fascinated with footage of
Hitler and the Third Reich and could never understand how the Jews of the time could not see the evil that
seemed so obvious. Not yet appreciative of the benefit of hindsight, I could not comprehend the blindness.
Following 9/11, like so many others, I began to study Islam, its history, its current movements, terrorism and
so on. As I would learn one stunning aspect after another, I would discuss them with friends and associates.
Rather than confront the facts I would present, they would find one clever way after another to avoid the
frightening truth of what America and the West truly face. Their fear appeared obvious to me. I began to
catalog many of my friends’ different maneuvers to dispel the anxiety that they found so difficult to endure.
The more I focused on their mental processes (as well as my own) the more I began to see a structure to the
mental endeavor and to understand what I had, as a child, found so difficult to explain.

FP: Tell us about the Control Factor, what you describe as “that effort our minds enga ge in in order to keep us
blind” and that “process of a voiding seeing the threats we face.” It’s also about, as you state, trying to believe

that the threat is under our control, when in fact it is not. Kindly enlighten us as to these profound insights you

make in terms of the Control Factor.

Siegel: First, let’s distinguish the ”real world” where real battles are taking place from the mental battlefield
which occurs in each of our minds. We tend to believe our perceptions are simply clear realizations of what is
“out there” and overlook how much our internal worlds can literally determine what we see. When our internal
minds become anxious and sense a loss of “control,” they tend to concoct ways to distort our perceptions so as
to restore that sense of inner control. I describe the Control Factor as an “active and continuous process”
designed to maintain that sense, if not illusion, of control. We natural ly think that our thinking and feeling
processes are passive; that they just happen. Yet when faced with truly frightening prospects, the mind is
geared to actively distort.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024396
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016822.txt,"But Wiener failed to foresee crucial technological developments. Like pretty
much all technologists of the 1950s, he failed to predict the computer revolution.
Computers, he thought, would eventually fall in price from hundreds of thousands of
(1950s) dollars to tens of thousands; neither he nor his compeers anticipated the
tremendous explosion of computer power that would follow the development of the
transistor and the integrated circuit. Finally, because of his emphasis on control, Wiener
could not foresee a technological world in which innovation and self-organization bubble
up from the bottom rather than being imposed from the top.

Focusing on the evils of totalitarianism (political, scientific, and religious),
Wiener saw the world in a deeply pessimistic light. His book warned of the catastrophe
that awaited us if we didn’t mend our ways, fast. The current world of human beings and
machines, more than a half century after its publication, is much more complex, richer,
and contains a much wider variety of political, social, and scientific systems than he was
able to envisage. The warnings of what will happen if we get it wrong, however—for
example, control of the entire Internet by a global totalitarian regime—remain as relevant
and pressing today as they were in 1950.

What Wiener Got Right

Wiener’s most famous mathematical works focused on problems of signal analysis and
the effects of noise. During World War II, he developed techniques for aiming anti-
aircraft fire by making models that could predict the future trajectory of an airplane by
extrapolating from its past behavior. In Cybernetics and in The Human Use of Human
Beings, Wiener notes that this past behavior includes quirks and habits of the human
pilot, thus a mechanized device can predict the behavior of humans. Like Alan Turing,
whose Turing Test suggested that computing machines could give responses to questions
which were indistinguishable from human responses, Wiener was fascinated by the
notion of capturing human behavior by mathematical description. In the 1940s, he
applied his knowledge of control and feedback loops to neuro-muscular feedback in
living systems, and was responsible for bringing Warren McCulloch and Walter Pitts to
MIT, where they did their pioneering work on artificial neural networks.

Wiener’s central insight was that the world should be understood in terms of
information. Complex systems, such as organisms, brains, and human societies, consist
of interlocking feedback loops in which signals exchanged between subsystems result in
complex but stable behavior. When feedback loops break down, the system goes
unstable. He constructed a compelling picture of how complex biological systems
function, a picture that is by and large universally accepted today.

Wiener’s vision of information as the central quantity in governing the behavior
of complex systems was remarkable at the time. Nowadays, when cars and refrigerators
are jammed with microprocessors and much of human society revolves around computers
and cell phones connected by the Internet, it seems prosaic to emphasize the centrality of
information, computation, and communication. In Wiener’s time, however, the first
digital computers had only just come into existence, and the Internet was not even a
twinkle in the technologist’s eye.

Wiener’s powerful conception of not just engineered complex systems but all
complex systems as revolving around cycles of signals and computation led to
tremendous contributions to the development of complex human-made systems. The

19

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016822
"
IMAGES-012-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033282.txt,"From: ee

Sent: 8/24/2015 11:32:13 AM
To: jeevacation@gmail.com
Subject: Re: (no subject)

Importance: — High

Trump no chance of president but upending Bushes chance

In a message dated 8/24/2015 7:16:48 A.M. Eastern Daylight Time, jeevacation@gmail.com writes:

trump.,is scaring the market not china

On Mon, Aug 24, 2015 at 5:49 AM, <> wrote:

jeffrey Hi what is the final outcome of this devaluation race is it a breton woods collapsapse and does it take the markets

with it thanks Jonathan

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033282
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011562.txt,"were still Egyptian soldiers around us, though I doubt any of us expected
trouble. Still, there were well-established rules for setting up a defensible
position when an armored force halts for the night. As Eitan briefed his officers,
I stood a few feet off to the side and listened. Suddenly, the commander of his
AMX company interrupted. “Sir,” he said, ‘““why are we staying here — right on
the main road? There are Egyptians still out there. Behind us, for sure. And any
force ahead of us will run straight into us. Why not a few hundred yards off to
the side, in a place that gives us a view of any enemy movement, or allows us to
ambush an approaching force?” I could see that he was right. I expected Eitan to
agree and alter the arrangements. But he didn’t. I think that, having ordered his
men to encamp on the road 20 minutes earlier, he was reluctant to get his tanks
and halftracks moving again. No doubt, some of the exhausted crews were
already asleep.

I parked our Jeep a few yards off the road. We organized a series of watches:
Avraham, then Rafi and Danny, with me taking the pre-dawn stretch. A few
hours later, Rafi nudged me awake. “I heard something,” he said, pointing west
toward the Suez Canal. “It was faint. But I think so.” I told him to keep
listening. For a while, everything seemed fine. Then, Danny woke me up. He
said he was sure he heard a faint tremor, as if from tanks or APCs. I put my ear
to the ground. I heard it too. I told him to go to Eitan’s command halftrack,
insist he be woken up, and tell him. When he got back, Danny said: “I told
him.”

“And?”

“Don’t know,” he replied. “He said I could go.” I tried to grab a bit more
sleep before my watch. But barely 15 minutes later, Danny jostled me awake
again. “I’m sure now,” he said. “Whatever it is, it’s closer.” I went off to find
Eitan. But before I got there, a column of Egyptian T-55 tanks suddenly
appeared on the road, 50 yards from the front of our column. I’m sure they were
every bit as surprised as we were to be face-to-face with enemy armor. But they
knew what to do. They opened fire.

Had we been deployed a few hundred yards off the road, we’d have seen
them coming. If the battalion commander had acted on Danny’s warning, we’d
have had an extra 20 minutes to prepare. But the shells jolted our crews awake.
Within 30 seconds, they were returning fire. But our tanks barely dented the
heavily armored T- 55s. Nearly every one of theirs seemed to score a direct hit.
Within minutes, a number of our halftracks, and one of our tanks, were in
flames.

91
HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011562
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028735.txt,"released from the US straitjacket and is free to resume its position as a
regional power.

There are plenty of reasons, however, to dismiss the visit as just show. Mr
Ahmadinejad is a lame duck, banned by the constitution from running for
a third term in the June elections. As Iran moves into a period of war
economy under the pressure of sanctions designed to curb its nuclear
programme, Mr Ahmadinejad is engaged in a furious struggle to ensure
that his rival, the parliamentary speaker, Ali Larijani, does not succeed
him. The corruption allegations levelled by Mr Ahmadinejad against the
Larijani family are deeply damaging to the Iranian regime.

Mr Morsi, meanwhile, has little to show Egyptians that he has improved
their lot. Cairo is the scene of near-constant street battles and the economy
is tanking. Egypt's currency reserves have just sunk to $13.6 billion (Dh50
billion), below the critical level needed to cover three months of imports.
The country is staring bankruptcy in the face, but cannot access
emergency funds from the International Monetary Fund without
implementing unpopular reforms that would further raise social tensions.

Both leaders need to show that they have ""friends"" abroad. The reality is a
little different. Egypt and Iran appear to be divided by the Syria conflict,
which is symptomatic of the wider split between the Sunni Muslim
powers, led by Saudi Arabia, and Iran's faltering ""axis of resistance"" that,
with Syria in play and Hamas having defected, now looks increasingly like
a Shia Muslim axis.

If we look more closely, then the story of Egypt resuming its role as a
regional power looks premature. At this stage, Egypt is trying to find some
space to manoeuvre between Saudi Arabia and Iran. Given that Saudi
Arabia has the money that Egypt needs, and Washington has a lock on the
actions of the IMF, that space is limited.

But what does Washington think? Not very much at the moment. With
President Barack Obama's second term team still being assembled, it is not
surprising that there is something of a vacuum in Middle East policy. But
the issue 1s deeper than that. The Obama administration has declared it

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028735
"
TEXT-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032554.txt,"From: Robert Lawrence Kuhn 
Sent: 7/22/2017 5:25:55 PM 
To: jeffrey E. [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Subject: Kuhn 
Importance: High 
Disappointed to miss in NY - I'm here until August —11 if your schedule changes. 
Timing for Breakthrough series? Appreciate for planning purposes. 
Latest China - 
Q&A on US-China, China risks - http://www.atimes.com/article/us-china-talks-no-trade-war-xi-trump-
bromance-cools/  
Beijing Meeting - http://www.scio gov. cn/3 26 1 8/D o cument/ 1 5 5 8546/155 8 5 46 . htm 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 032554 
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019180.txt,"James PATTERSON

nt thing, okay? Now, you came
The question we have for you
ting with us and try

you, that is—it’s a significa
in, you cooperated with us.

now is, do you want to continue coopera

and help us make a case against Jeff?
DOBBS: I don’t think that’s really going to help me in the long
run, though. I've already admitted to a second-degree felony,

right?
FRICK: Yeah, you have.
DOBBS: Okay, so there you go.
trouble? It’s not going to keep me out 0

What's going to keep me out of
f trouble. I’ve already

admitted committing a crime.

FRICK: I’m not going to argue with that....

DOBBS: So basically I just fucked myself. I can go two ways. I
can agree not to cooperate, which is going to put me at—
well—now you can use the second-degree felony against me.

Or you can help and work with it and maybe get myself some

slack...
ERICK: We're still talkin’ here. What would the odds be of you
contacting Jeff at this point? Have you had any contact with

him at all?
DOBBS: I have not had any contact —

FRICK: How about with—
DOBBS: No, none of ’em. None of’em..

four or five months ago, and I told my parents. Loo

to you I’m not anywhere—like, no co
all. That’s why I pretty much got my nu

ny communication with him. It stopped.

not made a
FRICK: Okay. Well, 1 mean, that’s good. Tha

stopped. ...

_.Lhad a phone call about F
k, lswear —

nnection with him at 4
mber changed. I have —

t's good that you =

This is what we'd
some of your ex:

pice | pet

Now, the questior
working for Jeff, i:
q to Jeff? Or can wi

you make a call a:
a know, these guys
‘a everything?” Our
right?

F om ’ RECAREY: With your

FRICK: Let me, let

E q 4 thing, okay? Then

i leading to the de
fe. second-degree felc
: demeanot.... First
4 not going to take y
DOBBS: Not today.

__ FRICK: Well, you're—
. ate and if we can—
not—that’s not uy
would do is if we
meanor, we'd give
in, you know.”
_RECAREY: You sign it
-FRICK: That’s our pr
4 forthright with us,
RECAREY: Very truth:

4 al with it, or do’

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019180
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032324.txt,"US Election Report

From 1st of Nov till now, we have captured around 3 million tweets.

Here is the performance of candidates:

1. Donald Trump
2. Hillary Clinton

Winning chances

Positive — 19.29%
Positive — 20.44%

Clinton: 45% — Trump: 55%

Winning chances in US States

New York
California
Texas

North Carolina
Florida
Washington
Ohio

New Jersey
Michigan
Pennsylvania
lowa
Wisconsin

Nevada

Trump 39% - Clinton 61%
Trump 37% - Clinton 63%
Trump 80% - Clinton 20%
Trump 54% - Clinton 46%
Trump 52% - Clinton 48%
Trump 31% - Clinton 69%
Trump 62% - Clinton 38%
Trump 19% - Clinton 81%
Trump 37% - Clinton 63%
Trump 51% - Clinton 49%
Trump 67% - Clinton 33%
Trump 18% - Clinton 82%

Trump 39% - Clinton 61%

Neutral — 35.03%
Neutral — 20.79%

Negative — 45.68%
Negative — 58.77%

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032324
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032442.txt,"The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of

JEE

Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032442
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021790.txt,"From: Jeffrey Epstein [jeevacation@gmail.com] 
Sent: 2/26/2010 6:37:49 PM 
To: Robert D. Critton Jr. ; Jessica Cadwell________________________________ 
Subject: Fwd: Fw: Epstein -- I apologize if you have received this but it keeps coming back to me as undeliverable 
----------Forwarded message---------- 
From: Jeffrey Epstein <jeevacation@gmail.com> 
Date: Fri, Feb 26, 2010 at 9:59 AM 
Subject: Fwd: Fw: Epstein -- I apologize if you have received this but it keeps coming back to me as 
undeliverable 
To: ""Alan M. Dershowitz"" Martin Weinberg 
Forwarded message 
From:____________________________________ 
Date: Wed, Feb 24, 2010 at 5:58 AM 
Subject: Fw: Epstein -- I apologize if you have received this but it keeps coming back to me as undeliverable 
To: jeevacation@gmail.com  
Forwarded by Public Records/PalmBeach on 02/24/2010 05:58AM 
To: 
From: Michael Reiter/PalmBeach 
Date: 07/10/2008 02:36PM 
Subject: Epstein -- I apologize if you have received this but it keeps coming back to me as undeliverable 
Margie, 
IT As you know, nothing too big or too small for us, especially in the summer IT Hmmmmm. I have to be 
direct -- you or someone at your paper was very astute in checking the Clerk and Comptroller's computer 
and activity in the Epstein case two days before the hearing. As result, you sent me a text message on 
Saturday asking what the activity was about and I confirmed that the plea would take place. You were 
the only member of the news media that I talked with. And yet, after the case is completely over, the 
Palm Beach Daily News' editorial staff remains silent on the topic. 
Thanks, 
Mike 
Palm Beach Post Editorial 
Monday, July 07, 2008 
Two years after a grand jury indicted him on a felony charge of solicitation of prostitution, Jeffrey Epstein 
finally admitted that he lured a teenage girl to his $8.5 million, 13,000-square-foot Palm Beach mansion for 
sex. A week ago, the 55-year-old investment banker began serving 18 months in jail. 
But that plea deal - guilty of felony solicitation of prostitution and procuring a person under the age of 18 for 
prostitution - does not account for all five of the girls, one as young as 14, who alleged that Epstein sexually 
abused them. And why is Epstein serving his term in the overcrowded Palm Beach County Jail and not a state 
prison, where inmates are sent if their sentences are longer than one year? 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 021790 
The slow, dissatisfying resolution of the case sends a message to the public that there's a different system of 
justice for the wealthy who hire high-powered lawyers. Epstein's legal team included West Palm Beach defense 
attorney Jack Goldberger, Harvard Law School Professor Alan Dershowitz, who defended O.J. Simpson 
against murder charges, and Kenneth Starr, the prosecutor who pursued then-President Bill Clinton for lying 
about sex with young women. 
Palm Beach police spent 11 months investigating Epstein before State Attorney Barry Krischer sent the case to 
a grand jury, instead of charging Epstein so the man who once boasted of accepting only billionaire clients 
could face a trial. The police had taken a high school transcript, class schedules and phone messages from 
Epstein's home that showed he knew the girls were underage. Yet Mr. Krischer was more swayed by Epstein's 
lawyers, who attempted to impugn the girls' character by showing they had chatted on myspace.com about 
smoking marijuana and drinking. He should have let a jury decide whether the victims - and Epstein - were 
credible. 
Ultimately, one charge against Epstein finally reflected the age of one victim, and the plea agreement left 
Epstein labeled a sex offender. With that additional charge, if Epstein had been convicted at a trial, he could 
have been sentenced to anything from probation to 15 years in prison, Assistant State Attorney Lanna 
Belohlavek said, adding that the recommended guideline sentence was 21 months. 
Epstein also won't have to certify to the court that he is receiving counseling, typically required of sex 
offenders, because he has a private psychiatrist. But without court supervision, who will ensure Epstein is in 
fact being treated? 
The plea deal also drops a federal investigation of Epstein. If a federal investigation was warranted, how does 
dropping it before completion benefit the public? 
Epstein preyed on girls and denied it. For three years, his wealth and the influence of his lawyers bought him 
the protection the state attorney owed to the victims. 
Police chief's reputation helps discredit attacks 
By Larry Keller  
Palm Beach Post Staff Writer 
Monday, August 14, 2006 
In the case of Palm Beach financier Jeffrey Epstein, it seems, at times, as if two men are accused of 
wrongdoing: Epstein and Palm Beach Police Chief Michael Reiter. 
Epstein, 53, was indicted last month on a charge of felony solicitation of prostitution solely because of Reiter's 
""craziness,"" one of Epstein's lawyers said. His department disseminated ""a distorted view of the case"" and 
behaved in a ""childish"" manner when the grand jury didn't indict Epstein on the charges it sought, another 
Epstein lawyer complained. To hear the Epstein camp tell it, Reiter, 48, is a loose cannon better suited to be the 
sheriff of Mayberry. They whisper that he's embroiled in a messy divorce. 
Reiter did in fact file for divorce from his wife, Jill, last year, after 24 years of marriage. They have a son, 18, 
and a daughter, 14. The couple is scheduled to go to mediation next week, Aug. 16. Nothing in the court file 
suggests their split is particularly ugly. 
Reiter incurred the wrath of the Epstein camp as well as the state attorney's office for two reasons. First, he 
pressed for Epstein to be charged with the more serious crimes of sexual activity with minors. Second, he 
slammed State Attorney Barry Krischer in blunt language seldom used by one law-enforcement official 
concerning another because of what he perceived as that office's mishandling of the case. 
In a letter to Krischer written May 1, Reiter called his actions in the Epstein case ""highly unusual."" He added, 
""I must urge you to... consider if good and sufficient reason exists to require your disqualification from the 
prosecution of these cases."" 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 021791 
In short, Reiter told the county's top prosecutor for the past 13 years that he ought to get off the case. ""It looks 
like a departure from professionalism,"" Miami-Dade State Attorney Katherine Fernandez Rundle said of 
Reiter's letter. 
Following Epstein's indictment, Reiter referred the case to the FBI to determine whether the super-rich, super-
connected defendant had violated any federal laws. 
Reiter won't discuss the case or the broadsides aimed at him. But others almost uniformly use one word to 
describe the chief: professional. 
""I have always been impressed by Mike's professionalism and his leadership,"" said Rick Lincoln, chief of the 
Lantana Police Department and a Palm Beach County cop for 32 years. 
""The town of Palm Beach has a very professional police department. We all consider Mike to be our peer and a 
man of integrity."" 
Juno Beach Police Chief H.C. Clark II agreed. Although he doesn't know Reiter well, he has met with him on 
countywide law enforcement issues. ""I've never seen him lose his cool. I've never seen anything but a 
professional demeanor from him."" 
Reiter joined the Palm Beach Police Department in 1981, leaving a $20,000-a-year patrol job at the University 
of Pittsburgh. His personnel jacket shows consistently excellent job evaluations. 
Posh Palm Beach is no hotbed of crime, and in his first year on the job, a resident confined to his home with a 
sick child thanked Reiter for delivering a few Cokes to the house. Reiter refused payment for the beverages. 
Another resident thanked Reiter for shutting off his car's headlights in his driveway, saying a valet must have 
been at fault. 
Reiter worked everything from road patrol to organized crime, vice and narcotics. And he's no novice at 
investigations involving the island's rich and famous. He was the lead detective probing the drug overdose 
death of David Kennedy in 1984. He also was one of the officers who worked the investigation of William 
Kennedy Smith, who was charged in 1991 — and later acquitted — with raping a woman at the Kennedy 
family compound in Palm Beach. 
Reiter, who has a master's degree in human resource development from Palm Beach Atlantic University, also 
has attended the FBI National Academy in Quantico, Va., and management courses at Harvard. He's been 
active in countywide interagency law enforcement organizations and has a ""top secret"" national security 
clearance. 
""He has a perspective that's broader than just addressing the needs of the town,"" said Town Manager Peter 
Elwell, who promoted Reiter from assistant chief to chief in March 2001. Reiter makes more than $144,000 as 
the town's top cop. Elwell thinks he's worth it. 
""He's very businesslike, very straightforward. He's not easily agitated or flamboyant. He's about the work,"" 
Elwell said. ""I think that his service as chief has been outstanding in five-plus years."" 
--
*********************************************************** 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
Jeffrey Epstein 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 021792 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. 
--
*********************************************************** 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
Jeffrey Epstein 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 021793 
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013873.txt,"I DECIDE to test the next logical relationship: my marriage. These arguments with my wife are killing
me—partly because Julie is a much better debater than I am. Maybe Asha can do better:

Hello Asha,

My wife got annoyed at me because I forgot to get cash at the automatic bank machine ... I wonder
if you could tell her that I love her, but gently remind her that she too forgets things—she has lost her
wallet twice in the last month. And she forgot to buy nail clippers for Jasper.

AJ

I can’t tell you what a thrill I got from sending that note. It’s pretty hard to get much more passive-
aggressive than bickering with your wife via an e-mail from a subcontinent halfway around the world.

The next morning, Asha CC’d me on the e-mail she sent to Julie.

Julie,

Do understand your anger that I forgot to pick up the cash at the automatic machine. I have been
forgetful and I am sorry about that.

But I guess that doesn’t change the fact that I love you so much....

Love
AJ

P.S. This is Asha mailing on behalf of Mr. Jacobs.

As if that weren’t enough, she also sent Julie an e-card. I click on it: two teddy bears embracing, with
the words, “Anytime you need a hug, I’ve got one for you.... I’m sorry.”

Damn! My outsourcers are too friggin’ nice! They kept the apology part but took out my little jabs.
They are trying to save me from myself. They are superegoing my id. I feel castrated.

Julie, on the other hand, seems quite pleased: “That’s nice, sweetie. I forgive you.”

DESPITE THREE weeks with my support team, I’m still stressed. Perhaps it’s the fault of Chicken
Dance Elmo, whom my son loves to the point of dry humping, but who is driving me slowly insane.
Whatever the reason, I figure it’s time to conquer another frontier: outsourcing my inner life.

First, I try to delegate my therapy. My plan is to give Asha a list of my neuroses and a childhood
anecdote or two, have her talk to my shrink for 50 minutes, then relay the advice. Smart, right? My
shrink refused. Ethics or something. Fine. Instead, I have Asha send me a meticulously researched memo
on stress relief. It had a nice Indian flavor to it, with a couple of yogic postures and some visualization.

This was okay, but it didn’t seem quite enough. I decided I needed to outsource my worry. For the last
few weeks [I’ve been tearing my hair out because a business deal is taking far too long to close. I asked
Honey if she would be interested in tearing her hair out in my stead. Just for a few minutes a day. She
thought it was a wonderful idea. “I will worry about this every day,” she wrote. “Do not worry.”

The outsourcing of my neuroses was one of the most successful experiments of the month. Every time
I started to ruminate, ’'d remind myself that Honey was already on the case, and I’d relax. No joke—this
alone was worth it.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013873
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011204.txt,"riteshzeene | LIVE Leave or Remain: UK votes in EU referendum 23 Jun 2016, | New O | negative
WS https://t.co/NAGMW1H7DM https://t.co/IXIOPI82Fg 07:47 - CEST | Delhi
the_AndyG | | ain't even British, yet I'm nervous/excited to see the | 23 Jun 2016, | Chicago O | negative
result of the Brexit vote. HUGE vote 07:47 - CEST
BitcoinMad | Bitcoin Trades Like Gold as Investors Seek Brexit 23 Jun 2016, | London O | neutral
Hedges: Chart https://t.co/oPig7UPVfs #bitcoin 07:47 - CEST
#crypto #news
samiashahb | RT @iamsrk: | c this trend in News where leaving of 23 Jun 2016, 3189 | positive
az04 someone or something is headlined as Rexit or 07:47 - CEST
Brexit.So if | leave from sumwhere am la€;
McShaffy The whole brexit things was born by hates and racist 23 Jun 2016, | In and 0 | negative
British people! 08:04 - CEST | around
the
world
nasosgrigo | RT @INTHENOWRT: #BREXIT and Donald Trump are 23 Jun 2016, | 1Yl€iél... 99 | neutral
actually the same thing 08:04 - CEST | Pi+iiel,
feist""
via @ANOWRT TitTef+..
https://t.co/rpIsPRJkKnE
CamilleDbm | RT @Slatefr: A«RemainA»A ou A«LeaveA», |'Europe va | 23 Jun 2016, 3 | neutral
devoir se bouger https://t.co/SbpSOvAoH9 08:04 - CEST
RealDonJoh | RT @LimaCharlieNews: It's #Brexit time. 23 Jun 2016, | Jersey 5 | positive
nston #ChooseWisely 08:04 - CEST | City, NJ
Laughs courtesy of #JohnOliver @LastWeekTonight
https://t.co/iejerlECtY
MauriceMe_ | Inwoners zullen verdeeld zijn, ongeacht de uitslag. 23 Jun 2016, | Roelofar 0 | negative
er 08:04 - CEST | endsvee
To brexit or not to brexit: wat je moet weten /via n
@NOS hittps://t.co/yhECtKcd5o0
Jesucri7665 | RT @IndigndeVerdad: #Tips 23 Jun 2016, 1 | positive
7946 Remain 49% 08:04 - CEST
Leave 51%
#VoteLeave #Brexit
billyboymc1 | PLEASE PLEASE PLEASE VOTE TODAY DONT SAY YOUR | 23 Jun 2016, | EC1 0 | positive
975 VOTE TO LEAVE AND DONT VOTE MAKE THE EFFORT 08:04 - CEST | BOY!!!
TO SAVE THE UK B-A-B
#BREXIT https://t.co/aL3iCcsFyZ
british_fasci | All those in EU top jobs are Jews or hard line left/right | 23 Jun 2016, | England, 0 | positive
st Jewish servants. 08:04 - CEST | United
#Brexit #VoteLeave https://t.co/DLwxezVZpi Kingdo
m
answers_ne | EUé>¢é,,+ah®ae~ éfiz4,’aePart a, na, °afaa, area reece | 23 Jun 2016, 0 | neutral
Ws Sec¥ AMC a§« aha, SAM“ all—allVa€, ef 4e—ze¥- 08:04 - CEST

?
coCE all an aK“téyé a,’ aN“ 4, Fal | Ab,a, Saran a€,

a€C Brexita€hal® a“t+aehef 4e—zxe¥-

ceCEAD «a, a€ | EFPIASRICEae® ice ™a AR AEE Rta YARPE
Uérce, tae§$ae¥ceall«aAeahEep-all“a,<
https://t.co/6ifT8Aca2t #AnswersNews

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011204
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020067.txt,"and naiveté about the Russian charges. But now there seemed to be a new understanding:
Donald Trump believed he had vastly more power, authority, and control than in fact he
had, and he believed his talent for manipulating people and bending and dominating them
was vastly greater than it was. Pushing this line of reasoning just a little further: senior
staff believed the president had a problem with reality, and reality was now overwhelming
him.

If true, this notion directly contravened the basic premise of the support for Trump
among his staff. In some sense, not too closely questioned, they believed he had almost
magical powers. Since his success was not explainable, he must have talents beyond what
they could fathom. His instincts. Or his salesman’s gifts. Or his energy. Or just the fact
that he was the opposite of what he was supposed to be. This was out-of-the-ordinary
politics—shock-to-the-system politics—but it could work.

But what if it didn’t? What if they were all profoundly wrong?

Comey’s firing and the Mueller investigation prompted a delayed reckoning that ended
months of willing suspension of disbelief. These sudden doubts and considerations—at the
highest level of government—did not quite yet go to the president’s ability to adequately
function in his job. But they did, arguably for the first time in open discussions, go to the
view that he was hopelessly prone to self-sabotaging his ability to function in the job. This
insight, scary as it was, at least left open the possibility that if all the elements of self-
sabotage were carefully controlled—his information, his contacts, his public remarks, and
the sense of danger and threat to him—he might yet be able to pull it together and
successfully perform.

Quite suddenly, this became the prevailing view of the Trump presidency and the
opportunity that still beckoned: you can be saved by those around you or brought down by
them.

Bannon believed the Trump presidency would fail in some more or less apocalyptic
fashion if Kushner and his wife remained Trump’s most influential advisers. Their lack of
political or real-world experience had already hobbled the presidency, but since the
Comey disaster it was getting worse: as Bannon saw it, they were now acting out of
personal panic.

The Kushner side believed that Bannon or Bannonism had pushed the president into a
harshness that undermined his natural salesman’s abilities to charm and reach out. Bannon
and his ilk had made him the monster he more and more seemed to be.

Meanwhile, virtually everybody believed that a large measure of the fault lay in Reince
Priebus, who had failed to create a White House that could protect the president from
himself—or from Bannon or from his own children. At the same time, believing that the
fundamental problem lay in Priebus was easy scapegoating, not to mention little short of
risible: with so little power, the chief of staff simply wasn’t capable of directing either

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020067
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015693.txt,"Chapter 1

MIND OVER
COMPUTER

Computer versus Human

“I visualize a time when we will
be to robots what dogs are to
humans, and I'm rooting for the
machines.”

Claude Shannon

“The question of whether
computers can think is just
like the question of whether
submarines can swim.”

Edgar Dijkstra

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015693
"
IMAGES-012-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032822.txt,"On Wed, Oct 3, 2018 at 7:21 AM Weingarten, Reid EE rote:

Anything surprise you?

Sent from my BlackBerry 10 smartphone.

From: J

Sent: Tuesday, October 2, 2018 11:45 PM
To: Weingarten, Reid

Subject: Re:

Florida

On Tue, Oct 2, 2018 at 9:58 PM Weingarten, Reid re wrote:

Reading the nytimes trump tax story...so wish | was with you right now...so where are you?

Sent from my BlackBerry 10 smartphone.

From: jeffrey E.

Sent: Tuesday, September 25, 2018 11:42 AM
To: Weingarten, Reid

Subject:

where?

please note

The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of

JEE

Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032822
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017282.txt,"4.2.12
WC: 191694

The Suppression of Science: The Case of Jeffrey MacDonald

A case in which science has not yet produced a victory—or, in my view, justice—is the 40 year
old “whodunit” involving the murder of the family of Jeffrey MacDonald. Science could perhaps
provide a definitive answer to this highly publicized case, but so far the doors of the courtroom
have been shut to newly discovered scientific and other evidence that was suppressed by the
prosecution. The courts in this case have placed the alleged need for “finality” above the search
for truth. But history and science knows no finality. Nor should finality trump the desire for
closure in a court of law, as long as a possibly innocent defendant remains convicted of a crime
that science can prove he may not have committed.

I had followed the Jeffrey MacDonald case in the media from its grisly inception on February 17,
1970, when the wounded Green Beret doctor told authorities that his pregnant wife, Colette, and
his daughters, Kimberly, five, and Kristen, two, had been murdered by drug-crazed intruders. Like
most Americans, I had my doubts about his story. It seemed so conveniently modeled on the
notorious Manson murders that had occurred just __ years earlier. I knew that the statistics
showed that wives are more likely to be killed by husbands than by strangers. I wondered why
there was no hard evidence—no fibers, hairs, or fingerprints—left by the alleged intruders. My
doubts were confirmed by reading Joe McGinniss's best-seller Fatal Vision, which concluded that
MacDonald was indeed guilty, or by seeing the TV movie, which was even more persuasive of his
guilt.

Several times during the course of the lengthy legal proceedings, Jeffrey MacDonald had written
and called me, pleading with me to help him. Each time I declined. But then, in 19 __, I went to
Terminal Island Federal Prison in California to visit another inmate, and as I left the room in
which lawyers confer with prisoners, a graying man quietly introduced himself. He was Jeffrey
MacDonald, and he asked if he could have five minutes of my time to show me some documents.
I agreed. What I learned that day—and afterward—convinced me that I had to try to help him.

In one of the most dramatic scenes in the TV movie Fatal Vision, investigators dig up the graves
of Colette, Kimberly, and Kristen MacDonald. The government's chief lawyer (played by Andy
Griffith) explains to the grieving Freddie Kassab (played by Karl Maiden) why the bodies of his
stepdaughter and grandchildren must be exhumed:

We've got to know if the hair found in Colette's hand was her own, Jeff's,
the kids’...
[Freddie Kassab interjects] . . . or someone with a floppy hat.

In the actual trial conducted in 1979, the prosecution's case against Jeffrey MacDonald relied
heavily on this evidence: blonde hair found in the murdered Colette MacDonald's hand. It had
already been found not to match Jeffrey MacDonald's hair. Thus, if it did not match Colette's own
hair or the hair of the children, that finding would lend support to MacDonald's claim that there
had been intruders - - including a woman with long, blonde hair who was wearing a floppy hat
and boots - - in his home on the night of the attack. It would also indicate that at least one of
these intruders had come in contact with Colette.

195

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017282
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027293.txt,"sender: i’

Time: 06/15/18 08:56:18 AM (550770978)
Flags: 1060865

Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 10319D99-6F02-4D3E-8A31-7660F30DC8B6

Tr,

Message: Jonathan Karl

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 06/15/18 08:57:25 AM (550771045)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 472647DF-09AD-4B8A-A6CA-220DEBSDOEFO

Message: Sorry- did yoh get to meet with zucker

Sender: iy

Time: 06/15/18 08:57:54 AM (550771074)
Flags: 1126401
Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

r

GUID: OC52B4B0-17AF-429C-97EE-O1DBCO025A830

Message: Couldn't get sked to work -- trying for Tuesday

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 06/16/18 07:38:06 AM (550852686)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 23FF498F-99EC-42C8-B4D3-1F7D21345B82

Message: Need passport details for entourage

sencer:

Time: 06/16/18 07:39:31 AM (550852771)
Flags: 1060865
Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 6D2150B3-90E6-4DE9-8129-2F37D7BOCC2C

Message: K

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 06/16/18 08:39:14 AM (550856354)

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027293
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015687.txt,"Preface X1il
Beliefs

e We have true free will. We consciously decide our actions and
these decisions are in no way predetermined. We shape the
future. Allowing for free will is, therefore, a boundary condition
for any theory of our Universe.

* The world is an amazing place, but understandable. We can
understand the Universe through the application of thought and
reason.

* ‘There is only one Universe and it appears to make sense.

* Humans think creatively, computers do not.

* ‘The process of understanding and communication is complex,
much more complex than the digital theorems of Claude
Shannon and Harry Nyquist.

« Understanding is hard.

« The communication of understanding is even harder.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015687
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017296.txt,"4.2.12
WC: 191694

I argued that the prosecutors had deliberately “thrown a skunk into the jury box” when they
introduced irrelevant evidence that Swami had engaged in a homosexual relationship with a
follower. To a West Virginia jury back then, this could be massively prejudicial.

In addition, the prosecution introduced evidence that teachers at the community school had
molested children and that Swami was aware of this but did nothing. Finally, they introduced:

“a videotape segment from the television program West 57th Street (a ""news"" exposé
program). The videotape showed a child of the New Vrindaban community stating that he
prayed ""to"" Swami, a statement generally offensive to the religious sensitivities of typical
jurors. More inflammatory was a statement by Swami comparing women to dogs and
condoning lightly slapping one's wife for disciplinary reasons.”

I argued the appeal before a panel of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit consisting
of three elderly conservative judges in Charleston, South Carolina. I could not imagine a group
that would be less sympathetic to a Hare Krishna guru accused of the horrendous crimes of which
my client stood convicted. But my wife’s older cousin, Morris Rosen, an experienced lawyer
from Charleston, cautioned me not to give up. “These old-line Southerners care about justice,
and they don’t have ambitions beyond their current job. They’ll give your client a fair shake as
long as you don’t overstate your case. Be straight with them and they’ll be straight with you.”

My cousin, who was himself “a good ol’ boy,” was absolutely on target. I argued in a low key
manner, focusing on precedents from the court, and especially from the three judges. In their
decision, they followed the law, concluding as follows:

“We accept without need of extensive argument that implications of child molestation,
homosexuality, and abuse of women unfairly prejudice a defendant. Indeed, no evidence
could be more inflammatory or more prejudicial than allegations of child molestation.
When evidence of a defendant's involvement in several of these activities is presented to
the jury, the risk of unfair prejudice is compounded. In such a case, we fear that jurors will
convict a defendant based on the jurors' disdain or their belief that the defendant's prior
bad acts make guilt more likely. Furthermore, we are especially sensitive to prejudice in a
trial where defendants are members of an unpopular religion.”

The court in a 2-1 decision reversed the convictions. The rule of law prevailed over the
prejudices of men and women.

209

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017296
"
IMAGES-012-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032836.txt,"From: Anas Alrashe cd

Sent: 5/11/2019 7:50:51 PM
To: J [jeevacation@gmail.com]
Subject: Re:

Importance: — High
Well that is good to know bez i got concerned lately w
Sent from my iPhone

On May 11, 2019, at 10:00 PM, J <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:

WASHINGTON - Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro is deriding President Donald Trump as foolish for
trying to oust him. Kim Jong Un is testing Trump’s “love” — and his resolve — in the North Korea negotiations.
And Iran’s leaders are finding new ways to threaten the U.S. and to defy the president’s “maximum pressure”
campaign.

On Sat, May 11, 2019 at 2:53 PM Anas Alrashecd iS wrote:

Want to know what you think .. is there a war coming in our region?

Sent from my iPhone

On May 6, 2019, at 1:08 PM, J <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:

i hope the fasting is easy for you.. see you soon ""?

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032836
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014599.txt,"by remaining overweight US corporate high yield
credit versus investment grade fixed income and by
funding various tactical tilts from their high-quality
bond allocation. While most investment grade
bonds may have uninspiring tactical prospects, we
emphasize that investors should not completely
abandon their bond allocation in search of higher
yields. As the last several years have reminded
us, investment grade fixed income serves a vital
strategic role in the portfolio, due to its ability to
hedge against deflation, reduce portfolio volatility
and generate income.

In the sections that follow, we review the
specifics of each fixed income market.

US Treasuries

While 2016 began as a bumper year for US
Treasuries, it ended in a rout. The yield on 10-year
Treasury bonds, for example, reached an all-time
low of just 1.36% by the middle of last year before
jolting higher by more than one percentage point
by year-end. As a result, investors’ nearly double-
digit gains devolved into a small loss. Even worse,
the bulk of the rate increase occurred in just the
last three months of 2016, generating a 7% loss for
the quarter that has been exceeded less than 1% of
the time historically since 1981.

We expect rates to continue to increase, albeit
at a slower pace in 2017, as many of the forces
that have restrained yields are slowly fading.
Inflation, in particular, has been a persistent drag,
reflecting a toxic combination of excess labor slack
that depressed wages, a strong dollar that lowered
import prices and a significant decline in oil prices
that weighed on breakeven inflation rates. But
as we begin the eighth year of the US expansion,
labor slack has been largely absorbed, evident in
today’s firming wages. Moreover, the impact of the
dollar is diminishing as its pace of ascent slows,
while the recovery in oil is boosting breakeven
inflation rates.

Other headwinds are also receding. The fiscal
austerity among the advanced economies that
has dampened economic growth and decreased
sovereign bond issuance—both of which depress
interest rates—is now reversing (see Exhibit 78).
Indeed, US fiscal spending is expected to add
0.3-0.5 percentage points to GDP growth in each
of the next two years.!4

At the same time, there is reduced demand
for risk-free assets, like US Treasuries, given
the unexpectedly sanguine reaction to negative

Exhibit 78: Fiscal Stance of Advanced Economies
Fiscal austerity in developed markets has reversed in
recent years.

Number of Countries Loosened

35 5

wTightened m Remained Neutral

30 + 8 9

25 4

a

20 +

2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016

Data as of December 31, 2016.
Source: Investment Strategy Group, IMF.

geopolitical events—such as the UK and Italian
referenda—and the results of the US election.
Finally, the deleterious impact of depressed interest
rates on banking sector profitability has raised the
hurdle for global central banks to cut interest rates
further and/or increase the scale of QE programs. In
turn, market focus has shifted toward the eventual
tapering of BOJ, ECB and BOE accommodation,
which has helped lift bond term premiums and
boosted long-term yields (see Exhibit 79).

In light of these waning headwinds, the Federal
Reserve is likely to hike two or three times in 2017,
with upside risks from a larger-than-anticipated
fiscal expansion. Combined with some further
normalization in the term premium, we expect 10-
year rates to increase to 2.50-3.00% by year-end.
Given the balance of risks, we remain comfortable
funding tactical tilts out of investment grade
fixed income.

Treasury Inflation-Protected Securities (TIPS)
TIPS fared better than nominal bonds in 2016,
delivering a positive mid-single-digit return. Their
outperformance was driven by the recovery in
breakeven inflation rates, which began the year at
very depressed levels consistent with only 1.5%
annual inflation over the next 10 years—well
below long-run forecasts (see Exhibit 80). In fact,
our work suggests that breakeven inflation rates
were reflecting high odds of a deep recession over
the course of 2016, well above the risk suggested
by our recession models.

66 | Goldman Sachs | JANUARY 2017

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_014599
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027287.txt,"Time: 06/14/18 08:09:05 AM (550681745)
Flags: 1060865

Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 2B9375ED-A9BD-44F5-A496-C443D8166617

Message: Yes always -- why?

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 06/14/18 08:10:02 AM (550681802)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 895EE6EE-BE16-46C3-BOE4-9BAAER065C76D

Message: No worry, only good

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 06/14/18 08:11:36 AM (550681896)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 2209CA65-l1A7F-42DF-BCBD-0B3C33844513

Message: For Paris I have the best of china intel . Coming

Time: 06/14/18 08:11:47 AM (550681907)
Flags: 1060865

Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 31EH58701-826C-4306-8 9AA-BA613A5758F2

Message: Brilliant

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 06/14/18 08:14:09 AM (550682049)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: D1028303-21EC-47D8-9656-7COLFC6OFO24A

Message: He says stability , power is stability. . they have manpower to Marshall.
Push for robotics, big for genetics. Aging population. . diabetes? Etc . Strategy
began 40 years ago. Right on track. . as he said it is a unified nationalist economic
country . Made me smile

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 06/14/18 08:14:39 AM (550682079)

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027287
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032456.txt,"From: Larry Visoski

Sent: 2/5/2017 12:32:54 AM

To: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com]
cc: Darren Indyke

Subject: Re: new schedule

Importance: — High

Monday 4pm confirmed

Pres Trump departs Monday at 11am,. TFR in place until 11:30am Monday, which requires 24 hour notice for
Departure screening if departing during TFR hours.,

TFR (Temporally Flight Restriction),

Our departure time of 4:30 PM will not be impacted since TFR expires 11:30am Monday,,.

FYI,

Friday, Josh left voicemail indicating chevron should present purchase agreement by midday Monday. for your
review.,

Thx
Larry

Sent from my iPhone
On Feb 4, 2017, at 2:58 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:

monday 4pmtolsj, thurs morning pre clear to palm beach. sunday 12 new york . tues paris to 21 new
york. 24 santa fe. -march 1

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032456
"
TEXT-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032226.txt,"From: 
Sent: 
To: 
Subject: 
Kathy Ruemmler 
8/27/2015 2:25:04 PM 
jeffrey E. [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Re: 
Importance: High 
Great. 
Sent from my iPhone 
On Aug 27, 2015, at 6:00 AM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
ok, anytime you like, you can drive right to me and i will feed you.::) 
On Wed, Aug 26, 2015 at 10:38 PM, Kathy Ruemmler__________________ 
Will leave @ 9, so will be in ny @ 1 pm. 
Sent from my iPad 
On Aug 26, 2015, at 10:21 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
what time, I will come up 
On Wed, Aug 26, 2015 at 10:18 PM, Kathy Ruemmler_______________________ 
Going up to NY Friday morning. Think I am going to drive. I will then stop to 
on the New Jersey turnpike, will observe all of the people there who are at least 
have a mild panic attack as a result of the observation, and will then decide that 
food for the rest of my life out of fear that I will end up like one of these people 
Sent from my iPad 
On Aug 26, 2015, at 10:09 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
ill give you details when i see you, when are you in ny? 
On Wed, Aug 26, 2015 at 9:28 PM, Kathy Ruemmler 
Trump is living proof of the adage that it is better to be lucky than smart. 
Sent from my iPad 
wrote: 
wrote: 
pee and get gas at a rest stop 
100 pounds overweight, will 
I am not eating another bite of 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
rote: 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 032226 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 032227 
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031597.txt,"From: jeffrey E. [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Sent: 12/8/2015 9:52:40 PM 
To: Landon Thomas Jr. 
Subject: Re: Trump 
Importance: High 
when we bet that marla maples was pregnnat , i olst and sent him 10,000 dollars of baby food. the hawain 
tropic gins all have photos he was the judge 
On Tue, Dec 8, 2015 at 5:50 PM, Landon Thomas Jr. < > wrote: 
Yes!!! 
Sent from my iPhone 
On Dec 8, 2015, at 4:43 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
would you like photso of donald and gins in bikinis in my kitchen. 
On Tue, Dec 8, 2015 at 5:41 PM, Thomas Jr., Landon < wrote: 
Now everyone coming to me thinking I have juicy info on you and Trump. 
Because of this. 
""I've known Jeff for fifteen years. Terrific guy,"" Trump booms from a speakerphone. ""He's a lot of fun to be with. It is 
even said that he likes beautiful women as much as I do, and many of them are on the younger side. No doubt about it --
Jeffrey enjoys his social life."" 
That story will never die. 
Landon Thomas, Jr. 
Financial Reporter 
New York Times 
http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/t/landon jr thomas/index  
.html  
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031597 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 031598 
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029359.txt,"The 1* lesson: ""Be modest in
prophecy"". In particular, when it comes
to the future. Mubarak for example had
about 400,000 people at his disposal
working in various security agencies in
order to preemptively predict events
such as those that took place at Tahrir
Square. And he did not foresee the
uprising. So who can?

The 2"" lesson: When friends, and even
the leaders among us, say: ""Don't get
swept into a panic — 1f something really
grave happens (Iran for example) — the
US will not stand by. The world will
take action!""

And I say: Don't bet on it. Look at Syria.
Assad has massacred 200,000 of his own
people — with tanks, artillery, fighter
jets, even chemical weapons — and the

world did not lift a finger.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029359
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030689.txt,"From: Michael Wolff 
Sent: 1/18/2018 2:08:34 PM 
To: jeffrey E. [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Subject: Re: 
Importance: High 
Bannon's ""nationalist-populist"" platform is coherent, rational, and, apparently appealing to a great many people. 
I can't see why at this point he wouldn't want to use his world-stage stature to make an argument for it and to 
claim leadership of it. What does he have to lose? What else is there, except to suck up to Trump, and get the 
chance to be manhandled by him again? 
On Thu, Jan 18, 2018 at 8:54 AM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
Great. 
I m thrilled for you. At the moment he's coming tomorrow night 
On Thu, Jan 18, 2018 at 8:42 AM Michael Wolff <1____________________________________I> wrote: 
All good. I am everybody's darling. Have to keep reminding people that I am actually quite unpopular. 
Apparently thing of the past--for now (excepting among a small circle of journalists). Ira Rosen, a 60 Minutes 
producer and a friend of Bannon's, came with a message from SB: ""You own me a few million."" Rosen also 
says he believes SB now weighing the strategy of making a formal and public break with Trump. I can't get 
together today because I have to leave for DC at 11AM to speak to 800 book buyers (not to mention pre-
signing 800 books). Then tomorrow AM to LA to do Bill Maher show. Making money is hard work. 
On Thu, Jan 18, 2018 at 7:38 AM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
how was it.? why dont you stop by today so we can script tomorrow. - assuming no change. . prefer no 
details on email 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 030689 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 030690 
"
TEXT-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033138.txt,"From: J [jeevacation@gmail.com] 
Sent: 11/16/2018 11:52:51 AM 
To: Weingarten, Reid 
Subject: Re: 
yes, 1 no one asking how the turks got that recording? 2 for you - steve says the republicans also want 
trump gone. he is now a liability 
On Thu, Nov 15, 2018 at 9:17 PM Weingarten, Reid < > wrote: 
So fucking much going on 
Sent from my BlackBerry 10 smartphone. 
From: J 
Sent: Thursday, November 15, 2018 8:29 PM 
To: Weingarten, Reid 
Subject: 
https://www.huffingtonpost.com/entry/fethullah-gulen-tayyip-erdogan-foe-us-
removal us 5bedf361e4b0510a1f2f16e9  
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 033138 
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013867.txt,"keep private.

e » Establish do-not-disturb hours, when calls are routed directly to
voicemail with no ring.

e » Have voicemail sent to your cell phone as SMS (text messages).

YouMail, another option, can also transcribe voicemails and send them to your phone as text
messages. Getting calls while stuck in a time-wasting meeting’? No problem: Respond to voicemails via
SMS during the meeting so you’re not stuck returning calls afterward.

One Shot, One Kill Scheduling Without E-mail Back-and-Forth

Few things are as time-consuming as scheduling via e-mail. Person A: “How about Tues. at 3 PM.?”
Person B: “I can make it.” Person C: “I have a meeting. How about Thurs.?” Person D: “I’m on a con-
call. How about 10 A.M. on Fri.?” Use these tools to make scheduling simple and fast instead of another
part-time job.

= Doodle ( www.doodle.com )

The best free tool ’ve found for herding cats (multiple people) for scheduling without excessive e-mail.
Create and poll in 30 seconds with the proposed options and forward a link to everyone invited. Check
back a few hours later and you’ll have the best time for the most people.

= TimeDriver ( www.timedriver.com )

Let colleagues and clients self-schedule with you based on your availability, which is determined by
integration with Outlook or Google Calendar. Embed a “schedule now” button in e-mail messages and
you'll never have to tell people when you can make a call or meeting. Let them see what’s open and
choose.

Choosing the Best E-mail Batching Times

= Xobni ( www.xobni.com/special )

Xobni—inbox spelled backwards—is a free program for putting Outlook on steroids. It offers many
features, but the most relevant to this chapter is its ability to identify “hotspots,” or periods of time when
you receive the bulk of e-mail from your most important contacts. These “hotspots” are batching times
that will enable you to keep critical contacts (clients, bosses, etc.) smiling even while you reduce
checking e-mail to 1-3 times per day. It will also populate your contacts automatically by pulling phone
numbers, addresses, etc., from separate e-mail buried in the inbox.

E-mailing Without Entering the Black Hole of the Inbox

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013867
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011210.txt,"abacusnem_ | RT @V_of_Europe: Cameron redfaced after German 23 Jun 2016, | South 135 | neutral
fe) official says Brussels WILL trade with Britain after 09:13 -CEST | East
Brexit #iVoted https://t.co/x4yOrUOmbg England.
BetchavaBis | fY inimfsivie fimitipt, ist fifty Tel. iaiZiel- PM T, Te 23 Jun 2016, | i™f»fieT 0 | positive
bis #Brexit. fl, iff, letlst,leiffel...1Miy fei... 1a fetsi 09:13 - CEST | %,let»tot
Lilet Tiel... (fel... My Tis HTT: # +1,
LoveEurope https://t.co/1SybQuKPxm
rigadude RT @POLITICOEurope: 7 signs that #Brexit is really 23 Jun 2016, | here 8 | negative
happening https://t.co/iqIB4AWGQp 09:13 - CEST
https://t.co/OpWVQvLTOV
andyblackne | RT @Christianitymag: 12 perfect songs for your 23 Jun 2016, | London 16 | negative
II #Brexit or #Bremain worship setlist 09:13 - CEST
https://t.co/NqYcVw52H5 #EUreferendum
https://t.co/GoBua€ |
Segnalazioni | RT @pin_upicierno: Bruxelles minaccia gli inglesi... 23 Jun 2016, | Sassari, 1 | negative
SS 09:13 -CEST | Sardegn
""Se uscite dall'Europa starete molto meglio!"" a
#Brexit
the_stockki | Everything You Need To Know About Brexit: Hello 23 Jun 2016, | Gurgaon 0 | positive
ng Traders, We have been getting lots of a€ | 09:13 - CEST
https://t.co/cKgOMZim8y
jesabfm RT @ActualidadRT: Comienza la votaciA?n en el Reino | 23 Jun 2016, | Spain 48 | neutral
Unido para decidir si seguirAj o no siendo miembro de | 09:13 - CEST
la UE https://t.co/6HORXT7Upe httpsa€ |
trxtrx1 RT @afderas: quindi per #taddei la #brexit A” come il 23 Jun 2016, 1 | negative
#referendum di ottobre... che si perda o si vinca A” 09:13 - CEST
uguale, restiamo
#omnibusla7
ferendus Si el Brexit fuera en EspaAta en la papeleta de 23 Jun 2016, | http://a O | neutral
AragA?n se verAa ""sA, pero pol'haba"" y ""hemos de 09:13 - CEST | bout.me
salir"". Para los foranos: es no y sA. /ferend
us
Erco94 RT @p_corradini: E oggi la Gran Bretagna potrebbe 23 Jun 2016, 1 | negative
sancire la fine della UE. Loro che hanno sempre fatto 09:13 - CEST
come c...o gli pareva. #Brexit
paultimperl | RT @DanHannanMEP: My three minute #Brexit pitch, | 23 Jun 2016, 142 | neutral
ey via @CNN. https://t.co/IVvbXTv904 09:13 - CEST
karmel_sian | https://t.co/qKvOUKZJWN 23 Jun 2016, | Medan 0 | NA
turi 09:13 - CEST | Kota,
Indonesi
a
edwards m_ | RT @McGiff: Right, polls are open, leta€™s GO! 23 Jun 2016, | Hampsh 58 | positive
arie #Brexit #VoteLeave @pete_rai 09:13 -CEST | ire
https://t.co/TapGtnmp1H
blackapollo | My eightyearold thinks he could be deported if we 23 Jun 2016, | Cambrid 0 | negative
vote for Brexit https://t.co/bjZyl48HX4 09:13 - CEST | ge, UK

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011210
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020073.txt,"“Mika and Joe totally love this. It’s big ratings for them,” said the president, with
certain satisfaction and obvious truth.

OOK Ok

Ten days later, a large table of Bannonites was having dinner at the Bombay Club, a high-
end Indian restaurant two blocks from the White House. One of the group—Arthur
Schwartz, a PR consultant—asked a question about the Mika and Joe affair.

Perhaps it was the noise, but it was also a fitting measure of the speed of events in the
Trump era: Bannon lieutenant Alexandra Preate replied, with genuine fogginess, “Who?”

The operetta of the Mika tweets—the uncouthness and verbal abuse demonstrated by
the president, his serious lack of control and judgment, and the worldwide censure heaped
upon him for it—had already far receded, wholly overshadowed by more Trump eruptions
and controversy.

But before moving on to the next episode of ohmygodness, it is worth considering the
possibility that this constant, daily, often more than once-a-day, pileup of events—each
one canceling out the one before—is the true aberration and novelty at the heart of the
Trump presidency.

Perhaps never before in history—not through world wars, the overthrow of empires,
periods of extraordinary social transformation, or episodes of government-shaking scandal
—have real-life events unfolded with such emotional and plot-thickening impact. In the
fashion of binge-watching a television show, one’s real life became quite secondary to the
public drama. It was not unreasonable to say Whoa, wait just a minute: public life doesnt
happen like this. Public life in fact lacks coherence and drama. (History, by contrast,
attains coherence and drama only in hindsight.)

The process of accomplishing the smallest set of tasks within the sprawling and
resistant executive branch is a turtle process. The burden of the White House is the
boredom of bureaucracy. All White Houses struggle to rise above that, and they succeed
only on occasion. In the age of hypermedia, this has not gotten easier for the White House,
it’s gotten harder.

It’s a distracted nation, fragmented and preoccupied. It was, arguably, the peculiar
tragedy of Barack Obama that even as a transformational figure—and inspirational
communicator—he couldn’t really command much interest. As well, it might be a central
tragedy of the news media that its old-fashioned and even benighted civic-minded belief
that politics is the highest form of news has helped transform it from a mass business to a
narrow-cast one. Alas, politics itself has more and more become a discrete business. Its
appeal is B-to-B—business-to-business. The real swamp is the swamp of insular, inbred,
incestuous interests. This isn’t corruption so much as overspecialization. It’s a wonk’s life.
Politics has gone one way, the culture another. The left-right junkies might pretend
otherwise, but the great middle doesn’t put political concerns at the top of their minds.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_020073
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011576.txt,"going to happen soon, if only because the intelligence missions now required
were going to be a lot tougher. Israel now had control of the entire Sinai and the
Golan. To tap into enemy communications, we would have to push deeper
inside Egypt and Syria.

Soon after my return, we began planning the sayeret’s most ambitious
mission so far: targeting the main communications system between Suez City,
at the southern end of the canal, and Egyptian military headquarters in Cairo.
We were obviously going to have to go in by helicopter. But we faced not just
the risk of being spotted on the way in. The buildup of Egyptian forces along
the canal now included Soviet-made anti-aircraft missile batteries. We might
easily get shot down.

The mission struck the generals in the kirya as so risky as to border on the
insane. But I was confident that we could make it work. I began talking to the
few senior air force officers who seemed more receptive, as well as to officers
in the helicopter units. Not only had I flown into the Sinai on earlier missions. I
now also had a physics degree. Together, we developed a plan — using the desert
terrain, and drawing on the helicopters’ maneuverability — to calculate a flight
route that could avoid detection by Egyptian radar. As an extra fail-sale, I
proposed using three helicopters, and three sayeret teams. Two would fly
slightly higher, with the express aim of getting spotted, but still evading missile
fire. They would land far away from the real target of the operation. The main
team, with me in command, would also stage a pair of diversionary attacks:
planting explosives on a high-voltage electricity cable, and on the main oil
pipeline from Suez City to Cairo.

Still, for many weeks, the answer from the Airya was no. The man who had
succeeded Rabin as chief-of-staff after the war, Chaim Bar-Lev, dismissed it as
“a plan built on chicken legs.” In the end, what got us the green light was a
further escalation, on both sides, in the War of Attrition. In January 1970, Israeli
warplanes began a series of deep-penetration bombing raids, for the first time
striking targets dozens of miles, in some case hundreds of miles, back from the
canal. The Israeli bombing campaign reduced the chance we’d get shot down and
provided cover for our operation.

Our helicopters took off after sunset, nearly skimming the water and peeling
off in separate directions on the far shore. The other two aircraft headed 120
miles to the south. I led the main team of ten men. We set down a few miles
south of the road from Suez City to Cairo. We unloaded a pair of Jeeps, drove
off, and within an hour had placed our time-delay explosives on the electricity

105
HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_011576
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028721.txt,"building public schools. We should not be
building a waste water treatment plant or
waste water networks or water reservoirs,""
he told me. ""Unfortunately we have to do
that because the Palestinian Authority does
not have the funding and the donors let [the
PA] down.""

There might be a political calculation
behind Qatar's decision to throw an amount
of money equivalent to two years of U.S.
financial aid to the PA behind a single
private-sector figure like Masri. Qatar
recently announced plans to invest nearly
$400 million in the Hamas-controlled Gaza
Strip, and in October of 2012, Qatari Emir
Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa al-Thani
became the first head of state to visit the
Strip after the Islamist militant group's
2007 takeover. Hamas politburo chief
Khaled Meshaal lives in Doha, and Qatar
Diar is financing a major development in
Sudan, whose cash-strapped government
enjoys close relations with Iran, and has
facilitated the transfer of long-range
rockets to Hamas. In short, Qatar supports
an E.U. and U.S. listed terrorist
organization bitterly opposed to both Israel
and the current PA leadership. And it also
has no problem investing in Rawabi.
According to Kamran Bokhari, vice
president of Middle Eastern and South
Asian affairs for Stratfor, Qatari support for
Hamas is part of the sheikhdom's larger,
post-Arab Spring strategy of siding with

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028721
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010668.txt,"OGE Form 278 (March 2014)

Instructions for Part 2

Note: This is a public form. Do not include account numbers, street addresses, or family member names. See instructions for required information.

Reference #

Elle ep i SSeS ieee Naas 8 Seerer a cle Be pe EP ee eel
Alof47 l

Part 2 disclosed entities with assets over $1,000 or which produced income of over $200. This Schedule (EXHIBIT A) discloses the ownership structure of the entities on Part 2, as well as

additional entities that are not disclosed on Part 2. For each of the entitles below that are not disclosed on Part 2, the numerical or text label indicates which reason for non-disclosure
applies. The numerical labels are as follows: *(1) have no independent value or income and are part of the entity structures listed in Part 2; (2) have no independent value or income and
provide back office support functions to other entities; (3) are dormant/inactive; (4) have no independent value or income and exist to hold license deals that are prospective, inactive, or
otherwise do not currently have valuable assets or create income; or (5) have no independent value or income, not inactive nor dormant, not part of an entity structure or license deal.
This Schedule is being provided to ensure a complete picture of the assets and holdings of the filer. Gaps in numerical sequence are due to the removal of previously reported items no
longer reportable on this exhibit. All of the interests listed below in this exhibit, which were formerly held by Donald J. Trump, directly or indirectly, are now held by The Donald J. Trump

Revocable Trust.

1 4 SHADOW TREE LANE LLC *(5)

Owned by:

% Ownership
1

99

2 4 SHADOW TREE LANE MEMBER CORP *(1)

Owned by:

Has ownership interest in:

% Ownership
100

Entity Name
4 SHADOW TREE LANE LLC

3 40 Wall Development Associates, LLC *(1)

Owned by:

Has ownership interest in:

% Ownershi
O14
99.9

Entity Name
40 Wall Street LLC

40 WALL STREET COMMERCIAL
LLC
40 Wall Street Member Corp.

4 40 WALL STREET COMMERCIAL LLC

Owned by:

5 40 Wall Street LLC

Owned by:

% Ownership
100

% Ownership
0.1

99.9

6 40 Wall Street Member Corp. *(1)

Owned by:

Has ownership interest in:

7 401 MEZZ VENTURE LLC *(1)

Owned by:

Has ownership interest in:

% Ownership
100

Entity Name
40 Wall Street LLC

% Ownership
1

49
50

Entity Name
401 North Wabash Venture LLC

TRUMP CHICAGO RETAIL LLC

8 401 North Wabash Venture LLC

Owned by:

Has ownership interest in:

% Ownership
100

Entity Name
TRUMP COMMERCIAL CHICAGO

LLC

Name

4 SHADOW TREE LANE MEMBER
CORP

DJT HOLDINGS LLC

Name

DJT HOLDINGS MANAGING MEMBER

LLC

Ownership
1.00%

Name
Parc Consulting, Inc,

The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust

Ownership
99.90%

100.00%

100.00%

Name

40 Wall Development Associates, LLC

Name
40 Wall Street Member Corp.

40 Wall Development Associates, LLC

Name

40 Wall Development Associates, LLC

Ownership
0.10%

Name

TRUMP CHICAGO MANAGING
MEMBER LLC

TRUMP CHICAGO MEMBER LLC
TIHT CHICAGO MEMBER
ACQUISITION LLC

Ownership
100,00%

100,00%

Name
401 MEZZ VENTURE LLC

Ownership
100.00%

Role
Managing Member

Member
Role
Shareholder

Title

Managing Member
Role
Member
Member

Title

Member

Member

Shareholder
Role
Member
Role
Managing Member
Member
Role
Shareholder

Title

Managing Member
Role

Managing Member

Member
Member
Title
Member
Member
Role
Member
Title
Member

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010668
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032330.txt,"Michael C. Miller
Partner
www.steptoe.com/mmiller

Steptoe

direct
fax
cell

Steptoe & Johnson LLP
1114 Avenue of the Americas
New York, NY 10036

www.steptoe.com

This message and any attached documents contain information from the law firm Steptoe & Johnson LLP that may be confidential and/or privileged. If
you are not the intended recipient, please do not read, copy, distribute, or use this information. If you have received this transmission in error, please
notify the sender immediately by reply e-mail and then delete this message.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032330
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019194.txt,"Inside the house, det
that Mary and other gir
naked young girls—in sc
Epstein. They also find n

; names, dates, and numbe

a Sometimes there are
CH APTER 18 4 4 bers: “I have girls for him
¥ FE These notes are signe

: Epstein’s house has ;
3 3 the bedrooms look almo:
i 4 off Epstein’s bedroom, tl

| | . a holding strange machin«
wichael Reiter: cesar 20 05 q q find in a dermatologist’s «
3 ‘q In a wood-colored at

bottle of peach-flavored

police officers execute a search soaps shaped like peni
ist

n October 20, Palm Beach
Johnson, at Jeffrey Epstein

more Joy Jelly, and boxes

warrant, signed by Judge Laura
home on El Brillo Way. Inside the house, an employee is Mitcofivers ind side]
; ot Cc
on the phone with Epstein. They ask him, politely, to hang up. __ and other B-list movies
ehome's 7 # They also find receipi

Then, guns drawn, they walk up the winding stairs to th

SlaveCrajt: Roadmaps for
; On the first floor, det
4 hidden in clocks. On thi

| photographs of Wendy z

second story.
de and reads the warrant, out

Detective Recarey remains outsi
while another officer videotapes them. =

s as he hands over the wat —
ave a list of what items ‘
tele- | the officers know wh

loud, to Epstein’s houseman
“This is your copy,’ Recarey say

“When we are concluded, I will le

would ask that you don’t answer your
conversation | - install them—in 2004, *

rant. 4 j come from the camera in
we've taken, okay? I
phone. I know that
with Mr. Epstein at
find out what's going 0n- He will
soon as we're done. Okay?”

the gentleman was having a
he’s trying to call and
be told what was going on as | “investigated that case. Bu

Man, Juan Alessi, for the

the time. So I’m sure had stolen a gun and $:

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019194
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028978.txt,"From: Michael Wolff 
Sent: 5/25/2016 11:19:00 AM 
To: jeffrey E. [jeeyacation@gmail.com] 
Subject: Re: Trump 
Importance: High 
What's the thumb nail on Nussbaum/foster? 
On Wednesday, May 25, 2016, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
maybe you can ask why bernie nussbaum got vince fosters letter quickly, that is a hillary problem. he would 
smile then you can ask his realtionsjipwith the elctricians unions and maralago . and out you go 
On Wed, May 25, 2016 at 7:12 AM, Michael Wolff _________________________> wrote: 
Job is to get the hard ones in without being ejected from the room. What's the one question that 
pierces through? 
On Wednesday, May 25, 2016, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
do you want to be provacative . ? trump shuttle. hawaiin tropic contests. . mortgage on mara 
lago. ? revenue of golf courses as income.??! , total debt of all cos . ? people dont want to conribute 
money as he said he is worth over 10b , why should they? , calif already coming up short. . fatther bought 
chips in the casino to stave off bankruptcy, chips because it was better than a first lien, under the gambling 
rules. matt his bag man? his loan from his brother in law ( JUdges husband) how much did his father 
leave, his brother robert etc. 
otherwise you can just throw easys 
On Wed, May 25, 2016 at 7:05 AM, Michael Wolff < wrote: 
I'm interviewing him this afternoon. Anything you think I should ask? 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
please note 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 028978 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 028979 
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025967.txt,"From: Boris Nikolic Re |

Sent: 7/28/2016 4:14:35 AM
To: Jeffrey Epstein [jeevacation@gmail.com]
Subject: RE:

Importance: — High

Are you around this Friday and weekend.
lam - and leaving on Sunday at 5pm for Greece until August 15th/.
If you around would love to see you.

Just a quick question - do you have any name for a potential LP for my fund. | am planning a final close end of
September /October.

Please let me know

From: jeevacation@gmail.com
Date: Sun, 10 Jul 2016 21:16:43 -0400
Subject: Re:

To:

exactly

On Sun, Jul 10, 2016 at 9:08 PM, Boris Nikolic qq! > wrote:

| was thinking of black.
It is not a gold pain but a gold leafing. It took them 2 months to do it.
What | do not like that it came out more as a Trump gold that an old gold.

B

From: jeevacation@gmail.com
Date: Sun, 10 Jul 2016 21:06:27 -0400

Subject: Re:

and maybe have the large colums black instead of gold, as the gold paint is not as good as the gold metal
objects.

On Sun, Jul 10, 2016 at 9:03 PM, Boris Nikolic <q wrote:

Great! Happy to hear it.
Trust your advice and taste - this is why | am asking!

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025967
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031639.txt,"From: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com]
Sent: 11/9/2016 7:57:45 PM

To: Harry Fisch

We should pay attention, too, to the many men whose lives are about to get significantly worse under Trump.
Immigrant men. Gay men. Black men at risk of police violence. Men who rely on the Affordable Care Act for
their health insurance. Men who reject traditional masculinity. And even the men and women who voted Trump
to victory — white people who traded racial resentment for the kind of progressive change that would have
improved their lives, too. They surely think feminism has nothing to offer them compared with a promise to
restore them to their former position of unearned power; they are about to see how wrong they are.

dear. I would like to confirm our recent and frankly very perplexing conversation. I had agreed to your
proposal and that of Arthur Klein, . salary , sharings , responsbilities. ete. Arthur and I were clear and had
agreed that expenses would be in the form of a stipend. What I think I heard from you is that you no longer can
stand by the proposed agreement. . If that is true, please confirm to me in writing. Iam very surprised , and
find it difficult to understand

Hillary Clinton to little girls: ""Never doubt that you are valuable and powerful’
Embed Share

Play Video1:18
Trump voters will not like what happens next

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_031639
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026827.txt,"The Scowcroft Group

900 17th Street, NW * Suite 500

Washington, DC 20006
—

www.scowcroft.com

From: Kevin Nealer
Date: November 14, 2015

Terrorism - Metrojet and Paris Mark Externalization of ISIS Threat

It has been a consensus view in the US and Europe that the dangers posed by ISIS included metastasizing into other
Middle Eastern and African countries -- something that Turkey has already experienced and Saudi Arabia and others
likely face. Europe was believed to be at less risk, although as the flow of refugees from Syria, Iraq, and Afghanistan

increased, that risk has risen.

The US and everywhere else were thought to be tertiary targets, subject to opportunistic attacks but
almost a distraction to ISIS (cf. Al Qaeda), given its preoccupation with exploitation of Sunni/Shia
divisions and goal of regional territorial gains. Remember, ISIS’ military leadership largely is drawn from
Sunnis who were a part of Saddam’s military; they are motivated by revenge for how they have been treated by the

Shia-dominated post-Saddam Iraqi government.)

Last week’s Metrojet bombing in Egypt, the suicide attacks Thursday in a Shiite neighborhood of
Beirut, and yesterday atrocities in Paris all demonstrate an unexpected level of sophistication and
effort. As a result, European countries and the US are likely to see an increase in incidents and threats that harken

back to Al Qaeda's early agenda or are comparable to the Black September and early Hezbollah attacks of the '70s.

What are the consequences?

e ISIS can be expected to undertake further spectacular attacks. It has eclipsed AQ in operational capability,
financing, and recruitment. It is not only the wealthiest terror group in history, but one with global reach
and ambitions. (The Obama Administration's claims that ISIS is contained now look naive, and that

characterization will haunt President Obama and Democrats next year.)

¢ Expect a significant uptick in EU, US, and Russian engagement against ISIS in the Iraq/Syria theater, but
also in Europe. The failure to detect this elaborate scheme (no less complex because it was ""low tech"" -- so
was 9/11) will prompt European security and intelligence agencies to take a much more intrusive and
perhaps even confrontational approach both to indigenous Muslim groups and to arriving refugees. While
that risks a feed-back loop, the instinct will be to err on the side of immediate results, not impact on

radicalization as a social challenge.

¢ Germany and other EU nations will have to re-examine their commitments to welcome more refugees from
the Middle East, and British opposition to allowing refugees, already strong, will harden. The scale of the
Paris attacks will energize right-wing politics and pressure center-left governments to make threat reduction

a higher priority than humanitarian concerns.
gner p y

© The Scowcroft Group
WARNING: This document and the information contained herein are intended only for the personal and confidential
use of clients of The Scowcroft Group. If you are not an intended recipient of this document, you are hereby notified
that you have received this document in error and that any review, dissemination, distribution, copying, quotation, or
other use of this document without the prior approval of The Scowcroft Group is strictly prohibited.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026827
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024382.txt,"reminded student groups of “rules prohibiting the collection of
funds and the University facilities for the planning and

implementing of off-campus political and social action.”

As a result, students held a sit-in lasted till 3 a.m. Next day,
ten tables were manned again, and a campus policeman
approached one of the tables (manned by the Congress of
Racial Equality) where a dozen persons were seated. One was
singled out and placed under arrest. But before you could say
nonviolent demonstration, the police car was surrounded, its
captors reaching as many as 3,000 students. During the late
evening, bored fraternity men gathered and tossed lighted
cigarettes and eggs on those sitting in the plaza. The

demonstrators responded with silence.

Next day, 450 police assembled on campus to remove the
cop car and its arrested inhabitant, but an agreement to
negotiate was reached and the demonstrators dispersed. One of
the folk songs to come out of the Free Soeech Movement was /f
/ Negotiate With You to the tune of the Beatles’ /f/Fe// in Love
With You.

Over the next couple of months there was a series of sit-ins
and attempted negotiations, and then, on December 2, the

infamous Sproul Hall sit-in. It took twelve hours for 800 students

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024382
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030527.txt,"Jeffrey Epstein

Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030527
"
IMAGES-012-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033296.txt,"From: Michael Wolff [as

Sent: 6/1/2016 11:29:02 AM
To: Jeffrey Epstein [jeevacation@gmail.com]
Subject: Trump

Importance: — High

http://www.hollywoodreporter.com/features/donald-trump-conversation-politics-dark-898465

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033296
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016836.txt,"whereas the iron-eating bactertum Thiobacillus ferrooxidans 1s thrilled. Who’s to
say the bacterium is wrong? The fact that a machine has been given a fixed
objective by humans doesn’t mean that it will automatically recognize the
importance to humans of things that aren’t part of the objective. Maximizing the
objective may well cause problems for humans, but, by definition, the machine
will not recognize those problems as problematic.

e Intelligence is multidimensional, “so ‘smarter than humans’ is a meaningless
concept.”® It is a staple of modern psychology that IQ doesn’t do justice to the
full range of cognitive skills that humans possess to varying degrees. IQ is indeed
a crude measure of human intelligence, but it is utterly meaningless for current AI
systems, because their capabilities across different areas are uncorrelated. How
do we compare the IQ of Google’s search engine, which cannot play chess, with
that of DeepBlue, which cannot answer search queries?

None of this supports the argument that because intelligence is multifaceted,
we can ignore the risk from superintelligent machines. If “smarter than humans”
is a meaningless concept, then “smarter than gorillas” is also meaningless, and
gorillas therefore have nothing to fear from humans; clearly, that argument
doesn’t hold water. Not only is it logically possible for one entity to be more
capable than another across all the relevant dimensions of intelligence, it is also
possible for one species to represent an existential threat to another even if the
former lacks an appreciation for music and literature.

Solutions

Can we tackle Wiener’s warning head-on? Can we design AI systems whose purposes
don’t conflict with ours, so that we’re sure to be happy with how they behave? On the
face of it, this seems hopeless, because it will doubtless prove infeasible to write down
our purposes correctly or imagine all the counterintuitive ways a superintelligent entity
might fulfill them.

If we treat superintelligent AI systems as if they were black boxes from outer
space, then indeed we have no hope. Instead, the approach we seem obliged to take, if
we are to have any confidence in the outcome, is to define some formal problem /’, and
design AI systems to be F-solvers, such that no matter how perfectly a system solves F,
we're guaranteed to be happy with the solution. If we can work out an appropriate F' that
has this property, we’ll be able to create provably beneficial AI.

Here’s an example of how nof to do it: Let a reward be a scalar value provided
periodically by a human to the machine, corresponding to how well the machine has
behaved during each period, and let F' be the problem of maximizing the expected sum of
rewards obtained by the machine. The optimal solution to this problem is not, as one
might hope, to behave well, but instead to take control of the human and force him or her
to provide a stream of maximal rewards. This is known as the wireheading problem,
based on observations that humans themselves are susceptible to the same problem if
given a means to electronically stimulate their own pleasure centers.

There is, I believe, an approach that may work. Humans can reasonably be
described as having (mostly implicit) preferences over their future lives—that is, given

® Kevin Kelly, “The Myth of a Superhuman AI,” Wired, Apr. 25, 2017.

33

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016836
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016771.txt,"CAGE Fein 27ie (hlerch 2004)

Instructions for Part 2
Note: This is a public form. Do not include account numbers, street addresses, or farnily member names. See instructions for required information,

369 TRUMP MARKS PRODUCTS MEMBER CORP ‘(4)

Owned by: % Owner:
100
Has ownership interest in: Entity Name
TRUMP MARKS PRODUCTS LLC
370 TRUMP MARKS PUERTO RICO | LLC */3)
Owned by: % Ownership
»
99
371 TRUMP MARKS PUERTO RICO / MEMBER CORP */3)
Owned by: % Ownership
100
Has ownership interest in: Entity Name
TRUMP MARKS PUERTO RICO |
Lic
374 TRUMP MARKS PUNTA DEL ESTE LLC
Owned by: % Ownership
1
95
375 TRUMP MARKS PUNTA DEL ESTE MANAGER CORP */1)
Owned by"" Ownership
100
Has ownership interest in: Entity Name

TRUMP MARKS PUNTA DEL ESTE
LLC

376 TRUMP MARKS REAL ESTATE LLC *(5)
Owned by: Ownership
4.
99
377 TRUMP MAR ENSE CORP ""(4
Owned by: % Ownership
100
Has ownership interest in: Entity Name
TRUMP MARKS SOHO LLC
378 TRUMP MARKS SOHO LLC */4)
Owned by: % Ownershil
1

98
379 TRUMP MARKS STAMFORD CORP */4)

Oumed by:

Has ownership interestin;

% Ownership

100

Entity Name
TRUMP MARKS STAMFORD LLC

380 TRUMP MARKS STAMFORD LLC */4)

Owned by:

Ownership
93

1
381 TRUMP MARKS SUNNY ISLES | LL€

Owned by;

% Ownership
1

TRUMP MARKS PRODUCTS MEMBER

CORP
DTTM OPERATIONS LLC

Name

DTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp

Ownership

L0tt

Name

TRUMP MARKS PUERTO RICO |
MEMBER CORP

DTTM OPERATIONS LLC

Name
DTTM Operations Managing

Member Corp

Ownership
Looks

Name

TAUMP MARKS PUNTA DEL ESTE
MANAGER CORP

DTTM OPERATIONS LLC

Name
DTTM Operations Managing
Member Corp

Ownership:

Love

name
THE TRUMP MARKS REAL ESTATE
(CORP

DTTM OPERATIONS LLC

Name
DITM Operations Managing

Member Corp

Ownership
1.00%

Name
TRUMP MARKS SOHO LICENSE CORP

DTTM OPERATIONS LLC

Name

DITM Operations Managing
Member Corp

Quinership

100%

Name
DTTM OPERATIONS LLC
TRUMP MARKS STAMFORD CORP

Name
TRUMP MARKS SUNNY ISLES |
MEMBER CORP

Managing Member

Managing Member

Managing Member

At of 46

Managing Member

Member

Role
Shareholder

Role
Managing Member

Member

Bole
Shareholder

Role
Managing Member

Member

fale
Shareholder

Role
Member

Momber

Role
Shareholder

Role
Member

Member

Role
Shareholder

Role
Member
Member

Member

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016771

"
IMAGES-012-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033309.txt,"From: ee

Sent: 8/18/2016 2:09:42 PM
To: Jeffrey Epstein [jeevacation@gmail.com]
Subject: Article on political trends

Importance: — High

https: //ww. theguardian. com/news/2016/aug/16/secret-history-trumpism-donald-trump?CMP=share_btn_tw

Co-authored with iPhone auto-correct

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_033309
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026760.txt,"There has been some looting and other lawlessness in some areas. Local law enforcement is now
supported by resources from our federal and state governments. Our on-site team reports that we have
been spared that threat. In addition to our own Loss Prevention staff, our Management Company has
hired an independent security team to help protect our property.

One of the most important questions we must address is just when our Club might open again. The
Club is closed through October 7 and Member Services is not presently taking any reservations through
December 17. There is a strong possibility that our re-start date could hinge on when the rest of St.
Thomas recovers, and it is simply impossible to predict that date at this time. Your Board and the
Management team are monitoring this closely and we will keep you apprised.

And finally, we thank all who have contributed to the GBCOA Employee Relief Fund. Our Ladies

and Gentlemen are in desperate need of your help. They deeply appreciate whatever you may offer to
help, as does the Board. Thank you!

GREAT BAY CONDOMINIUM OWNERS ASSOCIATION, INC.

6910 GREAT BAY; ST. THOMAS USVI 00802

President: John Doyle
Vice-President Abbey Chung
Treasurer: Thomas Doyle
Secretary: Michael Gick
Director: Steve Redan

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026760
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023572.txt,"CHINA

+ Got: i

Initiative marks transition of
grand vision

By Robert Lawrence Kuhn | China Daily | Updated: 2017-05-13 08:55

4
=|

LI MIN/CHINA DAILY

The Belt and Road Forum for International Cooperation marks a transition of high
symbolism in President Xi Jinping's grand vision for a new era of win-win
globalization. The core idea is to structure, finance and build critical infrastructure in
developing economies, as well as diversify and expand the Chinese economy, which
needs restructuring.

This is the fourth Belt and Road forum I will attend.

Xi announced the Silk Road Economic Belt as a ""grand cause benefiting people in
regional countries along the ancient route"" in Kazakhstan in September 2013. In

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023572
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026329.txt,"From: Larry Summers

Sent: 1/4/2019 7:01:05 PM
To: J [jeevacation@gmail.com]
Subject: Re:

Importance: — High

Tmrw

Modestly interesting developments re dear Abby issue. Quite confused.
Trump seems about same

Sent from my iPhone

Please direct all scheduling inquiries to my office (|

Follow me on twitter @lhsummers
www.larrysummers.com

On Jan 4, 2019, at 1:24 PM, J <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:

back?

On Wed, Dec 26, 2018 at 2:53 PM Larry Summers i wrote:

Too bad

Can we lock in next year now.

Will only revert if Chinese dynamics require.
Sent from my iPhone

Please direct all scheduling inquiries to my office i

Follow me on twitter @lhsummers
www.larrysummers.com

On Dec 26, 2018, at 2:51 PM, J <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:

not likely. ive gotten 6 so far , and was told after 4 no more

On Wed, Dec 26, 2018 at 1:54 PM Larry Summers {i wrote:

If i want to go can u get me invited.

Sent from my iPhone

Please direct all scheduling inquiries to my office at: Pe

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026329
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028866.txt,"From: Kathy Ruer»ler

Sent: 9/19/2014 7:44:17 PM
To: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com]
Subject: Re:

Importance: — High

Gov is not jewish

On Sep 19, 2014 3:42 PM, ""jeffrey E."" <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:
reid or governor

On Fri, Sep 19, 2014 at 3:02 PM, Kathy Ruemmler i wrote:

Uh, yeah. We will now go through a period of self-reflection and despair.

On Sep 19, 2014 3:00 PM, ""jeffrey E."" <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:
double whoops

On Fri, Sep 19, 2014 at 2:59 PM, Kathy Ruemmler i wrote:

Yep. And now he is a repeat offender.

On Sep 19, 2014 2:58 PM, ""jeffrey E."" <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:
and thats after turning down misdeameors? whoops

On Fri, Sep 19, 2014 at 2:57 PM, Kathy Ruemmler <> wrote:

Reid's guy went down on all 7 counts.

On Sep 19, 2014 8:01 AM, ""Kathy Ruemmler"" <i wrote:

Yes, trains exist -- people ride them to get from one place to another.....germ factories, however. DC
today, back in NY on Sunday morning.

On Sep 19, 2014 7:57 AM, ""jeffrey E."" <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:

train? yes ,1 will be like the emergency room doctor at lenox hill, put that crazy in room 1, gunshot in
surgery, and the

""cook"" welll -- he can wait

On Fri, Sep 19, 2014 at 7:54 AM, Kathy Ruemmler ii wrote:

Doesn't look like you are prioritizing your schedule very effectively.....how are you going to manage
all of that? this is unga week so the boss will be in town too.....I'll be here all week -- you may get sick
of me....just sat down on the train so can't talk freely.

On Sep 19, 2014 7:48 AM, ""jeffrey E."" <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:
""oirls?"",, careful 1 will renew an old habit, . this week, thiel, summers,bill burns, gordon brown,
jagland, ( council of europe and nobel chairman ). mongolia pres , hardeep puree ( india), boris (
gates). jabor ( qatar ). sultan ( dubai, ), kosslyn ( harvard), leon black, woody. you are a welcome
guest at any..... also if you think there are interesting people in town, everyone here for climate
summit , clinton ,security council, holy shit im on iii for next 30 minutes

On Fri, Sep 19, 2014 at 7:15 AM, Kathy Ruemmler <i wrote:

Most girls do not have to worry about this crap.

On Sep 19, 2014 7:09 AM, ""jeffrey E."" <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:
understood. it comes down to high risk / reward / low risk / reward. professional , emotional.
and fiinancial

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028866
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022225.txt,"Dec 9, 2010 ... Dr. Jeffrey Epstein is an internationally known reconstructive surgeon, known for
exhibiting the highest standards in the medical field.
fullofcrop.com/2010/12/09/the-plastic-surgeon-jeffrey-epstein/ - Cached

7. Jeffrey Epstein, MD, FACS, Miami, New York Hair Transplant Surgeon

Dr. Epstein and the hair transplant surgeons at the Foundation for Hair Restoration are experts in
the field of hair restoration. Dr. Epstein is one of the ...

www.foundhair.com/pages/about.shtml - Cached - Similar

8. Jeffrey Epstein, Convicted Pedophile And Former Hedge Fund Titan ...

Jul 21, 2010 ... Jeffrey Epstein, the former hedge fund manager who pleaded guilty to soliciting an
underage girl for prostitution, is now free of the ...
www.huffingtonpost.com/.../jeffrey-epstein-disgraced_n_654674.html - Cached

9. Dr. Jeffrey Epstein, MD, FACS | Board Certified Plastic Surgeon ...

Dr. Jeffrey Epstein has been in solo private practice in Miami since 1994, and New York City since
2005, and is a Clinical Professor at the University of ...
www.justformenplasticsurgery.com/AboutDrEpstein.asp - Cached - Similar

10. Jeffrey Epstein on Sports

An old school look at today's sport's world focusing on professional basketball and football byJeffrey
Epstein.

www.jeffreyepsteinsports.com/ - Cached

11. Jeffrey Epstein | Philanthropy

Jeffrey Epstein has three main philanthropic and charitable organizations he uses to fund arts,
sciences, research and other causes.

www.jeffreyepstein.org/ - Cached

De ee ee eee ee i ee ee ee i ee a

The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of

Jeffrey Epstein

Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022225
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013046.txt,"130 7 A Formal Model of Intelligent Agents

about the dynamics of general intelligence, which has been useful in guiding development of the
ECAN component of CogPrime, and we expect will have more general value in future.

Despite the intermittent use of mathematical formalism, the ideas presented in this section
are fairly speculative, and we do not propose them as constituting a well-demonstrated theory
of general intelligence. Rather, we propose them as an interesting way of thinking about general
intelligence, which appears to be consistent with available data, and which has proved inspira-
tional to us in conceiving concrete structures and dynamics for AGI, as manifested for example
in the CogPrime design. Understanding the way of thinking described in these chapters is valu-
able for understanding why the CogPrime design is the way it is, and for relating CogPrime to
other practical and intellectual systems, and extending and improving CogPrime.

7.2 A Simple Formal Agents Model (SRAM)

We now present a formalization of the concept of “intelligent agents” — beginning with a for-
malization of “agents” in general.

Drawing on [Iut05, LM07a], we consider a class of active agents which observe and explore
their environment and also take actions in it, which may affect the environment. Formally,
the agent sends information to the environment by sending symbols from some finite alphabet
called the action space 7; and the environment sends signals to the agent with symbols from
an alphabet called the perception space, denoted P. Agents can also experience rewards, which
lie in the reward space, denoted R, which for each agent is a subset of the rational unit interval.

The agent and environment are understood to take turns sending signals back and forth,
yielding a history of actions, observations and rewards, which may be denoted

a1,0171aA909Pr9...

or else

A,X AQX)...

if a is introduced as a single symbol to denote both an observation and a reward. The
complete interaction history up to and including cycle t is denoted aa1..; and the history before
cycle t is denoted ave, = ax14_1.

The agent is represented as a function 7 which takes the current history as input, and pro-
duces an action as output. Agents need not be deterministic, an agent may for instance induce a
probability distribution over the space of possible actions, conditioned on the current history. In
this case we may characterize the agent by a probability distribution 7(a:|av<¢). Similarly, the
environment may be characterized by a probability distribution (7, lav <,ax). Taken together,
the distributions 7 and y define a probability measure over the space of interaction sequences.

Next, we extend this model in a few ways, intended to make it better reflect the realities of
intelligent computational agents. The first modification is to allow agents to maintain memories
(of finite size), via adding memory actions drawn from a set M into the history of actions,
observations and rewards. The second modification is to introduce the notion of goals.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013046
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026612.txt,"From: 
Sent: 3/29/2015 2:22:23 PM 
To: jeeyacation@gmail.com 
Subject: Fwd: Do you know this Guy? You should 
Attachments: MailAttachment.jpeg; MailAttachment.jpeg; MailAttachment.jpeg; MailAttachment.jpeg 
Importance: High 
From: 
To: 
Sent: 3/28/2015 5:59:43 P.M. Eastern Daylight Time 
Subj: Fwd: Do you know this Guy? You should 
-----Original Message----- 
From: Sample, Elizabeth 
To: Norman D. Rau MMIIM 
Sent: Sat, Mar 28, 2015 5:24 pm 
Subject: Fwd: Do you know this Guy? You should 
Elizabeth Lee Sample 
Senior Global Real Estate Advisor/Associate Broker 
Sotheby's International Realty 
38 East 61st Street 
New York, NY 10065 
=MI 
http://www.samplepowers.com/ 
Click here to view my listings  
Karlie Jamison 
Licensed Salesperson/Executive Administrator 
Begin forwarded message: 
From: ""Fitz Corr"" < 
Date: March 2741.111.1.• M EDT 
To: ""Fitz Corr"" __________________ 
Subject: Do you know this Guy? You should 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 026612 
Subject: Do you know this Guy? You should 
Do You Know This Guy? 
He is Edward ""Ed"" Mezvinsky, born January 17, 1937. And so who is 
Ed Mezvinsky? 
Well, he is a former Democrat congressman who represented Iowa's 
1st congressional district in the United States House of 
Representatives for two terms, from 1973 to 1977. 
He sat on the House Judiciary Committee that decided the fate of 
Richard Nixon. 
He was outspoken saying that Nixon was a crook and a disgrace to 
politics and the nation and should be impeached. 
He and the Clintons were friends and very politically intertwined for 
many years. 
Ed Mezvinsky had an affair with NBC News reporter Marjorie Sue 
Margolies and later married her after his wife divorced him. 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 026613 
In 1993, Marjorie Margolies-Mezvinsky, then a freshman Democrat in 
Congress, cast the deciding vote that got President Bill Clinton's 
controversial tax package through the House of Representatives. 
In March 2001, Mezvinsky was indicted and later pleaded guilty to 31 
of 69 counts of federal criminal bank fraud, mail fraud, and wire fraud. 
Ed Mezvinsky embezzled more than $10 million dollars from people 
via both a Ponzi scheme and the notorious Nigerian e-mail scams. 
He was found guilty and sentenced to 80 months in federal prison. 
After serving less than five years in federal prison, he was released in 
April 2008 and remains on federal probation. 
To this day, he still owes $9.4 million in restitution to his many 
victims. 
About now you are saying, ""So what!"" 
Well, this is Marc and Chelsea Mezvinsky. 
That's right; Ed Mezvinsky is Chelsea Clinton's father-in law. 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 026614 
Now Marc and Chelsea are in their early thirties and purchased a $10.5 
million NYC apartment. 
Has anyone heard mention of any of this in any of the media? 
If this guy was Jenna or Barbara Bush's, or better yet, Sarah Palin's 
daughter's father-in- law, the news would be an everyday headline and 
every detail would be reported over and over and over. 
And yet liberals say there are no double standards in political 
reporting. 
And people are already talking about Hillary as our next 
President! 
And then there is possibly Chelsea for president in our 
future! 
The cycle never ends! 
Lying and corruption seem to make Democrat 
candidates more popular. 
WAKE UP AMERICA 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 026615 
I have removed all previous addresses before sending this to you as well as sending it to you as a ""blind copy"". Please 
remove my address before forwarding. 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 026616 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 026617 
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013720.txt,"The number and variety of algorithmic strategies for computing Lyapounov
exponents that are applicable to real data divide naturally into those that compute

directly the average rate of separation of neighboring points from the “fiduciary”

orbit, as observed on the reconstructed attractor, from which only the largest 2can
be obtained (Wolf et al, 1985), and a variety of techniques based on assumed
model maps of the unknown flow along which the sequential products of the local
derivatives are computed. The logarithms of the straight line slopes of the sequence
of directionally decomposed local tangent vectors multiplied, yield as many
Lyapounov exponents as directions (Sano and Sawaka, 1985; Eckmann et al, 1986;
Geist et al, 1990). The techniques of regularization by which these model processes
approximate the unknown flow include those with least squares, linear fit
assumptions (Eckmann et al, 1986; Sato et al, 1987; Buzug et al, 1990), more
detailed fits involving polynomial expressions in higher powers (Briggs, 1990; Brown
et al, 1991; Bryant et al, 1991) and techniques such as “singular value
decomposition” which decomposes the flow into orthogonal components before
computing the logarithmic rate of divergence of nearby points on each of them
(Stoop and Parisi, 1991). A clever check on the Lyapounov number obtained is to
study the flow backwards so that, for example, some rate of separation of points in
the forward direction would approximate the rate of convergence in the time
reversed data (Parlitz, 1992).

Among the sources of spurious Lyapounov exponents are sample lengths
that are too short and/or too measurement-noisy to compute a statistically stable
average, embedding dimensions that are too high or low and attractors (many of
physiological relevance) that have geometric features such as sharp corners or tight
folds as in the Réssler (where points gather) or delicate boundary points such as
those on the body on the Lorenz butterfly (see above) where very small distances
determine whether the orbit makes big jumps to the right or left wing leading to
uncharacteristically large separations. This “nonuniformity” in the rates of expansion
and contraction in the dynamics over the attractor, a source of error in computations
of statistical indices of the average behavior, becomes a _ useful tool in

characterizing individual differences in sets of neurobiological data ranging from

220

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013720
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016211.txt,"a

citylab.com / Ezra Haber Glenn A new exhibition looks back at the

period of grand urban design and social reform in New York City, Boston,

and Chicago. This summer, visitors to...

True Story of JFK Jr. and Carolyn
Bessette's Last Days Before the 1999
Plane Crash

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016211
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_030716.txt,"From: Mark L. Epstein 
Sent: 3/21/2018 8:32:08 AM 
To: 'jeffrey E.' [jeevacation@gmail.com] 
Subject: RE: hey 
Importance: High 
Ask him if Putin has the photos of Trump blowing Bubba? 
From: jeffrey E. [mailto:jeevacation@gmail.com] 
Sent: Monday, March 19, 2018 2:15 PM 
To: 
Subject: Re: hey 
All good. Bannon with me 
On Mon, Mar 19, 2018 at 1:49 PM Mark L. Epstein wrote: 
How are you doing? 
A while back you mentioned that you were prediabetic. Has anything changed with that? 
What is your boy Donald up to now? 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 030716 
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023214.txt,"etc). 18 debra and children ? current and future involvement . notifications etc. . new dynasty trust ? 19.
tax plan and dislosures gaming. foreign apollo and phaidon related . 20. investments rationalize incl
trading accouints .21. bank loans . rates ? ? terms etc. consolidate. plane boat houses. disclosures? 22
. consolidate and review and reduce the number of all bank accounts and legal entities. decanting
liquidating etc. . 23 all outside consultants? valuations etc. 24 review legal bills carefullly. 25. third
party responsibilty Bens house , alex films . etc.

ate: Fri, Dec 4, 2015 at 2:07 PM

Subject: Fwd: moving forward

To: Melanie Spinella iii! -

I had forgotten that Alan was actually at the table when i explained my note deal to you. _—it was at the
end of the meeting described below. . as you will recall , not once , not even a peep did alan suggest
contemporaneously his hand in the crafting, in fact brad said it was an idea. that HE brad, HAD HAD ,
from the begiining . my emails between alan and IJ that you can read , further confirm authorship. Im sure
you recall the obnoxious tooting when alan said he agreed with my plan. .

Date: Mon, Nov 2, 2015 at 10:03 PM

Subject: moving forward

To: Melanie Spinclla (iii

I have mixed emotions about what transpired today. really, You saw first hand in nauseating detail
what i have been saying to you for quite a while now. —_Joslins answers were totally incomprehensible.
the charts he prepared unreadable. Brads defensive posture was at a minum very surprising . He and I
have recently gotten along quite well , I thought . Neither Joslin or Brad understood a 180 million dollar
number . no cash flow after weeks of requesting? odd. when you suggested that heathers behavior was
emblematic of a sloppy office , brad said lets not talk about emblems??! bill pay , admittedly no change
for the year. . plane not done. though it was the only thing 1 suggested doing first in july. . I sent youa
list of 10 consultantts. brad said three, . 1 didnt want to push it. I was shocked that brad was opining on
things he knows little or nothing about. tax issues. 1031. neg basis , note payoffs ( the same idea he
said he had had from the beggining??!!) . answers re LBF holdings that can be corrected ( they cant) .
valuations that have never been read. . When we met in your lobby he seems surprised that i was there. I
dont know if he felt somewhat sandbagged. ..

the savings on the note payoff is aprrox 33 % of 1.8 billion. real money if you do phaidon which i see no
reason not to . if later josh and ben want to buy it back with you or without you they can. 1 will walk you
through the structure one on one. . the losses will offeset the calder gain as well as apollo gain.

Im aware that seeing what you saw frustrated you. I felt badly for you.

You wanted a contingent deal. real value. etc. I will not of course hold you to your deal . . its silly. its
not how 1 work or a reflection of our friendship. my proposal is as follows. I want away from your
buisiness , but at the same time leaving you in good shape. _ I think you should pay the 25m that you did
not for this year. for next year its the same 40 m as always, paid 20 in jan and 20 in july, and then we are
done. I will give you advice and counsel but new people will be running your operating machine. _I will
oversee all the work that needs to be done you and I will hire new people , and it will be self running. ( it
was may in my house when you told brad it had been 5 months and you were getting fed up ) I will set up
a parallel . office , somenoe like wendy dolman or her quality is paramount. two accountants two
bookeepers and two office admins. . alan and zoe will handle trusts and grats. heatehr diana george will
be incolved in art partnership. if you want brad, analysts etc. and kids to do investments I have little to
add in that regard ,except to be able to account for things properly. I suggest that the kids must have skin
in any deal.

Alternatively , we can continue to focus on fun and let someone else do the things that you want done.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023214
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017309.txt,"4.2.12
WC: 191694

We also established that the recording device and the recording had been repeatedly removed
from the chain of custody, thereby enabling the tampering to be accomplished. Finally, we proved
that under Ukrainian law, the recordings had been made and handled unlawfully. The end result
was that the court ruled that the recordings could not be used against President Kuchma in any
criminal case and the prosecution was dropped.

Zod

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_017309
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025146.txt,"blankets’ from infected English children to Indian mothers? It is estimated that % of all

Indians were slaughtered and the other % killed by parasites.

And let us go back in time. Did the burst in cave art (40,000 years ago) have anything to
do with sexual selection related to increase in density and parasites—or is art unrelated to
music? BTW recent analysis based on 2""‘/4"" digit ratio suggests the possibility that the
artists were females! Indeed for that matter what is the relationship between song, dance

and intelligence? Especially in social interactions.

4. And what is special about Jewish intelligence? Surely it is that it emerged in a
mercantile settings, natural home of numbers, logic and mathematics—itself the “gateway
to knowledge”, so huge disproportion of Nobel Prizes to go those of Jewish
ancestry—half-Jews specially Bill Hamilton said to me in 1979 and I always regretted not

saying to him “So where are the Jewish genes in you?”
BTW Ernst Mayr argued that the Jewish religion promoted intellectual reproduction, by

encouraging the Rabbi to have the biggest family, while of course the Catholics

emasculated their clergy

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025146
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015718.txt,"28 Are the Androids Dreaming Yet?

life or death. In Atkins v. Virginia, the US Supreme Court found a person
with mental disability, defined as having an IQ of less than 80, cannot be
executed.

IQ is not really a measurement, in the normal sense. Most
measurements in life are absolute, for example, distance, weight, and time.
I can prove my house is bigger than yours using a tape measure. We each
ensure our measures are the same by calibrating them against a common
reference. In the 1900s we could have walked down to the local town hall
and checked our measurements against a ‘yardstick. As measurements
became standardized, these sticks were compared with a common central
reference. For example, the metre was a platinum-iridium bar kept at the
Pavillon de Breteuil near Paris. In the 1960s, a laser superseded the metal
reference, and today a metre is defined as 1,650,763.73 wavelengths of the
orange-red emission line in the electromagnetic spectrum of krypton-86
in a vacuum. Measurement has become very precise!

Intelligence is different. It has no yardstick. If I were to ask, “How
much intelligence does it take to design a building?” there’s no simple
answer. IQ is not an absolute measurement - it’s a relative score. Test
100 people and list their scores in order. The ones in the middle get a
score of 100; the top 5 a score of at least 130 and the top person a score
of 140. Similarly at the lower end. A person with a high IQ is probably
smarter than one with a low IQ, but it doesn’t tell you if the building
they designed will stand up. It’s rather like quoting the odds of a horse
winning the Derby. Quoting the odds does not give the speed of the
horse, nor often the winner of the race!

Despite attempts by test creators to remove cultural bias, it can
never be completely eliminated. Certain Amazonian tribes have no
concept of counting above five. For them, numbers are an alien idea and
serve no useful purpose in their habitat. In the jungle there are always
enough trees to make spears, and as a hunter-gatherer you simply need
to know where to find your prey. There is no need to count animals into
an enclosure at night. Another interesting environment is the Australian
Outback. Aboriginal Australians appear to have a remarkable aptitude for
visio-spatial memory and can remember maps or collections of objects
much better than you or I. Tests for this skill involve playing a variant
of Pelmanism. A collection of objects is placed on a tray and covered
with a cloth. The cloth is lifted for 60 seconds to reveal the location and
type of objects and then replaced. Subjects are then given a bucket full of
objects and asked to recreate the tray. You and I do a modest job. Native
Australians do this almost perfectly. Why?

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_015718
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027318.txt,"Flags: 1085445
Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: AA91170D-B3AC-48D6-8115-O17CEF1763F4

Message: Ive been called many things- human is not one of them;)

Time: 07/05/18 05:33:20 PM (552530000)
Flags: 1060865
Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: CA2579BD-131B-4F9B-90CE-A2A67CE55D7A

Message: I was getting too soft; women are bad for the knees

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 07/06/18 04:48:59 AM (552570539)
Flags: 1150981

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 7384335D-68C1-4FF2-A122-D3DC3B6CB6BB

Message: Nato private lunch if you like

then maybe vienna

sender:

Time: 07/06/18 04:54:25 AM (552570865)
Flags: 1060865
Is Read: Yes

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 2FB158B9-2889-49RE

T
Ww

1EC-59016CCE3DB9

Message: Let's talk later am if u r free

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 07/06/18 04:54:35 AM (552570875)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

Is Invitation: No

GUID: 9A39EC28-AFO0C-47B4-B9C8-1C179CF9

Message: Easy

Sender: e:jeeitunes@gmail.com

Time: 07/06/18 08:06:26 AM (552582386)
Flags: 1085445

Is Read: No

E952

Otherwise im in ny wed thurs and

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_027318
"
IMAGES-012-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032771.txt,"From: LHS

Sent: 4/17/2018 6:31:49 PM

To: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com];
cc: lhsoffice

Subject: Re: What do u make of latest trump follies?

Importance: — High
Adding Lisa. Scary to be a guy in today s World.

Sent from my iPhone

Please direct all scheduling inquiries to my office at: ee

Follow me on twitter @lhsummers
www.larrysummers.com

On Apr 17, 2018, at 7:21 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:

thought you and lisa might find amusing an aftershock of the me too movement. the revival of my fair
lady has eliza dolittle walking out of the house when at the end Higgins says ok get my slippers instead of the
original happy ever after.

On Sat, Apr 14, 2018 at 8:33 PM, LHS sisi wrote:

Yup
Sent from my iPhone

Please direct all scheduling inquiries to my office a

Follow me on twitter @lhsummers
www.larrysummers.com

On Apr 14, 2018, at 8:27 PM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:

Talk tomorrow?

On Sat, Apr 14, 2018 at 6:43 PM LHS jE wrote:

Sent from my iPhone

Please direct all scheduling inquiries to my office at: i

Follow me on twitter @lhsummers
www.larrysummers.com

please note

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032771
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023200.txt,"please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

Elisa New

Powell M. Cabot Professor of American Literature
Harvard University

148 Barker Center

12 Quincy Street

Cambridge, MA

02138

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023200
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025152.txt,"ENDURANCE

A Natural History of Exercise and Health
By Daniel Lieberman
[Proposal; Delivery: April 2019; 120,000 words]

Endurance is the new book from Daniel Lieberman, Chair of the Department of Human Evolutionary Biology at
Harvard, and author of The Story of the Human Body, a New York Times bestseller. Lieberman is well known for
his unique and unusually integrative approach to research, which combines paleontology, anatomy, physiology
and experimental biomechanics.

""Endurance,"" Lieberman writes, ""argues that we need to rethink how we think about exercise using the dual
lenses of anthropology and evolutionary biology. As the modern word ‘exercise’ itself implies, people today
generally think of physical activity as a pastime or a form of medicine. Most of us spend the majority of the day
sitting and then we briefly exercise in our spare time, sometimes for fun, but increasingly to ward off ill health.
Yet, until very recently, physical activity was a paradoxically fundamental part of being human: utterly
necessary but instinctively avoided. Put simply, we evolved to be reluctant endurance athletes.

""This legacy underlies and points to urgently needed solutions for today’s exercise dilemma. Everyone knows
that exercise is vital for good health, yet the vast majority of Americans and others in the developed world are
unable to exercise enough. Our species endured because we had no choice but to be athletes, and if we wish our
health to endure as individuals, then we still need to make exercise indispensable today. Rather than thinking of
exercise as a ‘magic pill' for good health, it is the absence of physical activity, primarily endurance exercise, that
accelerates aging and hastens death. Endurance points to a new way of understanding and solving this global
problem.

""Endurance is the product of a long journey, part intellectual, part physical. Over the last decade I have
traversed the globe to observe, often as a participant, how humans are physically active in different traditional
cultures from Africa to Greenland to India. Among other experiences, I’ve run barefoot and carried water on my
head in Kenya, tracked muskoxen and kudu with indigenous hunters in Greenland and Tanzania, participated in
the ancient Tarahumara ballgame under the stars in Mexico, dug millet fields in Rwanda, played barefoot cricket
in rural India, and raced on foot against horses in the mountains of Arizona. Back in my lab at Harvard, my
students and IJ have intensively studied the evolution, biomechanics and physiology of key human physical
activities, including how we walk, run, throw, dig, climb and even chew.

""Endurance weaves together these experiences, perspectives and insights into the form of a highly personal
natural history of first rest, then strength, and finally endurance.""

DANIEL LIEBERMAN 1s a professor and chair of the Department of Human Evolutionary Biology at Harvard.
A leader in the field of human evolutionary biology, Lieberman’s research asks how and why evolution made the
human body the way it is. He is the author of The Story of the Human Body (Pantheon, 2013) and has been
published in such journals as Nature, Science, and The Proceedings of the National Academy of Science, among
others. Lieberman has been interviewed by PBS, The History Channel, NPR, BBC, Horizon, and elsewhere.
His research and discoveries have been highlighted in the New York Times, Discover, National Geographic,
Runners World, Running Times, and numerous other journals and newspapers.

Brockman, Inc. Frankfurt 2016 Hotlist
-&

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_025152
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023018.txt,"From: Tonja Haddad Coleman 
Sent: 10/18/2013 10:38:16 PM 
To: Darren Indyke Jeffrey Epstein [jeevacation@gmail.com]; haddadfm@aol.com 
CC: Debbie Fein 
Subject: Fwd: Request for comment from The Mail on Sunday with noon ET Saturday deadline re Mr Bradley Edwards vs Mr 
Jeffrey Epstein 
Importance: High 
Tonja Haddad Coleman, Esq. 
Sent from my iPhone 
Begin forwarded message: 
From: Sharon Churcher 
Date: October 18, 2013 at 6:32:28 PM EDT 
To 
Cc: Nick Pyke 
Subject: Request for comment from The Mail on Sunday with noon ET Saturday deadline re Mr Bradley 
Edwards vs Mr Jeffrey Epstein 
Dear Sirs: 
We are preparing an article about the calendaring today of Mr Edwards' claim against Mr Epstein for jury trial 
and the witness list which names 
victims of Mr Epstein. 
and other young women who allege they were underage 
Mr Edwards claims that Mr Epstein maliciously attempted to intimidate him and his clients into retracting their 
claims. 
further has stated to us that she intends to testify that she was flown to London by Mr Epstein and 
instructed to have sex at age 17 with Prince Andrew. She alleges that she was paid $15k for this encounter. 
She claims that on another occasion, Mr Epstein flew two young women to a dinner for the purpose of 
entertaining President Clinton. She claims she herself was sex trafficked to several other men, whose contact 
information is contained in an address book of Mr Epstein's filed in court records. 
May we have a comment please? Our deadline is 1pm tomorrow (SATURDAY) ET. 
Yours sincerely, 
Sharon Churcher 
The Mail on Sunday (New York office) 
Ph: 
This e-mail and any attached files are intended for the named addressee only. It contains information, which 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 023018 
may be confidential and legally privileged and also protected by copyright. Unless you are the named addressee 
(or authorised to receive for the addressee) you may not copy or use it, or disclose it to anyone else. If you 
received it in error please notify the sender immediately and then delete it from your system. 
Associated Newspapers Ltd. Registered Office: Northcliffe House, 2 Derry St, Kensington, London, W8 5TT. 
Registered No 84121 England. 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 023019 
"
IMAGES-012-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032765.txt,"From: Kathy Ruemmler

Sent: 4/10/2018 1:53:55 PM
To: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com]
Subject: Re:

Importance: — High

Match made in heaven

On Apr 10, 2018, at 9:11 AM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote:

trump will problably hire dershowitz,, no joke

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032765
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026160.txt,"From: Nicholas Ribis 
Sent: 7/16/2017 12:23:00 PM 
To: Jeffrey Epstein [JEEvacation@gmail.com] 
Importance: High 
Saw Matt C with DTF at golf tournament I know why he was there 
Sent from my iPhone 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 026160 
"
TEXT-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_029253.txt,"From: jeffrey E. [jeevacation@gmail.com] 
Sent: 12/8/2015 5:59:54 PM 
To: soon yi previn 
Subject: Re: following up: WA poetry release 
thx 
On Tue, Dec 8, 2015 at 1:58 PM, soon yi previn <_________________________> wrote: 
Open in principle depending on specially how and where it would be shown and how it would be advertised-
both subject to particular requirements and/or restrictions.Also dependent on approval of final cut. Would enter 
project with positive attitude but release would be reworked by lawyer. 
Sent from Soon-Yi's iPhone 
On Dec 8, 2015, at 10:40 AM, jeffrey E. <jeevacation@gmail.com> wrote: 
Forwarded message 
From: Leah Reis-Dennis 
Date: Tue, Dec 8, 2015 at 11:33 AM 
Subject: following up: WA poetry release 
To: jeevacation@gmail.com, Lisa New < 
Dear Jeffrey, 
My name is Leah Reis-Dennis, and I'll be heading operations for Lisa's new non-profit, Verse Video 
Education. She's asked me to be in touch with you about helping us get a release from Woody Allen. 
First, I wanted to send along the rough stringout of footage from the conversation with Woody a couple of 
years ago on ""This is Just to Say"" by William Carlos Williams. This is totally unedited and uncut footage, but 
we would love the opportunity to turn it into something great. 
https://www.dropbox.com/sh/cObnlii xeo0654g/uWZ6KBVbLS?preview=WoodyAllen+Basic+Clip+for+Viewing.mov  
If Woody Allen agrees to let us use the footage, he will be in distinguished company. To date, we have filmed 
conversations about poetry with dozens of distinguished Americans including: 
Bill Clinton 
Al Gore 
John McCain 
Mayor Rahm Emanuel 
Mayor Tom Menino 
Supreme Court Justice Elena Kagan 
Sir Mervyn King 
Former Secretary of the Treasury Larry Summers 
The conversation would be part of a large multiplatform initiative that Harvard Professor Lisa New has under 
way to bring poetry into the mainstream, and, especially, into English Language Arts classrooms in the United 
States and around the world. The initiative, Poetry in America, includes a HarvardX online course, a television 
series we're creating with WGBH to be paired with PBS LearningMedia segments for the classroom, and, a 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 029253 
series of online professional development courses we're creating for ELA Middle and High School teachers 
and for their students. 
Let us know if Woody Allen might be open to our sending another release form his way. Of course, if he's 
interested in releasing the footage for only certain parts of our project, we're open to having a conversation 
about that, too. 
Thank you, and I hope to meet you soon. 
Best, Leah 
Leah Reis-Dennis 
Poetry in America  
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
please note 
The information contained in this communication is 
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may 
constitute inside information, and is intended only for 
the use of the addressee. It is the property of 
JEE 
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this 
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited 
and may be unlawful. If you have received this 
communication in error, please notify us immediately by 
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and 
destroy this communication and all copies thereof, 
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved 
HOUSE OVERSIGHT 029254 
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013734.txt,"discriminate normal subjects from those with early glaucoma, but the reconstructed
attractor of the steady state visual cortical response to full field flicker demonstrated
a statistically significant decrease in D2 (Schmeisser et al, 1993). Marginal
qualitative differences in optokinetic nystagmus were quantitatively significant when
studied as the Dz of the attractor’s points in patients with vertigo compared with
controls (Aasen et al, 1997). Reconstructions of maximum velocity waves from

Doppler studies of middle cerebral artery hemodynamics (using phase random
“controls”) demonstrated an increase in D2 (and a decrease in 4(+) correlated with

age in an adult population (Keuner et al, 1996; Vliegen et al, 1996). D2 served as a
sensitive descriptor of functional changes in the EMG from the surface of the biceps
muscle, increasing with muscle load and rate of flexion and extension and
decreasing with muscle fatigue (Rapp et al, 1993; Nieminen and Takala, 1996;
Gupta et al, 1997), suggesting its use in suspected early myotonic dystrophies and
myasthenias. Reconstructed time series of stomatognathic motions in high school
students with temporomandipular joint syndromes compared with those with
malocclusion revealed a specific decrease in Doin the plane of horizontal motion in
the former (Morinushi et al, 1998). Time series of plasma growth hormone levels in
acromegalic patients with functioning pituitary adenomas manifested a statistically
significant increase in Do when compared with age-matched controls (Mandell and
Selz, 1997) which corresponded nicely to the reduction in “approximate entropy”
(Pincus, 1991a) computed on this same data set (Hartman et al, 1994). On the
other hand, comparative in vitro studies of growth hormone release patterns in
normal rat pituitary cells and their neoplastically transformed relatives, the GH3
strain, demonstrate a decrease in Do in the latter (Guillemin et al, 1983; Mandell,
1986).

The number of examples of the use of D2 on orbital point geometries in
explorations of physiological and pharmacological regulation are increasing. The D2
of respiratory rhythms is higher with intact vagal afferents than without (Sammon
and Bruce, 1991). Histamine induced an increase in Dz in the attractor point
distribution of rabbit ear artery vasomotion, attributed to calcium-activated

membrane potassium channels in that TEA prevented and reversed the change

234

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013734
"
IMAGES-005-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019779.txt,"CHAPTER 29
The “War on Terror” After Snowden

Because of a number of unauthorized disclosures and a lot of
hand-wringing over the government's role in the effort to try to
uncover these terrorists, there have been some policy and legal
and other actions that make our ability collectively, internation-
ally, to find these terrorists much more challenging.

—CIA DIRECTOR JOHN BRENNAN,

in response to the Paris terrorist attack, November 2015

Ox THE EVENING of November 13, 2015, nine jihadist terror-
ists acting on behalf of ISIS brought normal life in Paris to a
screeching halt. Three suicide bombers blew themselves up at the
stadium at Saint-Denis while President Hollande was inside attend-
ing a match between France and Germany. Other terrorists that
night killed 130 people at cafés, restaurants, and a theater. Three
hundred and eighty-eight others were wounded in the carnage.
Abdelhamid Abaaoud, a twenty-cight-year-old Belgian citizen of
Moroccan origins who served ISIS as a logistics officer in Syria in
2014, planned the attack over many months with the help of others
in Syria. To organize it, they smuggled three suicide bombers into
Europe through Greece, raised financing, set up a base in the Molen-
beek section of Brussels, imported deactivated assault weapons from
Slovenia that were restored by a technician, bought ammunition,
acquired suicide vests, obtained “burner” cell phones, rented cars,
and, two months before the attack, rented three additional apart-
ments under fake identities to conceal the operation. Finally, in

| | Epst_9780451494566_2p_all_r1.indd 291 ® 9/30/16 8:13AM | |

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_019779
"
IMAGES-003-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016205.txt,"Here Are 11 Questions We’d Ask Robert
Mueller

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016205
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022231.txt,"Jeffrey,

The bots did the sweep. Here are the new results taken as of a minute ago. You have only one negative article
left on front page of google, which is the Huffington Post article. The Huffington Post is extremely hard to
move, because it is so powerful, has millions of links to it, and uploads massive new and original content it on
a daily basis with posting from out side readers. We managed to push it down the page, as it used to be at the
top. If we were able to post original content to both the science and the org site (absolutely not a single word
to this day by Jessica, just talk), we would have been able to push it down even further, and off the page. WE
did manage to get rid of the daily beast article, which is now far removed, inspite of their own efforts to keep
it prominent.

Toxic suggested search engine terms that popped up automatically when you typed in your name are also now
removed.

Wikipedia was an important victory, as it will always be at the top of the search engine results. ow the head
lines do not mention convicted sex offender or pedophile. Instead, Philanthrophic work, Epstein Foundation,
Promotion of Scientists. We have stopped the hacking on your wiki site, and that was a major effor. Your
wiki entry now is pretty tame, and bad stuff has been muted, bowlerized, and pused to the bottom. Careful
editing and wording has muted the effect immensely. We hacked the site to replace the mug shot and caption,
and now has an entirely different photo and caption. This was a big success.

We pushed the Edge all the way up to the front page, where it was previously buried on page 5 of google
search.

We have promoted the other jeffrey epsteins, and other pages are also filled with your material.

And, while the sites are up, and in the direction we hoped, they are still new, and subject to volitility,
especially if new original content is not added on a minimum of a weekly basis. I have been forbideen to add
new content to the philanthrophic site as well as the science site, and therefore, as a result our rating slipped
down (still on the first page, but would have liked them (and some of the articles to been able to push
Huffington off page). We also helped with you images, and the first images that come of you on a google
search are not of your mug shot, etc.

Your daily beast foe is still at it, and trying to promote her sites against you in the same way that we try to
depromote you.

As far as this site is concerned, and the continuation of this, I do not know what you wish to do. Clearly, you
have no interest in my continuing. And, I am not sure if you want to continue the project at all. If the latter,
and you stop, eventually it will just go into the way of entropy, and it will return to the old form. The major
work has been done, but it needs to be maintained. For it to get better results, it needs to have constant input
and supervision, and that means generating proper content, not just editing and grammatical fixes. Writers
need to know what to write. THe philanthrophy site is at the bottom of the page precisely because you have
not allowed us to add any content to it, and as a result it suffers.

You paid Mike $2500, which he applied for the purchasing of his replacement servers, but his fee of $7500

balance is now due if you want to continue. Please let me know what you want to do. I need to inform him,
and if you are not going to use him, he needs to take on his other clients and devote his time there.

This needs to be contrasted with what we started with, which was a search on your name, which had nine/10
very toxic prominent stories, and toxic Wiki article and headline.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022231
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028872.txt,"destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by

return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028872
"
IMAGES-002-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013052.txt,"136 7 A Formal Model of Intelligent Agents

weight to a situation S based on the ease with which one agent in a society can communicate
S to another agent in that society, using multimodal communication (including verbalization,
demonstration, dramatic and pictorial depiction, etc.).

Finally, we present a formal measure of the “generality” of an intelligence, which precisiates
the informal distinction between “general AT’ and “narrow AI.”

7.3.1 Biased Universal Intelligence

To define universal intelligence, Legg and Hutter consider the class of environments that are
reward-summable, meaning that the total amount of reward they return to any agent is bounded
by 1. Where 7; denotes the reward experienced by the agent from the environment at time i,
the expected total reward for the agent 7 from the environment j: is defined as

Vr=B(S ori) <1
1

To extend their definition in the direction of greater realism, we first introduce a second-order
probability distribution v, which is a probability distribution over the space of environments
u. The distribution v assigns each environment a probability. One such distribution v is the
Solomonoff-Levin universal distribution in which one sets v = 2-*; but this is not the only
distribution v of interest. In fact a great deal of real-world general intelligence consists of the
adaptation of intelligent systems to particular distributions v over environment-space, differing
from the universal distribution.

We then define

Definition 4 The biased universal intelligence of an agent a is its expected performance
with respect to the distribution v over the space of all computable reward-summable environ-
ments, E, that is,

Y(m) = SO vr

pew

Legg and Hutter’s universal intelligence is obtained by setting v equal to the universal
distribution.

This framework is more flexible than it might seem. E.g. suppose one wants to incorporate
agents that die. Then one may create a special action, say agge, corresponding to the state of
death, to create agents that

e in certain circumstances output action ages
e have the property that if their previous action was ageg, then all of their subsequent actions
must be ages

and to define a reward structure so that actions aggg always bring zero reward. It then follows
that death is generally a bad thing if one wants to maximize intelligence. Agents that die will
not get rewarded after they’re dead; and agents that live only 70 years, say, will be restricted
from getting rewards involving long-term patterns and will hence have specific limits on their
intelligence.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_013052
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022678.txt,"aah han

IMPORTANT MESSAGE
Fi

FOR ALF

SSSEEESESELEEL

Palm Beach County Court

Epstein, in his Florida sex offender photo; at right, a phone message to Epstein from a modeling agent offering Russian lessons from a

“2x8” year old girl.

In 2006, that reputation caught up with him, when he was arrested by the Palm Beach Police on charges of sexually molesting
numerous underage girls. Police reports in the court record show that detectives found Epstein regularly paid very young women to
give him massages that he turned into sexual encounters. He allegedly had a preference for very young women, whom he carefully

groomed into increasingly extreme situations, including what some, including Roberts, allege to be sexual slavery.

In total, 40 women were identified as possible victims of sexual abuse by Epstein, many of them teenagers at the time, including some
younger than 14 years old. Epstein was originally charged with a variety of crimes, including sexual assault, rape, and witness

tampering.

He avoided most of those charges as well as federal prosecution in late 2007 by agreeing to plead guilty in Florida court, a deal that
Dershowitz, who was one of Epstein’s lawyers, helped negotiate along with an all-star legal lineup that interestingly also included

famed Clinton-hunter Ken Starr.

In the end, Epstein got 18 months in prison for a single count of soliciting an underage prostitute, of which he served 13 months. He is

now a registered sex offender who lists his primary residence as the U.S. Virgin Islands.

In a pleading late last month in federal court, attorneys for Roberts allege that “Dershowitz helped negotiate an agreement with a
provision that provided protection for himself against criminal prosecution.” Dershowitz has denied these charges vigorously, calling

them “salacious and false” and, possibly more importantly, “completely irrelevant” in a Jan. 12 filing.

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_022678
"
IMAGES-004-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016765.txt,"(GE Fanten 29H Cuter 301-4)

Instructions for Part 2
i This is a public form, Do not include account numbers, street addresses, or family member names, See instructions for required ENT

Reference #

297 TRUMP INTERNATIONAL GOLF LINKS ~ SCOTLAND

Owned by:

Ownershi
a9

4

298 Trump International Golf Club, Inc. *{1)

Owned by: % Owners!
100
Has ownership interest in: Entity Name
TRUMP INTERNATIONAL GOLF
CLUB - FLORIDA
299 TRUMP INTERNATIONAL GOLF CLUB - FLORIDA
Owned by: % Ownership
0.001
99.999

300 TRUMP INTERNATIONAL HOTEL HAWAII LLC

Owned by:

% Ownership
i

99
301 TRUMP INTERNATIONAL HOTELS MANAGEMENT LLC

Assumed Names:

Owned by:

Has ownership interest in :

303 Trump Korea LLC */3)

‘Owned by:

D/B/A
TRUMP HOTEL COLLECTION
TRUMP HOTEL COLLECTION

% Ownershin
a2

99.9

Entity Name:
THC CHINA DEVELOPMENT LLC

THC IME DEVELOPMENT LLC

304 TRUMP KOREAN PROJECTS LLC */3|

Owned by:

Has ownership interest in:

305 TRUMP LAS OLAS LLC */3)
Owned by:

Entity Mame
Trump Korea LLC

306 TRUMP LAS OLAS MEMBER CORP *(3)

Owned by :

Has ownership Interest In :

307 TRUMP LAS VEGAS CORP *(1)

Owned by:

Has ownership interest in :

Ownership
100

Sty Name
TRUMP LAS OLAS LLC

Owners
100

Entity Name

Name Role

BIT HOLDINGS MANAGING MEMBER Member
Luc

TRUMP SCOTLAND MEMBER INC Member
Name Role

DIT HOLDINGS MANAGING MEMBER Shareholder
LLC

Ownership Title

‘D.001% Member

Name Role
Trump International Golf Club, Inc. Member
The Donald J. Trump Revocable Trust Member
Name Role

TIHH MEMBER CORP Managing Member
TIHH MEMBER LLC Member
Jurisdi

Hawall

New York

Name Role

TIHM MEMBER CORP, Managing Member
DIT Holdings LLC Member
Ownership Titlo

100.00%6 Member

100.00% Member

Name Role
DAEWOO AMERICA DEVELOPMENT hember
(NEW YORK) CORP

TRUMP KOREAN PROJECTS LLC Member
Name Role

DIT Holdings LLC Member
Ownership Title

59.00% Member

Name Role
TRUMP LAS OLAS MEMBER CORP Managing Member
BIT Holdings LLC Member
Name Role

OT Holdings Managing Werber LLC Shareholder
Ownership Title

1.0035 Managing Member

Name Role

BIT HOLDINGS MANAGING MEMBER Shareholder

LLC
Ownership

=
io

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_016765
"
IMAGES-006-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021738.txt,"“Are there more than one victim?” Circuit Court Judge Deborah Dale Pucillo asked
Belohlavek at the June 30, 2008 sentencing.

“There’s several,” Belohlavek replied.

“Are all the victims in both these cases in agreement with the terms of the plea?” the
judge asked.

“Yes,” Belohlavek said.

Coincidentally, the lawyer representing one of the victims was in the courtroom that
day. He told the Herald that neither he, nor his client, was told about the agreement.

Acosta has not responded to the Herald’s repeated requests for comment. A
spokesman at the Labor Department told the Washington Post last month: “The
office’s decisions were approved by departmental leadership and followed
departmental procedures.”

In the past, Acosta has said that he believed the deal was the best chance
prosecutors had of ensuring that Epstein spent some time behind bars and was
required to register as a sex offender. Epstein served 13 months in the Palm Beach
County jail — but he was allowed to leave for up to 12 hours a day as part of a work
release program not normally offered to convicted sex offenders.

Epstein’s victims, now in their late 20s and 30s, are fighting to have his deal
overturned and Epstein sent to prison.

Bradley Edwards, who represents several of Epstein’s victims, defended Villafana,
saying he believed that she was directed to settle the case and not inform Epstein’s
victims about the deal.

“In my conversations with her, I came to believe that she was in a difficult position.
She never came out and said this, but I suspected that someone above her directed
her to do what she did,” Edwards said.

DARREN K. INDYKE

5300 W. Atlantic Avenue, Suite 602
Delray Beach, Florida 33484
Telephone:
Telecopier:
Mobile:
email:

KKKEKEKKKEKEKKKEKEKEK KEKE KEKE KEKEKRK ERK EK EK ERK EEK EERE KKK EK EK ERK EK KEK KEK EK EK EKEKEK ERE ERK EK EK EK KEKE ERE EEK EKEEK EEK EEE ER

The information contained in this communication is confidential, may be attorney-client
privileged, and is intended only for the use of the addressee. It is the property of
Darren K. Indyke. Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this communication

or any part thereof is strictly prohibited and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by return e-mail, and destroy this
communication and all copies thereof, including all attachments.

Copyright of Darren K. Indyke - © 2019 Darren K. Indyke — All rights reserved.

KEKKEKEK KEKE EK KEKE KEKE KK KEKE KEKE KEK EEK EK EK ERE KEE KEE KEKE EK EEE EK EK EE KEK EE EK KEK EE KEK EK EEK EK KEKE EK EE EK EEK EE KEE ERE KEKE EEE E

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_021738
"
IMAGES-009-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026774.txt,"Miscellaneous facts:

° In 2008, you founded the Origins Project at Arizona State University in Tempe, a multidisciplinary effort
to understand the origins of the universe, life, and social systems. You have led that effort ever since.

e Thanks to best-selling books like The Physics of Star Trek and A Universe From Nothing, frequent
essays in publications including the New Yorker and the New York Times, and the documentary you made with
biologist Richard Dawkins, called The Unbelievers, you are celebrated as one of America’s leading public
intellectuals.

° You served on the science policy committee for Barack Obama’s 2008 presidential campaign and are a
vocal critic of President Donald Trump.

° You also make regular public appearances across the world, often at gatherings of skeptics and
atheists.

° At CSICon in Las Vegas in October, a few dozen fans paid $500 per head to attend a VIP luncheon
with you and Dawkins.

° Many more lined up to get you to sign their copy of your latest book, The Greatest Story Ever Told —
So Far.

° Online, people can buy T-shirts emblazoned “Lawrence Krauss for President.”

° In talks and interviews, you have argued that our universe arose without divine intervention, that

religion drives xenophobia, and that our brains are hardwired to believe.

° You have stated that science provides answers to many of life’s biggest questions, and can even fix
great societal injustices.

° Earlier this year, at a Q&A event to promote your new book, the conversation came around to the
dearth of women and minorities in science. “Science itself overcomes misogyny and prejudice and bias,” you
said. “It’s built in: Questioning yourself, always questioning results, questioning others, relying on empirical
evidence.”

° You have clashed with some skeptics over your defense of Jeffrey Epstein, a billionaire financier who in
2008 was convicted for soliciting prostitution from underage girls, and spent 13 months in a Florida jail.

° Through his private foundation, Epstein has funded the work of several prominent scientists. He has
provided funding for your Origins Project, supporting lectureship and scholarship programs, most recently
pledging $100,000 in 2014.

° In April 2011, you told the Daily Beast: “As a scientist | always judge things on empirical evidence and
he always has women ages 19 to 23 around him, but I’ve never seen anything else, so as a scientist, my
presumption is that whatever the problems were | would believe him over other people.”

° In a blog comment about the Epstein controversy, you wrote: “I remain skeptical, and | support a man
whose character | believe I know...If you want to condemn me for that, so be it.”

° You were made an honorary member of CFI’s board of directors in December 2011.

° A blog post published in August 2013 described incidents #1 and #4, naming you. Another post,

published at around the same time, described incident #5.

° The first post was edited to remove your name after you had commented that the allegations of assault
were “potentially illegal.” The second post was quickly taken down.

Again, if you wish to comment on or clarify any of these points, please get in touch with us as soon as possible.
If | do not respond immediately it is because | am on another call, so please leave the best phone number to
reach you.

Thanks,
Peter Aldhous

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026774
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024209.txt,"Global Utility White Paper CONFIDENTIAL

US Utilities PE/SPX PE

Close to record
relative PE

ot Fs) a
JUTY tne (Ptladeighia Sock Euchre Uttity Ince) utes wn tread mare

Source: Bloomberg

While we will continue to see solid growth from the regulated names, and a total return argument can
still be made that justifies the current premium valuation of US utilities, we do see capex growth starting
to level off. This is the opposite of what will happen in Europe and Asia, where we expect regulatory capex
to increase. Moreover, we believe US utility regulators will continue to pressure returns on equity
(ROEs) as interest rates remain low. We believe there is greater opportunity among companies with non-
regulated power generation assets, as we expect firm natural gas and thus power prices to flow through
to earnings. Note, for example, that every $1/mmbtu improvement in natural gas prices would increase
Exelon’s long-term earnings by more than 20%, whereas for pure generators such as NRG the leverage
exceeds 30%.

Below is a partial list of structural changes driving long/short opportunities in the US:

Electron’s structural changes: US

e Coal retirements’ impact on power markets

e Change in competitive generation market structure as a result of the shale gas boom

¢ Transmission spending to integrate renewables/improve reliability, and its impact on power prices
e Obama initiatives on climate change legislation, and the EPA threat

e Energy efficiency initiatives — utility uncoupling , demand growth

e Nuclear assets facing closure — impact on power markets

e Renewables’ power markets distortions (impact on peak and off-peak power prices)

e Increased infrastructure spending to move shale gas from basins

e LNG export impact on gas and power markets

e Regulatory ROE changes with low rates, higher capex, declining load growth, commodity price changes
e Increased generator retail selling versus wholesale

e Capacity market in TX, CA

e State generation subsidy impacts on capacity markets

e M&A and asset divestitures’ impact on power markets and utility risk profiles

e Oil-to-gas residential switching

e —_ Electric vehicle demand impact

e Regional load growth changes — manufacturing renaissance, state taxes, etc.

8 Electron Capital Partners, LLC

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_024209
"
IMAGES-007-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023566.txt,"then you’ll know that was a pretty dumb decision,”’ he said. If,
on the other hand, the “stock does great, then all of us may
have converted” in two or three years.

--With assistance from Ben Steverman and Carolina Wilson.

To contact the reporters on this story:

Simone Foxman in New York at sfoxman4@bloomberg.net;
David Carey in New York at dcarey13@bloomberg.net

To contact the editors responsible for this story:

Margaret Collins at mcollins45@bloomberg.net;

Elizabeth Fournier at efourniers@bloomberg.net

Bob Ivry

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_023566
"
IMAGES-001-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010913.txt,"FOREWORD BY THE AUTHOR

How Come This Book?

A few months ago, Robert Trivers was kind enough to send me his new book. The
title is “Wild Life”. Perfect two ways. Bob is a world authority on wildlife, to wit
evolutionary biology. But his books and papers about that are already well known.

His new one is about his own wild life, with his ideas in the background.

I’ve started my own book three for four times over the past decade. Bob’s got me
started again. Try it. It’s Bob’s real voice. One of his papers, co-authored by Huey
Newton(!), is about deception and self-deception. I never saw much of either in Bob.
I] never saw a guy less anxious to impress. Fine if you knew his achievements, and
fine if you didn’t. What he wanted to talk about was great new ideas by others. It
was from him that I first heard about the Hamilton-Zuk parasite theory, and Paul
Ewald’s complementary one about parasites stabilizing population density of hosts.

Both are beautiful examples of the obvious-in-hindsight.

| realized that my book could take a cue from his. My own life hasn’t been wild. It
has been interesting because the genius of my father gave me interesting places to

be and things to do. I could say something about that.

But the book would be mostly about my ideas in economics. Bob’s ideas are well
known to anyone in his field. Mine aren't. I’m ten years older than Bob, without
much to show for it except in composition. (My last two operas have been getting
some traction, and my SACDs get pretty good radio time.) So I’ll run my economic
ideas up the flagpole, in my real voice, and see if they prove deception or self-

deception or something worth the time.

Declaring My Biases

I’m a big free market fan. | would love it even if | agreed with socialists that there is

something inherently iniquitous about it. There are bad guys and conflicted motives

Forward By The Author 04/18/16 1

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_010913
"
IMAGES-008-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026315.txt,"One told us, “Bannon needs money to bankroll his political agenda. Epstein has plenty of

money, and craves power and access.”

Bannon made an early-morning beeline to Epstein, even though Bannon may have
burned bridges when he savaged Ivanka Trump over her criticism of Roy Moore, whom
Bannon backed despite claims the candidate had sexually harassed teens. Citing an
allegation in -legal papers from a woman (who later dropped her lawsuit) that Donald
Trump and Epstein had raped her when she was 13, Bannon said in response to Ivanka,
“What about the allegations about her dad and that 13-year-old?”

Epstein has previously used his millions to cultivate the world’s most powerful — but has

mostly given money to Democrats.

From 2001 to 2003, Bill Clinton flew on Epstein’s private plane, dubbed “The Lolita
Express,” 26 times. Epstein is close to Prince Andrew and was a regular at Trump’s Mar-

a-Lago.

Trump told New York magazine of Epstein in 2002, “Terrific guy. He’s a lot of fun to be
with. It is even said that he likes beautiful women as much as I do, and many of them are

on the younger side.”

Epstein, 65, pleaded guilty in 2008 to soliciting prostitution from a teen and served 13

months in jail.

Last year, he reportedly paid millions to settle three lawsuits filed against him by teens.
Bannon’s rep didn’t comment. A lawyer for Epstein said, “Let me ask him,” but didn’t

respond by deadline.

please note

The information contained in this communication 1s
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of

JEE

Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_026315
"
IMAGES-010-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028682.txt,"other military aspects of the nuclear
enterprise.

Seizing the Nuclear High Road with Little
to Lose

Even as he confronts a real bomb in North
Korea (very bad options there) and a
potential one in Iran (bad options there
too), Obama is trying to make good ona
longstanding commitment to reduce
America's own nuclear arsenal. Backed by
the military chiefs and likely by the public
too (getting rid of nukes equals saving
money), but opposed by Republicans in
Congress, Obama will try to work around
the political obstacles by seeking a deal
with yes ... you got it ... his old friend Vlad
Putin. It's worth a try. If Putin balks or
Republicans get in the way, the president
can always advocate unilateral cuts -- not
something he wants to do. But if he can't
have his way on nukes, he can always
blame it on the Russians and the
Republicans with little to lose. The road to
getting rid of nukes is a long one. Let the
next guy (or gal) worry about it.

A Little Leg on Palestine?

Obama hasn't mentioned the Israeli-
Palestinian conflict ina SOTU speech since
2009. And that's no coincidence. His own
poorly thought-through initial effort
crashed and burned, leaving the president
pretty frustrated and annoyed with both

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_028682
"
IMAGES-011-HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032293.txt,"the use of the addressee. It is the property of

JEE

Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by

return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and

destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

Landon Thomas, Jr.
Financial Reporter

http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/t/landon jr thomas/in

dex.html

please note
The information contained in this communication is
confidential, may be attorney-client privileged, may
constitute inside information, and is intended only for
the use of the addressee. It is the property of
JEE
Unauthorized use, disclosure or copying of this
communication or any part thereof is strictly prohibited
and may be unlawful. If you have received this
communication in error, please notify us immediately by
return e-mail or by e-mail to jeevacation@gmail.com, and
destroy this communication and all copies thereof,
including all attachments. copyright -all rights reserved

Landon Thomas, Jr.
Financial Reporter
New York Times

http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/t/landon jr thomas/inde

x.html

HOUSE_OVERSIGHT_032293
"
